The Sun. — London, England, 1838-02-01 00:00:00

LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF CHANCERY, JAN 31. STUBBS V. SAIGON. This was an appeal from a judgment of the Master of the Rolls on the construction of the will of the late Mrs. Ives, of Queen-street, Lincoln's Inn-fields. By that will the residue of her freehold and personal estate were bequeathed to those persons who might happen to be her partners in her busi ness of a varnish-manufacturer at the time of her death ; and a note for the sum of 2,0001. was at the same time given to her sister, Mrs. Sargon, for the purpose of enabling her to bestow any portion of the principal or interest that toher might seem fit on the different branches of the testatrix's family. The Master of the Rolls decided that the devise of the free hold estates and personalty' to the testatrix's partners was a good devise, and that Mrs. Sargon took a beneficial interest in the 2,0001. note, but was merely a trustee for the testatrix ' s family, and that she was to pay the money into the general fund. The Lord Chancellor this morning affirmed the judg ment of the Master of the Rolls on all the points in dispute. ROLLS' COURT, J. 4 .V. 31 . PARXtN V. TFIR LONDON AND CROYDON RAILWAY COMPANY. In this case a motion was made on behalf of the plaintiff for a special injunction to restrain the defendants, the directors of the London and Croydon Railway Company, from making use of a new des cr ipti o n o f sl ee p er , w hi c h th e Plaintiff claimed as his invention. In the affidavits filed in support of the ap plication it was stated that, in 1835, the plaintiff, Mr. Parkin, discovered a new mode of laying down sleepers in continuous blocks of wood upon a concrete foundation, for which he took out a patent, and that, on the 31st of December last, he first became aware that the defendants were making use of his in vention in a portion of their railway at Cubet's-lane, Surrey. In answer to this the defendants denied that the plaintiff had made any invention at all; and even if he had, that they had not infringed upon it. His Lordship, the Master of the Rolls, did not think he could grant the injunction. It would be better to let the motion stand over, with leave for the plaintiff to bring his action. The motion was ordered to stand over, the plaintiff under taking to bring his action at the earliest period. COURT OF Q UEEN'S BENCH; Jex. 31. THE QUEEN V. THE REV. W. THORPE, D.D. Sir W. FOLLETT stated that in this case there had been a rule obtained by Sir Francis Shuckburgh, calling on the de fendant to show cause why a criminal information should not be Sled against him for publishing a certain advertisement in the newspapers and as a handbill. He now appeared to show cause against the rule. The advertisement stated that for some time past improper letters had been sent to Dr. Thorpe's house, and that recently a parcel had been sent thither caleu lated to wound the feelings of Dr. Thorpe and his family ; that from certain circumstances application had been made to Sir Francis Shuckburgh to know if he had sent the parcel in ques tion ; that Sir Francis had denied that he knew anything of it, upon which the advertisement in question, with a view to the diticovery of the offender, offered a reward of 30 guineas to any perscr, who wculd give information of the same. The com plaint of Sir F. Shuckburgh was, that this advertisement was calculated to give rise to the belief that he had sent the letter and parcel in question, and that the advertisement, printed as a handbill had been circulated in the neighbourhood of his house, posted on doors and walls, had been thrown into his park and sent to his connections in Dublin and elsewhere. He (Sir W. Follett) submitted that this advertisement was no libel at all, and that it was printed on an occasion for which circumstances afforded the fullest justification. Lord DIN AN was of opinion that the rule should be charged, but without costs. THE QUEEN V. WALKER. The ATTORNEY-GINEnAL moved to enlarge the rule in this case. This was a rule for a criminal information against the defendant, for publishing in the Jiorni,pg Chronicle a lettt-r reflecting - on the conduct and character of Mr. Urquhart, the late Secretary cf Embassy at Constantinople. In lost Michael mas Terra he had ott,ined an eidari:ement of the i ohs till this Term, on the ground that Mr. Walker, who had published this matter as the friend of Lord Ponsonby, desired to send to Constantinople for information from Captain Du Platt, who had been found to be the writer of the article in question. At that timo he stati.d that informatics could hardly be obtained in the course of the Term ; but the Court said that the rule could not thrn be enlarged for a longer period, and he was directed to make a fresh Application. As 7,:)oit as the rule was granted a communication was sent out by the earliest coLvey once—that which conveyed the Government despatches to Constantinople—and it was now found that Mr. Du Platt was on his return to this country, and would be back here before Easter Term. The defendant, therefore, applied that the rule rn;ght be enlarged till that period. Sir W. FOLLLETT had not oppcsed this application in Mi • chaeltnas Term, but he did oppose it now, because he thought it was not bona fide. The libel had been originally published in the Times, but not by the defendant; but it was afterwards published by him with additional paragraphs in the Morning Chronicle. He ought Lave been prepared by this time to show cause against the rule fur a criminal information. There was not sufficient ground made out for further delay. Lord DINMAN said that the Court thought the rule ought not to be enlarged.—Application refill:A. On the motion of Sir W. FOLLETT the rule for a criminal information was then, as a matter of course, made absolute. BAIL COURT. PENLEAZE V. TODD. On a former day Sir William Follett obtained a rule to show cause why a writ of certiorari should not issue to remove the proceedings in this cause from the Court of the Vic , Warden of the Stannaries into this Court, on the ground that the plaintiff could not have a fair trial there, as the Jury would be selected from persons resident in the neighbourhood of cer tain mines, and had remotely an interest in the result of the trial. Mr. BUTT 110 W showed cause against the rule. Mr. 'MosTaocs Smiru having been heard in support of the rule, Mr. Justice PATTESON maid, with regard to the allegation, that points of law were likely to arise on the trial, he supposed that both parties would appear by Counsel competent to argue them. Mr. MONTAOL' SMITII—O'n, no, my Lord ; Couniel do not attend in that Court. Such things as a wig and gown were never seen within its walls.—(Laughter.) Rule discharged. PREROGATIVE COURT, JAY. 31. INGE AND INGE V. MOORE. The decision in this long and important case was delivered to-day. It is a suit respecting the validity of the will of the late Mrs. Moore, the wife of Mr. George Moore, of Appleby Hall, in the county of Leicester, who died on the 12th of March, 136, at the house of her father, Mr. Inge, at Thorpe, in the above-mentioned county. The marriage between Miss Inge and Mr. George Moore took place in June, 1832, and was considered by the friends of both parties to be a proper and suitable match, the lady being of the age of 23 years, and the husband 21 or 22. A cohabitation existed between the parties until the 13th of February, 1336, when the deceased was removed to the house of her father, at Thorpe. The terms on which the parties need during their cohabita tion are disputed by the parties in the cause, it being contended by the husband, who opposes the validity of the will, that the most sincere love and affection existed be tween himself and Mrs. Moore ; that the removal of the deceased was carried into effect clandestinely, without his knowledge or consent ; and that the deceased was labouring under monomania, both at the time she was induced by the threats or entreaties of her relatives ;to leave the house and protection of her husband, and when she executed the will' the ♦alidity of which is the point at issue in the cause, arising, as it is supposed, from erysipelas on the bead, a disease under which she had long suffered. On the other side, and on be half of the Messrs. Inge, the brothers of the deceased, by whom she was removed to the honse of her father, and who benefitted by, and who now support the validity of, the will, it is contended that the conduct of Mr. Moore to the de ceased, from almost immediately after the marriage in 1832 to the time of her removal from her husband's house, was one continued system of cruelty and oppression. The Learned Counsel, on both sides, read an immense mass of evidence, to support the arguments which they had offered. The Learned JUDGE gave his decision this day. The Court was of opinion that Mrs. Moore was not of unsound mind— that she was not labouring under an affection of the brain— and that she was of testamentary capacity ; that the conduct of the parties supporting this will in removing Mrs. Moore to the house of hor father solely arose from their conviction that sh• was not safe under the protection of her husband ; and that Mr. Moore, though not guilty of unkindness and cruelty, was inattentive to, and did not sufficiently consider the state of a delicate wife. The Court accordingly pronounced for the va lidity of the will. LYSOL VENT DEBTORS' COURT, J.I.V. 31. Adolphus Richter, foreign bookseller, late of Soho-square, was yesterday opposed by Mr. Cresswell, on the part of Messrs. Black and Armstrong, and in the person of Mr. Nutt, bookseller, Fleet-street. The insolvent, who had carried on an extensive business, was, besides, the part proprietor of the Foreign Quarterly Re. view; he was a bankrupt in November, 1834, and had obtained his certificate; his debts at that time were about 12,000/., and ' row amounted, including liabilities, to a considerable sum. After the bankruptcy, the stock, &c., was valued at 1,7331. 155., which was sold to him by the assignees, and he gave Mr. Edwards, the official assignee, a warrant of attor ney. He was allowed the sum taken in the busiuess by the assignees before the sale, and 1,2001. remained to be paid. He paid 6001., but bad not beer, able to complete the pur chase. The warrant of attorney was put in force, and a friend purchased, under the sale. He was indebted to the party in the sum of 1,1301., and made an usignrnent to him of his in terest in the Foreign Quarterly Review for the sum then due, and for advances, amounting to 2,0001. The insolvent said he had some MS. letters of Voltaire, which letters he depo sited with a Mr. Pritchard for 80/. He denied that he had possession of them since his bankruptcy. He had received part of the bankruptcy debts, and had since that period paid about 500/. for the discount of bills. The case was adjourned to a future day. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. NEW COURT. 13 IGA St Y. —Arthur Battersby, otherwise fienry Napier Disney, forawrly an officer in the Lancers, and in the Spanish army, was indicted for marrying MAry Ann Stevin, in the month of August last, hi s w if e A nn b e i ng t h e n and now alive. In this case, which was not concluded yesterday when we wen t to press, the jury returned a verdict of Guilty. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. BOW-STREET. Robert Marrion and Edward Jones, who were taken into custody on the 20th ult., on suspicion of having committed a robbery, were again brought up for further examination yesterday. The prisoners were apprehended in the Star and Garter, Green -street, Leicester-square, and a small iron box was found in their possession, containing seventy sovereigns. From the evidence adduced it appeared that Marrion, while in Mr. Smith's service, had approptiated various sums of money to his own use, and on being searched twelve sove reigns were found upon him. The prisoner Marrion was accordingly committed to New gate for trial, but Jones was remanded for a week. MARLBOROMARLBOROUGH-STREET. Two candidates for prophetic honours, named John Wil liams and John Elliott, were charged with having offered for sale, at the small charge of one penny, some books which pur ported to be " Murphy's Almanacks," but with the compila tion of which the real Simon Pure had had nothing to do. Tney were old Comic Almanacks, sewed up in Murphy's covers. Notwithstanding the comicality, however, this was no laughing matter to the weather-wise author, or to the would-be weather-wise public, but rather other-wise. And it was nearly being no laughing matter to the sellers; but, on their expressing contrition, the men were let off, and their publication condemned to follow many more expensive pub lications—to the buttershop or to the trunkmaker's. CORONER'S INQUEST. EXTRAORDINARY CASE.—DISCOVERY OP A CHILD STOLEN BY a MENDICANT.—On Tuesday an inquest was held at the Golden Eagle, Mile-end-road, upon the body of a mendicant, who went by the name of Elizabeth Allen, and who died sud denly in the above house. The body of the deceased 13y in an out-house of the tavern, and when viewed by the jury, each one expressed his opinion that she was of the male sex; and from a view of the head, hair, and breasts of the deceased, no one could have doubtea that to have been the fact. The an droginous character of the deceased, however, being under stood, the jury returned to the inquest-room, when the follow ing evidence was heard : Charles Skeat, a waiter at the Golden Eagle, deposed that on Friday evening, about eight o'clock, the deceased came into the tap-room, and begged of him to allow her to warm herself. She appeared to be about forty years of age, and had chart curly hair like a man, and from her whole appearance he took her to be of that sex, though she was dressed like a woman ; she had a child with her about three years of age, and she took some tripe (such as is purchased at the shops in an uncooked state) and a half-quartern loaf from under her dress, and, giving the child a small quantity, began eating a part of the tripe herself: she shortly after appeared to be choking, and put her fingers into her mouth, as if to pull something out of her throat. There were several persons in the room, and they all appeared to think it was an attempt at imposition ; they all said it was a man, and witness was so frightened when the woman fell upon the floor that he did not attempt to assist her, nor did any cne in the room ; the poor creature appeared to be in violent agita tion, and witness ran out for a doctor ; a Mr. Sunley, a chemist, promptly attended, but said the woman was dead ; and Mr. Story, a surgeon, came in shortly after, and confirmed that opinion ; witness believed she died from choking. The Coroner—And was no attempt made by the medical men to extract anything from her throat ?—Witness : No, Sir; they said she was dead; and the people in the room " sung out" that it was a man and an impostor, and when they saw her breasts every one believed that to be the fact. Police &.rgeant Osmond, No. 9 R, shortly after brought into the roam a piece of tripe about two inches long and an inch a half in diameter, which the surgeon had just taken from the deceased's throat, and which had evidently been the cause ofl-,er death.—The Jury returned a verdict of " Accidental Death " IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, HOUSE OF LORDS, JAN. 31. CANADA GOVERNMENT BILL. The House met at Four o'clock, when Mr. BERNAL and others brought up the Canada Bill. The House then adjourned during pleasure. The LORD CHANCBLLOR again took his seat on the Wool sack at Five o'clock. On the motion of Lord GLENELG, the Canadian Go vernment Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be printed and read a second time on Friday. Lord REDESD ALE moved for a copy of all dispatches received from Sir Colin Campbell, Governor of Nova Scotia in 1837, the dates of the receipts of such dispatches, and the dates of the answers to them. The House, on the motion of Lord SHAFTESBURY, then adjourned. As the Lord Chancellor was leaving the Woolsack, Lords Brougham, Ellenborough, and other Peers, entered the House, which occasioned some laughter. It was understood that their Lordships had adjourned to Friday, but that day not having been named by the Lord Chancellor, Lord BROUGHAM said—Of course, my Lords, you have only adjourned till to-morrow? Lord SHAFTESBURY replied in the affirmative. The House stands adjourned till to-morrow (Thursday). Bartlett. the constable, said the woman was wtll known in the neighbourhood as a beggar, and there was every reason to believe die child she had with her wa3 net her own, but procured for the purpose of inducing elms from the humane ; the child was now in Mile-end workhouse. The Jury said the child had been probably stolen ; and by their desire the Coroner examined three Irishwomen, one of whom, named Norah Murphy, told a singular story of her acquaintance with the deceased. She said that she lived in White horse-court, White Horse-lane, Stepney ; and that about eleven weeks ago the deceased came to her door ; it I was night, and her husband looked out of the window and in quired who it was. She said she wanted a loigirg, and that a policeman had driven her up the court. Witness, hearing that she bad afbild in her arms, told her husband to let her in, which he did, and she had been with them ever since, and she got her living by begging. When she came she was in a very wretched condition, - wrapped up in a piece of carpet, ai:d only Lad a few " taters" to eat ; she had always lived very hard, and upon the day she died she had nothing before she left holm. but a little coffee, without sugar or milk. The child was suckled by her when she first came—[this must have been a pretence]—but it did not appear fond of her, hut was rather afraid of her. She used to call it Edward, and some times Bill, and told the witness she had picked it up in the ' road near to the White Swan, in soiree part of the country, witness could not tell where, but it was near to some place where the deceased's husband teas at work harvesting ; witness understood about ten miles from London. The deceased told witness that there was a row, and a policeman told her to take the child out of the way, when she took the opportunity to run off with it. The child had fine linen upon it, and a pair of red socks, when witness first saw it. At the request of the Jury the Reporter visited the child at tho workhouse, but was not enabled to ascertain that it had any peculir marks by which it might be identified. If well taken care of it would be a fine boy, having dark blue eyes, light hair. and a fair complexion. The nurse stated that it was in a horrible state of filth when brought to her, but the frock in which it was dressed appeared to have been very fashionably made, and was of brown silk, and was no doubt made for it. Its other clothes were coarse and bad, and the whole very filthy. From the circumstance of the frock being made to fit the child, the nurse expressed an opinion that it had belonged to respectable people. BOROUGH OF SOUTHWARK. (YESTERDAY.) (From our Second Edition of last night.) Mr. HARDING, in continuation from our First Edition, said— What was the meaning of the word " extension ?" Some per sons gave it one meaning, another another. The only meaning he could attach to it was Universal Suffrage. —( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The time was gone by for trifling with the working men. The working classes would not support the middle man for the Ballot, if he would not support them for Univer sal Suffrage.—( Cheers.) They could not get the Ballot without the support of the working classes.—(Cheers ) And they would not have their support unless in return they had their's for Universal Suffrage. (Loud Cheers. ) The working men asked for Universal Suffrage, because every body could understand what it meant, and they claimed it as their right.—(Cheers.) It was said indeed that if too much were asked nothing would be obtained. But the working man said, " If all were asked, a part would be obtained—if a part only were asked, nothing would be obtained." It was not true, as was sometimes said, that the working classes were too ignorant to exercise the franchise.—( Cheers.) If they had the franchise, there would not be such a batch of scoundrels in the House of Commons as there were at present— ( Cheers.) It was falsely asserted that the working men were immoral—that they were not virtuous enough to exercise the franchise. ( Hear, hear, hear.) If virtue were anywhere in existence, it was to be found among the working-classes.—( Loud cheering.) True, they did not, like the Aristocracy, spend their nights in gaming and debauchery—they could not, like too many of to middle classes gamble and speculate, at the expense of the roasses--(Checring)—but they could and did work for all the other classes of society—( Cheers)—and they were always ready to contribute from their scanty means to the necessities of their poorer brethren.—( Cheers. ) The working men were now abused, and threatened with the sword of the law for the Trades' Combinatia`ns. And many of those who called themselves " patriots" were talking very big against the combioations of the working men, and he who called himself the " Liberator of Ireland" had proved himself the arch enemy of the working men.—( Hear, hear, hear, with loud cries of " No, no," hisses, and great confusion.) The working classes would have universal suffrage—they were determined to have it or die. The feeling throughout the country in favour of Universal Suffrage was spreading fast. The Birming :ttei Political Union had been re-organised, and it had declared that the people should have the suffrage—that bode, joined with the Working Men's Association, would get up a system of organised agitation, which the aristocrats and even the shopocrats would find it impos sible to put down. If they were Christians they would deplore the state of misery into which the working classes were plunged. In many cases they were obliged to starve on 2,id. a-day. The working classes were determined to get the franchise—by fair means, if possible—if not, then by forcible ones, if drisea to extremity. He would not detein the meeting further, as he was anxious to hear their Representative, and although he might be a little oat of order, he claimed that Gentleman's support in the sentiments he had uttered. He thanked them for the attention with which they had beard him, but protested against the manner in which the second resolu tion was passed. A man opposed to Universal Suffrage was the enemy of the working classes. Mr. BROWN suggested that Mr. Humphreys ought to be requested to support the petition. As the resolution at pre ' sent stood, Mr. Harvey's name alone was mentioned in it, which appeared rather invidious. The resolution was then amended by inserting a requisition to Mr. Humphrey s to support the petition, and carried una nimously :- 4th. That a petition to Parliament, founded on the several resolutions, be agreed to, and that the High Bailiff be re quested to sign the same on the part of the electors ; and that D. NV. Harvey, Esq., he requested to present, and John Humphery, Esq., to support the same. Mr. JOHN DAY rose to move the following resolution : That in the opinion of this meeting, D. W. Harvey, Esq., their esteemed representative, is pre-eminently qualified to be a member of the Committee for Enquiry into the Pen sion List, inasmuch as it is well known to the public that his devoted attention to, and unwearied perseverance in, exposing the evils and injustice of unmerited pensions, has been the great means of obtaining such enquiry—and it is the opinion of the electors of this borough, that such enquiry will give no satisfaction to the country at large whilst the name of Mr. Harvey is excluded from the Committee : and the electors of this borough cannot but consider themselves to en extent dis franchised by the exclusion of their Representative from the Committee. That a petition to Parliament, founded on the above Resolution, be agreed to, and that the High Bailiff be requested to sign the same on the part of the electors, and that John Humpbcry, Esq., be requested to present the same." He would now offer a few remarks explanatory of his reasons for proposing such a resolution. He was among those who cordially approved of the whole public conduct of Mr. D. W. Harvey. That he believed was the opinion of a great majority of the electors of the borough of Southwark.—( Great cheering.) He believed there were private motives by which the Chancellor of the Exchequer was influenced in opposing the placing of Mr. Harvey's name on the Pension List Committee. It would be recollected that one high and honourable personage in the House of Commons had stated that he did not so much object to Mr. Harvey, on the grounds stated by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, as because Mr. Harvey had made a comparison between the rich and the poor, and that he had expressed a determination to remove frora the Pension List the name of every person who had not a fair claim to his pension.— ( Cheers. ) He trusted that Mr. Harvey, who had so manfully (ear. ) declared his sentiments upon that p o i nt , wou ld receive the s upport of every independent man i n t h e country . —H Had Mr. Harvey acceded to th e propos i t i on o f t h e Chancellor of the Exchequer, he would have compromised not only his own integrity and honour, but he would have established a precedent for slavish submission to the will of the Minister which would be most prejudicial to the interests of the public. —( Cheers. ) Mr. PETERS, in seconding the resolution, said he did not think, with Mr. Arrowsmith, that any dependence could be placed on the Whigs. In order to obtain office, they promised to give the people their rights when they had the chance. But what had they done? They acted worse than the Tories.— (No, no ; and yes, yes.) He maintained that they were worse than the Tories, because they held out promises which they had no intention of fulfilling. The Tories, on the contrary, told what they meant to do, and what they said they abided by. They did not act in the " Jim Crow"manner of the Whigs.—( Hear. ) What did the Whigs do in the ca se o f t he Dorchester la bourers? They promised to bring them home again, but had they done so ? Those who brought these poor men before the tribunals of the country ought to have brought before them the Hanoverian Prince, and brand him as a traitor to his coun try, for where would the present Queen have been, had it not been for the exertions of Mr. Flume and others in the Commons? Until he saw there was a fair principle of open voting, he should be in favour of the Ballot. He concluded by seconding the resolution. SLAVE SIIIPS.—We have advices from Jamaica to-day to the 13th Dec. Two slave vessels had been cap tured, one by her Majesty's ship Snake, and the other by the Sappho. The Council were to meet to determine how the Africans, above 400 in number, were to be disposed of, as the planters felt little disposition to take them. The following are the particulars of the capture of one of these vessels, ex tracted from one of the Jamaica papers :—" A remarkably line hermaphrodite brig, the Arraganta, a prize to her Majesty's ship Snake', Alex. Milne, commander, arrived at this port on Sunday last. She had on board 330 Africans, ham+ , lost, it is said, above 140 during the passage. Several were afflicted with dysentery, and the whole have in con sequence, been disembarked, and are now domiciled in the building about to be appropriated as a house of correc tion for this parish. Considering everything, they are re markably fine looking negroes, many of them very young. There is among them a young man who has already been a second time sold, on his return to the interior from his first liberation at Sierra Leone, instancing most forcibly the ab surdity of facilitating any such mode of ameliorating their con dition. The slaver took in her cargo at Gallinas, near Sierra Leone, and after a tedious passage of forty days, was espied on the morning of the 23d ult. The Snake immediately went in pursuit, and came in with her about noon the same day. No re sistance was offered, and when the vessel was boarded most of the crew were found intoxicated and much alarmed. These, in company with several passengers, were landed at Zagua, the master, the pilot, and four others, being all that were detained on board. The slaver was under Portuguese colours, and bound, report says, to Havannah. The accommo d at i on was wretched, there being only room for the miserable inmates to sit crouched together in each other's laps, and that as close as they could stow, so that nothing but heads were visible. Their food was entirely confined to rice, the water we regret to say, abominable, which, together with their confined situations (their legs are absolutely not thicker than broomsticks), suffi ciently accounts for the vast proportion of deaths which oc curred." When Lord Eldon was Chancellor of the palatinate of Durham, an application was made to him on behalf of a young man, a ward of Chancery, who was entitled on becom ing of age to an estate of the value of about 3001. per annum, for an allowance to him at college. Whether his Lordship felt any particular interest in the welfare of the young gentle man it would be now difficult, if not impossible, to determine. Certain it is that, in granting the application, his Lordship addressed the youth in terms to the following effect :—" You will shortly become entitled to a small property, which may prove to you either a blessing or a curse, according as you use it. It was, perhaps, fortunate for me that I was not situated in my early life as you are now. I had no small fortune to look to ; I had nothing no depend on but my own exertions ; and so far from considering this a misfortune, I now esteem it a blessing ; for, if I had possessed the same means which you will enjoy, I should in all probability not bo what I now am. I would, therefore, caution you not to let this little property turn your mind from more important objects, but rather let it stimulate you to cultivate your abilities, aid to advance your self in the gradations of society." The discovery of a high temperature in the interior of the earth suggests one source from which a supply of heat may be derived. Even in frozen Siberia, for instance, the temperature of Jamaica would be found at the depth of 1,700 feet, or one-third of a mile ; blood heat would be found at a depth of 3,000 feet, and that of boiling water at the depth of a mile and a half. It is true we are yet without a process for bringing this hcat to the surface (except where springs of water can be obtained at these depths by boring); but who will venture to say that a method may not be found of pump ing up heat, as we pump up water ? Science has accom plished more wonderful things than this.— Scotsman. Early on the morning the Ceres smack, which left our port for London on the previous Wednesday, was descried in the bay—having from adverse winds been unable to prosecute her voyage and after having been as far south as Whitby, at fall tide (eleven o'clock) she stood for the harbour, the entrance to which seemed to bid her defiance. The pier and walls exhibited crowds of spectators, whose fears and hopes were alternated, but who could render no assistance ; the hardy crew though much distressed by the previous night's. storm, and some them then lashed to the vessel, hesitated not a moment, but directed her bows to the foaminc , waters, while in the midst of w hi c h s h e seemed q uite at the' mercy of the element. One sea str uc k h er stern and dashed her boat into countless pieces, and also damaged her bulwarks; with this exemption the vessel safely reached her berth at the quay. The life-boat was in readiness to be launched, with an ample crew in attendance.—Berwich Advertiser. Mr. SHARPS then came forward to speak to the resolution. In his opinion the exertions of Mr. Harvey with respect to the Pension List deserved well of every working man.— ( Cheers.) Although the poor were cast into a bastile to live upon 18d. a-week, yet they were found to keep up in splendor state paupers.—( Cheers.) In his opinion Universal Suffrage and that alone was the only thing that would benefit the working man.—( Cheers.) He had seen Tory Goveraments, Whig Governments, and other Governments, but he was sure no Tory Government, or tyrannical Government would have given them such a measure as the Poor Law Bill.— (Cheers.) He was an advocate for equal rights, equal laws, and equal justice, and in conclusion he would say, give then Universal Suffrage, and they would take care no one robbed nem.—( Cheers.) He did not think much of the Ballot, but ne would sooner have it than nothing. The resolution was put, and carried unanimously. Mr. Rusuross moved that Mr. Humphery be requested to present the petition, stating that the omission of his name had been unintentional.—( Hear, hear.) The motion was seconded, and unanimously carried. DANIEL WHITTLE HARVEY, ESQ., M. P., then came for ward, and was received with loud and long-continu e d cheers. When the applause had subsided, he spoke a s f o ll ows : apology —Mr. High Bailiff and Gentlemen,—lf I allude to the p up er o s n onal tw i s neo o n o v e e s.s n i i o e n n , cepresent it w hi i c s h on l y feel b y i w n ay b e i onfg for not having been present at the beginning : because I am one of those who think that no consideration save that of ab solute indisposition, or the discharge of legislative duties, can be offered to a eonstituency for the absence of their represen tative.—( Cheers.) Least of all would it be becoming in me to be absent on any such occasion, when I call to mind the strenuous efforts which you made at the last election for this borough, and the liberal manner in which you chose me, as your representative.—( Cheers.) lam also the more pleased to be here on this occasion, as this is especially a meet ing of those who may be called Ultra, or Liberal Reformers.— ( Cheers.) It would grieve me much to have it thought that my conduct was regulated by the circumstances of those who may form a public meeting,—( Loud cheers.) Th oug h, therefore, I may regret the absence of many e s ,t serne d individuals whose presence would have given strength to this meeting, and whose countenance would have been appreciated by us, at the same time I am delighted to find, that all orders of the community are assuming their right position ; that they are directing their minds to objects in THE SL N, LONDON , TEI URSDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1838. which they are deeply interested—(Cheers) —and it is by meetings of this kind public opinion is fairly elicited, to direct men's minds into the proper channels.—( Hear, hear.) I agree with my worthy Friend, that it is well for the repre sentative to be present at meetings of his constituents, but my opinion is. that he should not take any prominent part in the discussions which take place. My opinion is, that occasions may arise when it may be the duty of the representative to state his opinions in that House to which the kindness of his friends has sent him. lam not one of those who would con ceal their sentiments on any great occasion. Ido not blame those who take another course. My opinion is, that the great masses in the country should meet sad deliberate among themselves, without being under the controul of a knowledge of their representatives' sentiments.—(Cheers.) As to the subjects embraced in the petition, I do not think it necessary to trouble you at present. Generally, you are aware of them, and the time is fast approaching when they will become the subject of discussion in that House to which your kindness has sent me. On the 16th of February, the honesty of the Government and the liberality of the House of Commons will be tested.—( Cheers.) I have given notice of a motion for the Bth of the ensuing month, for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Reform Bill ; but I am in doubt whether I will now proceed with it, because I am afraid that the Ministry might make it a stalking-horse to escape the snare which is laid for them on the 16th; and I have not seen that the country generally has not been roused on the two questions of suffrage and the duration of Parliament, The Ballot stands in a different position, and probably I may take it upon me to let that question have a fair trial. It is, therefore, at present a matter more of doubt than of decision in my mind, whether I shall not give way to Mr. Grote's motion, for the purpose of giving the Ministers an opportunity of showing they are a great deal more honest than it has been my practice to consider them.--( Cheers and laughter. ) But perhaps I may be allowed to say, in passing, in reference to this important object, each and all of which appear to me indispensable to a perfect system of representation, that as regards the Ballot, apart from extended Suffrage, and abbre viated duration of Parliament, I hold, I entertain very consi derable doubts. As to the extension of Suffrage, I had hoped that when the liberality of the High Bailiff, and those who called the meeting, stepped out of the trammels of technica lities, and gave to Mr. Harding a hearing—l had hoped, when he alluded to " Universal" Suffrage as being a term so simple and so comprehensive, and at the same time so intelligible to every understanding, observing at the same time, by way of control, that there was something ambiguous and indefinite in the "extension" of Household Suffrage—l had hoped that Mr. Harding would have defined what I have never yet met with, nor have ever yet heard to my satisfaction—what is meant by Universal Suffrage ? I know it has been stated by some gentlemen, that every man who is twenty-one years of age, in possession of his reason, and unaffected by crime, should be at liberty to give his suffrage. To that per sonally I have not the slightest objection.—( Hear, hear. ) But that is not universal suffrage. It is a defined suffrage, and if you elected a triennial Parliament just before he at tained 21, he would be twenty-four before he would have a right to vote.—( Hear, hear.) I ask on what ground it is that a person within a month of being of age—and still more I ask, for what reason is it that a female should be considered competent to execute the mighty functions, and be the third estate of the realm, at the tender age of 18, being at that time of life when most fathers claim the right and not unfrequently exercise it, of applying something like corporeal punishment to the female fancies that occasionally present themselves—l cannot on any principle or reason—admitting at the same time that matters of state are far from being on all occasions matters of reason--(Laughter)—l cannot under stand on what principle it is that a bard working man, full of thought and full of energy, capable of any situation, industrious, and willing to be so—on what ground is it that he, within one month of his birth-day, and twenty-one years of age, is not to have the right of voting for a Member of Parliament, while a young lady of tile tender age I have referred to is to be con sidered as equal to all the Lords and all the people iti our happily mixed and unintelligible Government.—( Great laugh ter and cheering for some time.) Then again, when you call fur Universal Suffrage, what can be the meaning of the word " universal," which includes everything, if it exclude any ? ( Hear.) And yet it excludes all women, although, to be sure, when named, and under tile control of their husband, the two votes may be considered but one, to say nothing of daughter s,who must be influenced by their domestic residence in the same house. But to speak of all that interesting portion of the f. male world who have declined to forfeit their freedom by uniting themselves with any one—of those who far from being of tender years—( Laughter)—are carrying on business in shops, paying all kinds of rates, occupying farms, and capable by law, I believe, of acting as church wardens—( Much laugh- ter) —capable also of being put in the stocks, if convicted of being scolds—( Renewed laughter)—to say that all these are to be excluded, is contrary to common sense.—((fear, hear. ) But you must be aware that every Government based on a aerfect system of freedom must be a Government of regu lations, :arranged so as to embrace all classes, and must give protection to every individual of the community. My notion of the Suffrage is this—that every man being of age, and not incapacitated by conviction for crime, should be entitled to vote in that locality where he has been registered for a previous year, without reference to the payment of local or general taxation. By this means every one would have .• a local habitation and a name." No man can reside in any locality without being known to his neighbours and associat in,, with them, and his manner of life would thus be open to all. Whether, therefore, such a man keeps a great or a small house—whether he occupies the garret, the cellar, or the middle room—wherever he has lived, and is registered—lie shall be entitled to record his vote for that man he considers most fit to represent him. —( Cheers.) Yet it may appear strange that even this comprehensive system of voting has been denounced by those who call themselves members of the working classes. A short time since I communicated the outline of my plan to some parties connected with that exceedingly important branch of our fallow-citizens ; but .when they communicated with their fellow-citizens forming a similar association in the north, they at once denounced the plan, as not being sufficiently com prehensive. Now, I greatly deplore that fact, and for this rea son : the working classes may be assured there is only one of two ways by which their claims to political power can be allowed. It must either be by quiet means, by public opinion acting on their representatives in Parliament—that is through the peaceful mode known by the Constitution—cr by external violence. There is no other mode by which the right can be established. Now, though 1 may not be prepared to denounce extreme efforts because unsuccessful—or because too remote for their merits and circumstances to be understood—yet do I contend that no people ought to put to .hazard the great insti tutions of the country, until all chance of redress is denied them by constitutional means.—( Cheers.) And allow me to ask, what reason is there less to:hope that a Parliament— imperfectly reformed I admit, but still greatly reformed as contrasted with that Parliament which it succeeded—what reason is there not to hope, that when the people of this country shall have demonstrated their desire for extensive reform as strongly as for that reform which they accomplished, that the present Parliament—(l do not say the present men, but the present mode of forming our Parliament)—shall not be as efficiently and honestly intent on the comprehensive sys tem of reform as were their degenerate predecessors who ef fected the last. And here I am not addressing the electors of Southwark, because they have given striking and generous instances of what may be done by men who ap preciate the importance of a pure franchise until bestowed. But I would call on constituencies in different parts of the country to look to the conduct they themselves have pursued at the late election. On what ground can the constituencies of Liverpool —a town scarcely subordinate to that in which we are deliberating, either in commercial or trading importance —with a constituency greater than that of Southwark—on what principle, I should like to know, could the constituency of that place, as of Bristol, Norwich, and other great communi ties, have returned men to Parliament adverse to Reform ?_._ ( Cheers.) It is all very well for them to say if the Suffrage were extended there would have been more votes—to be sure there would—but if 5,000 men acted ill, is there any ad ditional reason to suppose that an additional thousand will act better? The masses are in all places and circumstances pretty nearly the same. Hence it is that I contend that there is in this great community a degraded and corrupt spirit, and they seek to be made pure by covert means—(Cheers)—a means that they know will not effect that object.—( Cheers. ) I know at the last general election a feeling of disgust at the conduct of Ministers, and adverse to their continuance in office, set the minds and influenced the conduct of many of those constituencies, who by very great sa crifices indeed contributed to the furtherance of Reform, and the maintenance of the present Ministers in office.— ( Cheers.) If I were asked, at this moment, to assign a reason for that sluggishness that pervaded the constituencies of this country on the subject of Reform, I should attribute it partly to the equivocal conduct of the present Ministers ; to their suspicious alliance with their political foes, and not a little to the unfortunate and deeply to be regretted conduct of some of the popular leaders.—(Cheers.) I believe many of these gentlemen made a fatal mistake when they linked them selves blindly to what they considered to be the fate of the present Government. When they coo so they did it honestly, but no doubt they continued that rse now, at the present moment, with hesitation—(Cheers)—and were now waiting the result of Mr. Grote's motion to determine the course they w ill pu rsue—(Cheers) —and it is equally clear that if, on that occasion, the Government should stop out and take an honest part, they will gain their support, as they will mine— ( Cheers) —and I trust the Reformers of England will take it as a n earnest of their disposition, and will afford them a most strenuous support.—( Cheers.) We must not for get that there are prejudices in politics, as in all other systems ; and, if gentlemen belonging to the Working, classes will not give us their support, in one specie of Reform, how can they expect us to give it to them in another. I s w ill not now pretend to be a prophet, and say what course the Ministers will pursue on the 16th of next month ; but ! •k w e find them as willing to concede to England, as they i i iaave been prompt to coerce Canada, then my views of rtheir policy will not be blinded by my fears, and I will s upport them in every thing I can.—( Hear, hear.) Let not that declaration be misinterpreted—it must be a broad unequivocal demonstration of the support of the Government— al a Government—to that measure. I know it is intimated ghat some of the subordinates of the Government would be allowed to exercise their discretion mid escape the censure of their superiors, if they vote for Mr. Grote's ;notion. I have even heard it whispered that Sir John Hobhouse, and Mr. P. Thomson, who, ten years ago, were the strenuous advocates ti pa mphlets, and speeches, and maintained that without the Ballot there could be no honest Government—it is whispered that even these Gentlemen will be allowed to be honest.— ( Laughter. ) But that will be no satisfaction—( Hear, hear) a e want a Government measure ; for to allow the subject to be brought forward year after year, as the Catholic ques tion was—merely for the sake of having a grand day, and a great demonstration of party strength— then, exhausted by the mighty effort, retiring into the country to recruit their strength for the ensing Session—(Laughter) —in this way the public will no longer be deluded.—( Cheers.) If the Government deem the Ballot to be important, it ought to be made a Government measure.—( Hear, hear.) Their existence as a Government ought to bo staked upon it.— ( Cheers. ) They have nothing to apprehend as to the re sult.—( Hear, and Cheers.) If . they were turned out to-morrow, through being out-voted on the question of the Ballot—or any, or all, the parts of the system of reform in eluded in the resolutions—the same mighty power that in 1831 placed them in office, and which re-instated them when, for a time, they were made the victims of the artifices and con trivances of their opponents—would speak still louder, and the strong sinews of the people would be no longer kept down by the story that the Monarchy was adverse to them—that the Court was crowded with hostility against them—that delusion has been destroyed by death, and we now know, that we have an executive magistrate whose principles are as pure as her age, who only requires to be well counselled to carry out the just desires of her people.—( Loud cheering.) And, on the 16th of February, 1 wish the working classes—at whose grow ing power no one rejoices more than I do, with whose wrongs no one sympathizes more than I do, and to whose interests and just rights no one is willing to make greater sacrifices than I am—l wish, on that occasion, there may be not fewer in number, not less enthusiastic than that which greeted our youthful Queen on her first visit to Parliament.—( Cheers.) Let the people take an interest in the subject—let them show themselves in their majesty, and their strength, and cheer the friends of reform as they are going down to the House—let them appear in mighty millions—strong, because peaceful— triumphant, because resolved.—( Cheers.) There is one other subject connected with these resolutions which it is necessary for me to touch—and I will only touch it—it is a dirty sub ject. I regret that I was not present when Mr. Arrowsmith introduced his resolutions, that I might have heard his rea sons for supporting them. So far from regretting that any gentleman should present himself at a public meeting of his fellow citizens to state fearlessly his opinions, however much they may differ from my own, or of those about me—l admire and I respect the firmness of character which led Mr. Arrowsmith to come forward, and boldly express his real sentiments.—( Cheers.) I own I should be rather curious to know what reasons could be adduced in sup port of a line of conduct which I have always heard con demned out of doors.—( Hear.) As far as regards myself, I feel flattered by the persecution with which I have been visited by the Government. Perhaps, Mr. Arrowsmith thinks, looking at the importance of the enquiry, that I should have merged all personal considerations, and taken my place in the Committee by pledging myself not to give publicity to its pro ceedings. But there were two reasons why I should not take that course. The first is that Ido not consider I could be of any use in the Committee. It is not my Committee. That is only another part of the miserable tactics of the peddling Government.—( Cheers.) When a Committee is granted to an Hon. Member, especially when that Member has laboured long on a subject, which naturally was a most invidious one, he was usually allowed to name his own Committee. But when the Government could no longer refuse enquiry, when they found that many who had assisted them to get through their dirty work would no longer support them, then they step forward and take the appointment of the Committee into their own hands.—( Hisses.) When I look at the com position of the Committee, I do not see that I can expect that it will arrive at any conclusion which will he satis factory to me. I find on it the names of . many of the gentlemen who were on the Civil List Committee, and who when that Committee was called upon to place that Civil List upon the only foundation on which enquiry could reach, it supported the Chancellor of the Exchequer—supporting him in strangling all enquiry. What reason have we then for expecting that they will now act better? You all remember the line of conduct I pursued on the Poor-law Committee, and I believe you approved of it. On that Committee there were only four Members who were not its determined ter- sup p they were for the Bill, the whole Bill, and noth or s— ing but the 13111.—( Laughter.) I soon found that Mr. Walter, even with all his honest zeal in the cause of the poor man, was no match for the number of his opponents. All he said was perverted—all he did was circumvented. The Committee came to a resolution, and every Member upon it was put upon his honour, that he would not commu nicate to any one out of doors what had transpired within. What did I find ? Why that when we had an important discussion with closed doors—when the Gen tlemen of the Press were shut out along with the public —every Member being upon his honour not to communi cate any information out of the Committee—l found that within twenty-four hours that whole discussion was answered—that discussion which took place in the most secret manner was answered within twenty-four hours by witnesses and docu ments.—( Hisses.) I found the tables of the Committee room surrounded by the most active agents of the Poor-law Commissioners, while the interests of the poor were to be attended to by only Mr. Walter, Mr. Hodges, Mr. Wakley and myself.—( Disapprobation.) I myself asked Lord John Russell for a paltry sum of 3001. for the pur pose of providing a Secretary to assist Mr. Walter and Mr. Hodges, with the other friends of the poor, and to provide a room for the witnesses who were in attendance on their behalf, yet the request was not complied with.—(Hissing.) Seeing, at the same time, no other way in which the ungenerous imputations and libellous matter which, hour after hoar, was heaped upon the unoffending and unprotected heads of the poor could he in no other way parried, I from that day deter mined to publish from day to day the proceedings of that Com mittee. The matter was brought before the Houseof Commons, and a resolution was framed that doing so was a breach of its privileges. Ido not now enter upon the propriety of that rule in general ; but I opposed it in that particular instance for the reasons I have stated. The resolution passed was to the effect, that whoever did so, incurred the displeasure of that House. When the House was subsequently about to sum mon the Printer of the True Sun to the Bar, I said I would not protect myself under such forms (Cheers) —that I was the sole proprietor, and was prepared to suffer whatever punishment a violation of these rules would entail.— ( Cheers.) see, my friends, the value of perseverance in any ease—see what encouragement this case affords, of not to be deterred from the path of well-doing. What did I witness in that Committee? Lord John Russell as leader of the House of Commons, who had declared the violator of the resolution which lie had proposed guilty of pains and penalties, he comes down and mores the publication of the evidence from day to day.—(Tremendous cheering.) But dont fancy that this was the result of any change of mind with reference to this parti cular measure, or of personal forbearance. The same filthy sneaking spirit of hostility which marked the whole of the con duct of that faction toward myself in many instances, which I shall not now partiularize, crossed their minds, and they said— he is the proprietor of the True Sun, and if we compel him to take up his abode in that room of which our colleague Sir J. Hobhouse was formerly a tenant—( Hear, and laughter)—it will be such a profitable promulgation to the world—( Hear)—that he is the proprietor of the True Sun, that those lashings which we are in the habit of receiving night after night will become so generally known and so universally talked of, and our conduct will be so denounced by this instrument of power, to which we are giving further circulation, that we shall be more injured and disgraced than ever.—( Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, the True Sun having set, and they being no longer scorched by it, it was intimated to me by an 'Hon. Friend of mine that there would now be no ob jection to my being on the Committee, and I was requested, to allow myself to be proposed. This I objected to.—( Hear. ) If a good law is violated, the punishment ought to be inflicted, but it ought not to be evaded, and the more so when that evasion takes place in high places and among men in au thority. Who ever thought of saying, when you sit down to whist with your friend, " Mind, you shall promise not t o revoke."—( Hear.) It is surely time enough to talk of that when you ask him to take down three, or put up three points for yourself.—( A laugh.) I was called upon to make a promise not to publish evidence before I knew what that evidence was. And Sir Robert Peel saw that, and prepared himself for a motion of that kind, and said it was not for an infraction of the law—he took a more high, a purer, and more defensible ground. I object (said he) to the Member for Southwark being on the Committee, because, in sarcastic tones, he ven tured to speak of Honourables, and Right Honourables, and aged Dowagers, with the same sort of sympathy as lie would of the scum of the earth, and out of whose miseries and bones my own father got his estate.—(Loud cheers.) Oh, Gentlemen, I wish you could go into the House and witness, night after night, the painful exhibition that takes place under the name and auspices of party, and we should hear no more chastise ment as to the want of principle or just conduct among the working classes. Having given these explanations relative to the petition, which I shall hare the honour to present, and touched on the other unimportant matter as regards myself, I have little to say further than this, that you have most correctly taken up the subject as regards yourselves, for it is in fact a perpetual proscription of your represent a ti ve f rom b e i ng on any Committee. The question is not whether the evi dence on the Poor Law Committee, or on the Pension Enquiry Committee (if it ever meet) be published ; but that the people shall know from day to day what is passing in Committee through the means of the Press. Th e sam e in - in terdict would be enforced upon me one case as in the other. Thank God, though the True Sun is set, there are other papers surviving, and there is, I trust, sufficient i n d e p en d ence i n the British Press, to give as impartial a narrat i ve of what is passing in and out of Committees, as in and out of the gallery of the House of Commons.—( Cheers.) And therefore if I were on the Committee to-morrow, what secur i ty would they have that I should not feel it my duty to communicate to some of the many organs of the Press the occurrences therein ? I say the pledge to be honest must be universally imposed, and I must therefore submit that by the restraint of that ignoble obligation all my constituents are di s f ranc hi se d . —( Ch eer s. ) I had intended, if the time of the meeting had not been far more appropriately occupied by discussions among yourselves _upon subjects more directly inviting your attention—it was my wish to have run something of a harrow between the con dition and the prospects of the country, and the condition and prospects of our fellow citizens in th e Canadian Colony. I shall not do so.—( A cry of " G o on o on ; Oh, pray do so, Sir.") I shall not do so, further than to say, , g the history of the proceedings in that country pretty much unravel the condition of the people in this. They , like yourselves, have been struggli ng f or man y years for its e s s ential and desirable imp rovement. O n sonic small mat ters, which did not directly affect the Geveroment, con cessions have brew made ; but there have been then as here a universal evasion of all comprehensive plans of im provement, and at last the leaders of reform in that country were compelled to look into the causes. I deeply regret that at the very time when, by great firmness and unceasing exer tion_, the patriots of Canada were on the eve of obtaining all desirable objects, they should have been so misguided and their Council so feeble as to make an outbreak at a time wheir they were making an inroad into all the difficulties and prejudices that had hitherto acted as barriers to improvement,—(Hear, hear.) But lam nut Qne of those who, in the hour of misfor tune, will denounce their entire conduct. I doubt if the Cana dians had not met as they have done and passed the strong resolutions they have—l say, if they had not given external demonstrations of resistance, I doubt whether they would ever have attained that measure of improvement of which, I trust, Lord Durham is to be the herald.—(Loud and long continued Cheers.) There was a much greater occasion for their outbreak than any that we find here. I own I have been surprized that both Houses of Parliament have been so prompt to throw aside the result of the Houses of Assem bly, speaking the voice of the people. See what a rod they have made for their own backs I Hear our Consti tutional speakers, comfortable in their large fortunes—are they not constantly telling the great masses in Parliament and out of Parliament, that you must look to the representatives of the people as the accredited and constitutional organs through which great national improvements can be worked out ? That is the greet theatre in which all the mighty improvements in Church and State are to be worked out. So the poor Ca nadians were told. They did there what the people did here during the Reform Bill. Papineau, right or wrong, persuaded the Canadians they would never obtain the redress of their grievances unless they had an elective Council. The people listened to his advice, and they returned an immense majority to the House of Assembly, who came to a resolution to which they adhered, that unless they could have a reform, the Government should have no supplies. How many members were there in that assembly?—Eighty-eight. Haw many in favour of the Government ?—Nine. Seventy-nine out of eighty-eight in favour of Reform. See how different the thing is here, and I have often said the same thing in the House of Commons. I have often said to those gentlemen who took an active part two years ago, in stirring the people up in their resistance to the House of Lords—l have said if you think it desirable to reform the House of Lords by external lower, appeal to external power ; but if you think it ought to be reformed through the only agency known to the Constitution—the House of Commons, you must get the people to return such a majority to the House of Com mons as the House of Lords shall not dare to resist. Sir Robert Peel, one of the ablest and most crafty of men— what was the meaning of the advice lie gave to the Conserva tive body ? Why, he said the great battle of the Constitution must be fought in the House and at the registry—register, register, register. —( Cheers.) That is, make votes.—( Cheers. ) Pay rates for parties when they cannot pay them them selves. have no footmen, no coachman, no butler, in short, have no person about you who is not a 40s. freeholder.—( Cheers.) Such is the advice of Sir Robert Peel. Crowd the registra tions of your counties and towns, so as to stifle all pretext in the House of Lords.—( Cheers.) If the Whigs and the To ries, and they are one and the same, combine, who can escape them?—( Cheers.) Suppose the constituencies of Eng land, and there are many of them far larger than the humble constituencies of Canada—they are not talking cf the Ballot, they have got it ; they are not talking of Triennial Parlia ments, for they have shorter itiarliaments than we have here • but they have manfully stepped for ward, and shown such a phalanx to the House of Com mons there, as completely to put an end to all controversy. Suppose the Ministers of England doubt ful of lingering out their existence to the next quarter-day— ( Laughter)—suppose, if instead of having such a majority as I have stated of the Lords—suppose that by wholesome regu lations they had a large majority, and the Lords had chosen to do what the Elective Assembly of Lower Canada did, reject Bill after Bill—( Hear, hear, hear)—l ask you what way would the people of England have dealt with such obstructions ?—( Cheers.) My own opinion is this, that the House of Lords, containing as it does many men of modern growth, and consequently men that cannot be ignorant of the feelings and desires of the independent portion of the com munity, though they may be indisposed to repeated changes, yet what they suppose the just wishes of the people expressed through their representatives, though they may oppose that 'once or twice, there is no wholesome measure which they would not adopt.—( Cheers.) If lam overrating their libe rality, or taxing too high their sense of prudence, what will then the people of this country do ? I will not say what they ought to do—(Cheers)—but I will say this, they will not submit to domination attended with such fatal consequences. Cheering.) Whether it be to advise you with respect to your rights or those of my fellow-citizens at large—whether it be to stand up in my place, in the place in which you have so honourably put me, to state my opinions against bad measures or to support good ones—whether it be to step forward and take my situation among my fellow-citizens, to give you my counsel or advice, depend upon it that in all things you may rely upon me.—( Tremendous cheers, which lasted for some minutes.) I now wish, Sir, to make a motion, in which I am satisfied that every gentleman present will readily concur. It is to express our thanks to you, Sir, as the High Bailiff of this Borough, for the prompt manner in wlich you answered the call of your fellow-citizens to convene the present meeting, and for the impartiali!y which you have exercised upon this and all other occasions.—( Cheers.) lam persuaded, and I hope, that your example will be long continued among us, and that it will be useful to others as well as to ourselves. Sir, I propose the thanks of this Meeting to the High Bailiff for his able and im partial conduct in the Chair.—( Cheers.) The petitions were then read and agreed to. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman. The Ilion BAILIFF returned thanks, and the meeting sepa rated shortly before five o'clock. PEDESTRIANISM EXTRAORDINARY.—N. Bri ton's man started on Monday, at twenty- five minutes past nice , to walk forty miles in eight successive hours, half the distance backwards. A vast number of persons assembled to witness the performance, which eclipses anything ever before at tempted. The pedestrian accomplished the task at twenty four minutes past five, one minute within the given time : he appeared much distressed. The following is a statement of his time : lat two miles 19i minutes. 11th two miles 29 minutee.i 2d ditto 20i " 12th ditto 20 " 3d ditto 22 " 13th ditto 22- ‘i 4th ditto 21i " 14th ditto 23 " sth ditto 22i " 15th ditto 24i " 6th ditto 23} " 16th ditto 24 " 7th ditto 24 " 17th ditto 27i " Bth ditto 26 `` 18th ditto 27 " 9th ditto 201 " 19th ditto 243- " 10th ditto 25 " 20th ditto 25i " At starting betting was 5 to 4 on time, but at the conclusion of the Bth mile it was reduced to level betting ; in this state it continued until the 30th mile, when 5 to 3 on the pedestrian was offered, and freely taken. As he exhibited symptoms of distress at the conclusion of the 36th, a Noble Lord concluded a bet of ;100/. to 101. that he accomplished his undertaking : within the given time, and afterwards rode the last two miles 4 cheering the pedestrian on to victory. The pedestrian never i halted to take refreshment during the match. It is supposed 1 that upwards of 1,0001. has exc h ange d h an d s on t h e occas i on . 1 A MAN IN MINIATURE.—The Constitutionnel , I of Sunday last has an amusing notice of a dwarf named _Ma-, Gallia, who is a t present exc i t i ng t h e cur i os i ty o f oar mercurial neighb ours . Thi s h onzme m i n i ature i s only 34 `, inches in hei g ht, b ut accor di ng to the wr i ter his m i nd is vast ;''' he is endo we d w i t h every possi b le phys i cal advantage, whilst his mental faculti es are o f an or d er so hi g h t h at but few men. , however splendidl y g if te d , can b ear a compar i son w i t h t his extraordinary cr ea t ure . He, of course, has received a highly # finished education, and he is a wit of the first water. A lady the other day addressing him, said, " Sir, you are a pretty lie of nature." (Vous etes, Monsieur, un job mensonge de la nature.) The wit immediately replied, " And you, Madam, are its most beautiful truth." On the morning of Tuesday last, about one o'clock, the retreat (called Brookman-lodge, Surrey) of Captain Morris, the venerable and well-known bard, now in his ninety second year, was attempted by some villains to be entered ; they were defeated in the accomplishment of their purpose by the violent barking of a small house-dog, which alarming the son and daughter (Colonel and Mrs. Morris) of the above gentleman, they arose from their bed, and listened in t he passages leading to the different apArtments, but all was silent, and they returned to their room, and until the morning h e ard nothing more to confirm their alarm ; but when the servants rose, they found an entrance through the kitchen door bad nearly been effected by means of a centre-hit, but which, for tunately, was frustrated by the little four-footed guardian. A fine Newfoundland dog, which is always let loose at night. w as by some means silenced. This is the second attempt made to disturb the tranquillity of the aged possessor in his favourite retirement. The death of Pascoe Grenfell has thrown a gloom over the very large circle of his acquaintance, which comprised many of the higher families in fashionable life. His loss is also deeply regretted by many of the commercial world. Mr. Grenfell was Gouernor of the Royal Exchange Assurance office, and was one of the first apprised of the dei;iruction of the Exchange. The news had a visible effect upon bim, for the Company was his " hobby ;" in a few days he was attacked with paralysis, and death has put an end to a use f u l, we ll- spen t life. Mr. Grenfell married a sister of Lady Riversdale, and has left a large family, many of them now themselves prorni wnt members of society. _ - PATENT LEVER WATCH ES, With silver double-bottom cases X6 8 0 With silver hunting cases 6 16 0 This celebrated constiuctien (the most accurate en vv hieh watch can be made) is now offered, with the latest imprerement.s. i. e. the detached escapement, jewelled in four holes, wepred hand to mark the seconds, hard enamel dial, and maintaining power to continue going while winding up. at the above priaa, at 'l'. COX SAVORY'S, Working Silver and Goldsmith, 47, Coruhill, Londeis, (Seven doers from Graceehurch-street.) N.B.—Second-hand Watches purchased in exchange. BIRTHS. On the 27th ult., in Manchester-street, Manchester-square, Mrs. J. B. Chatterton, of a son. On the 29th ult., at North Church, Herts, the lady of A. P. Cooper, Esq., of a son. MARRIED. On Wednesday, January 31st, at St. Mary's, Paddington, by tilt , Rev. W. H. BrookfiQld, M. A. Chaplain to the Right Hon. Lord Lyttleton, John Bullar, Esq., barrister-at-law, to Rosa, only daughter of Andrew Tucker Follett, Esq., of the Manor House, Paddington. DIED. On the With ult., Daniel Melhado, Esq., of Guildford. street, for merly of Kingston, Jamaica, aged 60. On the 25th ult., at Dunstable, Bedfordshire, William Swindell , Esq., aged 30. London: Printed and Published by MURDO Y OUN 112, Strand, at The Su.►: ()Mee, No. 112, Strand, in the count,' of Middlesex,_Thursday, February 1, 1838.