The Sun. — London, England, 1836-02-09 00:00:00

cutors, and he contended that none should be suffered to exist. --Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. REGISTRATION OF VOTERS. The AT TORNEY -GENERAL moved for leave to bring In a 13111 for the more effectual registration of persons entitled to vote in the election of Members to serve in Parliament in England and \Vales. The object of the Bill which he wished to introduce was to give the fullest effect to the Reform Act. He did not think it necessary to explain it any further.— Leave given. inaccuracy existed in the report on which this Bill was founded, or whatever want of harmony might be apparent be tween them, the fault did not rest with the Hon. Mover or ' with the Committee. It was not supposed at the time that Ireland would be included in any alteration which might be proposed as the result of its deliberations, and, therefore, less evidence had been offered in relation to the systens on which the lighthouses were governed in that country than would otherwise have been. It was, therefore,' judged only fair to exclude Ireland from the effect of any legislatio n affecting its interests on this point, until they had an oppor tunity of ascertaining the actual state of things there. He felt it a duty to his constituents and to the Ballast Board of Dublin, to whose case this important department was entrusted in Ireland, to state, that they lately effected some considerable additions and judicious improvements in this branch of the public service, while, at the same time, they had, by good management, been able to relieve the shipping interest of a portion of the charges hitherto paid by vessels availing themselves of the lights on the Irish coast. They had, in fact, at once reduced the duty and increased the ac commodation to the public.—( Hear, hear.) it might natu rally be asked, at what outlay were these benefits effected ? What amounts of salaries were paid for this superior species of management? Not one ! It was all done gratuitously. This was (as far as he knew) the first instance of a Board not regu larly paid which did any good. It had effected especial good in the south of Ireland, where formerly not a winter had passed without numerous shipwrecks ; yet he was happy to say that, for the last eight winters, not a single one had occurred, mainly in consequence of the admirable arrangements of the Ballast Board. These were the reasons why Ireland had been ex cluded from the present attempt at centralization. It did well enough as it was, and it ought to be left so. This was the opinion both of the Hon. Mover and himself, and he was sure the House would agree in the propriety of the course pursued in the Bill now brought before them. Mr. ROBINSON expressed his conviction of the necessity of placing the subject on an improved footing, though he did not think the proposed course an unexceptionable one. His principal objection was to diminish the charges intended to promote the benefit of the shipping of this country. He was happy to hear the President of the Board of Trade had under taken to forward the great objects of the Bill, in which he (Mr. Robinson) felt such a deep concern, and he should esteem it his duty to lend him his best support. Mr. G. F. YOUNG was sorry that the Hon. Member for Middlesex had not given the Bill into the hands of Go vernment, and lamented the pertinacity with which he and the Hon. Member for Dublin clung to an anomalous system, which, it was avowed, was of no benefit to the indivi duals who worked it. He called the attention of the House to the fact that the item of 42,0001. per annum, which stood in the account to the credit of the Irish Board of Management, was paid by English shipping instead of Irish, and he must therefore contend that England was called on to legislate for the protection of her maritime interests on Irish shores, and fully justified in insisting on the adoption of a consistent and systematic arrangement for the empire. With respect to the pensions, he believed that the feeling in their favour was almost universal, and no good reason was shown for their discontinuance. He defended the shipping owners from the charges which the Hon. Member for Middlesex ad vanced against them, of apathy and ignorance, contending that they wisely discriminated in all matters of legislation affecting their interests, and only displaying the anxiety and alarm on which he (Mr. Hume) animadverted when unwise and unjust attempts were made to interfere with their earnings by legislative enactments. In conclusion he expressed a hope that the Bill would pass, shorn of its objectionable clauses. Mr. SHAW declared that it was exceedingly unjust to in clude the Ballast Board of Ireland in the accusations which had been made against inefficient public or private bodies. It was fully established that the system they pursued had worked well. He hoped that, under circumstances, the House would see the inconsistency and unfairness of introducing Ire land into the contemplated arrangement. An HoN. MEMBER was happy to hear that the President of the Board of Trade had consented to support the principle of the Bill, confirming to the Trinity House the sole control of English lighthouses. He was not aware of a single instance brought before.the Committee of abuse of its powers. Colonel J. PARRY was happy to add his testimony in favour of the conduct of the Board of the Trinity House, who were looked up to with gratitude by the poor receivers of its pensions. These trifling annuities were not receivable till the claimant was past seventy, and it was further stated as a quali fication, was not able to beg. Representing, as he did, the interests of six seaports, and of a numerous maritime popu lation, he felt happy in stating his cunvicion that his consti tuents would be quite satisfied with the progress of the Bill under the care which the President of the Board of Trade had promised to extend to it. Lord S A NDON would not allow the Irish Members to stand alone in their praise of the Ballast Board, whose merits Ile was happy to substantiate. He disliked the spirit of mono poly, and would be glad to see each country administering its own proper department of the public service. When a late attempt was made to bring up the old establishment of Kil mainham Hospital he was proud of the opportunity it afforded him of upholding the rights of Ireland and advocating the con sideration which should ever be extended by the Legislature to the feelings of old soldiers in the peaceful sanctuary where • they had retired to end their days. He felt quite satisfied that the Trinity House was competent to conduct the English branch of the service, and be should therefore cheerfully sup port the Bill. Mr. PEASE said that it appeared to be taken for granted that the whole amount specified by the Hon. Member for Mid dlesex might be consistently viewed as a surplus ; but this, he believed, was not the case. The funds so raised by light house dues were properly intended, and liable to be appro priated to the improvement of coasts which yet needed the aid of local Boards, and the application of these very funds in pro viding an extension of illumination, and other accompanying measures, for the safety of shipping, completion of harbours, the improvement and repairs of lighthouses, &c. If these funds were taken away the Tiinity House would necessarily be de barred the accomplishment of the great national ends to which this Bill appeared designed as one of the principal means. He thought that a certain portion of this surplus ought to be an nually taken for the improvement of particular portions of the coast seriatim. He believed it was a question whether the constitution of the Trinity House was altogether such as the House would wish, but he felt that it would be unworthy of Parliament to circumscribe a fund on which much de pended. Mr. HUME would not wish to take a shilling from the fund at present appropriated to the poor pensioners, but he should object to allow anything to be added to it, Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER obtained leave to bring in a Bill to amend an act for carrying into fur- ther execution the compensation for slaves. On Mr. POTTER'S name being called, he said he re gretted that several objections had been made to the motion of which he had given notice, and which stood for that evening, to prevent Railways crossing turnpike-roads and highways on the level ; he should, therefore, withdraw his mutton, and hoped, with the assistance of a friend, to bring it forward in a less objectionable shape, He felt convinced the subject was one of great importance, and he took the liberty earnestly to recommend to those Hon. Gentlemen, who so soon would have to sit in judgment on the great number of Railway Bills which would be introduced, to protect the roads of the country, and not allow Railways to cross them on the level. A great many frightful accidents bad happened to persons whilst crossing and overtaken by the trains. Ho could mention eeveral. The Noble Lord (the Secretary at War) had a very narrow escape a short time ago in the North—he was creasing a road, when the train very nearly caught him—if it had, his Lordship must have been saerilleed on the 5p0t......( Hear.) He (Mr. Putter) felt convinced Ratiweya.might, with little lneenvenience to the proprietors, be prevented atauing roads on the level. In two Railway Acts ; already passed, lie had succeeded in getting a clause similar to the one he intended introducing in his motion to night—one was in the North Union, so far as the parish of Wigan was concerned—and the other was in the Bolton, Bury, and Manchester Railway, on the whole length of the line. The latter Act only passed last Session.—( Hear.) ------- TURNPIKE TRUSTS. N , lr. F. MAULE moved for leave to bring in a Bill to t ilosise the conso lid at i on o f t h e trusts in turnpike roads hi that part of Great Britain called -n ' land. He said th e country l oo k e d to some better system respecting turnpike roaels than th e one now pract i se d , and it was to meet p t that ur pectaraex tionmed He expressed his w illi ngness to h ear suggest i ons from a ll quarters, particularly from country Gentlemen ; and "lifd that, as his only anxiety was to make the measure as Perfect as possible, he was open to conviction come from whom I t might. O A . II HON. M EMBER did no t w i s h to see t h e turnp ik e trusts i n hi bands of Government, or made the object of Ministerial ltronsge. H e vies o f op i n i on t h at if t h e Bill o f t h e H on. 'Member became law, the Ministers in a very few years would have to come down isa the House to ask a grant for keeping the turnpike roads of the kingdom in repair. Leave given to bring in the Bill. EXPENSES AT ELECTIONS. Mr. HUME moved for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the expenses at elections for Members to serve in Parliament for England end Wales. He said that it would be in the re collection of the House that in the session of 1834 a Commit tee sat up stairs to consider of the subject of elections. He was t hen Chairman, and by them he was instructed to bring in a Bill to regulate elections. That Bill contained three different su bjects .-1. The expenses at elections ; 2. The time of ta king i ., the poll; and 3. The qualification of the voters. The Ho use would recollect that the Bill underwent a change when s t came before them, and that the change consisted in the se paration of the " qual i f i cat i on " port i on f rom t h e ot h ers . His Hon. Friend the Member for Hastings bad subsequently brought in a Bill respecting the qualification of electors. The f.r„eset Bill only dealt with the expenses at elections the qua if cation would be embodied in another Bill by the Hon. Mem -1,3,e for Cornwall. The Hon. Member concluded by moving Sot lea ve to bring in the Bill.—Leave given. LIGHTHOUSES. Mr._ HUME moved for leave to bring in a Bill for vesting ,;,ffhthoeses on the coast of England in the Corporation of pinity ficuse Deptford Stroud. It would be in the recol lection of the 'House, that in 1334 a Committee sat up stairs ° 1 : the su bj ect o f lighthouses in the United Kingdom, and that be' as Chairman 0 ! that Committee, acting under their in structions, had brought in a Bill for consolidating them all in °ne body of Commissioners, the Trinity Board. On that oc- Fasion he had been opposed by the Hon. and Learned Mem ber fcr Dublin and the Irish Members, who objected to the transference of their lighthouse admisiistration to the Trinity Board ; and also by the Hon. Members fcr Scotland, who did not think the Trinity Board the best for their interests. He (M e. Hume) would candidly state that he was of the same ?Pinion. He thought the Government should make the sub jeet, a Ministerial question, and he should feel very glad to i,Pgn it into their hands if they would undertake to do so. .aete were great and glaring discrepancies in connection With the subject, as regarded the different rates of payment in 1 . 41 i013 places, the quality of the light, and other matters. 4. 11 ' Was proved before the Committee to which he had alluded i i •• 1 . , :f no less a sum than 250,000/. a year was raised upon the t i li b i sts of the coast, while it was in evidence at the same time ttat 70,000/. per annum would be quite sufficient to keep L e al up as they were now maintained. The difference Zutsveen these two sums was a dead loss and a waste ho use establment should be taken under the charge of Go leranlent. There should not be a weighty and partial impost exchtsively on that branch of the industry of the country. thMany Hon. Members agreed with him in this opinion, but he i t °t ight that CS a body like the Trinity Board already existed , w °uld b e as wall to begin by consolidating the lights of Eng ler in the m . It was surprising that none of the shipping in est stirred in the nSstter themselves. The shipping as well h a th e agricultural interssst, should look to relief from local ,surtheris. The greatest evil in connection with the subject han ds that which involved privatg lighthouses—lighthouses in the an a , s es of individuals. It might be urged that they were t r , - ,," t ed by the Crown in virtue of its prerogative ; but the tb - swn had no more right to empower then; to tax a portion of th e c ommunity than it had to tax the entire itself. That was I : way the case stood. He complained therefore that Go a`rarnents, not the present, but recent Governments—had re 9wed the leases of the lighthouses, notwithstanding Mr. lIus • iss °n and Mr. Berries had pledged themselves to the contrary th • air respective times. It was a subject which deserved the tieasideration of tho Board of Trade. No doubt there were va i•eLas reasons urged against the consolidation of these private t i t t " t ‘s _s with the others, such as the payment o f 100,000/. to 1 e weeds and Forests, in lieu of th e ri g hts of the Crown ; but ~, e o f o ntended that in suc h a case the Crown ought to have no heleets, or, if it had, that it ought to relinquish them for the he Trinity o f t h e üblic. The mo de of mana g ement ado p ted by Trinity House was in his opinion highly objectionable. eist le Y collected from the commer ce of the country fora spe-, Pes e turPose was applied by them to the p a y ment of sailors tae s -Its • Until lately , a l so, there was no res p onsibility at / --a "M to that body, so that they could do as they pleased. Q 1 834 the Trinity House had the charge of 55 lights. The e re a l en tle of this number of lights amounted to 83,000/. per an 0,350 this, 6,0001. was expended on the collection , and " 0 1. on maintaining and keeping up the lights , leaving a surpl us of 41,100/. a year. This sum was applied to the pay ment of pensions to certain old seamen ; but he maintained that, however deserving the objects, it was not fit the Board lbould have such al3 expenditure without any controul. The neat branch of the subject was the private lights. In 1834, there were fourteen private lights on the coasts of England and Wales, the revenue of which amounted to 79,6761. Of this enormous sum, 10,0001. were spent in the collection of the enti re , and 9,000/. in keeping up the lights, leaving a surplus of upwards of 50,0001. to divide between thirteen or fourteen individuals, the lessees and proprietors. It was a most scandalous thing, and should not be allowed to eSist a day longer. The object of the Bill which he pro- Paged to introduce to the House was to consolidate these Private lights in the Trinity Board, and place them solely nailer th e managemen t o f th a t b o dy. He was of opinion that these lights should be brought before a jury to award com rlnsation t o th e proprietors. The Bill, however, did not Co rporation it c om p u l sor y. It contained a provision to enable the s-o rporatio n of the Trinity House to purchase them on reason l'hie terms from the lessees, but if they could not agree on it 'Pee, it emp owere d that body to bring the question before a o p' for a r bi trat i on . He thought he might say, without fear c ontradiction, that if the suggestions of the Committee Wer e acted on from 15,000/. to '20,000/. would be saved the fir ti s :Year—a large and desirable economy, which he believed Board of the Trinity House would be perfectly able to r Y into effect. In the present state of the Irish and Scotch a rils of Management they might safely remain as subj ects .:future consideration ; and he would feel qu ite satisfied the H ou se would, a t this stage of the subject, confine its attention e9the more i m p or tant interest involved in the arrange ments P e cially affecting the safety and liabilities of Engl ish ship ng• He hoped that Government would give its sanction to 11°1 e Princ: 1 of this Bill. It appeared that there was so me h f °- etquette (taoug.. -e was not precisely aware on what e'sundation is existed), which rendered it necessary that the ili e _asent of the Crown should be obtained to a Bill of this na wirle, but which he trusted would not be taken advantage of a e i re such extensive interests were at stake. r t. - P. THOMSON declared his willingness to give every ' s tance to the Hon. Member for Middlesex in forwarding de very d es i ra bl e o bjects of the Committee, and did not un sihrsh,tand on what grounds he or the Government coul d pos ue charged with any intention of neglecting the impor tant interests involved in the notice now before the House. p p e jlon. Member had brought this measure forward at a g o ad of the previous Session too late to effect any practical . ca,; but he (Mr. Thorson) had, without hesitation, of 'th e u the Hon. Member his best assistance in carrying out ore, principle of reform reconueended by the Committee, be thought it would facilitate its adoption, would pro s,, . " s a Bill himself. He was therefore somewhatnotice surpriseond the to i th e B on . Member coming down without as -e sent occasion, and proposing the Bill without further r a reunication. He had indeed stated, in conclusion, that Was ready to allow him and the Government . to follow up e measure, and leave the Bill in their hands , if the y would ado pt; his v i ews ; but be (Mr. Thomsen) thought tlsat this aS rath er more th an the Hon. Member had a right to es:.- p ti e e e s t ' and he must beg leave to decline acting on su ch dicta li'S If the Hon. Member left the subject entirely in his a nds, he would consider it his duty to take every care to itit to the House in the way that he thought best a i s e s ul atcd to ensure its support of the principles embodied s a `",e recommendation of the Committee. He quite agree d s ait t "e encomiums pronounced on the views of that Com - Sski t „ e t e, as well as in those on the attention and industry the Hon. Member fur Middlesex brought to bear on ev e subject, in the capacity of its Chairman. He must, how- Her' say, that he thought it rather inconsistent that he (Mr. te „ -t ue) did not follow up their valuable suggestions in his pre ()Ft Bill, H ear . ) They recommended the establishment unif o m system for the controul of the lighthouses of „E n gland, Irelana, and Scotland , and th at this p ower should be ts„ge (l in th e h an d .s of the Trinity House ; but th e Hon aoklaoer thought othee•wise on both these points. On the N , of of p ens i ons, which formed another grand difference o f ft w lif he (Mr. Thomson), perhape, thought with him, that to e-8 somewhat inconsistent to levy rates on a particular in -441 st ostensibly for one purpose, as:el distribute the proceeds a b t !ugst another class for a very diffe,•ent one ; yet still the , s , i ' s 'etion to the system was mere specuietive than practical, sssus.unless some great abuse were pointed out in its operation, should not think himself justified in being accessary to its • 11 rbance He called espe c i a l a ttention to the fact, that ti t . ssksr o f e tiger the parties interested in the present arrangement tile t S °l nsslained of any injury or injustice, and both were anxious f it should continue. He thought there was no just ground a '.T complains On the necessity for asking the consent of the rewn in cases of this nature, where such varied and impor tant nation f interests were committed to its guardianship. It has tits a contin.on usage of Parliament, but lion. Members g : feel assure d t h a t no arbitraq or inconsi s t en t slsfnands 4 . 1 ! fl be made on the part of the Crown. The wished-tor ailZtr a ssements could not be made on, the instant, as consider er,er, gate property as well as public was involved ; but he a'ssure the Ilouse that no unnecessary difficulties would -1: throe, si in the way. He certainly could not fully acquiesce nevertheless Pros isiosse of the Bill of the Hon. Member, but he would, i n si f e rtheles s ,s facilitate his leading objects, and support the Bill details as far as be consis could. Mr, O'Co . I IINELL felt it hisduty to state that, whatever ON DON, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1836, THE SUN, .11.4.- vessels into our ports. Between this and the interdiction of I all commercial intercourse, or other remedies, you, as the re `'‘fatives of the people, must determine. I recommend press:...the present po s t ure o f our affairs, as being the —munerce, and as attended with the least di diffic"al ultyifGovernment , der u s th e j ust i ce that i s stronger mea sures, i..of ofandsho should cr t F o ra the nc : re.. pbreeliim.einndaerryedstei7 to necessz:v subse quent events. The return of our Charge d'Affaires is attended with public ds also their as a adoption prproper r notices of naval preparations on the part of France, destined fur o ur seas. Of the cause and intent of these armaments I have no authentic information, nor any means of judging, ex cept such as arc common to yourselves and to the public ; but whatever may be their object, we are not at liberty to regard them as unconnected with the measures which hostile move ments on the part of France may.compel us to pursue. They at least deserve to be met by adequate preparation on our part, and I therefore strongly urge large and speedy appro. priations for the increase of the navy, and the completion of our coast defences. If thii array of military force be really designed to affect the action of the Government and people of the United States, on the questions now pending between the two nations, then, in deed, would it be dishonourable to pause a moment on the al ternative which such a state of affairs would present to us. Come what may, the explanation which France demands can never be accorded ; and no armament, however powerful and imposing at a distance, or on our coast, will, I trust, deter us from discharging the high duties we owe to our Constituents, to our national character, and to the world. The House of Representatives, at the close of the last Ses sion of Congress, unanimously resolved that the treaty of the 4th July, 1831, should be maintained, and its execution in sisted on by the United States. It is due to the welfare of the human race, not less than to our own interests and honour, that this resolution should, at all hazards, be adhered to. If, after so signal an example as that given by the American people, during their long-protracted difficulties with France, of forbearance under accumulated wrongs, and of generous confidence in her ultimate return to justice, she shall now be permitted to withhold from us the tardy and imperfect indem. nification, which, after years of remonstrance and discus sion, had at length been solemnly agreed on by the treaty of 1831, and to set at nought the obligation it imposes, the United States will not be the only sufferers. The efforts of humanity and religion, to substitute the appeals of justice and the arbitrament of reason, for the coercive measures usually re sorted to by injured nations, will receive little encouragement from such an issue. By the selection and enforcement of such lawful and expedient measures as may be necessary to pre vent a result so injurious to ourselves, and so fatal to the hopes of the philanthropist, we shall, therefore, not only pre serve the pecuniary interests of our citizens, the independence of our Government, and the honour of our country, but do much, it may be hoped, to vindicate the faith of treaties, and to promote the general interests of peace, civilization, and im provement. ANDREW JACKSON. Washington, Jan. 15, 1836. WAR IN SPAIN. OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS. " GENERAL ORDER. " " Comrades I—F H or e g ad Quarters, etfuloftiiefr A fo lb r u m rg er o Jan. 6 d , efeatslon, so many celebrated positions, and blinded by their overweening pride and confidence, the enemy are now on the heights of Arlaban, and have the presumption to defy our power. We accept their challenge, and, to satisfy your ardour, I am now about to lead you to battle—in other words, to victory 1 " Let us all, then, call to mind the deep obligations we owe to our country, to the throne, and to the reputation of this brave army, at once our honour and our life ; and the honours and rewards we have hitherto received would only serve to heighten our humiliation, were, soldiers, the day ever to arrive on which we should lose these distinctions. Comrades ! I ask not your confidence, for I know the extent to which I possess it ; but I ask of you to preserve that perfect order which insures victory in action, and which at all times reflects honour on the profession of arms. " Brave and generous foreigners ! who are come to fight for the progress of civilization, let us us sec, animated by a spirit of generous emulation, to which nation Fortune will t o -d a y award her f avours , an d Victory her brightest crown. " My heart, it is true, desires and disputes it for the war riors of my own country, but my equity will adjudge it, to those who, the most favoured by fortune, shall have the best oppor tunity of deserving it ; the bond which has united our efforts and our interests places on the same basis the rights of those who fight for the cause of liberty. " Spanish soldiers ! let us act like champions who were the most ancient possessors of freedom in Europe. CORDOVA. " Given at my head-quarters at Vittoria, Jan. 16, 1836. " Soldiers of the British Legion I—The above is the ad dress of the General-in-Chief to this .army, every word of which will, I know, find an echo in your own generous and enthusiastic spirit. The moment, then, which you have so long desired, to engage in a general action with the enemy, is arrived. You will rejoice at this intelligence. In Britain and in Europe your conduct excites the deepest interest. The sacred cause you have come to support is at stake. You will therefore feel imperatively called on to display the most noble and energetic efforts. I will only add one word more, and that is to invite you, on approaching the enemy, to call t• mind that every step you take will be on a sod already moist ened with the blood and illustrated by the imperishable glory of our countrymen. "DE LACY EVANS." " Asua, Jan. 19, 1836. " Most Excellent Sir,-_I made the movement with the column under my command of the 16th inst., directed by your Excellency, for the occupation of Arbulo and Labiana. Pre vious to taking up these quarters, deeming it consistent with your Excellency's intentions, I moved forward on the Salva tierra side, first towards the right, and later in the day towards the left, in order to distract the enemy's attention. During these movements the companies of volunteers of Vittoria drove the insurgents out of the village of Mendigur. They, how ever, soon returned in much greater force, and might have overpowered our troops had not Brigadier-General Chichester rapidly come up with the Ist and 2d British Auxiliary Regi ments to their succour, and again expelled the enemy from that portion of the village they had occupied. The force opposed to us did not altogether appear to be above five battllions, and 300 or 400 horse. Towards evening they made a second and more determined attempt to recover Mendigur. The 3d or Westminster Grenadier Guards, under Lieutenant- Colonel Churchill, bein g brought up, th e y c h arge d i nto a wood, immediately below the village, strongly occu pied by the Carlists, and drove them out of it in very gallant style. This seemed to satisfy our opponents ; they fell back on the fortified heights of Maturara. The night closed, and we occupied, as before intended, Arbulo, &c. On the 17th, the column advanced by its left, under cover of some heights and a heavy fog, and, taking possession of the four bridges over the Zadorra, near Asua, passed that river, and took up a position on the heights on the right bank, and towards Ma rieta, occupyinc , the whole of this part of the valley of Baron. dia, up to the foot of the mountains, and holding Asua in our rear with a brigade. position I considered well calculated to cover the right of your Excellency's force, while operating on the French road, under your immediate direction. In the affair at Mendigur our position was so favourable, or the enemy are such indif ferent marksmen, that up to this time, not w ith s t an di ng t h e l f heavy fire, our casualties are not, I believe, above 10 or 20, including 3 officers, one of whom is an aido.de-vamp of Briga dier-General The Spanish brigade, which your Excellency directed to join me, has arrived, and I have directed two battalion!' of General Espartero's division from Unguietta, to take post im mediately at Manclares de Gamboa, for the security of my left, which is now exposed by the romoval of the troops from Arlaban. The fog is now so profound, that I have with drawn the troops under Brigadier- General Reid from Marieta into the main position of Zuaso, and assuring your Excel lency that the conduct of the troops, both Spanish and Eng lish, including the battalion of Castile and the ist British Lancers, was worthy of your approval, I have tho honour to be your ExcelleliCy'S most obedient humble servant, " DE L, EVA NS, Lieutenant-Gnml, " His Excellency Lieutenant-General Don Luis de Cordova, &c," " Head-quarters, Asua, Jan. 20, 1836. " Most Excellent Sir,—After having remained three days On the positions in the Barondia valley, close to the enemy's fastnesses and fortified points, the weather continuing intensely severe and obscure, precluding almost the possibility of any further operations for the moment, I passed in three columns to the left bank of the Zadorra, without the slightest inter ruption or irregularity, and by your Excellency's despatch, which I had the honour to receive- last night, I am happy to find that this will meet with your approbation, as - well as the movement which I am now commencing, to occupy the ad vanced cantoments of Alegria, Argomanez, &. " I have the honour to be your Excellency' most obedient humble servant, DE L. EVANS, Lieutenant-General. " His Excellency Lieutenant-General Don Luis Cordova, &c. " The officers wounded are Major Thompson, Ist Regiment, slightly; Captain Jockmus, Bth Regiment, Aide-de-Camp to Brigadier-General M'Dougall, severely; Captain Fitzgerald, of the Westminster Grenadiers, severely." The O'Connor Don has refused to pair off with a decided Tory Member, THE COUNTESS OF MINTO'S " AT HOME."— On Frid a y evening the drawing rooms o f t h e Lady of the First Lord of the Admiralty, were illuminated for the first time this season, they having previously undergone some improvements. The party met at half-past ten, and broke up at one o'clock. There were present the Polish Prince mi . . Steph en Czartorisky, an d hi s nep h ew , C ount T amows ki , M arqu i s o f Lansdow ne , L ady Brougham, and Captain Ed e n, Count de Grammont, M r. and Lady Mary Wood, Lady Charlotte ‘ L i n dsay, Colonel and Mrs. Fer g u son , Vi scoun t e ss Howick, Rice, - Adam, air. and Mrs. Tuffnell, Mr, 1110( 1 1 . a av , A i. poptor nay; Mr. Gall ey v 1 4 Rear-Admiral Sir Charles and Lad , ; ~,,, .ol 4 bqi, 'lle -cligr Ocayat,' of the Austrian P.g4ibn, k - 4 . 0ii.. Mrs." krid t-j Sfis ‘ • Eliot, Sir 'John and Lady Pechell; Lady 'Williams, Mr'. Pi oµ, Mr, and Mrs , Drum- Mond, &C . , - lace en Friday even. ing hext l 0 OTANI', DUTY ON NEWSPAPERS.--A public meeting - will be held at Hull on Tuesday, having for its end the repeal of this odious, unjust, and demoralizing tax upon knowledge, TITHES, Mr. SHEIL moved fora return of the number of bills filed in the Court of Exchequer in Ireland for the recovery of tithes, and the names of the attorneys who fled such bills. Mr. SHAW objected to a motion of this nature being made without the usual notice. Mr. S EIL had no objection to giving notice, but he thought it unnecessary, as he did not anticipate any objection to his motion from the Noble Lord who was Secretary for Ireland. Mr. SHAW ;aid that it would be more regular to give notice of the motion. Mr. i 3 HEIL then gave the usual notice for to.morrow (till day). Lord ORPETH brought in a Bill having reference to the subject of tithes ; but from the low tone in which the Noble Lord spoke, it was impossible to catch its immediate object. Adjourned at Nine o'clock. HIS MAJESTY'S ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS OF THE COMMONS. We understand that while the gallery was closed, the fol owing answer of his Majesty to the Address of the Commons was presented at the bar and read : " I receive with satisfaction the assurances contained in your loyal and dutiful Address. " It w►ll ever be my study, under the will of Divine Provi dence, to maintain the high character of this country among the nations of the world, and to promote the peace and wel fare of all classes of my subjects." STANDING ORDER COMMITTEE. The following arc the Members who constitute the Select Committee appointed last night, " to whom shall be referred all •Reports front Committees on Petitions for Private Bills, in which it shall be stated, that any of the Standing Orders of this House have not been complied with ; and to report their opinion thereupon from time to time to the House :" Byng, George f3r4bgm fiir J. Pendarves, E. W. Chandos, Marquis of Guest, J. J. Price, Sir It. Clertc, :ill . G., Bart. Knatchbull. Sir E. Ridley, Sir M. W. cliyg ype.4, L owther, Viscount Sa ndon, Lord Denison, I. E. O'Connell, D. Strickland, Sir G. Ebrington 3'ite9Ynt paliner, R. Wood, Alderman Estcourt, r. G. B. p 9 w,, )) , Pon Wrotteslcy, Sir J. B. Nay *pi:it ru ns high in Carnarvon. Two iudivi dua„ , ' V/ ag ent county member and ig I 4 a b ent—are constantly engaged in the dea,scless attempt to enslave Eno porough of Carnarvon ; to accomplish this object, all their agents, Under lings, and retainers, from the highest to the lowest, are per petually in motion,--, Corrnirvon Herald. Notwithstanding the inclemency of the season, a Robin's nest was found containing five eggs, on Friday s e 'n. night, at Yelvertott„" • "'ciA.GE AMERICAN PRESIDENT'S Mho,_. NON-INTERCOURSE WITH FRANCE, AND HOS TILE PREPARATIONS. (From the New York Times of January 20.) SPECIAL MESSAGE. We hasten to lay before our readers the Special Message of the President to Congress. Its firm and dignified sentiments will be responded to and supported by every American heart. Non-intercourse and immediate preparation for the worst, are the measures recommended to meet the unwarrantable demands of France. MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. To THE SiNATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Gentlemen,--In my Message at the opening of your Ses sion, I informed you that our Charge d'Affaires at Paris had been instructed to ask for the final determination of the French Government, in relation to the payment of the indemnifica tion, secured by the treaty. of the 4th of July, 1831, and that when advices on the result should be received, it would be made the subject of a special communication. In execution of this design, I now transmit to you the pa pers numbered from 1 to 13 inclusive, containing, among other things, the correspondence on this subject between our Charge d'Affaires and the French Minister for Foreign Af fairs from which it will be seen that France requires, as a condition precedent to the execution of a treaty uncondition ally ratified, and to the payment of a debt acknowledged by all the branches of her Government to be due, that certain explanations shall be made, of which she dictates the terms. These terms are such as that Government has already been officially informed cannot be complied with ; and, if persisted in, they must be considered as a deliberate refusal on the part of France to fulfil engagements binding by the laws of nations, and held sacred by the whole civilised world. The nature of the act which France requires from this Govern ment, is clearly set forth in the letter of the French Minister, marked No. 4. "We will pay the money, says he, when the Government of the United States is ready, on its part, to declare to us, by addressing its claim to us officially, in wri ting, that it regrets the misunderstanding which has arisen between the two countries ; that this misunderstanding is founded on a mistake ; that it never entered into its inten tion to call in question the good faith of the French Go vernment, nor to take a menacing attitude towards France ;" and he adds, "if the Government of the United States does not give this assurance, we shall be obliged to think that this misunderstanding is not the result of an error." In the let ter marked No. 6. the French Minister also remarks that " the Government of the United States knows that upon it self depends henceforward the execution of the treaty of July 4, 1831." Obliged by the precise language thus used by the French Minister, to view it as a peremptory refusal to execute the treaty, except on terms incompatible with the honour and in dependence of the United States, and persuaded that, on con sidering the correspondence now submitted to you, you can regard it in no other light, it becomes my duty to call your at tention to such measures as the exigency of the case demands, if the claim of interfering in the communications between the different branches of our Government shall be persisted in. This pretension is rendered the more unreasonable by the fact, that the substance of the required explanation has been repeatedly and voluntarily given before it was insisted on as a condition--a condition the more humiliating . , because it is demanded as the equivalent of a pecuniary consideration. Does France desire only a declaration that we had no intention to obtain our rights by an address to her fears rather than to her justice? She has already had it, frankly and explicitly given by our Minister, accredited to her Government, his act ratified by me, and my confirmation of it officially communi cated by him, in his letter to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, of the 25th of April. 1835, and repeated by my pub lished approval of that letter after the passage of the Bill of Indemnification. Does France want a degrading, servile. repetition of this Act, in terms which she shall dictate, and which will involve an acknowledgment of her assumed right to interfere in our domestic concerns ? She will never ob tain it. The spirit of the American people, the dignity of the Legislature, and the firm resolve of their Executive Govern ment, forbid it. As the answer of the French Minister to our Charge d'Af faires at Paris contains an allusion to a letter addressed by him to the representative of France at this place, it now becomes proper to lay before you the correspondence had between that functionary and the Secretary of State relative to that letter, and to accompany the same with such explanations as will enable you to understand the course of the Executive in re gard to it. Recurring to the historical statement made at the commencement of your Session, of the origin and progress of our difficulties with France, it will be recollected that, on the return of our Minister to the United States, I caused my official approval of the explanations he had given to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs - to be made public. As the French Government had noticed the Message without its being offi cially communicated, it was not doubted that, if they were disposed to pay the money due to us, they would notice any public explanation of the Government of the United States in , the same way. But, contrary to these well-founded expecta tions, the French Ministry did not take this fair opportunity to relieve themselves from their unfortunate position, and to do justice to the United States. Whilst, however, the Government of the United States was waiting for the movements of the French Government, in per fect confidence that the difficulty was at an end, the Secretary of War received a call from the French Charge d'Affaires in Washington, who desired to read him a letter he bad received ; from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs. He was asked whether he was instructed or directed to make any official communication, and replied that he was only authorised to read the letter and furnish a copy if requested. The substance of its contents, it is presumed, may be gathered from Nos. 4 and 6 herewith transmitted. It was an attempt to make known to the Government of the United States, privately, in what man nvr it would make explanations, apparently voluntary, but r catty dictated by France, acceptable to her, and thus obtained pay ment of the 25,000,000 of francs. No exception was taken to this mode of communication, which is often used to prepare the way for official intercourse, but the suggestions made in it were in their substance wholly inadmissible. Not being in the shape of an official communication to the Government, it did not ad mit of reply or official notice, nor could it safely be made the basis of any action by the Executive or the Legislature ; and the Secretary of State did not think proper to ask a copy, be cause he could have no use for it. Copies of papers, marked numbers 9, 10, and 11, show an attempt on the part of the French Charge d'Affaires, many weeks afterwards, to place a copy of this paper among the archives of this Government, which for obvious reasons was not allowed to be done : but the assurance before given was repeated, that any official communication which he might be authorised to make in the accustomed form would receive a prompt and just consideration. The indiscretion of this at tempt was made more manifest by the subsequent avowal of the French Charge d'Affaires, that the object was to bring this letter before Congress and the American people. If foreign agents, on a subject of disagreement between their Government and this, wish to prefer an appeal to the American people, they will hereafter, it is hoped, better appreciate their own rights, and the respect due to others, than to attempt to use the Exe cutive as the passive organ of their communications. It is due to the character of our institutions, that the diplo matic intercourse of this Government should be conducted with the utmost directness and simplicity, and that in all cases of importance the communications received or made by the Exe cutive should assume the accustomed official form. It is only by insisting on this form that Foreign Powers can be held to full responsibility ; that their communications can be officially replied to ; or that the advice or interference of the Legisla ture can, with propriety, be invited by the President. This course is also the bsst calculated, on the one hand, to shield that officer from unjust suspicions, and, on the other, to subject this portion of his acts to public scrutiny ; and, if occasion should require it, to constitutional animadversion. It was the more necessary to adhere to these principles in the instance in question, inasmuch as, in addition to other important interests, it very intimately concerned the national honour ; a matter, in my judgment, much too sacred to be made the subject of pri vate and unofficial negotiation. It will be perceived that this letter of the French Minister of Foreign affairs was read to the Secretary of State on the 11th of September last. This was the first authentic infor mation of the specific views of the French Government, re ceived by the Government of the United States after the pas sage of the Bill of Indemnification. Inasmuch as the letter had been written before the official notice of my approval of Mr. Livingstone's last explanation and remonstrance could have reached Paris, Just ground of hope was left, as has been before stated, that the French Government, on receiving this information, in the same manner the alleged offending Message had reached them, would desist from their extraordinary de mand, and pay the money at once, To give them an oppor tunity to do so, and at all events to elicit their final determina tion, and the ground they intended to occupy, the instructions were given to our Charge d'Affeires which were adverted to at the commencement of the present Session of Congress. The result, as you have seen, is a demand of an official written expression of regret, and a direct explanation addressed to France, with a distinct intimation that this is a sine qua non. Mr. Barton, having, in pursuance to his instructions, re turned to the United States, and the Charge d'Affaires of France having been recalled, all diplomatic intercourse be tween the two Countries is suspended —a state of things origi nating in an unreasonable susceptibility on the part of the French Government, and rendered necessary on our part by their refusal to perform engagements contained in a treaty, from the faithful performance of which by us they are to this day enjoying many important commercial advantages. It is time that this unequal positionTof affairs should cease, and that legislative action should be brought to sustain execu tive exertion in such measures as the case requires. While France persists in her refusal to comply with the terms of a treaty, the object of which was, by removing all causes of mutual complaints, to renew ancient feelings of friendship, and to unite the two nations in the bonds of amity, and of a mu tually beneficial commerce, she (=not justly complain if We adopt such peaceful remedies as the law of nations and the circumstances of the case may authorize and demand. Of the nature of these remedies I have heretofore had occasion to speak, and In reference to a particular contingency, to express my conviction that reprisals would be best adapted to the emer gency then contemplated. Since that period, France, by all the departments of her Government, has acknowledged the va lidity of our claims, and the obligations of the treaty, and has appropriated the moneys which are necessary to its execution ; and though paynm ent witlihr,l4 sn grpin4; to our existence as an independent 'nation, It IS not V 6 .be PF: lieved that she can have deter Mined permanently to r e tain a positi9ll 6 ijtterly indefensible. • In the altered state of the questions in PeAntrOymi, 41140 r µll Gkistin circumstancPsi it appears to me, that, until such a determination shall have becoma evident, it will be proper and sufficient to retaliate her present refusal to comply with her engagements, by prohibiting the introduction of French products and the entry of French LITERATURE. MITFORD' S GREECE. VoL. VII. Cadell, London. 1836. The present volume, which, is the seventh, com mences with the Athenian invasion of Sicily, and car- ries clown the history to the termination of what was called the Confederate, or Social War. It is, as usual, handsomely printed, and is embellished by an engraved fac simile of a curious silver coin of Syracuse, which is copied from a specimen in the British Museum. THE WESTMINSTER RE VIE W--No. XLVIL Macrone. This Number contains no fewer than twelve articles. five of which are on subjects of national interest, They are all well written ; and as varied, in a literary point of view, as is possible where the end and the means of attaining to it are alike uniform. The " West minster Review" is the only existing periodical, equal pretensions to public regard, in whi c h t h ere i s on clashing of political opinions—no conflict of great. moral principles , -----no admission of.ultimate perfection in any system of Government which is not based upon, and does not originate in, a pure democracy. In every other publication the careful reader will not fail to discover departures from the avowed general object of the work, constantly recalling to his mind the beautiful parable of the tares which were sots n by an enemy during, the slumbers of the wearied husband men. Thus not unfrcquently the " Edinburgh Re view" puts forth the most obnoxious high Tory doc trines ; the " Quarterly" spouts unadulterated Radi calism, but oftener moderate Whiggism, by the page together; and " Blackwood" and " Fraser" - write as if they covertly despised the King, the Aristocracy, and the Established Church,much more sincerely than they feign a regard for Constitutional gewgaws. But nothing escapes the philtering process to which whatever appears in the Westminster Review. is subjected. Assume what disguise it may—criticism upon an epic Poem—a picture book of travels—a work of fancy—or whatever ' else might serve for the conveyance of an opinion, still if the doctrine propounded - be opposed to the princi ples of the work, it will as. certainly be detected, as when detected it will be pronounced inadmissible. This it is which gives the readers of the Westminster Re, view 'that confidence in its dicta which is so generally characteristic of them ; for very few, besides those who entertain precisely the same opinions as its Editor will habituate themselves to its perusal. And thus the admiration of many is given up to secure the per% manent idolatry of a few. In advocating the same principles which have been advocated a hundred times before in the memory of the same class of readers, it may be impossible to avoid repeating arguments em ployed on former occasions ; and thus a sameness be comes perceptible which is tolerable only among thinkers who pass their lives in a struggle to acquire a mastery over some one darling idea. The first article in this Number of the Westminster Review, is an examination of the " Colonial Policy of Great Britain." It cannot be read with in difference by those who value the future greatness of this country. We do not agree with the Reviewer on many points ; to discuss' the policy of retaining Gi braltar, Malta, and the lonian Islands, would seem to us tantamount to a grave argument in favour of high ways and a protective constabulary force ; neither can we'-fa -persuaded that a nation's glory and happiness is wholly a question of pounds, shillings, and pence. When our Redeemer said that man lived not by bread alone, he testified the unsoundness of all such economical aphorisms as pretend to ascertain the hap:- piness of a people from a knowledge of the circulating medium passing through their hands. But taken alto' , gether, the statements made by the Reviewer, borne out as they are by Parliamentary documents, are de serving of the most serious attention. The article is the very best of the sort we reinember to have read. We shall be glad 'to see a reprint of it in a cheaper form, for the benefit of those who may not have an op portunity of seeing it in the columns of the Review. The " House of Peers" is severely dealt with, in an able article purporting to be the review of a pamphlet on this subject, written by the Hon. Member for Bath-- Mr. Roebuck. Iu most marketable commodities weight is the surest creterion of intrinsic value, and unless pamphlets be made out an exception to the ge neral rule, this gentleman is decidedly the cheapest political knowledge-vender in the kingdom. But for tunately for the reader, the Reviewer is a very different person from the individual whose tract is made the in strument of a well-directed and well-sustained attack, made upon the abuses consequent upon the existence of our hereditary and irresponsible Peerage. - The Fudges in England" cannot be read without an admission on the part of the reader that Moore, as a satirist, has found a Reviewer worthy of him. We have seldom met with a morsel of criticism more to our taste than the comparison between Moore and Swift, as scourges of saint-craft and priest-craft. " Mr. Moore," observes the Reviewer, " has the true sports manlike relish for a booby Peer or a twaddling Baro net. Nobody is a better shot at a dunce in a star and garter. The assembling of the Lords' House, or an Exeter Hall convocation, is to' him what the Ist of September is to the heroes of the fowling-piece. Then is the season for blockhead-shooting ; he has a merry autumn before him ; and day after day does he return with his pouch full—often bagging twenty brace of bigots in one day's shooting." The following account of the rise and progress of the " spiritual union" be tween Churchmen and Evangelicals is as correct as it is spirited : " Priestcraft, and saint-craft, it is worthy of'temark, have not always been in that close alliance in which they are seen at the present day. A man need not be very grey headed to remember a time, when the intriguer of Portman square, and the bigot of Exeter-hall, were distinct personages. It is in truth only of late years, that the genius, of Orangeism has enlarged its philacteries so immoderately; turned' tract monger, and missionary, and covered the. seas with floating chapels. Recent is the coil and uproar about the souls of Papists : and the going forth of the Cookes and Cunning hams, with the whole expedition of strolling Church-of- Englandism, is within the memory of living men. The late Archbishop Magee—of antithetical celebrity—may perhaps be said to have been the father of the present system. If he did not beget the hybrid between fanaticisM and faction, he bap died and confirm e d it. B e fore his day, the Irish Catholics were leftas far as the ecclesiastic- was concerned—to settle his account with Heaven's Chancery' after his own fashion. Satisfied with his monopoly of things secular, the Orangeman bestowed upon things spiritual a very inconsiderablz portion of his attention. The Beresfords and Jocelyns t ad not purchased their pocket-bibles ; the Lefroy s vrfn•cy mere Tory lawyers ; the Shaws were speculating C . ,Orporators ; and it is probable that' there was net i. 1 :1 the - whole Protestant establishment a curate, or in the whole Protestant aristocracy a lord or a lady, vlO could fix the date of the Milennium, determine the lon gitude and latitude of the New Jerusalem, or show the identity of Mr. O'Connell's power with the dominion of the beast in the Apocalypse. It was a peaceful sera of unadulterated jobbing. Orangeism stood upon a single and simple ground. The churchman did not affect the christian. Nay, if any body was then a saint, he met with all discouragement, and the countenance of prelacy shone not upon him. So, Billy, you have got the grace l'—roared a jocular and dissipated digni tary of the, house of Waterford, at his own table, to a revs_ rend kingsman, now. a star of the first magnitude in ' l ee re ligions firmament, who was then just peerin g witi, u isfirst tre mulous lustre above the horizon. When e Bible Societies a ere first instituted, they had no fees so loud, vehement, and bitter as the clergy. • Had any vagrant divin e like Mr. O'Sul livan, fallen in the cycle of his ping perigrinations.into the clutches of a clericaleven in th e re ei ons o f A r magh or s r,,i, r ry 4 a tipevial. interposition could alone have delivered him from the stocks and the beadle. , t Thus slight was the opposition of the Orange clergy, little more than a doaen years back, to a league with saints or fanatics. The rector drank his Port, and the dignitary his Burgundy and you could not have more annoyed either, than by a reference to St. Paul, or the remotest allusion to St. Pe ter. It was a personal' affront to a Bishop to produce a Bible. The party was sufficiently strong in its political resources; motive for hypoc r isy, there was none ; and nobody encumbers . himself with a masquerade dress, until it becomes inconve- Went to appear in his csin character, What, then, were *4 • changes in times and circumstances, which induced the clergy to put on the garb of sanctity over their canonicals, and led to a treaty between the Church and the Conventicle ? Th 3 event is not difficult to account for. The rapid progress of the Catholic question, from the time that the Association be. gan it bold and m ag nificent career, pl ace d t h e O range party in a new position. Accustomed to assail, the chiefs of Ascend ancy now became the assailed ; and they soon discovered that to keep the field it was necessary to make new alliances. The benefit's of corruption were partaken of by too few, to make it a sufficiently active principle of c ombination for the body. A reinforcement ;vas indispensable ; and what could serve' their purpose better than the self-same spirit of fanaticism, which in calmer days had been the butt of their pleasantrieg and occasionally a mark for keener arrow s ? They tonnes a c. cordingly a r e pentant and desiring eye upon th e 13e!hsitida and Ebenezer Chapels, and conceived the de s i gn of a : l oint- stock company of corruptionists and canters, the ham of the pert: nership being the common hostility of both tck their fg!iiowi. countrymen of the Catholic persuasion. Thera were ties, it is true, in the way of the prOPll'ed union; but therh were facilities also. Among eth‘N. , things it is to In 13`oserved, rof, - y that there was an old f a There was thJii: e connection between. the parties, of consanguinity which exists between! the 1 7,ueries and the follies—the vices and the tmbecilitics. Their advances were, therefore, as the rush. of brother. to reconcilement ; the past was steeped in. Labe; arid faction and fanaticism—kindred mischiefs--leaped into each other' s arms. " A new state of things grew out of this confederacy. Thi Orangeman was now a saint ; the clergyman was now an evan gelical ; and the war against the Catholic assumed the. double aspect of a political and religious persecution. Immense were the exertions of the allied powers, to perpetuate his ser vitude In this life, and effect his salvation in the next. The same party laboured indefatigably to keep him a. slave, and make him a Protestant. The churches rang with alternate in vectives against Emancipation and the SeveL Sacraments . . The saints of the Rotunda wore the colours of the lodges; and the brethren of the, lodges adopted the cant of the Ro tunda. ' The Biblicals•tzlentified themselves with the Church.. men; and the Ceurchmen returned the compliment, by em bracing.lo, the extravagancies of the Biblicals. Then were t•oached a thousand new projects of discord, and devices of hypocrisy. Folly in the embraces of vice proved a fruitful mother ; and speedily brought forth the New Reformation Society, the Kildare-place Institution, and all the vagaries of the Home Mission. Then went forth the whole army of mountebanks and mischief-rnak?..rs, with all th e equ i page of sectarian warfare, deceivi ng the simple, disturbing the quiet, insulting the Papist, and making the name of Protestant al ternately ridiculous and odious. Then did the pious Peeress nominate her moral agent;' then (lid holiness divide with hyson - the attractions of the tea-table ; then did the prayer meeting grow into fashion, and the sale of polyglotts become a distinct commercial speculation. Then did the clergyman ap pear in the Sunday-school, and the visage of the Tory lawyer show itself where the missionaries wero gathered togethei. A new race of parsons sprang up, half political leader s , half fanatical fire-brands,--half demagogues, half divines—half biblicals, half bravos,—now declaiming in the pulpit, now vo ciferant in the tavern,—eloquent to-day at Merchants-hall, rhetorical to-morrow at the Magdalen, —now making the house of prayer a den of thi eves ,' now turn i ng the den of thieves into the house of prayer,—spouting faction in the churches, pouring !orth hymns and homilies in the clubs and lodges,—alte':nately at their devotions and their diableries;' celebrr.d . ing the feast of fools' at the Rotunda, or comme.. morating the anniversaries of party at the Mansion-house, " Who has not heard of the Rotunda,' and its political and pious revelries? Who has heard of Dublin, and has not also heard of this temple of enthusiasm,-- : the resort of fair ladies and foolish lords, where they lay in, at no sliciht expense of money, their annual stock of sanctified phre:scology and un charitable sen ti men t ; —the bigot's bazaar, and booth of the sacred charlatan :—.the Vanity-Fair" of Protestantism ; the exhibition-room of the holy Polichinellos ? Multitudi nous are its gambols in the month of April, when sanctity opens her Almack's, the serious countess leads off the spiritual ball with the man of missions, and there is a general gallopade of the godly. Unless you have the sides of Democritus, not up to the vernal gathering of the faithful. What is the Grimaldi of the pantomime, to him of the platform ? Though the coat be sable instead of motley, the extravaganza is only the more extravagant. The, opening of the Rotunda is the closing of all the minor theatres. Astley retires, with all his feats and clowneries I What a jump was that, over fact and probability? Munchausen never took such a flight in his best days. One bounds over common-sense; another vaults over all the laws of logic ; a third tumbles over the Old and New Testament, plays at leap-frog with the prophets, and knocks about the apostles like nine-pins. One takes his fling at Juggernaut ; another at Confucius; a third at Mohammed ; all agree in belabouring the Pope, and such merriment do they make with his Holiness, kicking the triple crown from one to the other like a foot-ball, that it is pity they have not a Pontiff a-piece to worry and dilacerate,— On the slain corpse contending bigots fall ; Alas ! what's one poor pope among them all ?' " Now for the Orangemen— " The Orangeman have as many modes of annoying the empire, as Alsop's fox had stratagems. They are seen now as larded proprietors, exterminating their. Catholic tenants for electioneering purposes ; now as magistrates, refusing to take informations against some Lutheran rioter, or orthodox assas sin ; now in the capacity of clergymen, ' Grunting like hogs till they have got their grains;' either militant, as in the time of Lord Stanley ; or litigant, as at present, when they have fallen upon the evil days of Lord Mulgrave, who denies them files of soldiers, and refers them to the ties of the Exchequer. Now you see them as sheriffs, packing juries from the lodges ; now as jurors, con victing against evidence ; now as judges, charging against the law, and adjusting their sentence to gratify the spleen of party. It is one and the same interest that peorles Carlow u ith mid night ins u r gen t s , strews the plain o f Gurtene with 'victims, and crowds the assembly-rooms, on both sides of the Channel, with fashionable enthusiaste and blooming bigots. The same mind actuates the whole body, whether homicidal in the rioter of Enniskillen, predatory in the Alderman of Cashel, or xa gabond and vociferant in the person of Mr. O'Sullivan. The 'system wears as many colours as diversified Joseph's co:A—the churchman's sable—the soldier's scarlet—the co-Torator's orange—the policeman's green—the grand-master's purple. To understand the sanctity of the present da.—to estimate the Protestantism of Exeter Hall correctly —.-you must invesi tigate its friendships and alliances ; you must observe the in terests which it espouses, note the places where it abounds, remark the causes which it abets, and tha deeds which it sanc tions. If you see it only discussing apocalyptic mysteries in a Peeress's drawing-room, or comprAing twaddling paragraphs upon the growth of Popery in the Record, you may be de ceived into the notion that it is merely a harmless fanaticism." - - The article on Professor Robinson's " View of the German Universities" contains some hints which might be turned to excellent account by the future framers of Bills for the Reform of our English and Scotch Universities. Mrs. Austin's " Goethe and his Comtemporaries,” and Abdy's " Journal in the United States," are cri ticisms of a high order----the first as regards intellect, the second as relates to liberality of sentiment. Speak ing of slavery in the United States, and of Mr. Abdy's able eXpOsUre of the hormrs of the system as carried on by the Americans, the Reviewer says—" It is the right of the civilized world to combine in placing them (the Americans) in quarantine till they are less discreditable to their ancestors- Will any Englishman sit at meat with a nation that sell one another by Weight ?" This alludes to a practice prevalent in the slave-dealing States of disposing of the young slaves of from three to eight years old by weight, so that the heavier they are the more valuable arc they to the Amarican man-sellers ! The article on Dissenting Charities and Endow ments" is an able and recondite exposition of the ques tion at issue between the Presbyterian and Protestant bodies in England. By no class of religionists will it be read without profit. Lad"); Caroline Poulett and Lord W. Poulett are on a visit to Lord Rokeby, at Melton Mowbray. It is reported that when the Duke of Wellington retired on Friday night from the Carlton Club, he declared that be would not return to it; and we know that he imme dately set off for Strathfieldsaye, and that on Saturday his domestic establishment left town for the same place. We understand that his Grace said, that unless summoned by a call of the House of Lords, it was not his intention to be in London again before Jurie.-llforning Paper. SINGULAR CIRCUMSTANCE.--One day last week, the wife of a labourer in Macduff, on opening a cod fish, found in its stomach a child's arm and hand, with the fingers and nails perfectly observable. From a ll appearance the child's death must have been recent, as dece,Mposition had not taken place to any extent.—lnverness courier. TH.E ALTERATION AT HOLBORN.—A meeting has been held of the inhaUtant tradesmen, resident on Holborn Hill, and its vicinitl% in order to pass resolutions declaratory of their determile:Cl opposition to the proposed plan of Messrs. - Burnard public meetingl l5 i e isill besed. before an application is made to p a rl i nnent. We rejoice to an nounc e that a Reform Cl u b h as and Geary, which they deem not only absurd and ex- Pep 'five, but likely to be fraught with ruinous consequences to"s many of the old established inhabitants. A liberal sub scr i g . tion was entered into for the purpose of advertising the rc. so lutions in The Sun, Courier Globe, and the i other mew l i ng announcedand evenin,g i p n ap or e d rs er a t l t i a v' t .h t h i cel;sutime ct m ap a ub y e duly this day been commence', on the most comprehensive of prit cipies—opeo, in f2.tt, to all the Reformers of the United Kingdom. A provisional committee of thirty-five gentlemosi .and Members of both Houses of Parliament, has been most honourably agreed on, to perfect its organization ; thelneanes of the committee comprehend Liberals of all parts of the king dom, and of every shade. The Reformers are rer,olyed, by cordial union- and counter organization, to defeat the efforts of the Tories all over t h e country to render the shrirter of 1832 a dead letter. This Central Union, if we mistake not, will be f ound a match for the Carlton. We thank the Tories for their example ; they have taught us, and they will find us apt scho- . ars...-Spectator,