The Sun. — London, England, 1838-04-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AMIL 4, 1838 u te n m de t r h t r e "; 3 2,239 sl aves pro d uced under the old system. But stem the ne groes wor k e d ten h ours a day, under the nette stem seven h ours and a half, which reduced the time of la °our: by one-fourth ; and it might have been expected that the leroduce of British Guiana should have been diminished in proportion, instead of which it had been vastly increased.— (Hear, hear.) There had been a gradual decrease in the phy steal strength of the colony from 1832 to 1336. How then were they to account for the vast increase in the amount of produc e in that colony ? His answer was—first, by the distri bution of the labour over the six days ; second, by the labour of Women at those periods, when before they were e x em pt e d w h e n attending u p on s i ck children, or having numerous families, in the latter stages of pregnancy, and soon after their confinement. eiy comp e lli ng the negro to give the time that he took in going to and from his labo ur to the estate—by mulcting the offend ragonegro of lels time, by which means he gave 16 hours of th e rat:ire per wee k to t h e planter—this was the case of siotini ur 7'grr'ses, He could have wished that on the present occa.- 1, ..e had an opp or t un i ty o f enter i ng fully i nto the different . -.Tenant points upon this question, as he was satisfied that a ny person who would apply his mind to the subject would he convinced that the apprenticeship system, instead of reducing the amount of labour exacted from the negroes, most materially increased it. Indeed, it was a prevalent opinion in British Guiana, that the labour of the negro was generally increased one-fourth since the abolition of slavery.—( Shame, shame.) He now came to a most painful part of the subject. He had now to call the attention of the meeting to the amount of food Riven to the negro in return for the vast exaction of labour that was required from him. The amount of food was reduced one-half compared with that to which the negro was entitled tinde r the Slavery Act. In that imperial statute the negro's right s to food were cared for. They were to receive in return for their labour the same quantity of food as they would re ceive under the laws of the colony to which they belonged. I f, however, they consulted the ordinances for the regulation of the apprenticed negroes of British Guiana, they would find that the 2I pints of farinaceous food had been reduced to 10 pints. Under the Order in Council of 1831, all slaves above twelve years of age were entitled to twenty-one pints of farinacious food, while those under that age were to have half that amount. In the early part of last year, while in the Colonies, he had made extensive enquiries into the subject, and he then discovered that the planters were allowing their planting pieces to go out of cultivation, in order to throw the negroes on the stores for their sustenance. He mentioned this to the Go vernor, and he caused an inquiry to be made, when the fa its he had stated were fully proved, and the Governor issued a proclamation, through the means of which the negroes re ceived the 21 pints instead of 10 ; but within five days of the promulgation of the proclamation, in consequence of the representation of the planters upon the Colony, who stated that if his Excellency attempted to carry the proclamation into effect there would be a fanzine in the colony, he suspended the proclamation for six months, without giving to the negroes any equivalent whatever. .Just as the six months expired ano ther proclamation was issued, suspending it for an indefinite period of time—(Cries of " Shame I")—the original pro clamation. He now found that the question had been referred home, and that it was now under the consideration of the Co lonial Office; but he was fearful, unless the people of England took it into their consideration, the negro apprentices of Bri tish Guiana would be kept upon the starving allowance of ten pints of farinaceous food weekly, and that the British public would be cheated, as well as the negroes, of their rights, which they had so dearly purchased for them —(Cheers.) He now came to another question of great importance, which bad been touched upon by Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons, namely, the effect of the system of punishment on the negroes of British Guiana. He had extracted with great care from the papers of the House of Commons the actual Amount of punishment inflicted upon the apprentices during the thirty-four months which those returns had reference to. There were three returns. The first embraced a period of twelve months ; namely, from the first of August 1834 to the 31st of July 1835, and during that period there had been inflicted no less than eight thousand one hundred and fifty-two punishments. The second table was for a period of ten months, namely, from the first of August, 1835 to May 1836, and that Showed 8,078 punishments ; the third table brought the punishments up to the :31st of May, 1837, the number of which was 7,596. Now, it is remarkable, that during the first part of Sir James C. Smith's Governorship, the negroes were severely punished, and in nineteen cases out of twenty, that punishment arose from the attempt on the part of the master to extort an immense amount of labour from them.—( Cries of " Shame.") They had been told that during the second period, the punishmeets had dwindled down to nothing, and that the negroes were as happy as any peasantry in England. But, if they would only compare the first and second re turns of punishments, they would find an actual increase of one -sixth.—(Cries of " Shame.") Again, if they com pared the third return with the first, they would find that the punishments were 7 per cent. on the wcole. The case there fore had been made out with reference to Jamaica. He had the return of punishment inflicted upon the apprenticed la bourers there from which he could fearlessly assert that the punishments in British Guiana were 11 per cent, more than its Jamaica.—( Cheers.) What then he would ask became of the arguments of Mr. Gladstone, with reference to the amount of punishment in that colony.—( Loud cheering. ) He had an opportunity, while he was in British Guiana, of inspecting the official records of that colony, and he re gretted much that they were not in this country ; and upon in vestigating them in a small di s t r i c t, i n t h e s h or t per i o d o f e, n i ght mouths 736 apprentice labourers were punished, and the IN - ,_regete amount o f t h e pun i shments inflicted was, stripes 5 . , 0 1 " the cats, 7,154.—( C r i es of " Shame !") Hard labour With e re e ekfst; treadmill, th a t f avour i te pun i s h ment o f the planter reference to women, 464; hard labour on estates, 522 ; "4firlemettt at night in the dungeons situated upon the estate, 335 ; solitary confinement, 134 weeks—( Hear, and cries of " Shame.") Could any one say that that was not a vast amount of punishment to be inflicted in a small district u pon 736 apprentices ? What, he would ask, would-have been the amount of the punishments if they had had returns from all the districts in the Colonies ?—( Cheers.) Judging from what had taken place, it would have beeu dreadful in the extreme.— ( Cries of " Shame, shame.") Who, he would ask, was the anonymous slanderer now ?—( Hear, hear, and cheering.) He would give them a few specimens, to show how the ap prenticeship system worked. He had an extract in his hand from an official record, from which it appeared a sentence of one month's hard labour on the tread-mill was passed on cer tain slaves for working carelessly and indolently. Six men and three women were charged with unlawful conspiracy ! What was that unlawful conspiracy ? Why, an unlawful con spiracy to get up a petition to the Governor ! They were de tected before they could lay before his Excellency an account of their grievances and sufferings ; they were taken before the Justices, and sentenced each to one month's hard labour in the tread-mill I—( Shame, shame.) Mr. Gladstone would not d ate to deny those statements.—( Cheers.) They v.steerool in the official records of the colony, and, if it necessary, those official records could be called for, and the proof would be seen.— gise N av i n ( Cheers .) He had to apolo g taken up so much of their time, but he should not !lave done justice to the negro, unless he had conveyed his Impressions to the meeting. There was one point of great importance, and which had affected his mind more than any other, in connection with the apprenticeship system, and that was the miserable condition of the women. Hear.) The women were the greatest sufferers under this obnoxious sys tem of apprenticeship. Their sorrows had been multiplied, and their labours increased, by the Act for the abolition of slavery. —( Hear, hear.) Previous to the passing of the Act, the planters had a direct interest in the well-being of the slaves ; but now, whatever condition they might be in— however aged and infirm they might be, made no difference, for the greatest amount of labour that could by any possibility be extorted, was extorted. He would now refer to the evi dence that h a d b een g i ven by some of the planters. Mr. Hervey deposed that he made no difference with respect to the hours of labour, whether the individual was 14 or 60, man or woman. Mr. Mackay said, " 1 send women out to cut cane who have children at their breast. I make no difference with respect to the hours of labour for pregnant women. I have heard it rumoured that pregnant women were only to work for six hours, but I do not believe it." Then again he begged to impress on the attention of the meeting this fact, that there had been a great mortality among free children. Mr. Gladstone had directed the attention of the House of Commons to what he called the evidence of a late Judge of the colony—Judge Willis—that the negroes were in the habit of receiving the greatest care and attention in the sick house; that wine was procured for them, and every thing that could make their situation comfortable and exceed. ingly delightful when incarcerated in the sick house, was done. But he (Mr. S.) had visited and inspected these sick houses, with other gentlemen; and he was prepa r , d to give his account of the discipline of them. He Would mention one or two by way of example- He had Visited one estate on the west side of the Demerara River, in t ol upany with C a pt a i n Adam, a Special Justice b e l ong i ng to lie Judicial District D. When they arrived on the plantation they enqui re d w h ether they might visit the sick-house? The I ,"' h eer, after ma ki ng some little demur, consented to do so. ey saw 30 individuals immured in this sick-house, 14 or 16 —c it in one room, and as many women i n another. They Were without mats or matresses to lie on, without blankets to clever them, suffering under diseases, some contagious. . ; fl the same place he had found a dy -.sta tic . ing ngro without any Pod been e being afforded him.—( Shame.) With this man been locked up from morning till night, all the other sick r‘s ons dai , except the two half hours which they were allowed i h c iY , When th e spec i a l j ust i ce i nqu i re d o f one negro f he any complaint to make he pointed to the calabash, in the tii there was a handful he rice, and said, " Massa see what g i ve me all day, and lock me up in the sick house we r ° re ln . that apartment they passed into that where the women . B rt i s i b il eareerated, for every sick house was a prison in the but " l un:es.—(Cries of " Shame.") They had nothing a. few a . fe W rais e d b oards to l i e upon, but he would never for was 3teendin tniserable sp ectac l e one negro woman presente d, w h o g with her back against some boards. She had ri c Y : t ! ll il ß child in her arms, and a calabash with a little wi t h I d; it, and she appeared quite wasted and worn out , se ase On inquiry if she had any compl a i nt •--( Hear, bear .) p i e nt, she replied , " you see me not able to give my little b anything from myself—when me came to sick house, overs e :re lt ,t some plantain powder pap, for picanniny, but "fi lly fron. rke it away, and now me have nothing to give . Fic,a,n hat,,, myself , and picanniny no eat cold boiled risT. Ivas w . ; He would tell them the name of that plantation, it ',es plantation oft"te property of John Gladstone, Thus:o ehement cries ' b th e a r t aiirr ": l; a lai n had received not less than 79 , 0001. of British money, could build churches in this country to show his ii thus ir e : 4 Piety, but by his representatives in the colonies he "b 'rn h e ded the poor miserable unoffending negroes from (Sh a „, the that princely revenue from year to year.— Glae s ' t e ' ) He should observe that he was speaking of John had "e, all uded the father of the gentleman to whose speech he He had intended to direct the attention of the meeting to the separation of families that had taken place under the apprenticeship system. He held in his hand a paper which he had submitted to the Governor of Guiana, in which it was stated that husbands and wives, and parents and children, had been separated in Berbice under the appren ticeship system; and he had it under the Governor's own hand that such was the case, but he had never heard th a t these • people had been restored to their families, and he be licved they never had, nor never would be, until the system was put an end to by the people of England.—( Cheers. ) He would just direct their attention to one point more. They were told by Lord Stanley, when he had introduced his Bill, that the negroes subject to the restrictions of the apprentice ship system would be free of their masters after having per formed their legal obligations to the estate. But it appeared that the negroes could not leave the plantations without a pass. If he wanted to bury a dead child, if he wanted t. , visit a sick wife, or if he wanted to get married—_(A laugh).— he must get permission from the planter. And in illustration of tbis, he held in his hand a document sent by a planter to a clergyman, forbidding him to marry a Negro belonging t o hi s estate. Mr. Scoble here read the document, which was to the following effect : —" Mr. Edgham presents his compliments to the Rev. Mr. Kitley, and requests that he will not marry the woman named Angelica, as she has never obtained his permission to be married—( A laugh )—unless upon the following conditions that her husband will not be permitted to visit the estate, and that she will not visit him.—(Great laughter. ) In conclusion he would say that all the efforts that had hcen made for the negroes were not more than they deserve, and he trusted that when the question came under the consideration of the House of Lords, that Almighty God, who directed and over-ruled all their deliberations and decisions, would so guide them as to secure freedom to that long-oppressed and much ir, jured people.—( Enthusiastic cheering.) The resolution was then put from the Chair and carried unanimously. Mr. C. EUSHINGTON said an apology was perhaps due from him for preceeding the Hon. and Learned Member whose entrance lately had so animated and rejoiced them, but he was only following the directions of the Committee. Bafore he proceeded to the motion put into his hands, he trusted they would allow him to make a few preliminary remarks on a per sonal subject. He was peculiarly situated with respect to the question which had assembled them together. The conduct of public men being, as it were, public property, the public had a right to expect explanation on all occasions when the procedure of such individuals gave rise to question and debate. Influenced by toese opinions, he thought the meeting had a right to expect some ex. planation of the apparent tardiness with which he had appeared in ad_ vocating the immediate abolition of the apprenticeship system. It would be generally in the remembrance of the meeting, that a Commit tee of the House of Commons was appointed in 1836 to inquire int, the working of the apprenticeship system in Jamaica, and that the taking of evidence was protracted until the Session of 1837. The evidence given was generally—nearly wholly— inculpatory of the conduct of the planters, and it was supposed that the advocates of the present system would have come forward with some evidence to rebut that which had been given. At that time the state ments of Joseph Sturge and John Williams excited great interest in the country, and the friends of the negro urged the country to come for ward and express their opinion upon the atrocities which had been com mitted under the system. Among others, he had been urged to take e leading part in the matter, but his resolution had been taken—he was de. termined to act as a calm and impartial juryman, and not to yield to his own real impulse which was to come forward as an impassioned ac cuser. In following the course he did, he had exposed himself to great and severe anxiety, because it was known that two or three years ago he had come into possession of some West India property—his stand ing aloof was therefore ascribed to some sordid, grovelling feeling.— (Loud cheers.) He bore all that, but he bore more, he bore the humiliation of heaing that a name which had been embellished—. which had been almost enob!ed by a thirty years advocacy of the cause of humanity in the person of his Learned and near rela. tive—(Loud cheers)—had been tarnished by the selfishness of his brother.—(Cheers.) He resisted all; but as soon as he found that no more evidence was to be tendered to the Committee, he then yielded to his own wishes, and took the very first opportunity of having a petition for the immediate abolition of the nefarious system entrusted to him, to state in his place that in his opinion the system of apprenticeship should he immediately abolished.—(Loud cheers.) He trusted that he had cleared himself in the opinion of the Meeting—(Cheers)—and that they would not think him unworthy of proposing a motion.—(Hear, hear.) - It was one which totally " denied the existence of any contract whatever in the Bill of 1833, which restrained the people of England from asking for the immediate abolition of the apprentice ship system." Although they had had a nominal majority against them on the recent division, he could not but think that they had gained a great practical and beneficial advantage. For what would be the effect in Jamaica? It would make the Assembly tremble—it would make them feel that their gross breach of faith had failed to deceive the people of England, and that the whole system must have an end.—(Cheers.) The Colonial Assembly might find it prudent immediately to emanci pate the slaves.—(Cheers ) The question as to the existence of a com pact he (Mr. Lushington) would not discuss. Whether it existed or not, it had, he was quite sure, been violated.—(Hear, hear.) It was said indeed that the compact had only been violated in some districts. He suspected it had been violated in the majority.—(Hear, hear.) But the whole community of planters had been rendered guilty in conse. quence of the acts of the Colonial Assemblies who repre sented the planters.—(llear.) Under these circumstances the nation seas at liberty to act on this subject as justice and expediency dictated.— (Cheers.) He was satisfied that the abolition of the aperenticeship would be advantageous to the planters themselves. He possessed only a share ofan estate in a province of Jamaica, and therefore he had no decisive command over it. But he had submitted to his co-partners the absolute justice and expediency of immediate emancip ition.—(Loud cheers.) Nor did he take any great credit to himself fur so doing, for lie was as strongly convinced of the expediency of this course as he was persuaded of its justice.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Even the uncultivated negro was of a calm and kindly disposition, and susceptible of the motions of gratitude.—(Cheers.) On the estate of which he spoke particularly, the minds of the negeoes had been en lightened by education, and their understanding elevated by Chris tianity—(Cheers)—and he was bound in gratitude to state this was owing to the exertions of the Moravians. In conclusion, the Hon. Gen tleman said—l hope the time has now arrived when the shackles of the slaves may be struck off for ever, when in the language of Curran the slave may walk abroad erect and free, redeemed, regenerated, and emancipated by the irresistible genius of Universal Ernancipasion.— (Loud cheers.) The Rev. Mr. MORGAN, of Birmingham, in seconding the re3olu_ lion, said he never could comprehend how a contract could be consi_ tiered as precluding the abolition of the apprenticeship system, when that contract was based in injustice and oppression. The Rev. Gentleman compared this compact to the betrayal of Christ by Judas Iscariot—lo both cases it was the price of blood which was gained.—(Cheers.) DANIEL O'CoesseLe, Esq. M.P., then came forward, and was received with loud, general, and enthusiastic applause: Wizen the cheers had subsided, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman spoke as follows :—I am an old Agitator.--(Laughter and cheers.) Perhaps not very eloquent, but of considerable experience—(Cheers) —and the value of that experience is, that it has been somewhat successful in the cause of civil end re ligious liberty—(Loud cheers)—and experience is the wisdom of those who are themselves not very wise.—.(Laughter, and hear, hear.) Now my experience has taught me that there is a greater chance of sue cess after a temporary defeat, if people only understood exactly how to avail themselves of it.—(Hear, hear.) If you redouble your exertions, and throw anger and resentment away on the one hand, and despair on the other, you will compensate for the bad luck of one day by the suc cess of another. My advice to the friends of humanity and the advo cates of the negro is contained its three short words, " Agitate, agitate, agitate.") We have been defeated, not in a pitched battle, but in a kind of Spanish skirmish, which as the newspapers tell us has ended, one does not know how.—(Laughter.) Now, this is precisely the case as re gards the late discussion in the House of Commons on this question. It is said that several Gentlemen intended to speak—" Hell," you know, " is paved with good intentions,"—(Laughter) —but be that as it may, one way or other the discussion was at an end, and the division was taken. Now, there is no reason in the world why we should be in despair at this ludicrous result. To be sure, Mr. Gladstone had it all to himself at the conclusion of the debate, but I do not think that to-roor. row he will feel quite so comfortable when he reads the statements that have been put forward to-day in reply to him.—(Hear, hear.) I do not envy his father his 79,0001., or the feelings that will be aroused in his 1 brea , t when he hears the story of the famishing Negro on his estate, which has been told to you by a Gentleman who witnessed the circum stance, and has testified to it in the presence of his God. I say again, to you that you are bound not only in prudence but in policy to continue your agitation, because if you do not, see the position in which you will place the. negro. The pericd for the termination of the apprenticeship system is fast approaching, and not one step has as yet been taken to se. cure to the negro the liberty which we have purchased for him. I tell you that the planters are determined to continue slavery in some form or other, and we must agitate, without ceasing, to prevent them carrying their plans into effect, and to secure to the negro that freedom which it was intended by the legislature he should enjoy.—(Hear, hear.) They will not be frightened by anything but the actual force of the law, and you must insist on Government taking such steps in each colony as, with the aid of the negroes, will defeat their projects. if you do not do this what will be the consequence ?—You remember the story which is told of the interference of Don Quixote for a man who was about to be flogged. While he remained on the spot his humane offices were effective, but the moment he turned his back, the man received a double tiogAing.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Now our interference on the part of the negroes, as well as that of the knight, is likely to produce exactly similar results, arid to render the condition of the Negro worse than it was before, if we do not follow it up by other steps.—(Hear.) If you continue to agitate, you are sure of success. There is but one magic in politics, and that is to be always in the right.— (Hear.) Chicanery and deceit may be for a time successful, but t iati s only during the slumber of thegood endwise. When the friends of huma nity are awake, t here is no danger of oppression reigning long. The people of England would not go with us if we were not in the right.—(Hear, hear, and cheers ) If we were not right, there is no one who would be more anxious for a defeat than I would ; but if we are right, shame on us if we do not persevere. Let us see whether we are right. Nothing is more certain or indisputable than this fact, that we have paid our 20,000,000 to the planters. There is nothing that John Bull understands better than that.—(Laughter.) Well, we paid our money, but did we get value for it.—(Hear, hear, I say that we Old not, and I can call it nothing else than swindling to take the money from us without giving us in return that for which we paid it.—(Great cheering.) It is swindling.—(Hear, hear.) I called it so twice before, and I never got a reprimand for so designating it. It is astonishing that I have not, because it is literally true.—(" Hear," and laughter.) Now Mr. Gladstone may take this oasis of the desert British Guiana Green as may be this colony amidst the surrounding desert, I think that to-morrow it will appear as black and as tainted as any other spot on the habitable globe.—(Cheers.) Does Government assert that you have got the value of your money ? This Act of Par liament tells you you have not, and that it is nothing but swindling. Let this go abroad, let it be characterised by no other name. — (Loud cheers.) They say that there is as great a pleasure in being cheated as to cheat. Now, for my part, I cannot enjoy any satis faction of this sort.—(Hear, hear.) On the other hand, is it not de grading to our good sense to suffer ourselves to be imposed on in this way. The Government admits that the hours of labour are not regulated at ie present ate moment. — (Hear.) (Hear.) They ad m i t that the classification is not o --- m ( e l n l t e — ar, hear) Th e lot of August is coming on, and tl regui the classification is not regulated.—(Hear, hear.) Good God, is it to be believed that the Government could be guilty of the fully of pay i ng a way the money of the people of England, without securing that they should get the value for it . — (Cheers.) The food of the negre is not yet provided for, and the money has been paid,—( Hear, hear. When Sir J. C. Smith, the great oracle of th e p l anters, yielded to t h pressure of famine, and diminished the food o f t h e apprentices, did i t never occur to him that, in the pressure of famine, there ought to be a reduction of his labour as well as of his fo od.—(Cheers.) But now, at the end of four years, we are legislating for all those things for which we paid our money. It is not necessary for use take up your time upon this part of the subject, upo n which y ou hav e been addre sse d by gen tlemen better acquainted with it than I am. No, no ,) Now we askei that women should not be submitted to the unmanly torture of the lash. It was one of our loudest demands that the disgusting practice thould cease.—(Hear, hear, hear.) And di d we not bless the Almighty God four years ago that our prayers were h ear d—tha` the abomination was abolishe d.—(Cheer s.) But we never prayed before our time. Cheers and laughter.) The unmanly practice of scourging women with the lash was not yet at an end.—(Hear, hear, and cries o. " Shame.") Oh ! who will believe it—we paid twenty millions four years ago to put an end to the practice, and there is at this mo .nent a bill before the House of Lords to abolish it.--(Hear, hear.) Ott ! let it go forth to the world how just are our claims! To what ationio,o is theooo7eog oto b r 1. ? being What four years compensationdeprivedt , o t o b f all e that ,e l e - paid 2n 0 those who have descended into their graves ?—(Loud cheers.) ' What compensation is to be given to their survivors for the a still continue to endure. Mr. Gladstrr ee into the cabin of the negro he takes off his hat_ s 6( A o y d s l laugh)—and sufferings ) wr — i gee is :110i goes which h be syayse they should ü b l h y e the e n not :s same The redemption.—(Great d m p t negro ot, c made Gra t b yc cheering.) same to g But ' let him wear his hat if ho likes.—(Laughter.) I know some very good men who wear their hats.—(Renewed laughter and cheers.) But, perhaps, he thinks that it is below him to show that civility to his fellow-men. When he goes Into the cabins will he ray to them, " Tell me your sufferings—tell are your des. p sir—tell me what compensation you require ?"—(Cheers and great laughter.) „ Will he say to them My family, have got 127,000/. com venation amongst us, now tell me what compensation is due to y ou, a•id we will share with you ?"—(Renewed cheering) Oh no; he will not do that. Those people use all their wealth, their power, their d e l o o e q o u m e c b e t t t h o e ir opportun itie supportsct s o e f r f e a s e v a a r t c , e h e , tt a: t c i l cruelty D a s b u t r t o t u o l g o t v v e e r t u b , e e oppressors of the negro all the emoluments and profits of s.avery (Hear.) The Gladsts nes have got the bones and sinews and labour of the negroes, and they have got the blood-money to boot.—(Hear.) But we i will show them that the people of Eng land will n ot sub m it to it—(He :r, hear.) One would think that when the Marquis of Sligo had written his name in the pages of humanity, one would think whets that example came from the highest places of society, that the planters, who are all aristocrats themselves, would be enticed to follow th a t example. (A laugh.) But when that example did not enti ce teem that a vulgar Act of Parlia ment would soften their hard hearts— (A laugh) or draw the blood-money out of their pockets.—(Cheers.) Theyy. was amused with reading it t o _ I w the public though. At the meet ings to which we come we call in the p ress- g an g , witho u t whom eh, a h ( a A d a a ti great gb meeting ) ey dt d y e trot t e t rd call a luence would be vain to those who possess it. But although the whispered into my ear, eress and the public were not at their meeting yesterday, there was a little bird there -- (Laughter) — and he just which I will tell you all if you promise me that you will keep it a se cret,—(Laughter.) It was this : there were some people tleere who pro. posed that they should imitate the example of the Martinis of Sligo It was urged strongly on them to do so.—(Loud cheers.) They were told that the eyes of the people of England were open— ,Hear, hear, hear)—that the people of England saw the condition of the negroes in Jamaica—(Hear)—that it was unwise of the planters not to make concessions—that they would manage the thing better if they did concede—that they would only rouse the people of England to put an end to slavery in every shape after 1840, by holding out —(Hear, hear.) Such were the suggestions of those who knew the planters, and who told them that they would gain more ley putting on the semblance f humanity—(Hear, hear)—but my friend, who made the proposition told me that I might as well have been there myself as he, and that I would have got as good a reception as he met with.—(Great laughter.) . sly friend said, " Well, if I am not fit for the sick-house after making such a proposal, there would be no use or good hatred at all." Well, .hat proposal was rejected, and then they came to their own measures — (Cheers)—and one was a resolution to print, I dont know how many thousand copies, of Mr. Gladstone's admirable oration—(Tremendous cheering)—and by way of amendment, it I am not very inaccurately informed, it was proposed also to print the speech of Sir George Grey! When this was proposed somebody got up and said, what Sir Geo. Grey ? (Laughter.) Why, to be sure he is, for continuing our right over these fellows—(Laughter)—but hang him—(continued laughter.) He made some awkward admissions, and his Bill contains them—(Laughter)— and I am mistaken if the majority was not overwhelming to print Mr. tnadstone's speech. What, therefore, have we to expect, I ask, from he planters ? Nothing—nothing.—(Cheers.) I did hope at least that something of an idea which I ventured to throw out against the planters with respect to their improper treatment of females would have been taken up, but no—it was rejected, and it was said that nothing would be more premature than anything of that kind. It has been proved that the unfortunate negro is touch worse since obtaining his liberty then he was during the time he was a slave—(Cheers) — and is it not natural that it should be so ? When they were in slavery the planter had an interest in the growth of the chill and the preserva tion of the mother.—(Cheers.) He has no interest now, after the ter mination of two years—(Cheers) ;—and mark you, and remember it, that the negro, while h e was the absolute property of the planter, was like a horse or a mule, or a cow or a calf--the planter had a direct interest in fattening the animal.— (Cheers.) If he .vas an animal for the table for the purposes of slaughter, and if for work to get more l a b our ou t of him.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Four years ago the planter had an interest in the negro to the extent of enabling him to work for six years to come, but every day that passes, every hour that goes along, he has a greater in terest to exhaust the human animal by the increase of his labour and then to throw him away like a squeezed orange, in 1840, .vhen his produce would be no longer of use.—(Great laughter.) Mark you, was I not talking common sense ? What I saY that it is the interest of the planter to get out of the negro, for lie remaining two years, as much labour as he can, because after ;hat period he had no interest in him.--(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.) What course can we pursue after that period ? Why, we may threaten the planters with some law, but they will find the means of getting rid of them The planter has a great interest in exhausting the Negroes by the work they have to do, and if you don't come forward and cont. , :sue this agitation, and press upon Parliament the necessity of immediately emancipating the negroes nothing will be done—(Cheers)—go then through the country in the short vacation that is now coming on, let no place escape you—(Cheers)—let meeting after meeting take place, and then with the voice of hundreds of thousands call upon the British Parliament, and insist that both parties shall join with you in giving to the negroes that liberty which you have purchased for them, and which belong to them at the hand of their God, before you commence that horrible traffic which is a disgrace to the name of Britain.—(Great cheering.) Do more—l told you that my great hope in the West Indies was from the intelligence of the negroes themselves. Mark this; if there be one thing more delightful than another, and more likely to prosper the cause of humanity in this respect, it is what I am now going to state.—(Herr, hear, rear, and cheers.) It is this practical fact, that the negro, amidst all his adversities has comforted himself with a desire to quietude, and with an anxious wish to increase his social comfort, and to submit to the moral duties that were imposed upon him.—(Loud cheering.) You have that fact, that there has been a disposition of forbear ance unequalled on the part of the negroes—(Hear, hear)—he was shown no desire to destroy property—he had shown no desire to be re venged for slavery that had been ieflictel upon him—he had shown th it Christian disposition which teaches you to forget the past and look with hope to the future.—(Great cheering.) Do this—we have been taunted upon it in the House of Commons—send out petitions to the planta tions where the negroes are in slavery ; let every negro upon those plantations, be got to sig:i the petition.—(Cheers.) Oh, but it is said they cannot write—if they cannot,it is not their fault—it is the crime of their masters.—;Cheers.) Let them put what is called in Ireland the sign of piety ai well as ignorance —the cross of their names-- ;Loud cheers)—and l e t th e cross of 500,000 negroes appear in the British Parliament in aid of the cause of religion and humanity. From every part o f th e B r i t i sh dominions, and from the West Indies them_ ,elves, let us teach the planters that it is wiser to combine with us than to resist.—(Loud cheering.) I have trespassed, I am afraid, too long upo n y our time already,—)Loud cries of " No, no, no.") It a t e e t Legislature who never makest o i t There remains on e t op i c that I wish to advert to. We deny that there was a compact, an d I have always asked those who said there was a con_ a were.—(Cries contract (C without res o parties f "Hear, t hear, hear.") heerso (Cheers.) Lord Stanley desc r ib e d th e only meeting the Government had with the' planters, and o n th a t occasion they had the modesty to ask for forty-four millions — (Laughter) —and for forty-one year's continuation of the system.—(Renewed laughter.) That was the only proposal they ever made; and I am told this is a bargain which neither party consented to — (Laughter.) I remember a s t ory o f a countryman of mine, who said . he made a bargain w ith a l a d y to marry her, he having his own consent Aluch laughter.) But neither p ar ty g i ves consent i n t h is instance . , Lord Stanley, t o b e sure, cut down the forty-one year's service tt; twelve years' apprenticeship. We took the liberty in the House of Corn mons of lessening it by one- h a lf; an d we should have done right if we had thrown the other half after it.— (Cheers and laughter.) Why to be sure the Legislature entered i n t o thi s compact with the British people. When the British people gave their motley, the Legislature enacted that for that money adequate and satisfactory security should be given for the working out of the system according as we had paid for it. To this hour we have had neither adequate nor satisfactory security, and here we are to-day, with the details of .he horrors of slavery under the apprentice system harrowing our feelings and disgusting our imaginations—quite as fresh as if the term apprenticeship" had never been invented and slavery was still en forced.—(Cheers,) I alluded to the bullet practise of flogging the females, and after all were we not entitled from the eest, even on their own spewing, to the total emancipation of the females. Lord Stanley used new words. There were to be eon-prredials, prxdials attached, and prxdiale unattached.—(Laugle. ter.) But prwilials attached, and prwdials unattached, meant farming servants—meant labourers, diggers, delvers—meant those whose duty it is to cultivate the lands and produce crops. Why, whoever heard of introducing females into that class?—(Cheers.) Can anything be more preposterous than that you have a digger of cane in an unfortunate fe male 2—(E - tear, hear.) Why females ought to be non-prmdials by their very sex. Compact there was none. Condition to the payment of money there was; that is we paid cur money conditionally. It is not a bargain between man and man—it is the supreme authority of the State annexing a condition to the grant to the planters.—(Cheers.) Mark you—did we ever hold a meeting for the sake of the planters ? They wet e able to take care of themselves, and a little more. The Anti Slavery meetings were adverse to the planters. We did not mean to give them money and work. We were the friends of the negroes—we were looking for the emancipation of the negroes—we wanted to purehae ethe acquiesence of the planters, and we gave them an apprenticeship not fur their sakes, but, as it was said, to fit the negro for liberty. just as if the man who was able to endure slavery, and to endure apprenticeship without a murmur, would not be able to endure liberty.—(Cheers.) If any one tells me a man cannot endure flogging I will believe him—tell me that a man cannot endure starvation—l agree to that ; but if I em told that a man who has been flogged and starved did not murmur, and that that man would become riotous the moment you treated him well, and set a good dinner before him, is what I cannot believe.—(Great cheering and laughter.) Let me not be supposed to say the apprenticeship system has not done some thing for them. I admit it has. They w er e b e f or e the legal pro party of their owners; they can now acquire property for themselves: file conditions upon which we paid our money has not been performed: but I am told there is some body who performs it and shall you take away something you gave, merely because another man has not performed the condition ? Legislation must be made not for particulars, but for gene ralities. When you lay on a tax, you give no compensation to those who have a stockon hand already, and when you take off a tax you make no compensation, althouge the former tax had increased the price. I have known injustice to an enormous extent, committed on honest men even by the abolition of taxes. But to tell me there is here and there a planter who treats his negroes well, is ao answer to which 7 e contend for.—(Hear, hear.) I am afraid there are very few closets in London small enough to be too tight for the numbers who are kind to their negroes, while on the other hand there is no room large enough to contain those who have violated that engagement on which they got their money. We must therefore legislate for the whole.—(Cheers . ) I began by saying that I am an agitaior, and I shall conclude by re peating it.—(Cheers.) Let every liumrn being that hears me adopt the principle of agitation—let them from this day forward exert themselves —let every friend of humanity rally around me, and see what exertions remain for them in order to accomplish our great object. — ;Cheers.) Remember the unfortunate negro woman who hugs her black darling to her breast with the conviction that, although she has been a slave, she has given birth to a free man.—(Loud and reiterated cheering.) Stand between this un fortunate race and their oppressors, and let not the temporary lefeat we have sustained a few nights ago damp our exertions, but let the honest and candid, the generous and the good among the blrck race, who hrve submitted so long to the most cruel and harrassing oppression, bless that Providence that had raised up for them in another clime, and ,f a different colour men who would not submit to the injustice which had reeked upon them.—(Loud cheering.) You should recollect that slavery is reckoned by hours, and oppression t y minutes; and although you may tell me that two years will soon pass away, it is a species of eternity to those who are suffering persecution.--(Cheers.) Your hearts have been narrowed up by the details of harsh and cold food which had been presented to the lips of the young infants How cruel must that heart have been which would give food from which the infant, although hungry, would tnrn from with disgust—(Hear, hear) —and what must be the feelings of the mother, who clings to life for ihe sake of her infant, and who hoard its wails, fainter and more faint, chile she had no food, either natural or artificial, to present to it.— ;Vehement cheering.) Let it not be any longer said that those women have produced slaves and people to be - tortured—(Loud cheers) —but let us show the planters that they are freemen who will be able to protect them in their old age.—(Cheers.) Let me re mind you in conclusion, that this agitation is more necessary now than ever. That the dealers in blood, and bone, and sinew, as the negroes fatally know, are at this moment importing fresh castes of unfortunate slaves from the furthermost ends of the empire—that the Gladstones are visiting the most remote re fons, and the unfortunate inhabitants of India—that a competition is taking place between slave and free labour—and that various atte.npts are making to carry on the same system, by the plan of importing the large and countless hordes of idolaters of the worst description.—( Much cheering.) I need not remind you, that the great reason why many of those around me have struggled so strenu ously for Negro emancipation was, that the body being unshackled, the in nd might be free to receive the lights of the Gospel, and the divine truths of revelation.—(Cheering.) I see hundreds about me who would not have taken the trouble they have, unless for the purpose of diffusing re ligious truth to the hut and hovel of every negio. Remember then that the introductio❑ of these Indians, as a means ,of holding out a great temptation to the negroes, even by the display of its mysticisms, and thereby winning them from Christianity. In comelusion, I will observe that Christianity opposes strong claims to all apathy and delay—that you aro bound by humanity—that we are bound by justice, and, above all' that you arc bound by religion to insist that the negro should ba free, and his mind as unshackled as his body is unfetteresi.—(Much cheering.) The Itev. Mr. BURNETT had been called upon by the Committee to speak to the resolution, and it was with much pleast.ae that he would contend against the existence of any contract between the planters which could not be set aside. But before he went into that part of the subject he would say a few words upon the late defeat which they had sustaine I. He was not disheartened at it—they would all recollect that both Wellington and Blucher before that glorious day which ended Europe's struggles on the plains of Belgium, were obliged for a time to withdraw before the ascendant star of France ; but how to tn after did the glorious day of Waterloo arise ?—(Loud cheers ) ( W e shall give the conclusion in our Second Edition.) ELECTION COMMITTEES. (YESTERDAY.) (From our Second Edition of last night.) HULL. Stephen Pratt was next objected to. The evidence was similar to that detailed in the cases of Headley, Watson, and Dunn. Mr. WRANGIIAM in support of the vote, cited the Chester case (Corbett and Daniels' Reports,) when the Committee required that the treating should not only be done with the knowledge of the Candidates, but at their treating and charge also. _ _ Mr. LANGDALE thought that case did not apply. If they wanted to affect the sitting Member, they must bring the charge home to him, but if a corrupt motive was proved against the voter, it was immaterial whether the sitting Mem ber bribed or not. Mr. WRANGIIAM admitted that that case affected the sitting Member, but it determined also that to make an offence treating it must be brought to the knowledge of the sitting Member. The Learned Gentleman then referred to a decision of the Ipswich Committee in the present session, in the case of a person named Johnson, who voted for Gibson and Kelly, which he submitted was quite in point. Mr. AUSTIN replied, and expressed his confidence that the Committee would adhere to their previous decisions, and not abide by the extraordinary decision in the Ipswich case. The Committe struck off the vote. James Hoddell was struck off on the same ground. Earl Cherry was also struck off, after a long argument had taken place as to his identity not having been sufficiently proved. The next objection was to John Noble Wharton, ship e right, whose name was struck off; as was that of Robert Headley. The Committee then adjourned. KINSALE. When the Committee rose yesterday the sitting Member was in a majority of one. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIL 3. Lord BANDON presented a petition from the diocese of Ross against the Nati ona l S ys t em o f Ed ucat i on , or any sys tem where the use of the Scriptures was restricted. NEGRO EMANCIPATION. The Bishop of EXETER presented a p e titi on from the Soci e ty o f Friends resident at Bolton-le-Moors ; the Wesleyan Methodists, Protestant Dissenters, and Uni tarian Congregation of Bolton-le-Moors ; the Independent Methodists of Halifax; the Wesleyan Methodists of Bridge street, Bolton ; and several other places, praying for the im mediate abolition of Negro apprenticeship. The Marquis of SLIGO presented petitions from Helston in Cornwall, Wallace Town, the Unitarians of Preston, the inhabitants of Linlithgow, the inhabitants of Devon, the Society of Friends of Southampton, the Metho dists of the new connexion of Carnarvon, the Wesleyan Methodists of the City of Bath, the United Secession congregation of A; r, the United Secession congregation of Dunfermline, the inhabitants of Weymouth, a congregation in Berwick, the inhabitants of Harwich, the Wcsleyans of Merthyr Tydvii, the Ministers, Elders, and congregation of the Scotch Church of Berwick-upon-Tweed, the inhabitants of Kirbymoreside, the inhabitants of the borough of Warringford, and several other places, praying for the immediate and entire abolition of Negro slavery. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. The Bishop of EXETER hoped the Noble Marquis would excuse him again putting the question which he had put at the early part of the Session, namely, whether it was intended to adopt the recommendations contained in the fourth report of the Commissioners of Education for Ireland; and, secondly, whether it was the intention of her nijesty's Government to propose any measures in consequence of the evidence taken before the Committee last year ? The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said with respect to the first question, lie could only repeat what he believed he had stated before—that the recommendations contained in the report alluded to appeared to him and to the Government to be well entitled to adoption in Ireland. In answer to the next queston, it was undoubtedly the intention of her Majesty's Government to propose the same grant—at least the same grant as had been proposed and adopted in former Sessions for the sustenance arid extension of public education in Ireland. The Bishop of EXETER said that in consequence of what the Noble Marquis had stated, he should now give notice, that o n an early day after the recess, he should take the opinion of their Lordships on the import of the evidence given before the Committee of last year. The Bishop of LONDON also presented similar petitions f, out different parts of Yorkshire. DR. PYE SMITH. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, seeing the Noble Lord ( Lyndhurst) i n his p lace, wo u l d advert to a circumstance which he had refrained from doing l as t n i g h t, i n consequence of the absence Smith with respect to the improvement of th e con di t i on o f t h e Negroes.— " Cries of H ear, hear, hear.) At that time he was met by the declaration of a Noble Lo r d not now present, and by the of the Noble Lord. A few nights s i nce h e h a d pre senteda petition from D r . P ye Noble and Learned Lord opposite, that he was in possession of a petition from Dr. Pye Smith, con t a i n i ng sent i ments o f a tota lly different description. From the positive statements of the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, he (Lord L.) had no thing to do but to acquiesce , not having any inf ormat i on to the contrary.. He, however, cons id ere d i t his duty to pre sent the petition he had entrusted to him. Since that period, with he had received a communicati on f rom Dr. Pye res pect to whom he ( L or d L ansdowne) could repeatohStoimlwyiethv'er; all that had been said by the Nobl e an d L earned Lord, thaitet he y w as a person of v er y hi g h character and . In that communication Dr. P ye S m i th stated p that the petiti on which he ( L ordLyndhur s t) h a d presented was a petition o f a recent date, and that it contained his (Dr. Smith's) matu re sentiments upon the sub j e ct of Negro eman cioation, and t hat if he had si g ned an y other petition it of great must have been many months ago, and before the Bill introduced by the Government was braught forward. After considerable thought upon the subject, he had come to the determination that it would be dangerous to introduce so ex tensive and violent a measure as the total abolition of Slavery. --(Hear, hear.) Ile confessed that in his opinion the Bill which had been introduced into the House by her Majesty's Government was well calculated to mitigate the horrors that had hitherto attended the Slave trade. He therefore, in com mon with the other persons who had signed the petition, expressed his sentiments that the measure before the House was calculated to be productive of the best results. He thought it due to the eminent character of the individual to whom allusion had been made, that his sentiments should be thus mad? known. Lord LYNDHURST said that when he presented the pe tition to which allusion had been made, he stated that on a former night a petition of an opposite tendency had been pre sented by the Noble Marquis. He requested, at the same time, that the petition might be read, stating that, from what he knew of the character of the individual, that when the two petitions came to be considered, one was irreconcileable with the other. He stated then that he supposed the petitions were of different dates, and that the one which he (Lord Lynd hurst) had presented was subsequent to that presented by the Noble Marquis. It turned out that these petitions were of different dates, although it turned out contrary to his supposi tion, that his (Lord Lyndhurst's) was of an earlier date than the other. What he had stated was mere supposition—he made no assertion, having had no communication with that distinguished and learned individual. Th e Marquis of LANSDOWNE hoped the Noble and Learned Lord would see, whatever circumstance had led him to make this statement, that it was directly the reverse of the real fact, and that the petition which he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) had presented, contained the last and real sen timents of Dr. Pye Smith. Lord LYNDHURST begged to correct the Noble Mar quis. What he (Lord Lyndhurst) had said was merely what he conjectured. He said he could reconcile the petitions on the supposition that one was of a more recent date than the other. He said he supposed that if the petitions were inconsistent in ;heir terms and object they were of different dates. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would affirm that what he had already stated was the fact, and he would leave their Lordships to draw their own inferences. The assertion of :he Noble and Learned Lord was that in all probability his (the Marquis of Lansdowne's) petition was of a previous date, but the circumstances of the case would show their Lordships that it was so improbable, as that it must have been the very reverse of the fact. Lord LYNDHURST said it would appear from the state ment of the Noble Lord that he had been mistaken. A NOBLE LORD-It only shows that the Rev. Gentleman changed his mind. The conversation then dropped. The Earl of H ADDINGTON presented a petition from the . Poor Law Union of Haddington complaining of the efforts made to render the New Poor Law Bill obnoxious to the people. The Earl of STANHOPE believed that efforts had been made to render the Bill obnoxious, but these efforts had been made by the Commissioners themselves. The Earl of HA DDINGTON then presented peti tions from Fifeshire and Banff, complaining of the riots which had occurred at the late elections. In the latter case the military had been ordered out, but were not allowed to come within 10 miles of the nearest polling place, and fifteen miles of the next. One of the peti tions prayed for protection in the exercise of the elective franchise; the other petition had the same prayer. YEOMANRY. The Nonee EMIL then said that he wished to advert to the subject of the yeomanry, particularly the yeomanry of the county of Fife. He thought thin had this corps been in existence, these riots would have been prevented. The Noble Earl proceeded to read an extract from a letter which had been sent to him by a gentleman of property in the county of Fife, stating that in 1832 and 1033 when Bristol had been partially destroyed, what wee saved of it was by the Yeomanry—when NottinTliam was partly sacked, and Edinburgh only saved from destruction by the Midlothian Yeomanry—Lord Melbourne addressed a despatch; to the late Lord Rosslyn, then Lord Lieutenant of the county of Fife, requesting bim to use his influence to induce the respectable portion of the inhabitants to enrol them selves in defence of the peace, which they accordingly did. The Noble Lord then went on to animadvert on the conduct of the gentleman who had succeeded the l,te Lord Rossiya in the Lieutenancy of the County of Fife. The Noble Lord stated that the whole of the Yeomanry corps in Scotland, with the exception of Ayr and Lanark, had been disbanded. What the reason of that could be, it was impossible for him to conjecture, unless for political purposes, and for the ulterior object of forming a sort of gendarmes all over that coantry, and probably all over England, to be solely under the influence of Government. The Lord-Lieutenant who suc ceeded Lord Rosslyn had refused to attend an inspection of the corps of his county, which was a most unusual refusal. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He had afterwards, at a dinner with his constituents, expressed a hope that the Yeomanry of the county would very soon be dismissed, and used expressions, which he subsequently expressed his regret for to Colonel Lindsay of the Guards. He sincerely hoped that this measure would be re- considered by her Ma jesty's Government, and that, at all events, if any of the disbanded corps offered to continue their services gratuit ously, he hoped that it would be immediately accepted. Lord MELBOURNE said that upon considering the whole subject—the state of Scot!.and, and the circumstances of that country—her Majesty's Government had thought it consistent with the public safety to make the reduction in the Yeomanry of that country which had been announced ; and that the Go vernment meant to preserve the peace of Scotland by the means itposaessed, and which he had no do übt it would be able to do. The Noble Lord had himself said that the yeomanry would not have been a proper force to be employed on the election occasion to which he had:referred. There were:serious doubts in the minds of many, of the propriety of continuing such a force, and more particularly or the prudence and expedience of employing it, especially in domestic tumult; and that of itself formed an explanation of the conduct of his Hon. Friend the Lord-Lieutenant of the county, whose conduct had been brought into question. If he were ad verse to the Yeomanry force, he was quite right in not sanctioning an inspection of it by his presence. What he had said to his constituents was said in his cha racter of a Member of Parliament. In that charac ter he was asked what he thought of the Yeomanry Corps ? Ho was bound to answer the question, and his answer was a disapproval of it. A gentleman did not change his political opinions when he became Lord-lieutenant of a county, nor was it customary for Lords-lieutenant of counties to suit their opinions to the Government of the day. The measure adopted with reference to the Yeomanry corps by Government was one of public policy—taken without any intention of offering offence to that corps, He was not going to advert to any intention with reference to ulterior measures —with reference to the:peace of the country—that was e subject prematurely and hastily dragged forward. He had never been able to see any individual connection between civil and religious liberty and the licentious com mission of crime, though he knew that some persons did. The Earl of MAL ME SBURY sail that he knew a case where a town had been literally sacked, during a riot, which was only put down, not without difficulty or bloodshed, by the gentry and middle classes, who got upon horseback and turned out against the rioters. If they had had this constitutional force, for such he considered the yeomanry, a cheap and preventive force, he was confidant that this would never have happened. Government said that the country was in a state of perfect tranquillity. He (the Earl of Malmesbury) wished that he could assent to that opinion. There was one Act which had created more disturbance in the country, than per haps, any that ever was enacted. He meant the Beer Bill. Ever sines the passing of the Beer Bill, the charac ter of the rural population had been greatly deteriorated. He attributed also the great deterioration of their character to the extent to whic:l the enforcement of the new Poor-law had been carried, and to the new Game laws.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He entreated his Noble Friend to consider how small was the saving of 12,0001. compared to the utility of the corps, especially at a period when so many troops were required in the colonies.—( Hear.) He assured his Noble Friend opposite, that the sudden and unexpected measure bad caused a great sensation in tho parts of the coun try with which he was acquainted. The Duke of W E LLISI GT ON concurred in what had been slid by his Noble Friend (Lord Malmesbury.) The Yeomanry had been of the utmost efficiency in preserving the peace of the country. He believed that the suppression of the Yeomanry as the year 1827 had been attended with a cost of thirty times as much as the expense of maintaining that body. In the county of Hampshire above one hundred persons were convicted at the Commission for outrages which would not have occurred if the Yeomanry had continued. The Earl of WINC HIL SE A deprecated the disband ment of the yeomanry corps, and he had no hesitation in saying party feeling had influenced it. He thought the country was greatly indebted to the force, as he would venture to predict, that but for it the greatest local disturbances would have taken place within the last twelve months. From this time he was determined to become a great agitator in the country.—( Laughter.) The Duke of SU'T'HERLAND presented petitions from Chester, and other places, in favour of the immediate aboli tion of the system of Negro apprenticeship. The Bills on the table were forwarded a stage. Their Lordships then adjourned until Thursday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, APRIL 3. The Gallery was not opened till Half-past Four o'Clock, there having been a Ballot. On the motion of Mr. SANFORD, the Bristol and Exe ter Railway Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. Mr. DIL LON BROWNE said that he had a petition to present from Mr. Malty, Solicitor to the Moy Navigation Company, of which he ( Mr. B.) had given previous notice. The petitioner stated, that in the early part of this Session he had presented a petition from the traders arid merchants of the towns of Ballina and Ardence, in the counties of Mayo and Sligo, praying that permission might be given to intro duce a Bill for improving the navigatim of the river cloy; that the petitioners had previously communicated with the Board of WTorks in Ireland, who, on the repre sentation of engineers whom they had employed, agreed to advance the sum of three thousand pounds towards the completion of the work, on the security of certain tolls and harbour dues proposed to be levied by the Act of Parliament in contemplation. The petitioner further states that the promoters of the Bill, acting under legal advice, had consi dered that your Honourable House would 11)1d such engage ment of the Commissioners of Public Works in Ireland equivalent to a subscription contract, and that there fore they sought to introduce their Bill without such con tract ; but that the Committee on Standing Orders ruled otherwise, though the work was strongly recommended by a Select Committee of the House in 1835 ; that in consequence the promoters of the Bill were unable to proceed with their undertaking, to the great detriment of the above-mentioned towns. Your petitioner therefore prays that, as on account of the limited trade and resources of Ireland, it is difficult to get up such subscription contracts, that it may be held by the Standing Orders of this Honourable House, that an undertaking from the Board of Works in Ireland to advance three-fourths of the stipulation is equivalent to such contract, particularly as such undertaking shall not be given without sufficient scrutiny as to the utility of the work, and security for the re-payment of the advances. SHAFTESBURY ELECTION PETITION. Mr. BL CKST 0 N E appeared at the Bar with the re port of the Shaftesbury Election Committee, which was to the ,ffect that the Committee was of opinion that J. S. Poulter, Esq. ( Liberal) had not been duly elected to represent that borough, but that G. Mathews, Esq. (Tory) was duly elected, and that neither the petition nor the opposition thereto was frivolous or vexatious. The Committee had altered the poll by striking off certain names, and they had grea t difficulty and embarrassment in examining the poll-books, and carrying on the scrutiny in consequence of the refusal of the overseers to produce their books. The report stated, that although the Committee had not been able to trace unlawful practices to the candidates or their agents, yet it appeared to them that treating had pre vailed to g rea t ex t en t a t the late election, and the report especially referred to the evidence which, upon the motion of the lion. Member (Mr. Blackstone) was ordered to be laid on the table. LONDON AND CROYDON RAILWAY. On the motion of Mr. K EMBL E, this Bill was recom mitted. MALDON ELECTION COMMITTEE. The Clerk of Committees appeared at the Bar with the list of this Committee, who came to the table, and were sworn, as follows:—Wm. Orrnsby Gore, Thomas Mackenzie, Lord Visct. Grimstone, Edward Fellowes, Lord Fitzallen, Wm. Curry, John James Bodkin, Wm. Bird Brodie, Mr. Villiors Stuart, lion. Wm. Scbright Lascelles, James Pattison. Petitions praying for the immediate abolition of Negro apprenticeship, were presented by Mr. Broadley from places in the East Riding of Yorkshire ; by Mr. E. Tennent from several dissenting coug►egations in the county of Down ; by Mr. Bennet from South Wiltshire, and by Mr. Ashton Yates from the Presbyterian congregations of Belfast. Mr. JA MES presented petitions from places in Scotland against further endowments to the Church of Scotland, and praying for the establishment of additional schools in the Highlands. Mr. KINNAIRD presented a petition from Perth in favour of the abolition of the system of Negro ap i arenticeship. Also a petition praying the Lords of the Treasury to issue an order that the morning mails might be stopped. Mr. HUTT 0 N presented a petition from certain gentlemen who bad served the office of Grand Jurorsi n Dublin, praying ri v li r ,) ' _\-/- t e. Grim. in,alvindietrneht,..lli _ ._ . -4 -........ . or a change in the mode of preparing ip.,, ,;$,,, ~ .-.--, A . 'The petition was ordered to be printed with the Votes. . ... _: 4 Mr. GROTE presented a petition from a place in Pert shire against additional endowments to the Churp, l-- ai Sgdt=2:.,V 4 , 114. ..,„1- t p..,, Sir R. INGLIS oresente i petitions from Birmingham arlarAT Banbury against the suppression of the Bishopric of &a' r and Man. ~\~ `~ ~; i Captain WEMYSS presentcd petitions from Fife against. Negro slavery, further endowments to the Church of Scotland, and the Corn-laws. Mr. WILBRAHANI presented a petitio from Congleton against the Small Tenemen!s Mr. FINCH presented a petition from the Mayor and Al dermen of Tenby, praying for'a lower rate of postage. Lord DALMENY presented several petitions prayi - nfor the immediate abolition of Negro appreoticeship. LONDON AND CROYDON RAILWLY. On the motion of Captain A L SAG E U., the Repo , : of the. Committee on the London and Croydon Railway Mil was further considered, and the Bill was ordered to be engrocsed. Mr. H. STEUART presented petitions from several phices in Scotland, praying for the immediate abolition of Negro apprenticeship. Mr. GILLON presented petitions from Falkirk, Kilbride, in Ayrshire, Kincardine, Batligate, and otl:cr places, against any further endowment to the CLurch of Scotland. Also a petition from Linlithgow, against the Highland Schools Bill. Mr. C. LUSHINGTON presented two petitions in favour of the immediate abolition of Negro apprel:ticeship. Mr. SHAW presented several petitions avinst the prosent system of National Education in Ireland. DECCAN PRIZE MONEY. Mr. HUAIE presented a petition from a gentleman in the' Fleet Prison, praying the House to institute an i nq ui r y i n t o the non-distribution of the Deccan Prize Money. The booty was taken in 1817 and 1818, and no final distribution had yet taken place. Twenty years was too long to wait for such a purpose. He would move that the petition be printed, with a view to bringing it under the notice of the House after the recess. CHURCH PROPERTY. Colonel SIBTHORP was sorry that he did not see the Secretary for the Home Department in his place ; but though he was present he could not have any hesitation in moving " That a return of the present valuation, as far as can he ascertained, of all the property in lands, manors, forests,, liberties, or of any nature whatsoever, which originally be-. longed to the several monasteries, abbeys, chapelries, or other reljg - ious houses, which, under various pretexts, and for other purposes than those for which they were established and endowed, have been from time to time alienated from. the service of the Church ; also a Return of the names of tha individuals to whom and the periods at which such were ~ ranted, and by whom they are now severally enjoyed." He thought it was high time that some Member should rise and defend the Church Establishment. He trusted the Noble Lord would not shrink from any inquiry into these matters. LThe Hon. and Gall Ant Member read a long extract from the celebrated letter of Edmund Burke to the Duke of Bedforol; in which the latter was taunted with the ciroumstiw ee that an ances'or of his had become possessed of certain Churclr property in an unworthy manner.] He (Colonel Sibthorp) had taken great pains to ascertain the exact amount of property which had been alienated from the Church in the . - uanner alluded to by Burke—in fact, of which the Church had bete robbed. la making calculations he had to rely chiefly upon ,historical records and he believed that such alienated property would be found to amount to no less a sum than 938,308,1:001.—(A laugh.) Where was the Hon. Member for Kilkenny ?--(Hear, hear, from Mr. Hume, and laughter.) Why did not that Hon. Member take up this subject ? He was sorry that he d;.d not see the Noble Lord the Member for Stroud or the Right Hon. Genti=an the Chancellor of the Exchequer in their piaces, but he hcped that no opposition would be given to this motion by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman (her Majesty's Attorney-General). The Gallant Officer conclUded by reading the terms of his motion. _ . . The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, that the only reply which he could give the Honourable and Gallant Officer was, that it would be impossible to furnish the returns which he had moved for.--( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The ii9noural4ic and Gallant Officer had- not suggested to whom the orders for these returns were to be directed. They would go to every landed proprietor in England or Wales, and it Nv , ,Ael be necessary to search titles for a period of three or four huOdred . 7/ears back to see whe ther or not their estates ever beloagtrf to the Church, and having done this, to ascertain when tl..‘q . :, ,, Tere granted front the Church, and to whom. Oa a moderate eL'lculition, at least fifty thousand orders should be issued by th,' House, and at least one of titles examined.—(Lang,`n. 2l % ) fie suit_ posed that the motion of the Hon. and Gallant 0 was intended merely as a piece of pleaiantry, and to au:use the House.—( Laughter.) He should not have th mgln It neces sary to say anything in replying to the motion of the h n. and Gallant Ofliecr, if it hal not been suggested to him by his Noble Friend ( Lord Nterpth) that he ought to ex plain to the House what its :nature really was. He hoped that the Hon. and Gallant (Meer, seeing. the utter impossibility of furnishing these returns, - would con sent to wilidraw the motion. Colonel SIBTEIORP could assure the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that if he supposed that he (Colonel g.) came there to waste the time of the House, or to amuse it, .he was totally mistaken. Ha trusted that none of those alluded to by the Ilonourable and Learned Attorney- General had had their title-deeds in the lat.! fire in the Teniple.—(Laughte."-) He treated the observations of the Honorable and Lei.rneLl Gentleman with the most sovereign contempt—(Laughter)— and he was surprised that they should have fallen from one holding such a situation, as he must be supposed to be a man of education and a gentleman. The motion was then put, and negatived without fS CATHOLIC FUNEIf.AL RITES. Sir R. BATE SON said, in rising to move for the napters of which he had given notice he would not detain them lon n the 14th of Jan., about 3 o'clock, the funeral of Mrs. Cathcart a Catholic arrived in the cathedral churchyard of Derr v. Not'ee had been given that the Priests were going to attend,. and the Dean at once said, that he would not allow the law to , be broken—he would not allow a Catholic funeral to he cele brated in a Protestant churchyard. Upon such intimation the nearest relative said, if the Priests attempted to attend, he it euld not, and he ( Sir R. B.) believed that he did not attend.. He had the written depositions in h:s hand, sworn before the Mayor of Derry, which stated that the funeral took place contrary to the wishes of the Protestant clergy, and of the officers connected with the Cathedral ; but the Ro man Catholic priests attended there in their robes ; that all the ceremonies of the Raman Catholic burial took place —the consecrated clay—the ceremony of the mass and prayers in Latin for the soul of the deceased. All this took place as was stated in the depositions. The Dean of Derry, upon the 16th, wrote a letter to Mr. Drummond, calling upon the Irish Government to purish that gross infringement of law and breach of the statute. On the 27th Mr. Drummond wrote an answer to the Dean of Derry, stating that he had consulted the law officers of the Crown, aed that they considered there was no breach of the Act of the 10th of George IV., chap 7, because Mr: Attorney-General Wolfe assumed the Dean of Derry had granted permission fur the funeral. He begged to ask the Noble Lord opposite if that was not a most extraordinary assumption, when the Dean of Derry wrote and complained of an inlraction of the law, that the Attorney-General should assume that he had given permission to the per formance of that,ceren ony. It was an Irish assumption, and caire with a peculiar ill grace from the Attorney-Gene ml of Ireland, he Laing himself a Roman Catholic. The Dean of Derry immediately wrote a contradiction to the assumptior, that he Lad given the slightest countenance to the ceremony taking place in the Cathedral church ard. . After the lapse of t: - see weeks from that time another letter came from Mr. Secretary Drummond, stating that the Law Officers of the C own conceived it was a breach of the statute, and that the Roman Catholic priests had rendered themselves liable, under that statute, to a fine 0f.50/. It arpeared to him very udd that in the first place an answer was given that no violation of the law had taken place, and then when the Dean stated that he had not given permission, the Law-officers of the Crown took three weeks to read the Act before they stated that the law had been violated. When that answer was given, it was not the wish of the Dean, or of the Protestant inhabi tants of Derry, that any severe punishment should be visited upon the offending parties, but only that they must nut repeat the outrage.—( Hear, hear.) Dr. Maclachlan, the titular Bishop, wrote to Mr. Drlmmond to say that he regretted the occurrence, and that such a thing sleadd never again be done by any person under his authority. The titular Bishop was a most respectable man, and esteemed by all rrties ; but unfortunately for himself and others, he was in a state of infirmity, and had no power in his diocese, which was entirely under the control of his coadjutor, who was the guilty party, and had made no promise not to repeat the of fence. But a repetition of the offoece would he ( Sir R. B.) believed lead to bloodshed. The Protestants of Derry had a sacred regard for the ground in which the bone of their fathers were laid, and amongst them were the bones of many who had died martyrs in the Protestant cause. The feelings of these persons had been grossly insulted, and they were two to obtain redress.—( Hear, hea r .) Since that tine, other attempts had been made to insult the Protestants. Ile had also been informed, this day, by a l otter he had received from Derry, that a Protes tant child had been forcibly taken from Wynn's Charity school. lie could not conceive any justification for such csnduct. His constituents felt very sore upon the subject, and wished for an explanation from her Maj, sty's Govern ment ; and for the purpose efgiving an opportunity to Ministers to give that explanation, he should mov e for a copy of the correspondence that had taken place between the Irish Government and the law officcrs of the Crown ; also b stn cell the Dean of Derry and D r.Maclachlan relative to the disturbances that bad taken I lace in the church yard of Derry, on the 14th of January. An 110 N. MEMBER seconded the motion. Lord MORPETII ittAl no objection whatever to the pro duction of the documents, except the opinion of the law officers of the Crown, which he believed it was not usual to l ro,luee. With respect to the case itselr. be hal no doubt that the pro_ ceding alluded to was a most impr(per, ni:auttimiscd, indeli cate, and illegal proceeding.__( Hear, twat.. ) Ile ttid t understand that the Dean of D.:rry had e!.,)r!,5.-,1 iaty wish for Government to institute any prosceu.ion a r, hear, hear.) What he called on Goit:run - tent to do was to pro. • r e d the inhabitants of Derry a g ains t the repetition of such outrages on their feelings. The Government thought this could be best done by pointing out to the Roman Catho lic impropriety of their proceedings, lie Clergy the and a letter was written to their titular Bishop, acquainting him with the n ature of the proceeding , , and warning hint again s t co mmitting any repetition of them. The Bishop in reply stated that no such proceedings should ever take place again. He