The Sun. — London, England, 1838-09-17 00:00:00

prof, 310 ' - er the a ,rodue b „ La ws jet u.: ioatimp a _ Dreg"' , oci t Y ~ see— cow a a c ' „ reel- Prig , A tag e ' g ill d' st rp yet :Aker' I, ,, v er, ' 0 1! to ysteun OS C7 ' 4 ' FO b Y o p . 0 0 un tri , 1 'Z _„,,,/ehloY' . of 011 1: ienCe.' donment of all the most effec- What can be done for ship. tive parts of ourlong cherished ping can be done for goods. system of protection, since The German Commercial every count r y th a t desired to League is at this moment remove the disadvant ages giving unity of British and closeness to under whi c h we p l ace d i ts shipping, had it th ence f orwar d the exclusion manufactures,. till England consent to take the in its p ower , b y a d opt i ng our will plans in th e sp i r i t o f reta li at i on, to compel us to a relaxation of German producc,coru. Huz our code."—ld. za for the German League! it is what will work out our com mon deliverance in the end. 30.—Let us first inquire A.—Exposh of this kind what has been the effect of tell for little, because there the reciprocity system upon is always a presumption that the maritime strength and pro sourcesre- of the em pi re , and .the other side would duce one with directly oppo then exami ne w h et h er or not site results. But in the pre these effects have been coun terbalanced by the increase of sent case there . is the notable foreign tr a d e an d commerce omission, of all the gains with the countries with whom that were made at every turn reciprocity treaties have been by the trader who was the concluded.—ld. consumer,—the gains re- presented in the illustration by the " N pints of wine." But this is theory; that is to. say there is a theory on the other side, that half the items in an account ought to be struck out. 31.—The two grand articles A.—By superiority in the in the trade of which it is of trade of " grain," appears to paramount importance that a be meant, not having it. By maritime State should, at all the " subsistence of the hazard maiin its supe people" to b meant, riority, are grain nta and shipping. not having people to e subsist. The former is necessary for the subsistence of its people ; the latter is an essential ®le nient in its national defence and independence. —ld. 32.—1 f we are dependent A.—That is to say, if all on foreign supplies for grain, foreign nations should close we cannot maintain even the all harbours at once, all shadow of independence ; be- trade might be cut off. cause foreign nations can at Throwing all aces with fifty any moment, by simply closing dice is nothing to it. We their harbours, reduce our peo pip to desperation, and our y p know eriment that the b ex Government to submission.— Emperor of Russia could not cut us off from tar and hemp, at a time when we were . . , proceeding to fight him with . his own goodS. And why ? Because his own people cut , hint off in preference. But the object peeps out. We are • to be kept on the slip for another Tory war ; and corn litorce, which is the great bond which binds nations mutually to I.reep the peace, is to be put down accordingly. reciprocity con- A.—ln the case of ship lists not . in admitting tbesame ping, the bargain was fair Orticle into our pcirts on the enough, even on the pitiful same terms onlwhich our neigh - hours receive ours, but in ob- principle assumed. It is pre sumable there were interests taming admittance for a cor- for keeping British shipping . I *Ponding article on our side, in out of foreign ports ; or it which we have a correspond trdranta,te ever /d. would never have been done. 3 4—Real reciproCity, then, A.—Try them with corn. 17001 d hive consisted in , a Admit that in return for ad treat:, whereby, in dOnsidera- mitting cotton goods. Will lion cf our admitting their these reciprocalists con illipping- into our harbours on sent ? as favourable terms as they ad rained oto.s into theirs, they consented tu receive our cotton goods into their ports on the same terms as we received their cotton fabrics into ours.—.M. 35.---For example, if at A.—Mistake. Ask the .present we send 5,000,000 of sixteenth clerk. If France, 'our manufactures to South &c., could have been paid America, with which we pur- with cotton goods, the dollars Chase dollars to a similar in South America would Amount, and then send these dollars t o F ra nce, Prussia, and never have been bought at thc other reciprocity countries all. The reason why, be with .a view to purchase their cause it was only the want ind u o.y. we gain in return for of dollars to pay in France, th e pcmhase of 10,000,000 that caused them to be Worth a their produce; that bought. is, of 5,000,60 0 worth of dol lars from South America, and 4,000,000 worth of produce from Europe, only five millions *earth of our own mahufactures off our hands ; whereas, if we bad stipulated for similar advantages to our cotton goods, in return for the advantages conferred by us upon foreign ship ping, we should have been enabled to sell ten millions worth of our manufactures, viz. 5,000,000 to South America, in exchange for the bullion, and 5,000,000 to Prussia and the other reciprocity countries, in exchange for their goods. —ld. 3 6.—1 t is quite evident that , A. —Nothin g so doubtful tojustify commercial arrange- as things " quite evident." luent s with any particular The mistake is in the repro qeo.2ntry,. we must be able to sentation about " reciprocal :ran g em ents , standing th b o y s :he a m r : ..ow, that und er benefit." If A rides in B's b ene f i t :selves, a reci procal the inh a bi tants of omnibus, he gains himself, 12,_t h.—ld. "ws to 'ju and gives some gain to B. If A is a baker, and B will take his bread of him, this ,lie tut may be an additional benefit, , -gain .A makes by riding in the omnibus is not clepenn ent on it, and therefore they are not " reciprocal be- Ilefl , ts" ii the sense intended. The object of the text is to main tain, That A ought to refuse gaining two shillings by ridin g in B omnibus, unless B will also engage to take Lis breAti of hm. (TO BE CONTINUED.) OPERATION OF THE CORN-LAWS ON THE COMFORTS OF THE PEOPLE. (From the Spectator.) Wbon the supporters of the Corn-laws are charged with causi ng distress to the labouring classes by enhancing arti ficially the cost of bread, a common excuse is, that wages rise with corn nd that, consequently, they who live from hand to mouth hav interest opposed to a high price of wheat. It would be easy :s'o prove that the remuner a t ion o f l a b our must Ile regul ate d .amount solely by the demand for and supply of and that labour is as much a marketable article as sugar and tobac co ; b ut withou t go i ng i nto t hi s, we as k attention to one or t wo facts, 'theory w hi c h seem decisive again s t th e l an d owner s' of wages. In Sept. 1835, the average price of corn was 41s. 9d. per qr. 1836 1837 --------------- 1838 .... 735. 2d. -buring the last three years, then, wheat has been steadily • /• ju g in price, in spite of at least average harvests, taking the p h Isle p er i o d i nto the account. Have wages r i sen i n t h e same 443rt iea ? The difference between the cost of a quarter ofwhe • . 1 t in Septemb er , 1835, an d S e pt e mber, 1838, is 318. 5d., the • 75 per cent. within a f rac tion. Will anybody pretend that 17 abourer, who earned 10s. a week in 1835, receives •3 ' 6 now ? Unless this can be made out, it follows that - TS liave not risen with wheat during the last three years. currout it may he said that peculiar circumstances have oc vh_ d, 'within that period, to disturb the working of a rule t e :ch genr hols good. That is true. Me times have been •v ' IrY remarkable—there has been an unusual, an unpre- Inakin e d d eman d for la b our, consequent upon th e railroad Tr, g' A new vent for capital, requiring the expenditure of 4 7 8- a nT Ulions i n t h e hi re o f wor k men , h a s been discovered; p n i'," : ll t - F or this extraordinary demand, there must have been a labour market, This is manifest from the fact, tail' notwithstanding the numerous workmen required on the wages h ave not been high. From the Forty-seventh ••t 01' the Poor-law Commissioners, it appears that, " in el, uleg harvests and ether profitable seasons," a stout labourer :Rh earn on an average 9s. a week ; and it is stated in the ttele document, that in the counties of Worcester, Giouces heel.' Si. 'A Som erset, wages are stat i on a r y. This point need not w 154 rs'-',.'d any further. Sufficient has been said to show that 'e not risen with the advances in the wheat-market. e ithe - are they likely soon to rise. Increase in foreign co lon , ular, ... , er eo is not to b e expecte d. The internal demand for th e - , s u 'ectur is w ill not be augmented in a greater ratio than o h Pulati~;m . ,' , ut the extraordinary employment of labourers 4 "le •st soon in a great measure cease. N ext th °lld aY, th e Bi, h 'ham and London Railway, on which Of h ave been en.' ledli ployed for several years at the expense „ s3n ,,e f pounds, y v ;11 be completed. The other great tai e o 4 „,‘e, , altt approaching t,. completion. All who have main trias;Veen taelves and families by working on the railroads, Ilea; " a d the means of subsisten.ce elsewhere ; there are no Un dertakit'gs of similar magnittn.ic projected. With an st eot ea sed sr rpply of labour, and, as far as can be seen at pre " p r o spett ',whatever of a growing demand, it is not to be ' r § ( ?ed Vaat wag t s will rise. 'the e ,,, t ; h ei: is there nay probability of a material reduction in get,bf -e of bread. it has been seen that fine weather, to loll, yr with a considerable importation of foreign wheat, - .l 4 r o ve lY afrects the market. Inquiries privately made in well to :Ted quarters, as well as the published accounts access:hle g ue " , only confirm our opinion, that though there may be lik_', ll4 ticons and occasional depressions, the price of corn is not Pr e y :Ll ° be permanently lower for a long period, under the spiv_ s P-tem ; and even the repeal of the duty would only so i v _ a pat tial mitigation because foreign countries, like mir s, have not grown superfluity. Besides, holders and Pnr e h as o veTrabt:e e k rs ti e ic al .rn eu a l r a k te ete.n higher prices next year, and will not 'ke ns , 'cei„ablafferteg occasioned by dearness of bread, o.pulation subsisting on scanty wages, is scarcely con to the im slot by those who look at their bakers' bills as only one and ▪ r l argest item i n a l ong li st o f expenses . But mark how th e poor. offourpy a loaf operates on the coforts of e. , Th e _ A Lan and his wife with six children would atcon the least twelve quartern loaves weekly : and this is "!ravagat.t allowance. when it is remembered that the .. e 4 Y joint is g enera ll y t h e on l y t hi ng i n t h e s hape of 4 r, v's meat whi c h t h ey en j oy. B rea d forms t h e c hi e f meal diank.r, and supper. Twelve loaves multiplied by C. ---Ali t difference Letween 6d., the price in 1835, and 101 d. eo , s t n 'ice'nk 'w —mak e 4 s. 6d. per week ; and this 4s. Cl. is to Ice oat S, 1., 10s., 1 55., or ‘,;,05., as the ease may be, Take o b l high averag e o f 15 s . ; th e n let the man in comfoit a ce..cumstances imagine his income pf (say) 6001. a y ear gradual) Y reduced to 4001 , his family incrcasin,g all the Ile; and he will have a faint notion of the 4loti - Css caused 4,antithe poor m an ' s h ouse h old b y t h e en h a nced cost of 'pis own ill his children's staff of life. in sonic parts of the country Y are mixing oatmeal and potatoca with tlae;x• flour. It is r.'e Corn-law, not the Poor,law, that is compelling f,lnern to live on a " coarser kind of food.'' The Poor-law has not forced up wheat to 735. a quarter; but the landlord's mono poly has, and will probably keep it thereabout. e D m e s i r s y lams." s c T h i h e e f Physical suffering i bee so n nl c y al p le a d rt t o h f e created by what have father and his family work as hard as ever, or harder ; but they come home to a reduced, a scanty meal. There is discontent where there should be happiness, want where plenty has been. Home becomes uncomfortable, and the " gin-palace" is at hand. For a while, better habits, gained in better times, will prevail; but the continuance of short commons at home, will, as sure as fate, drive the sufferer to intemperance and to crime. The honest and well-disposed workman must be turned into a savage, eager to revenge his wrongs on the society whose law has borne him down. Think of the extensive wretchedness t h us crea t e d. There are millions now in England pinched by hunger, and their condition during the winter will become more grievous. A fearful worsening of the morals of the great bulk of the people must necessarily be the consequence of the continued dearness of food. Physical wretchedness and moral depravity are generally coexistent. The supporters, therefore, of the Corn laws—the artificial regulations which create scarcity of food— are answerable for much more than they imagine. They may subscribe thousands to churches and schools, make fine speeches about blacks in the Indies, of enslaved white children in factories at home, and sport their philanthropy in all quar ters ; but as long as they wring high rents by means of Corn laws from the sweat of a starving population, all their profes sions are as " sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal." They are practically the authors of wretchedness and crime : they are a plague -spot tainting the land. We understand that the prospect of two or three years' high prices has alarmed a class of capitalists, who would not much regard a temporary difficulty. They dread the effect upon their own profits, and upon the disposition of the masses among whom they live. Perhaps they may be induced to join a movement from which they have hitherto held aloof : their union with the masses would give additional strength and importance to the very formidable assault which the landowners must sustain before long. POST-OFFICE REFORM. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Strt—l have just read your remarks in The Sun of the 11th, on the evidence I had proposed to give before the Committee on Postage, on the management of the Post-office ; and am extremely sorry to observe you have fallen into a great mistake, when supposing that its being withdrawn arose from an unwil lingness on the part of certain Members of the Committee to receive it. The only objections taken were a doubt of the pro priety of my giving such evidence before a Committee of which I was Chairman ; but the most substantial cause of its being withdrawn was, what will be evident to every reader, that it goes much more into the question of general management than that of reduction of postage, which latter was the proper subject entrusted to the Committee to inquire into. On these grounds, which appeared to myself so perfectly sufficient, lat once withdrew my proposal. I have only to add, that which affords me sincere pleasure, that the most perfect harmony and good feeling pervaded the Committee during the whole period of its protracted sittings. I am particularly desirous this should immediately appear in The Sun, so that no time may be lost in placing the matter in its true light; and I will take it particularly kind of other papers taking the trouble to make this explanation, pro vided they may have copied your remarks. I am, Sir, your very obedient servant, Kelly, Sept. 13, 1838. ROBERT WALLACE. COURT CIRCULAR. WINDSOR, SUNDAT.—Yesterday the Queen took her accus tomed airing in the park on horseback. Sir Robert and Lady Gardner arrived and continue their visit. • ---- The King of the Belgians returned from Claremont. Lord John Russell, the Lord Chancellor, and Lord Glenelg took their departure. The Queen attended divine service at St. George's Chapel this morning. The service was Travers in F, sanctus by Sir Andrew Barnard. The Rev. J. Gore read the service, and the Hon. and Very Rev. the Dean of Windsor, assisted by the Rev. Mr. Proby, officiated at the altar. The sermon from the 13th chapter of the Ist Corinthiaas, 13th verse, was preached by the Rev. Mr. Proby, and the anthem, " Where withal shall a young man cleanse his way," by Mr. G. J. Elvey, who presided at the organ. In the Royal closet with her Majesty were—the King of the Belgians, the Duchess of Kent, Lady Portman, Lady Mary Stopford, Lady Forbes, Hon, Misses Anson and Paget, Lady Gardner, Lord Portman, Viscount Melbourne, Viscount Palmerston, Lord Falkland, Hon. C. A. Murray, Hon. Colo nel Cavendish. The Queen of the Belgians attended Mass at the Catholic chapel. This afternoon her Majesty walked in the slopes on the ter race, attended by her suite. The Duke of Wellington, Lord Hill, and other distinguished company will arrive at the Castle to-morrow. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager left the Queen's Lodge, in Bushy Park, on Saturday morning, on a visit to her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester, at her residence in Bag shot Park. Prince George of Cambridge came to town on Saturday from Kew. . Lord Glenelg returned to town on Saturday from a visit to her Majesty at Windsor Castle. Viscount Howick has left town for Buxton, from whence his Lordship will proceed to Howick Hall, Northumberland. Lord John Russell arrived at Woburn Abbey, Bedfordshire, on Saturday, from a visit to the Queen at Windsor Castle. Despatches from the Governor of New South Wales were received yesterday'at the Colonial-office. The Marquis of Clanricarde transacted business at the Foreign-office on SatUrday. Despatches were sent off on Saturday evening from the Colonial -office for Sir Lionel Smith, Governor of Jamaica, and the Governors of the other West India Colonies. FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE. ARRIVALS. Lady George Murray, at her residence, in Grosvenor-street, Grosvenor -square, from Berks; the Hon. Miss Murray, at ditto, from Windsor Castle. DEPARTURES. Count and Countess Maltzoff, from Jermyn-street, for Worthing ; the Marquis of Anglesey and family, from Ux bridge House, for their scat, Beaudesert, Staffordshire ; Sir Josiah and Lady Champagne, from Harley-street, for Tun bridge Wells ; the Dowager Marchioness of Conyngham, from Hamilton-Place, for Leamington Spa, on a visit to Sir W in , and Lady Mar i a Somerville ; Lord Crewe, from St. J a mes's-street, for Brighton; the Earl of Euston, from Gros venor-place, for his seat in Northamptonshire; Viscount Ar buthnot, from Piccadilly, for his seat, Arbuthnot House, Kin cardineshire, N. B. ; Viscount and Viscountess Bridport and the Hon. Hisses Hood, from Wimpole-street, for a tour of visits in Warwickshire ; the Hon. General Arbuthnot, M. P., from Piccadilly, for his seat, Hatton, Kincardine; the Hon. A. Macdonald, for Brighton. CHANGES. _ _ Lord Kilmaine, at Dublin, from Tuam ; Prince Christopher Lieven, in the suite of the Grand Duke Alexander of Russia, at Baden, from the waters of Ems, in Savoy; the Lord Chan cellor, at his villa, at Copse-hill, Wimbledon, from a visit to her Majesty the Queen, at Windsor Castle; the Princess Au gusta at Frogmore Lodge, from a visit to the Duchess of Gloucester, at Bagshot Park ; Lord Teynhans, from a visit to Sir Wm. Brabazon, at Brabazon Park, Galway, for Dublin ; Earl and Countess Grosvenor, from Dunrobin Castle, for Edinburgh, en route to the South ; the Earl and Countess of Donoughmore, at Harrowgate, from a tour; the Hon. Grantley Berkeley, from Gloucester, for his shooting lodge in Bedfordshire ; the Marchioness of Lansdowne, and Lady Louisa Fitzmaurice, at Bowood Park, from Calne, Wilts ; the Marquis of Northampton and Lady Marianne Compton, at Castle Ashby, from the Lakes of Cumberland; Major and Mrs. Thornhill, from Baden, for Italy; Lord and Lady Cork, from Manton Lodge, Somerset, for Cheltenham; the Marquis and Marchioness of Downshire, at Thun, Switzerland, from a tour up the Rhine ; the Duke of Rutland, at BelvoirCastle, his seat in Rutlandshire, from a visit to Sir Robert and Lady Peel, at Drayton Manor, Staffordshire ; the Marquis of Northamp ton, at his seat, Castle Ashby, Northamptonshire, from New castle ; Lord and Lady Jemima Eliot, at Port Eliot, St. Germain's on a visit to the Earl and Countess St. Germain's, from Saltram House, the seat of the Earl and Countess of Morley ; the Earl Onslovv, accompanied by Lord and Lady Augusta Cranky, at Tunbridge Wells, from Brighton ; the Marquis of Tweedale, at Badenoch, on a shooting excursion, from his seat, Yester House, Haddingtonshire ; the Earl and Countess of Wilton, at Doncaster, from their scat, Heaton Park, Lancashire ; Earl Spencer, at Althorpe Park, North amptonshire, from his seat in Yorkshire; Lord Alfred Paget, M. P., at Boaudesert, the seat of the Marquis of Anglesey, in Staffordshire, from a visit, to the Duke and Duchess of Rich mond, at Gordon Castle, Fochabers, North Britain ; Lord and Lady Southampton, at their Seat, Whittlebury Lodge, Towcester, Notts, from a visit to the Duke of Rutland, at bangshawe Lodge, Derbyshire ; the Hen. Major Massey, at Portsmouth, from Brighton ; the Earl of Stradbroke, at his seta, Ilenham Hall, Wangford, Suffolk, from a visit to his estates in Ireland ; Lord Kilmaine, at Dublin, from his scat, Golstone Park, Wes.rneatli, Ireland. THE FUNDS.-CLOSING PRICES BRITISH FUNDS. Bank Stock ... ..... ... 3 per Cent. Red ..................... Ditto Bends _ 3 per Cent Ccas 9l 'Ditto Old Annuitio, — 3 pep per Cent — _11)1110 New Annuities :N per Cent. Red ................... lEx. Bali, Lt 001 2 4 ,1 70 put Neu , 3V 4 per Cent .................. 102 ' Ditto 51, / 76 pir Long Annuities to expire Ditto 5001 71 Fr Jan. 046 , „,, — Bank Stock for Act. Oct. 1850 ~. — ,India Stock for Act ... •..,_ Jan. IWO ISV, ,Consols fat Act FOREIGN FUNDS Aqstrian, 5 per cent ~ . ...... ..... !Portuguese Pondi, 5 per cent.. B Agin?), 5 per cent...„, iO3 1..', j Ditto Nov Ditto .................. 35 Brazilian Bonds , j . 61. j Crussian, 5 Fcr cent ................ Buenes Ayr s, 6 IJ)., cunt. Chilian, 6 'Jet cent , j j colombiain, ti per cent„ 4,anish, per cent .................. 19 Ditto, ini2t Danish, 3 per cent „, .. 77 French, T., per cent.'............ —f —t. Greek ponds, 1525, 5 per ccid. ExChange ...„.• ................. —f ---c Mexican, 5 per cent Ditto, 6 per cent, 1823 Peruvian, 1 . 44,111;cr cent - - Ditto, Der er , nt. ~. ............. 11 `2,i', .. . . . . (CLOSING paeK G if 11413.Es.—('Itti6 VA Y). Cheltenhan and Orcat Western R4,,04, ,/,,„ . 1 5 , i a,.trrn Count, s Railway „ 1, • ,Litc:kt W - 1., ern Railway79l.' . „. ~• • • 1,4) - “lon'and Ilfi diton RADWAy THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1838. GREAT METROPOLITAN DEMONSTRATION OF THE WORKING CLASSES. (THIS DAY.) The High Bailiff having, in compliance with a re luisiticn called a Public Meeting, to take into consideration the " People's Charter" and other essential Reforms, to be held in Palace-yard, this day, about half-past eleven o'clock the coact. es were all removed from the stand, and the people began to arrive in considerable numbers. By half-past twelve there appeared to be from 3,000 to 4,000 people on the ground, and as the Radical favourites, such as Mr. F. O'Connor, Colonel Thompson, &c., appeared on the hustings they were received with applause. At one o'clock, the High Bailiff, FRANCIS SMEDLEY, Esq., took the Chair, amidst loud cheers, and amongst others on the hustings which were erected, we observed Mr. Leader, M. P.; and D. Browne, Esq., M. P. for Mayo ; Colonel Thompson ; F. O'Connor, Esq. ; Dr. Wade ; Rev. Mr. Fox; Mr. Wel ford ; Mr. Coulier, from Paris ; Mr. Swain ;:Mr. Trott ; Mr. Rogers ; Mr. Rentoul, &c. The CHAIRMAN commenced the proceedings by reading the Requisition, and said that in order to give weight to what might be done two things were essentially necessary. From the good humour which they had already shown he was sure that the first would be easily obtained, viz., good order —the other was that they should hear the arguments offered to them upon either side—either for or against the objects which they had in view. He had no doubt but that such would be the case, and with these few observations h e ca ll ed upon the first speaker to step forward. MR. LOVETT, Secretary to the Working Man's Association, then stepped forward and said—His fellow -countrymen were aware that since the commencement of that new agitation the dif ferent portions of the Press, each according to the views of the party which it espoused, had attributed to them very different motives. Some would have it that they were agitating for a re peal of the Corn-laws—others that their object was an altera tion of the Currency—others said it was the Ballot, while singular enough not one of them would allow that their object was that which they explicitly avowed. Now, in order that there should be no mistake in regard to the object of that meeting, he had been requested by the Working Man's Association to state, that whatever might be their opinion upon those various questions, they formed no part whatever of the present agitation ; they meant only what they said when they declared that the People's Charter contained all that they now contended for, because it would give the people the means of remedying all their wrongs.—( Cheers.) The National Petition contained all that was;wanted, and as it had been hallowed by being adopted by thousands throughout the country, he trusted that it would be responded to most cheerfully in the metropolis. In it was embodied all that was wanted, because it would then be impossible for them to be agitating for one thing, and at the eleventh hour be cheated into something else.—( Loud cheers.) They had been listening for six years to the pro posal of taking instalments ; but what had those instalments been which had been obtained ? A rascally Coercion Bill for Ireland—(Groans) —several despotic measures for England— revolution and despotism in Canada.—(Continued groans.) They wanted no more of such instalments. The rights be longed to the people themselves, and if so, they belonged to them to the full extent of restraining evil-doers, and selecting those who would do well. If they did not belong to the people, but to som e . fraction, probably the spawn 'of a Norman Con queror, or the descendants or creatures of our Bishops, and if they must ask them from them, let them ask for something substantial.—( Cheers.) It might be asked, why should they petition at all for that which was their own? In answer to that he had only say, that it was the remnant of a barbarous custom left by their ancestors ; but let them get the People's Charter, and an end will be put to all these things, and the people would take their stand in their proper place ; and they adopted it as the most efficient means for correcting public opinion. But they contended that by that power which had given them existence and proclaimed them all to be equal in his sight, and by those precepts that inculcated the universal birthright of man, that potential power if it was to be exercised at all, or to be diffused among all, should be exercised for the benefit of all.—(Hear.) But if the privilege and exclusive portion of society only exercised their power so far as to keep men in slavery and awe, they would then appeal to another authority, less impor tant but more suited to their capacities—that of util it y . If they would show it was more in accordance with their prin ciples, that an exclusive few, by virtue of wealth alone, should have the exelusive privilege of talking nonsense and doing mischie fin yonder houses (pointing to the Houses:of Parlia ment), and be engaged in passing Acts of Parliaments to explain what the thousands of other Acts mean, than in passing laws for the purpose of cultivating knowledge to enable them to perceive the beauties of art, the advantages of science, and the moral and social duties of life—they would then bow to their arguments with submission to its utility. Or, if they could show it was in accordance with those principles, that nine tenths of the hnman race should be doomed to a state of slavery, in order to uphold the other tenth, and if they could but reconcile those things with religion, morality, or utility, they wonld at once bow to the Aristocracy, and pronounce their principles to be tight—( Hear, hear)—and that be might not be misunderstood, he would explain what be meant by Demceracy. He meant the power, the knowledge, and the morality of the people, combined to elect individuals ac cording to their wish, to make such laws and institutions as should best secure to man individually, and to society collec tively, the best means of developing his will in the temperate exercise of all the powers God has given to him, physically, mentally, and morally. But they would be told the multitude were ignorant and immoral. Show him any class wise and moral—aye even those who had had much wasted on their edu smtionl—( Hera ) Show him the class who exercised their wisdom for the good of their race, and whose morality ac tuated them to make the necessary sacrifices to put their know ledge into practice.—( Hear, hear.) Just' and benevolent in dividuals might be found in all classes, but composed no one class ; and if the principles of morality, justice, and benevo lence were found to preponderate in any class, that class was the working class.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They perceived the exercise of the kind and benevolent feelings of their nature, even amongst 'the poorest and' most uneducated. The half-starved weaver, and the Irish peasant divided their pittance with hospitality, and lamented that poverty had limited their benevolence.—(Cheers.) Let their laws and institutions afford the means for the full development of those faculties which the Deity had conferred on them. The object of all good Reformers was not so much to pull down, as to raise up those that were prostrate.—(Hear, hear.) They sought not the confiscation of others' rights, but the acknowledgment of rights proclaimed by God, :and long withheld by man. They had recently been told their object was to interfere with the legitimate rights of capital. What fools did such people take them to be ? Why, capital was as necessary for labour, as air was for the existence of man. He would appeal to the dele gates around him, that the mass of the people sought not vio lence or commotion, but peaceable and orderly changes.— ( Cheers,) The most efficient kind of resistance was a subject for intellectual man to determine. They were of opinion that throughout the world's history no permanent good had been effected by the sacrifice of human life. Changes had been effected, and one set of tyrants ruled upon the thrones of others, but the people had been the slaves of the former as they were of the latter.—( Hear, hear.) They sought to convince the religious world that true democracy in practice would be the most efficient means of enforcing the great precept of Christ, to " do unto all men as you would they should do unto you."—(Cheers.) Re formers were already considerable in number, ere long they would have a majority, and by the help of a little schooling they would be able peaceably to take their rights, if they were much longer withheld from them.—(Great cheering.) But they had been reminded that as the operations of nature were progressive, so ought Reformers to take progres sive steps to effect their objects. He thought that natural analogy was not complete, because the first operation of na ture was to sow the seed of production, and then commence her steps towards the leaves, the buds, the blossoms, and the fruit. Now as they found their political soil spread with nought but briars, and thorns, all the cultivation which art could give, would produce nothing but briars and thorns.—( Hear, hear.) They sought, therefore, to remove them, and to plant instead the true seed of Reform ; the first bud of which would be unrestricted knowledge, which would grow up and gra dually extend its leaves till it became a goodly tree, producing fruits of happiness in proportion as they . were wise, virtuous, and intelligent .— ( Continued cheering.) That the people might make some mistakes in the first exer dpaonliitnictaelrersitghints r l e i c e t, , r v y a in s g w t i l l , l e in ir g e t r o r a r a i t s. ; they u were always the first victims of th eir own fo f l y t ctlitseenotfh their e h i a r the interest of the present exclusive possessors . ofß uthtettfrwanas. chide to wink at corruption to-day, that their own deeds mi g ht be winked at to-Morrow—they con nived at un j ust laws, t he they might participate in their exclusive advantages s . waggon-loads of useless, sanguinary, and corrupt le a' s villany and corrupt practices of the Legislature.—( their which It might be asked, what hopes had they that those in disgraced the Statute-book were a standing memoricalhoefertsl) r ho ow p n e ranks would u t l h d at be th tt e er pe u o se ple th h e a f d ra a n n eh in terest in promoting what was their true interests—the, p n e ever fuj prosperity and happiness of all. 2d l y, That bly found on merits of two candidates, they had been invariably they were called upon by a show of hands to deci de on the all heir the side of the honest.—( Cheers.) idly, That in se? exclusive and were directtabeei Trade and Bane& Societies they had selected the best t and most competent to fill the duty of officers. Again, a spirit of inquiry and information was diffusing itself among the millions, and but for the restrictions which had been imposed up on k now l e dg e would have long since diffused it self throughout th e coun t r y.—( Hear, hear.) Again, a spirit of sobriety and t e mp erance was s pr e ading itself among the mil lions, whi c h h e truste d wou ld s h or tly be productive of th e mostlaenaenfiacialcff.ets. philanthropy A w g a a s i nd,iiraussinpgiriittsoefifenalmigoliatgen id bene volence wealthy and better-i n f orme d p or ti ons o f society, t h e more gradually losi ng th e i r ar i stocr atic. prejudices, and unistilZ wore the people in obtaining the great objects they had in vie w ' On such facts, and upon such foundations, they built their hopes of succors. With these observations, which would be followed up by other speakers, who would discharge their duty much inure efficiently than he could attempt, he begged to submit to their consideration the first resolution Mr. LovErr then read the firA resolution, as follows: flesolved I.—That this Meeting is of opinion that the true cause of ail the corruptions and anomalies in Legislation, trading, &stress and difficulties of the commercial, manufacturing, a working classes, is, that our representative system .15 based µ p. ;on exclusive and unjust privileges; and, therefore, believe " tip time has arrived for establishing that system on a foundation as well as the more in accordance with principles of justice, brotherly love, and with the increased knowledge of the people. Mr. tIETHERINGTON then came forward amid much cheer ing to second the resolution. He said that in rising to second the resolution he should be very brief, but at the commence ment it was necessary that he should draw the attention of the meeting to the remarks made in the public Papers about the proceedings they had now commene( d. One of those gentlemen had asserted that they never would succeed in their attempts to make the people happy and free by legislation ; and be said they were imitating the worst acts of the class they professed to despise, by adopting their theory when experience demonstrated its un soundness.— (Cheers.) What were they to think of the editor of a newspaper, who could for a moment think if they obtained,their just power they would imitate their oppressors in anything.--( Cheers.) That man, let him be who he might that said so, had shown his perfect ignorance of the feeling and sentiments of working men.--( Cheers.) What was their object? It was to obtain for every working man's family good education, and to secure by their honest in dustry a fair share of the good things of life, by having just and fair laws.—( Loud cheers.) He would, therefore, put it to the meeting whether they could not see through their object—it was to throw dust in the eyes of the working classes. —(Cheers.) We know, though we cannot make men wise, happy, and free by legislation, we can make them miserable. —(Cheers.) If that was the case, he would ask if any honest independent man was to propose in the House of Commons a law to secure to the people their rights, comforts, and education, what would be its reception ? Why, it would be unceremoniously rejected.—(Cheers.) Such being the case it was only necessary to state a few facts to them, that though they were powerless to do good they were power ful to do evil—(Cheers)—and thus they would continue to pass laws which would destroy the happiness and welfare of the people.—(Loud and continued cheering.) When any coercion Bill was to be proposed, they all knew how soon it was passed, though it might be of a brutal and bloody character.—( Hear, bear.) If a Corn-law was to be passed, which would take sixpence out of every shil ling of a poor man, how soon would that be passed ? If they wanted to stop the people from obtaining political knowledge, they could make political pamphlets an excisable commodity; and they could pass poor-laws after they had robbed and plundered men of the means of labour. If they could do all this, it must be seen that legislation was powerful for mischief when it was in the hands of such people.--( Hear, hear.) He would now refer to the countries where people possessed their rights. He would refer the gentlemen of the Press to despotic Russia, where they would find the whole po pulation reduced to absolute slavery ; but let them turn to America, where the people had their rights, and they would see liberty, prosperity, and happiness go hand in hand.--( Hear.) The Morning Chronicle, perhaps, might say that these cases were very dissimilar—that America was not at all like England—that there there was an immense ex tent of territory which was very thinly populated, but that here was a very small territory over-populated. Let them look to Russia—there was a• large extent of territory very thinly populated ; and yet because the people had not their rights they were slaves and serfs on the land. There was an answer to the Morning Chronicle. Look again to Italy, that beautiful climate where all the productions of Na ture sprung up in abundance and profusion, and yet the people were ignorant—degraded—miserable, and in slavery. The reason was that there the people had no rights—that they had not the power of choosing the persons who had the power of making laws—( Hear, hear, hear)-- affecting their rights and liberties.—(Cheers.) Dr. Bowring had shown in his report to the House of Commons on the manufactures and commerce of Switzerland, that the people were well fed—that they had good and convenient houses— cheap and speedy justice—aad that the prosperity of that country exceeded all others. Dr. Bowring said that the consumption of meat iu Genoa for the last eight years in proportion to the population, was twice as much as in Paris, and that the consumption of wine was also twice as much. Now, would net the people of this country like to have twice as much meat and wine as the people of Paris ?—( Cheers and laughter.) And they would have it, if, with their industry and capabilities. they could get the right of making the laws. It was a shame where there was enough for all that some people should have power over ten times what they could consume, while there were thousands who could not get the necessaries of life.—(Hear, hear.) He thought ho might safely say that the time had now arrived when the work ing-classee should make a joint movement for the pur pose of obtaining the Suffrage, but some persons argued differently. Mr. Ward, the Member for Sheffield, had just discovered that he was in favour of an extension of the Suffrage, and he (Mr. H.) wished to speak of him with all respect, because he was a clever man, and would do great good to the cause, if they could win him over. --(Cries of " Hear.") He (Mr. H.) did not despair of that for he was a Movement man. Mr. Ward said he would give the people the Suffrage in proportion as they would be come intelligent. What test did he give? That was an argu ment in the hands of those who had the power never to give it to the people. When would they say the people were fit? Never. It would be just like trying to convert a Bishop.—( Laughter.) If they were to attempt that they would find that he had 30,000 reasons against it in the shape of his salary. —( Cheers.) But the working classes had a different test. They said that when a man arrived at the age of twenty-one, they had a right to presume that he was intelligent enough to exercise his rights.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The time had now arrived when, if the people exerted themselves properly, they would not fail in ob taining that which every man was entitled to—the right of being represented in Parliament.—(Cheers.) But while the present men had the right of passing these iniquitous laws the people would never have justice. It always had been so, and ever would. The people, till they were represented, would find the laws of a bad House of Commons to be the engines of plunder and oppression to those who lived by, la bour.—(Cheers.) He cordially seconded the resolution. Mr. EBINELIIII ELLIOTT, the Corn-law Rhymer, then came forward and was loudly cheered. He said—Fellow-country men, how shall I, a poor half-brained poet , venture to speak in :this talented presence? I see around me great men— Peyronnet Thomson, who has done more for freedom of trade, that is, for freedom itself, than any other man—Leader, a tried and true friend of the people—Muntz, another—Lovett two of your own talented servants, with many and Douglass , more, equa lly talented, whose names I do not know—your brave O'Connor, too, whose eloquence reminds me of; Ho mer's description of that of Ulysses—" for when the deep and mellow bass breaks forth from his broad breast, the breath of all is hushed, all listen, all are still." As these men will address you, it would indeed be presumption in me to trespass on your attention; but if you will allow me to speak a few words, they' shall be the plainest that will express honest thoughts. Your enemies tell you, that meetings like this mean nothing. But I tell them, that when the people cheerfully pay out of their pover ty for meetings like this, they mean a grea t deal— for they mean that the people are in earnest ; and when nations are in earnest, they get their righte.—(Cheers.) You are told, too, by your friends, that you must not now ag i tate f or the franchise. Why not? Because, for want of it, you have been robbed of almost everything else. A strange argument I But that you may agitate for, and obtain it, I wish to convince you of two things—that you can obtain it, if you will— and that, if you do not speedily obtain it , taxation will drive your trade to other countries, and you will find yourselves in the streets without wages, without food, without the possibility of either, unless you devour first your oppressors, and then per haps each other.—( Hear, hear.) What has happened in other countries, from similar causes, may happen here. Holland was once a great manufacturing country. What became of the ma nufactures of Holland? Taxation drove them to England. There is in Holland a town called Delf, where the name of an Englishman is hateful to this day ; but where the people, instead of hating us , ought t o have prevented the taxation which enabled us to take from them their pottery trade. When the Walkers of R otherham, some ei g ht y y ears a go , established their little iron foundry, they found that they could make for 255. each, side ovens, such as the Hollanders could not afford for less than 455. each.—( Hear, hear.) Need you wonder, then, that Holland lost her iron trade, and that the Walkers, of Rotherham, made a fortune ? France, though never a great manufacturing country, possessed before the Revolution con siderable manufactures ; and it is remarkable that she possessed Trades' Unions also, which postponed the fall of wages, but could not prevent the destruction of her trade. Down it went, as your's is going, beneath the weight of taxation ; and when two bad harvests came in succession (as may happen here), the French people having no manufactured goods to give in exchange for foreign corn, the Revolution followed of course.—( Hear, hear.) And what happened then? The principle of Trades' Unions—that is, the principle of union itself—applied by Denton to all France in the shape of 44,000 Committees, one in every parish—and of the first of which the present Louis Philippe, King of France was door-keeper— ( Ilear, hear)—prevented the partition of the French territory among the invading despots, created fourteen armies in one year, made them all victorious—and transformed a nation, consisting of perhaps 50,000 Lords and Lordlings, and about twenty-four million slaves and beggars, into a nation of free holders.—(Cries of " hear, hear.") Now, if the principle of union, so applied, at such a time, could work such won ders, don't you think, that if it had been applied in time in the obtaining of education and the elective franchise for the French people, it might have prevented the revolution itself? Surely it might. Why, then, don't you so apply it? If you had possessed the franchise 23 years ago, would you now be P a y in g 33, per stone for bread, and Bd. per lb. for beef? No, rather than have endured the misrule of the last 23 years, you would have demanded, and through the franchise have ob tained, a separate legislature for manufactures a nd trade. ( Loud cheers.) If your fathers, 50 years ago, had possessed the franchise, would one thousand seven hundred and forty millions have been spent in wars on French liberty ? No, you would have had all that money now, and it would have made you all freeholders. Yes, and y ou would h ave three thousand millions more, which have since been d estroyed by the food monopoly—the interest of which enormous sums—more than five times that of your national debt —would have giver' every one of you two months leisure a year, to see your beautiful country, and other countries, to fill your veins with sunbeams, your hearts with noble feelings, your minds with noble thougfas ; it would have made you, Oh in y soul as w e ll as bod images of G o d l—( Great cheering) , but you are told, our fathers were worse off than you are. They ou g h t to hive been worse off, or what I ns become of the earnings of tip: steam engine? But facts tell a cliff:rent tale ; they show that your oppresois have improved in the science of misrule. During the f { Est eta y•ears of the seventeenth century, the poo r rates inceeased only from one to two m illions, and during. the very next fifteen years—years of glorious tear-.eta ay In creased f rom two to eight m illi ons . N o w, if your fathers and you had possessed the franchise, don't you think your utie p 'alled mac hi nery and industry wou ld have produced very dif ferent result s ? Th e d ec l are d va lue of i } 'our ex?orts r 1801 S lb/ .:17r vas forty millions, and in 1837 only thirty-t•ig'it millions, yet you made and sold in 1837 more than twice as many goods as -- ---- - - their own : Merv. But if the soldiers or e ' .:' I li:, _ , were to come amongst t h em and to break the a l , ''',-", the Constitution —to cut th e th roats o f t h e p 6 e .i N. , would be for th.. men of E ng l an d an d o f S cotland to say what they would do.—( A voice in the crowd—" Auld reekie fat ever ;"a laugh)—Scotland was in a state of high preparedness and that had Leal brought about chiefly by the agency of ono man. lie had heard Thompson and Leader spoken of as hav ing done gr. at good ; as regarded Scotland, there was one vk ho had d(ne more, and that was the bravo O'Conc nor.—(Loud c'wers.) Now, when many were joining glom fining that their cause was strengthening —even the Press, which was turning round, on finding that they were gaining great strength, invariably attacked Fergus O'Connor. Their first obligations were duo to those men who had stood by them in evil hours—to those who ware with them in season and out of season—so far as regarded Scotland, that man had been Feargus O'Connor.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put from the Chair, and ( a-ried unanimously. in 1801.—( Hear, hear.) What has become of the difference ? Your aristocracy have devoured or destroyed it by their monopoly of law-making, compelling you to give daily more and more labour and skill for less and less food.—( Hear.) They declare by Act of Parliament that they cannot live as palaced-idlers unless they feed on the industrious, and their declaration must be either false or true: if it is true, why .. don't they go to the workhouse ? If it is false, why are they not sent to the treadmill ?—(Cheers.) Or, rather, why don't you obtain the franchise, and see justice done ?—(llear.) They use their property as highwaymen use their pistols. Not satisfied with obtaining their war prices in time of peace, by their Corn-laws, and their paper-rents in gold, by Peel's Bill —are they not every day perpetrating fresh treasons? Have they not lately deprived you of your privilege of out-door re lief, in the face of their own Parliamentary declaration, placed, thank God, on eternal record, that they are them selves the most destructive horde of beggars that ever infested any community ?--( Hear, and loud cheering.) They ought first to have taken their hands out of your pockets; they should have ceased to rob you of half your earnings ; they should have shown that they could live on their own ; they should have set you the example of self-dependence.— ( Cheers.) One of the darkest, saddest, bloodiest pages in SCCCOND 4 EDITION. history, is th a t w hi c h recor d s t h e first acts of the first few months of the reign of Queen Victoria. During those few Mr. ROBERT HARTWELL then appeared on the platform, and s months your oppressors perpetrat e d i n C a nada atrocities which said he rose at the requ es t o f t h e W or ki ng M e n ' s Association, to move the Bill to be i n t ro d uce d i nto t h e Commons House of would have disgraced the rei gn o f Ki ng C a stl ere agh, and which Wellington Imperator e when the time comes, will not Parliament, be denomin a t e d th e P eop l e ' s Ch arter, and which be able to parallel---( Hear.) I must try to give you a faint was necessary to rescu e th e wor ki ng c l asses from their idea of those horrors. Suppose that the emissaries of Peterloo, present degreded state o f th ra ld om.— ( H ear, hear, hear.) Melbourne, and Corn-law Russell, seize me as I return from Before commenting o n th e pr i nc i p l es conta i ned in the this meeting - . Then suppose that some of you rescue me, as Charter, it would be hi s d uty to exp l a i n to the meet they drag me through the streets, untried, yet with a rope ing the rise and progress o f th a t d ocument. T he mem round my neck ; then suppose that their Janissaries fire the bers of the Working Men's As soc i a ti on , i n common with town, and butcher in cold blood unexpecting, and almost un- their brother Radicals th roug h ou t t h e country, h ad Seen with regret, that while resoluti on s h a d b een passe d i n fa resisting man, woman, and child, and you will have a faint idea of the doings of your Aristocracy in Canada 1—( Shame, your of that principle, and that w hil e energet i c ap p ea l s shame.) And why were those doings done ? Because the had been made to the pe o pl e t o come f orwar d i n f avour o f Universal Suffrage, those re so l u ti ons h a d never b een put i nto Canadian Commons refused the supplies. Now if the Canadian Commons have no right to refuse the supplies, a practical shape. The W or ki ng Men's Association, there the British Commons have none ; and this your Reformed fore, thought they ought t o em b o d y t h e pr i nc i p l es o f R a di cal Reform in an Act of Parlia men t, an d which would be submitted Commons have in act affirmed, while Wellington in the Lords was affirming the same, and laying you bound hand and f oo t to a public meeting like th e p resent . H av i ng resented on this c at the mercy of that meek British Prince, who was always an course, the Association wrote c i rcu l ars t o t h ose M em b ers o f Parliament whom they d eeme d, by t h e i r votes or speec h es, to Ernest foreigner in his heart. What hope, then, h ave y ou , but in yourselves ? Oh, but you are not fit to ex erc i se th e be favourable to Univ ersa l S u ff rage . Th at c i rcu l ar was en franchise I Are you less fit than they w h o exerc i se it a l rea dy? swered by twelve Memb e r s o f th e H ouse . Th ey met t h e A s- Could you make a worse use of it than they have made ? If sociation, and, after two nights' discussion, it was resolved that you had it now could you do worse than send to Parliament six Members of Parliament and six members of the Association men who offer a premium of a hundred millions a-year for the should draw up the outlines of a Bill which should embody destruction of your trade ? Do you expect to get your rights Universal Suffrage—No Property Qualification—Annual by supporting men whose interests are opposed to yours? All Parliaments—Equal Representation--P a y ment of Members—. history shows that men w h o can a ff or d to b e idl e, never l eg i s- and Vote by B a ll ot. T he result of their labours was the pro late usefully for the industrious. I doubt whether there are duetion of the People's Charter, which had, already received one hundred men in London worth 20,000!. each, who do not the sanction of immense masses of their fellow-workmen in their hearts hate and fear every workman who is supposed to throughout the country. There were two classes of have a mind of his own. Even in America this is true. The objectors to Universal Suffrage. —The one class broadly Senate of the United States, representing the monied aristo- denied the right of the working men to a voice cracy of that country, would at this moment, if they could, in the representation at all • and the other, while it make a swindling banker Dictator of America. Yet America conceded the right, thought they were too ignorant to.exere has only one Senate, you have two, neither of them re- else it. Any one who made use of the latter argument only presenting you ; yet making your laws, because they trumpeted forth his own disgrace. They had a Government are all men of one sort, that is to say, all idle and a ll the majority of whom, he believed, did not in the abstract rich. Well, you are all men of one sort, and all of a deny the right of the people to enjoy the Suffrage; but they goo d sort, for you aro all industrious, and there are 3,000,000 sa:d the people were so ignorant that if they had it t h ey wou ld of you. Why, then, do you consent to have two Houses of do mischief to themselves and to every body else. Yet that Lords, and no House of Commons ? Why don't you obtain Government, while insulting their understandingsand common the franchise ? Don't say you cannot. If the principle of sense by saying they, were so ignorant adopted every means in union could transform France, when invaded on all sides, from thsir power to perp e tuate th e p resent system. His notion of a. a nation of beggars into a nation of freeholders, surely it could Government was, that it should be founded as well for a pea give you the franchise. How do your enemies contrive to op- sant es a prince, and that a ft er h av i ng prov i ded for the press you? By union and perseverance; like pigs in a potatoe physical wants of a people, the laws of Government field, they always keep their noses at the grubbing p o i nt , and man required them to attend to the moral and Surely you can do in a good ca use w h a t th e y d o i n a b a d one , intellectual education of the people. There was You are not pigs, but until you get the franchise, you arc not another and a third class of objectors, who said they men. Obtain it then, though your merchants and master went with the people for Universal Suffrage, but that they manufacturers (as their absence proves) seem willing to be went with them for other essentials. They acknowledged the ruined by fine folks, for the honour of the thing. Obtain it, great intelligence amongst the working classes, but they were though your shopkeepers (as their absence proves) seem wil- afraid the agricultural population would overbalance the its. ling to sell their souls, if they have any, for one per cent. on telligence of the large towns. He could state one or two three halfpence. Prevent the destruction of your trade. facts, which would show that the agricultural population, the Avert a catastrophe which, if it happen, will cast the horrors labourers he meant, for the farmers were deplorably ignorant of the first French revolution utterly into shade. Do not let —( Cheers and laughter)—that the whole mass of the la your aristocracy prepare for your young and innocent Queen a bourers of Northamptonshire, Wilts, Essex, Devonshire, and fate like that of Marie A n t o i ne tt e o f F rance . R eso l ve t h at you Dorsetshire, five of the most Tory counties, were alive 1:0 the will no longer be the white slaves of men who have declared interests of the working classes. He had a document, signed themselves bankrupt—men w h ose p re t ens i o ns t o govern, a by 800 agricultural labourers in Dorsetshire, pledging them glance of scrutiny will annihilate—men who, by their selves to advocate the principles of the People's Ch ar t er e v en t o horrible legislati on , s t r iki ng a t th e foundations of pro- the death if necessary. There were 9 parishes In the neighbour perty itself, h ave j ust l y e or fei te d_l w ill no t s a y a ll hood of Bland ford, in which every labouring man had signed this social rights ; but thi s I am justified in saying, that document. It was true that the agricultural labourer might if I be again pl ace d i n a j ury b ox to try a criminal cause, not be able to come forward and express himself as some of while those enormous criminals p er petrate their crimes the working men could, but if they reasoned with him they unrestrained, I shall not be able t o fi n d verdicts against their would find his understanding equal to their own.--( Cheers.) victims ; for to do so, would be to murder them !—( Hear.) There might be some gentlemen who intended to move an Put an end, then, to this unholy s t a t e o f t hi ngs . L et t h ere amendment by introducing the Poor-laws, the Corn-laws, or be no more legislation for classes. And, I pray you, let no the Currency. He admitted, that if gentlemen disapp rove d other object divert your attention from the franchise, which of Universal Suffrage they might mare Household Suffrage contains all good objects, as the acorn carries within it the oa k as an amendment, but he was certain that no friend to the and his for ) And let us have no talk about working classes would i n t ro d uce t h e su bj ects which he had physical force—for you can use it victoriously when ever y ou mentioned. If they wanted a repeal of the Corn-laws, of the need ; but men who mean to use it:don't always warn the enemy Poor-laws, of the Curren c y, a R e f orm o f t h e Church, and of to be beforehand with them. You will not need it. You have the Crown expenses, they must radicalize the House of Corn only to combat the demon of mischief in the spirit of unity ; mons. Ile would say, in conclusion, that on the working classes believing that in the purity of your motives you are represen- themselves depended whether the agitation now in progress tatives of God, and your succ es s certain—that is, if youenake should succeed—whether they would be able to wring from haste. But if you wait " till the golden bowl of your cog- a reluctant and imbecile Government their inalienable rights. merce is broken, till the silver cord is loosed, the weight of a Let there be no secrecy about their agitation ; let their grasshopper will be a burden t o y ou r t ra d e l ess wea k ness ."— opinions be publish e d, an d t h ey wou ld d e f eat any attempt (Load cheers.) which the Gover n m en t m i g ht ma k e to pass coerc i ve laws Mr. Joffe FRASER, of Edinburgh, then came forward, and which the people might feel it their duty to resist, and was loudly cheered. He said he had, along with hi s f r i en d thereby plunge the nation in the horrors of a civil war. By Mr. Duncan, been appointed to appear before them that day Pursuing their course as they were now doing, they wrauld as the bumble representative of the Radicals of Edinburgh._ ere long plant the democratic tree of liberty in the piece of (Cheers.) Fifteen thousand of them had met last Monday aristocratic oppression.—(Cheers.) And no Government, night at theGallowgate—on the Calton Hill, under God's own however cruel, vile, or profligate, could stop the glorious and blessed light, with one heart an d vo i ce , t h ere was no disse ns i on hallowed cause of equal rights and equal laws.—(Cheers.) among them—to elect the humble individuals who had been He proposed the second resolution. • appointed to come before them. They came in the name of 2. That the p r i nc i p l es of R epresentation, as defined by the the Metropolitan Radicals of S co tl an d, t o o ff er t o them,. the " People's Charter," are just and reasonable, embracing, as it does Metropolitan Radicals of England, the right hand of fellow- Universal suffrage, No Property Qualification, Annual Parlia vth ich l , , in their practical operation would, in the opinion of ship.—( Loud cheers.) Scotland had been behind -England, ou e s, th o e f means ari of rit=Equal Representation, Payment of Members, and Vote by this meeting,' at least some parts of it, in commencing the glorious move-,Commons' paid by the Parliament —persons who,. being .responsible ment but let them trine care that those who were last migntreturning just Representatives to the to, and being just interests of the nationl people, nwothose be more l n tly e t o o n p s rjr ut o e te t r a e t not yet he first.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) The men of Scotland, when once in the field of war, Assembly. This meeting, therefore, soleam o l were like their own native oaks—stubborn, strong, and un- Assembly. This meeting, therefore, solemnly adopt the " Peopls,'s bending—and would be the last to turn their backs upon the Charter," as a measure of justice they are resolved by all legal common foe. The men of England were said to be more means to endeavour to obtain. excitable than the people of Scotland ; but though they w e re Mr. CLEAVE then presented himself to the meeting and long to warm, the warmth was slow to pass away—though was loudly cheered. He said they had on the present occa they were slow to move, when once the movement had sion a great number of persons from the country in attend taken place where was the power that could resist a ance, and he was excecingly anxious that they should hear phalanx of brave and sturdy Scotchmen?—( Loud cheers.) them to-day, more especially as his friend Frazer from Scot- The thronging thousands of England were now in advance, land had given them so cheering an account of the progress and the people of Scotland would grant them that honour ; of the good cause in Scotland.—(" Hear, hear," and but woe be to them if after that honour had been conceded cheers.) Let them look at the fact stated by him that to them they flinched from the great responsibility they had in the course of a tour which he had lately made taken upon themselves.—( Loud cries of " Never." Woe through Scotland not less than 80,000 persons had seen the be to them if they flinched from the discharge folly of intemperance, and were about to superadd to Rath_ of the duty which had devolved upon them. If calism the virtue of sobriety.—( Loud cheers.) If it were they did,' . the enemy would be before them and the Scot c h for nothing e l se b ut t h e b ene fi t o f their wives and their Radicals behind them, and he would ask them if in such a children he would exhort them to put teleir seal to that most position th e y wou ld t h en b e t h e p r id e a nd admiration of the righteous determination. They wught to know that it world. Humble as he was, he, together with Abraham Dun- uses necessary for them to be as wise as serpents, but to be can, had had the honour of addressing, within the last three harmless as doves ; and let the:n take into consideration that months, nearly one million of the working men of Scotland.— every glass of gin and every quid of tobacco they consumed, (Cheers.) If the meeting would allow him, he would tell only made gold for the Ministers to squander away. The rod of them the state of f ee li ng i n Scotland.—(Cries of " Yes.") correction had been applied to the people, but they themselves What he should now state would not be so exciting, but had supplied the means to purchase the rod.—( Hear.) If they it would snake known to the world, through the press, the wished the Government to be more upright —if they wished feelings of the Radicals of Scotland.—(Cheers.) In that to obtain the Charter contained in the resolution he had. country they had no press for the Radicals. It was true that the honour to second, let all their resolves be of the most fe w now and then there were some little chirrupings, but there leinu description, and let them recollect, if they held up t'aeir was no press for the Radicals. In Dumfries there hands in support of that resolution, never to leave a stone was an admirable Association, in a moat flourishing unturned until they were admitted within the pale of tfee Con condition, who had sent delegates throughout Scotland, f rom stitution, until they had a right to vote for t'eose who one of whom he had received a letter some days ago, st a ti ng made the laws by which they were governed.—( Dear, hear.) that he had been highly successful. In Ayrshire, th e l an d Did they believe they had that right ?—( Cries of " Yes.") that gave birth to the immortal Burns, the principal towns and Would they work for it ?—( Yes, yes.) Then let them sup villages were in favour of Universal Suffrage. In Renfrewshire port the resolution, and more especially adopt the latter clause and Paisley there were powerful organisation, consisting of up- with three cheers —" that this meeting, therefore, solemnly wards of three thousand members. In fact, in every part adopt the Peopl e ' s Ch arter , as a measure of j ust i ce ate they a o f th e county of Renfrewshire with th e exce pti on o f Greenock, resolved by all legal means to endeavour to obtain."—( Che ers , ) Universal Sufferarse was advocated. Poor Greenock had Let them show themselves worthy of that resolution, and - while erected a Town lian a but it was not the temple of liberty. As workmen they were unequalled in the whole world- —while In ' Glasgow! and Hamilton :organizations had been formed as servants they fulfilled their duties, and while as' in favour of the principle of Universal Suffrage.—( Cheers.) they were a n exam pl e to every ot h er nation, let tleem be de- In the east of Scotland, the place where the voice of r e f orm t erm i ne d to crouch to no man, but in all righteleus things' to had scarcely been heard, there the spiritof liberty was warming stand up as the equals, and not as the inferioes of any man into life and activity. Howick that had fought against aliv e .—( V e h ement c h eering.) Ile hoped t'. sey would excuse: the English, had now raised its voice with them, in his going further into the subject at pre sent , favour of Universal Suffrage. In that place a mee ti ng ex h ort t h em to hear with attention t; but lie would nn Delegates from the was to have been held that very day, but it had been put North and South, whom it delighted-'his: to know were pre off on account of Mr. Duncan and himself having been in- sent. They could answer practically the objections of well vited to th a t meeting. In Edi n b urg h t h e spirit of Radical- intentioned oppositioe with respect to the views and prospects:; i sm wa s triumphant, and the Whigs dare not show their faces of sound Radicals in every part of the country. Let thew' there. —( Cheers.) In all the important towns between lay aside all contentions and unite all their ens rgies Edi n burgh and Glasgow o rgan i zat i ons i n favour of Universal until they had got within the pale of the unit: s il o - Wed, Suffrage was going on. hi Fifeshire organization was pro- buildin g before them.—(Great laughter an d cheering,) g ) All ceeding at a speedy rate, and no l ess than 20,000 men of that vs - aa necessary to achieve that obj ec t was eo ' Make a Fife had signed the National Petition._(Cries of " Hear, hug pull, a strung pull, and a pull altogether, Mr. Cleave hear.") In Dun it e orgameation was going on admirably— concluded by seconding the second eesolutiow. the deligates that had been cent there were working admi- Mr. DOUGLAS, one of the delegates from Birmingham, then rably. In Forfare, Montrose, Arbroath and Aberdeen the spirit came for ward. He had not come there for the purpose of,l of liberty was as warm as in the summers south.—( Cheers.) s ur p r i s i ng t h em w i t h an y displa- 1 of eloquence. He came. as He and Mr. Duncan had addressed upwards of 20,000 men in the mere representative of tla e itirmingham button-makers.— Aberdeen, and he had no hesitation in saying that the organize- ( X laugh.) Th e y were 'fain men, arid spoke plain words, tion would not stop until it had reached John-o-Groats house. in a plaits manner ; an e, h e h ope d t h at in the present instance The mass of the people of Scotland were with the men of he spoke to plain mnn. He had one or two questions to put Scotland, th e y h a d ta k en t h e su bj ect up i n so b er seriousness, to them before he • `vent farther. He wished to ask those who and they w ere now d eterm i ne d to strugg l e f or one thing, and were unrepresented, and who did not occupy 101 . houses, if for one thi ng on l y —U n i versa l S u ff rage. The men, o f s ect . they wc::.t to the grocers or the bakers, would they get land had done with the Tories, and had hid an eternal fare- a f l eawback on the articles they purchased ? He wished, well to the Whigs. The men of Scotland had taken the re- be know whether the Excise-officer and the Customhou nee commendation of the working men of London, and were Np roof being tendered that they had determined to carry on their proceedings in sober seriousness, I G IO . c V e o r t , e, Id interfere between them and the goo ,s vihich He wished to until these drinkin g habits are totally abolished there can he the Lord of nature had given them. upon the Know with no prosperity in those lands.- .(Cheers.) ) There was one respect to the penalties of the law—of whie ,n they were more statcmsr i t lie had to make, diet was as regarded phy- ignorant to judge_ee wished to know whethe_c Lord Denman 'eclaratio upon this cal force. Its Fregrinalcions the Committees had always or Sir F. Roe would interfere under a d asked whether he and his friend came to advocate physical ground, that they were unfrrehise , d. He thought when he furce. They had alw a y s ,e case. It was said, and great moral wails Aieli had been yet untried with some appearance of reason , that the people who claimed said no, for there weae put these questions, lie put their who , arid they must be totally exhausted before any other were the franchise were ignorant • end poor.—( Hear.) With respect would tell them of what• it consisted : tried.—( Uliesrs.) Scotehrnen were exceedingly caution; to their ignorance he upon such a point,—(A laugh.) In Hamilton, a toeni of eueb learning as some men, they could not great enlightenment, raid of importance, after he (Mr. F. ) trace . .. b ' " .... lute Noah's Ark —( Cheers)--but he denied..that, had done si'eaking, a person asked him what they were to do— were they to turn the left cheek sce .. , they had u!rt so -. for ...1 the necessary purposes ef life they were not perfectly educated. The operatives of Birmingham knew well the right ? lie anssvered. - "te the laws, by doing so 111.7? ac hi eve d whol e of the operations of so complicated a machine as the y r they were smote upon w_. TO - BE CONTINUED IN OUR SECOND EDITION. -1 , ? 4 41 . - `t-;11 EIB ,' le 9 700- ioes, a, or mo ot 31'10 ,d on the but a de? rn i s else• , d at , inded ,ence' , It '-' oach 0, for fol.. A to t any t - th e vs A ; i• nt °- y er of th e i ade ` j vho is hot' The o r o b. ' tbr° f? Ito the esicie s. to irr. bee° tbAC