The Sun. — London, England, 1838-01-17 00:00:00

panied with the disgraceful Act which was to suspend the i the evils which accrued from this source; but how did the liberties of the whole of the people.—( Hear.) . If he were i Noble Lord reconcile with his speech the fact, that though to advise any course it would be that Government should declare i the House had resolved that important a l terat i ons should be a general amnesty. Let Lord Durh a m go out w i t h f u ll p owe rs I made in this Council, Lord Gosford, when lie opened the so to act, and then it would appear that revenge was not 1 House of Assembly, on the 18th of August, was not prepared their object, but that justice was what they wished to effect. I with such alterations ? Did such a course of conduct give the But at present what had the Canadians to expect ? What, I House of Assembly a fair chance of proceeding to the dis after the Government had suspended their charter, had they I charge of its duties? Was it taking the best means of avoid_ to look for? Would they not look at every act with suspicion ins! . the ultimate painful consequen ces ? Either Lend Gol and jealousy that this country might d o ? W ou ld they not ford - or the Colonial-cfliee appeared to him to have been guilty feel a want of confidence in all that they proposed ? If, then, of a great omission, and to be chargeable in some measure the noble lord wished to prevent the shedding of blood, let him with a neglect of duty. It seemed also to him (Mr. Grote), pass an act of amnesty and sent out Lord Durham to declare" that from the tone of the Noble Lord the Member for Stroud, it. Did not Sir Charles Grey tell them after a residence of in treating this question with an" entire absence of all con twelve months in Canada, that it was essential to interfere with ciliation, it was not difficult to foresee a long series of increas the Legislative Assembly ? It was admitted that a spirit of ing embarrassments and difficulties. Her Majesty's Ministers opposition had been excited that required an appeal to force; seemed not to be unwilling to undertake what had ever but he, for one, hated and detested war, above all. civil war. been a d fficult task to every Government—they were not Civil war was the most to be abhorred, and to avoid such a unwilling to attempt the Herculean task of ruling in de calamity he thought the Government ought not to stand upon fiance of the recorded tense of a majority of the inhabi_ any punctilios. But what was proposed ? It was proposed tants which they were called upon to govern ?—( Hear.) By to send out Lord Durham. Could Lord Durham do anything what means was this last to be accomplished ? To what unless he got power? No. What did the Noble Lord pro- could they look but f orce , constra i nt to prevent the outburst of pose to do? He did not p r op os e t o g i ve Lord Durham any dissatisfaction secu r ity? Th ey should recollect that it was not the 'esawsfaction whi c h wou ld smou l der beneath the surface of such powers as would enable him to a c c o mplish the only object fancied it was necessary he should effect. This being so, Lord Dur- same thing to put down by armed restraint and to eradicate ham would go out to Canada under such circumstances as discontent. —( Hear.) He did hope, however, that the Noble would cover him with the like disgrace that had visited Lord Lord would not think it beneath his attention to consider that Gosford. It was not Lower Canada alone that demanded the Canadians were bordering on the United States of Ame redress. The other North American colonies were equally rice, and that however considerable might be the vast power of anxious to obtain justice from this country. If, then, the Noble England to keep down a most reluctant people, yet they could Lord were not disposed to make a permanent settlement with riot fail to imbibe something of the feelings and the habits of these colonies upon a constitutional basis, did he mean to keep that vast and flourishing Republic,- which occupied so large a them down by mere physical force? Would the people of Eng- portion of that Continent, and which was so close to the Hunts land submit to the expense of such a policy ? The Noble of Lower Canada. • It seemed to him (Mr. Grote) that to Lord had said that the feelings of the people were generally rule in the manner proposed was to saddle on England a with ohm. He (Mr. Hume) differed from th e N o bl e L or d i n great burden and inconvenience, aid to entail on the Pro that respect. He believed that the people were anxious to vince itself nothing but what was oppressive and intolerable. put an end to bl o odshed, and to effect a conciliation. This Let the Noble Lcrd say whether, with the best intentions on the Nobl e Lord m i g ht succeed in accomplishing by passing an the part of the Colonial-office, it was practicabl e t o prevent Act of amnesty in favour of those who had beets placed in in so distant a colony a s C ana d a t h e possession of power their pres en t p re dicament by the extraordinary and unaccount_ which might be turned to the private purposes of a small able proceedings of the Colonial Government. If the Noble knot of individuals, of a little oligarchy, who govern there Lord w ou ld do that, he (Mr. Hume) was pe r f ec tly sa ti s fi e d ; for their own benefit under the name of the Colonial-office._ he might mak* amends for much that he had done. It was ( Hear, hear.) Ile would predict that even if they sent not th e man w ho shed blood, but the man who stimulat e d him Lord Durham to Canada he would find no men more on, th a t wa s the mere guilty party.--(" Hear, hear," from ready to thwart his views than this very Legisl a ti ve Council, the Opposition.) He would repeat that it was the reso m, for whose sake her Majesty's Ministers appeared inclined al tions of the Noble Lord that had stimulated the .people of most to decimate the people. He would find nothing but jots Lower Canada to revolt and bloodshed.—( Laughter.) It which it would be his duty to put down, and he would diss was unjust conduct of the House of Commons, and the viola- cover the most gross mismanagement; and if he agreed to go Lion of the rights of the whole province of Canada, that led out armed with nothing but pains and penalties unsuited to the to the bloodshed that had taken place.—( Hear, hear.) H e genius of a free country, he would be thwa r t e d as we ll b y t h e was sorry to lave been obliged to state his opinions a t th e Legislative C ounc il as by the people at large. To the Bill length at which he had done, but he had felt it a duty both to suegested by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) he should feel himself and to the cause which he had advocated to advance it his duty to give his strenuous opposition, in its passage the opinions he had declared, and he should sit down by e x _ through every stage; he thought that the Legislative Council pressing his deep regret at the course which the Noble Lord had not done anything to justify a measure so stringent and had proposed to the. House. severe. The Government had taken up the worst ground Lord ELIOT could not help asking whether two great which it could occupy, when it said to the Canadians, " You bonuses had not been given by this country to Canada? Who- shall either have a Legislative Council unfriendly to the great ther one attic concessions was not the Act of 1791, by which body of the people, or you shall have no Constitution at all ; a Constitution was conceded to the Canedas; In that Act there and lie confessed that he entertained no very !ang u i ne eep ec _ was an oath prescribed to all persons in the Provinces, by which tation from the success attending the Governor going out after they swore allegiance to his Majesty, as subjects of the Pro- such a measure as was then suggested. He doubted not but vinces dependent upon and belonging to Great Britai n , a n d that Lord Durham would introduce into Canada the measures that they would, to the utmost of their power, maintain which the Committee of 1828 had sugg,ested long ago; and he the King, his right and dignity, in those Provinces, begged the Noble Lord especially to recollect that even at lie would leave it for the Hon. Gentleman the Member that tine the Committee recommended !hat the Legislativ e for Kilkenny, to account for the conduct of those whose Council should be formed of men of impartial and coacilia cause ho vvas now advocating after having taken that oa th, tory dispositions, and that this recommendation had never been The next concession made by this country to the Canadians carded out doer' to the present time. If the Council had was the Act of 1831, by which, as the Noble Lord hail said, been made thus impartial and conciliatory, how dill it happen in a spisit of generous confidence the whole of the Crown that the people did not gratefully acknowledge the change ? revenues were made over to them. What, he (Lord Eli o t) Let them look at a case in point, to which the Noble Lord would ask, had been the return mad e by th e Canadians for would find no objection—let them look at Lord Mulgrave's this concession ?—( Hear.) Again, the Crown acceded to the government in Ireland, where his (Mr. Grote's) position was proposal that the Judges should no longer hold office during fully made out. Let them look at the altered feeling of the pleasure, b u t according to their good conduct, and he wou'd people of Ireland, when they really felt that there was in the ask whether that concession had been responded to by the Government a recognition of their wishes, and a desire to act House of Assembly ? Not at all ; and it was equ a lly t rue impartially and conciliatory.— ( Hear, hear. ) And why had that they had altogether refused to make any permanent not the same feeling been discovered in Canada if there was provision for the Governor or the Executive Council in the same cause for its existence ? If this feeling had been conformity with their own recorded declaration. Several fostered, if the people in Canada had been dealt with in a grievances unquestionably existed in Canada, and deser ve d conciliatory, friendly, and kind manner, he entertained a considetation ; but one of the first grievances alleged by th e strong conviction that the demands which they had put for- Canadians themselves was the present constitution of the Le- ward would have been disposed of satisfactorily, that either gislative Assembly, which the Canadians wished to be elective. they would not have been so strongly pressed, or they would It appeared to tam that a body of men fit to constitute an have been susceptible of an easier adjustment. If the House upper or aristocratic chamber was utterly unatteinable in passed a Bill suspending the Canadian Constitution, unacoon. Canada.—( Hear, hear.) It was Mr. Pitt's wish to attain it. panied not only by distinct promises, but earnest signs . of a re but the materials were not to be found out of which it could dress of grievances, there would i be d nothing but increased be formed. He (Lord Eliot) apprehended thet if an Electi% • troubles. 7n , e discontentengencere by the Noble Lord's Council were to be formed, it must be of the same materials' L resolutions wo " uldhestillfurther confirmed and still deeper_ AS those which now Consti.uted the Legislative Assembly. He rooted ; for lot the house . read with attention .n Lord Gosford's was sure that there was no indisposition on the _ art of the statement, that there were . many men i . Lower Canada who, country generally calmly to consider the claims p which the though they disapprossed of the proceedings of the House of people of Canada might urge. No man could more regret Assembly, disappr ove d of the Noble Lord's resolutions still the bloodshed now raging in Canada ; but theywh o had drawn more : let them mark well that most important leavea d p e a t ssa c e r se, and the sword and thrown away the scabbard could only abide the remember that each such Act would and a consequences. Before he sat down he could not but express deeper sting behind ; and would render conciliation more p diffi his surprise and regret that the Noble Lord (J. Russell) I cult. Let them redress the C ana di an wrongs, and not begin should not have b een more exp li c i t w i t h respect to the circum. l with more coe rc i on , an d i n hi s (Mr. Grote ' s) opinion, more stances which had led to the danger of the great power of unjustifiable proceedings than any which had yet taken place. Canada being lost to this country, at least of being placed in If they carried out the Noble Lord's proposel. where would they imminent jeopardy.— people justified ( Hear, hear.) He h a d rea d t h e d ocu- s t op ? If re b e ll ion by part of the meats laid bef ore Parliament, an d roost ce , ta i n l y h e cons i dered of t h e Constitution of a country, why did he not propose to i that any man who was appointed to such a situation as that suspend that of Upper Canada, for there had been a revolt I held by Lord Gosford ought to have made out a much better there also ? He did not object to this omission, for, thinking case than that which was to be found in the papers laid before that the proposal was unjustifiable, he sacs glad to find th a t i t Parliament. was not to be extended ; but still the same areument might be Sir J. CARNAC had the fullest confidence in the inten- adduced in support of such a proposition. He (Mr. Grote) justice would tions of Mini s t ers , an d was qu i te care that ample could see no b ene fit w hi c h could be gained from seve: i ty an d be don e t o t h e Canadians.coercion, whilst he feared from it the great evil of continuing Mr. GROTE was convinced that no measure which did in the minds of the inhabitants a feeling of despair that justice not remedy the complaints made against the Legislative will be done to their country ; he need not say that to govern Council would suffice to produce the desired tranquillity in a colony tranquilly the people must be animated with a feeling Canada. Till he came into the House he was entirely igno- of respect towards their governors; and he was sure that co sant of the intention of the Noble Lord the Member for ercion would never redound to the }swift, and still less to the Stroud as to the course which he meant to 'Aussie ; he knew honour, of the mother country.--( Hear, hear.) For these not whether the Noble Lord meant to move an address to the reesons lie must oppose the address; and he sincerely wished Crown or for leave to bring in a Bill; and he (Mr. Grote) that it bad been more distinct in recognising the redress of the did think that the House had some little ground of complaint Canadian grievances. that it had been called upon to deliberate upon the present Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the speech of the Noble address without having- received any notice of what they were Lord who commenced the discussion, brought forward for the to be called upon to assent to.--( Hear, hear.) He con- consideration of the House two most important questions; the fessed, also, that the address, as now proposed, did not meet one was, the propriety of an address to the Crown, pledging With his idea of the sentiments which ought to emanate from the Ho u s e t o su p port h er M a j esty ' s e ff orts ! o r the suppression that bl ouse ; f or a l t h oug h h e entirely went along with the of actual revolt, the other was a legitlative measure on the Noble Lord in the conviction which be entertained of the propriety of suspending the Constitution of Lower Canada, necessity of restoring tranquillity, yet he thought that it and of investing an individual who is about to proceed to that Vas not right to express that conviction without at the colony with dictatorial power. They were called upon that same time stating a conviction, which was equally night to discuss only one of those propositions, which respected strong in his mind, that full redress should be given the policy of voting an address pledging the Members of that to all grievances, and ample provision should be made House to support the Crown in its attempts to suppress open for future good Government.e—(Hear, hear, hear.) He revolt, and he must confess that it would have been more con could not, however, acquiesce in the address which the sonant with his feelings if the two suggestions had been kept Noble Lord had proposed, nor could he concur in the argu- perfectly distinct.—( Hear, hear.) He thought the first of ment which bad been adduced in support of it; for if the sufficient importance to give his sentiments upon it, and when Noble Lord's argument were good for any thing, it gave con- it should be necessary to pronounce his opinion he would do elusive proof of the wisdom of an early separation._( Hear, so freely and unreservedly on the other. He confessed that hear, hear.) For what was the Noble Lord's argum e nt? he lamented that so long a time had been permitted to elapse The method of government was such as to m ee t th e N o ble without the attention of Parliament having been called to Lord's ent i re approva l . The b est system had been pursued, this point.--( Cries of " Hear, hear.") If he had been no mistake had been committed, the colony had been blessed in the House on the night before the recess, when with the most exemplary of governors, and yet its condition the affairs of Canada were discussed, he would have had become worse and worse, till at length it was in a state of voted for the proposition that the House should, without de open revolt. If so much had been done, if there was nothing lay, meet and vote an address similar to that then under dis to mend, nothing to improve in what had passed, what hope cussion. Had they not received an intimation that part could they have for the future ?—( Hear.) With this view, of her Majesty's dominions was in open insurrection ? Had though he was a friend of separation, and the House might they not received official intimation that the Queen's troops think it treas on to confess it or not, he thought that a separa- were in arms, ie opposition to the Queen's subjects,• in sup tion would be the best thing both for England and for Canada. port of the civil power ? And he thought that no time ought --(Hear, hear.) He regretted that there was no Hon. Mem- to have been permitted to elapse before the House of Corn her in that assembly so intimate with all the facts of the case mons wes called together to take active measures, with the as to reply to the statements of the Noble Lord ; the Hon. view of' intimidating the rebels and of encouraging. her and Learned Gentleman who lately represented Bath, and who Majesty's loyal subjects in that colony.—( Hear, hear.) knew these facts, was unhappily not then a Member of the True it was that it might be urged that the members House —( Hear) ;—still he ( Mr. Grote) would say that no had separated for the recess under the impression that busi- Person could read the long and voluminous Canadian reports ness of no importance would regaire their attendance ; but with any correctness, if he did not see that there were many when open rebellion was known, surely the House ought to errors and inaccuracies in the Noble Lord's speech, both as have given to the Crown its assurance of support. No it regarded the conduct of the House of Assembly in Canada, reason existed why an adjournment of a few days should and the conduct of the Colonial-office here. He agreed not have taken place, and that an intimation should have entirely i n the encomiums which had been passed on the been given that the House would meet for the considera_ dispatches and the conduct of Sir George Murray. No tion of this subject, and to give the same assurance which one could read the correspondence between that Gallant would now be given so tardily—( Hear, hear)—and he feared Officer and Sir James Kempt, and especially the passage in so ineffectually, that for the suppression of the revolt the Which it was said that if "the House of Assembly were Crown might rely or thesuppurt of the Legislature.—( Hear.) called upon to vote a certain portion of the Revenue it would Perhaps, also, it might have been reasonably expected that acquire virtually a control over the whole," without per- a direct and formal announcement would have been mads by ceiving that Sir George Murray had an accurate knowledge the Crown to both Houses, but no message had been deli. of the t r ue st a te of the country, and that if his advice had vered.—( Hear, hear.) They now merely knew the fact that been att en d e d t o t h e diff erences wou ld h ave been adjusted, the Queen's troops had been engaged with acme of her and that if acc id enta l c i rcumstances had rot prevented, in subjects iii open insurrection, and that one section of the 18 29 or 1830, the introduction of an Act repealing the insurgents. Th e y s aw of 1774, th e gr i evances t h en com pl a i ne d of would have the y Act troops h a d b een overpowered by the een that marti it law was proclaimed, and they saw that the + f u o lly adjusted. The revenues would have been given over Governor of one co l ony was press i ng f or a supp l y of troops the Assembly on terms satisfactory to all parties, and from a neighbouring colony, and surely such circumst ances t Ise cou ld not understand why, w h en L or d Ripon became would h ave justified a 'direct Message from the Crown; Colonial 'Secretary, the same arrangement had not been but the House o f C ommons had not, till f i ve o ' clock that carried int o effect. But while that Noble Lord was Colonial evening, received even an indirect intOnation that the Secretary circumstances happened which completely fres- Queen's troops had been in collision with the people. It trated the amicable settlement ; that Nob le Lord thou g ht fit appeared that befor e the adjournment of the Hons.! of Coin to adva nce a c l a i m not only for the appropriation of the casual moos no accounts whetever had reached them of the result and territorial revenues—without the consent of the Assembly, of the expeditio n under Colonel Gore—( Hear, hear)—and for the purposes of civil government, a claim which had it was not until to-night that the House or Co ---mops were been made by former governors--but also for the diversion o f informed of the result of the engagement which had taken them from the purposes of civil government, and making place between these troops and the persons who acted in them over to the clergy. This claim wholly prevented the open violation of the laws and had opposed the forces of her s ettlement of the financial disputes, for it left the Assembly Majesty. It was no answ e r to say that the dispatches had p in a worse situation than it was b e f ore , and wa s th ou ght t o not arrived, and that there had been no oppurtunity to com bs no less novel than it was preposterous and unreasonable. municate their content s b e f ore. But it was not of this that if the fi nanc i a l di spute h a d b een met w i t h a di spos iti on bdo he was c _impietining especially, but ho complained that the Justice it would have bean settled at this time, and the same Crown hid net sent any Message to the House stating the remarks applied to th ‘ e ot , her . d , is p. ut " in every particular. If circumstances attending the revolt, and soliciting the aid this bed only placed the Legislative Council in harmony with and support of the House of Commons in endeavouring to the feelings of the people, they never would have demanded put it down ; and he would venture to say that in the his an Elective Council. This demand was never made till tory of this country no event of so much importance as 183 3, when the Council :was still as unacceptable to the the insurrection in Canada had taken pl ace without its having People as in 1828, at which period Lord Aberdeen had re- been deemed necessary to communicate the fact specifically to r o inof c ommendednmended that the Legislative Council should be made the 1 - louse of Commons, not of arn by means e ssag oef fn the l the publication Crown, a cceptable to the Canadians. If the Government seriously papers alone, la!: b y means had t o a pply thi s ru l e o f co nduct, how was it th a t they which a solicitatioh for supp or t was i ncluded.—( Hear, hear. ) 'ad so signally fail e d in finding proper men to appoint to the He would begin w..th the events of the American war, and all ° lnce ?._..4 H ear , h ear , hear.) Was it so very difficult the unfortunate transactions which took place with reference to lay their hands upon fit men ? Or was it that they to that strugglo_loe independence. In 1774 the disturbances e'ere not very strictly sought for? As it seemed to him took place in . alassachuw tts, end the riots also broke out in flit . . Grote). therefore, the Government had nothing but Boston. Parliament was aware of the unf or t unate dift; Tenees , 48 , 0 f to thank, on account of its own omission, for the result existing between that colony and this country from the reports tier e d had t a k en plac e . There was no conduct which rim- which had reached them ; but the notoriety of the matter was Zejed the H o use of Lo r ds unpopular in this country not considered a sufficient reason to reliev e th e Crown of t h e f a'aiell did not apply with equal force to the Legislative necessity of making a formal communicati on o f ti le f a cts to ,hean e il, I t was a d m itt e d, a t the titne the Noble Lord's reso- both houses of Parliament, and a message was accordingls s • U ttons were passed, tint some remedy must be applied to delivered, setting forth the circumstances, and soliciting the paled to give up Canada, it ought never to permit that country to establish itself as an independent State; and if they should permit that to be done, what answer could be male to the complaints of the other colonies, which would he plaeed in a subordinate position by the very act of the Goscroment by which they should be protected. Ho therefore slid that the case of Canada wes not a simple. ab stract question, hut it was one which could not be considered separately from the qesstioa regarding the other colonies of North America. The situation of Canada and the phy sisal condition of the other colonies of this country in North America must be considered altogether. The House and the Government must only look at Canada as an indenendeet .fate when the situation of the other colonies in America eould be regarded as independent states. These were pre eared, however, to perform all their duties to this ceutory as colonies, and therefore it would be the grossest folly on the pate Ferglend to allow th e connect i on to belightly broken. —( Hear, hear.) He repeated, then, that the question of the separation or independence of Lower Canada could only be eonsidered at the same time with the navigation of the St. Lawrence, the peculiar circumstances of the other colonies in America, and their neighbourhood to the United States. Therefore, as regarded the honour of the British Crown, the interests of the other British colonies, the well-being of the British settlers in the Upper Province, and the interests of Great Britain elsewhere, they ought not to let this revolt be triumphant—(Cheers)—or suffer the flag of Great Britain to be lowered to the partisans of Mr. Papineau.—( Load cheers.) At the same time he should give his cordial consent to the Addtess proposed by the Noble Lord ; but he did not mean thereby to apply anything like approbation to the course pur sued by her Majesty's Government.—(hear hear.) He should give unhesitatingly his cordial support to the Address in the lir4 place, and it was for the essential reason, because this country had acted liberally and justly towards Canada. It was impossible to look at the correspondence on the table—he meant th e w h o l e ser i es of correspondence— without coming to the conclusion that Canada had occa sionall•y just ground s o f comp l a i nt. — ( b ear, hear.) But he would ask how coeld this country maintain its authority and dendeion even at home if at the first suggestion of a griev ance revolt was to take place and the people were to resort to arms?—(hear, hear, hear.) lie did not deny that when this country was engaged in war with foreign powers the affairs were neglected, and that the Canadians had just grounds of complaint ; but of late years the affairs of Canada had been regarded as matters of essential importance, and he had never known an instance in which a mother country had manifested a greater desire to do justice to a colony than was exhibited in the course that was pursued towards Canada.— ( Hear, hear.) In a passage of the address of the Assembly of Lowe' , Canada, which was referred to by the Noble Lord, it was stated that the report of the Committee of that House of the year 1828, and the recommendations embodied in it, rurnished imperishable evidence of the injustice of this country, as manifested in the misgovernment of the colony of Lower Canada. But he begged the House to recollect that Lord Aberdeen not only acted upon the recommendations of the Committee of 1928, but went beyond those recom mentlationa in the course lie putsued; and in every case in which the recommendations of the Committee were not acted upon, the delay arose, not front the government at _home, but from the Canadians themselves.—(]gear, hear, hear. ) This was an end, then, to the assertion that they were not disposed to attend to the affairs of Canada. At the same time he was prepared to admit that the habits of the people of that country and their feelings and preju dices Were not the same that existed at home, and that, therefore, allowances should be made for their conduct. While he admitted this he repeated he was convinced of the justice of the course pursued, and of the folly of a proceeding on any allegations of grievance which could at least be found ie these papers, to such an extent as to revolt against the authority of the Crown, and to organise an armed force against the civil and military authorities in the colony. He was convinced that if the authority of the Crown was to be maintained in Canada or at home, this revolt must be suppressed, and he should, therefore, give his cordial support to the Address, and he should support measures at any hazard to carry it into effect.—( Hear.) But he did not by this mean the House to imply that he placed confidence in time Queen's Government, or that he meant to approve of their conduct, or wrs satisfied at the conrse which they had pursued. But for what the Noble Lord had said he should htve been con tent to pass over this part of the subject ; but the Noble Lord in the course of his speech had challenged a reference to these documents for approbation of the conduct of the Government. He (Sir Robert Peel) was bound to say, on reading them, that measures of precaution had been neglected previous to the revolt. But before he did so he might be recommended to look at the papers on the table, and see whether the auth-o cities in Canada complained of any want ,of military force there. He did not know with whom the blame rested, but after passing the resolutions last year having reference to Ca nacho and sifter the excitement which might naturally be ex pected to follow on their adoption, surely somebody in autho rity at home or in Canada might have suspected that some s :eh result would have followed as the revolt. Could anything have bsen more delusive than the hope that a feeling of satis iitoai,ad ct ntieoji nuidrigg: satis faction and q u i e t cou ld ar i se f rom the passing these resolu tions? Did the Gov ernmen t i mag i ne t h at i t cou l d pass these resolutions, decla r in g that the British L eg i s l a t ure cou ld not trust the House of Assembly of L ower C ana d a w i t h t h e ma nagerneet of the f un d s o f that colony, although they did not follow their resolutions by pas s i ng a Bill, w ith out pro d uc i ng angry and excited feelings ? For his o w n p ar t, h e firmly be hoved that a Bill on thi s su bj ect m i g h t h ave b een passed last year. Any delay was prejudicial, for th e resu l t , as m i g h t h ave been expected, was, tint the Canadians f e lt assur e d th a t th e Government at hom e was a f ra id to en f orce t h em.—( H ear.) .There was not the slighte s t p rospect th at any d e l ay i n pass i ng the Bill founded on th ese reso l ut i ons wou ld conc ili ate the Ca nadians to us. On the contrary, i mme di a t e ly a ft er pass i ng the resolutions, the Government might have expected s ome such result as an insurrection. The same course was pur sued, when the resolutions respecting imeesing a stamp-duty in our former American colonies passed that House. It was then said that an objectionable mode of pmoceeding would be avoided by passing the resolutions, and postponin; the B i ll to a into effect to the f o ll ow i ng sessioa. The same result ry them ultthen foilowed as now ; f or by cabin; in question the au thority of the Local Ass em bly, an i nsurrect i on was exc i te d the mother country.--( Hear.) H e con t en d e d th a t th e Government ought t o h ave b een fully prepared to expect that the feeling of dissatisftetion that prev a iled i n C ana d a wou ld be greatly increased by passing th ese reso l ut i ons. I n addi tion_to this, in whom did they l oo k for support ? Wh y, to ano ther party, who w ere a l so di ssat i s fi ed w i th the treatment they had experienced. He knew thi s f rom t h e p i cture o f t h e ceuntrydrawn by o ne o f t h e f r i ends o f her Majesty ' s Govern- This pictu re was d rawn so lately as the 12th of Oc tober, and the writer stat e d," Some of the immedi a te fraits of the system now in ope ra ti on , w hi c h , if not put down, mug lead consequences, ar c t o b e seen i n t h e apat h y an d the magistr ac y an d p ersons o f property who joinedt :ivst uci of t ' herevolutionary p ar ty, i n the extreme difficulty olobh t accurate and availlbleinfOrmation of what is p ass i n g _and ao mg from recent events, in the little probability, even if evidence of sufficient weight could be procured, to ar rai g n the offenders, front enders, o f a j ury taken from the district of Mon trealfinding bills and convicting on them." Again, in another part of this document it is stated ----" It is proper that I should re present to you the inadequacy of the powers at the disposal of time local GoTernment for meeting the difficulties that sur round it. The law fails to afford its support ; the civil autho rities become therefore impotent ; the Habeas Corpus Act Cannot be suspended. The clergy, though well disposed and loyal, are reluctant to come forward ; any further appeal to t h e present Parliament would not only be inexpedient and useless, positively injurious; and a dissoluti on o ff ers no prospect but of a more reasonable House of Assembly, nor any l ine that the new House, which would he composed of a majority of the old members, would recede in any particular from tile demands so pertinaciously insisted on by the pre sent body. Indeed, a dissolution, if decided on at all, ine amres and ar rarixements you now have in contem- Is hould not at any rate b e resorte d to b efore the whole of t t e tiou respecting this province shall have passed into law and be perfected. I n such circumstances, and seeing that the Imperial Parliament h as so l emn l y an d unequ i vocally stated that it will not accede t o t h e A ssem bl y ' s d eman d s, I a m forced, however r e l uc t ant ly, to come to t h e conclu sion that the only practical course no w o p en f or conduct , ing the affairs of this Provinc e w ith any benefit to the inhabitants generally is at onc e f orma ll y to suspend the pre sent Constitution, which b o th p art i es un i te in confessingconfessingcan not.now be worked, and which has in fact for the last twelve months been virtually suspended ; to increase the military force, and to strengthen the hands of the Eetecutive. now almost impotent fur any good and useful purpose."--( Hear.) Such was the l amenta b le state of this colony, in which for a period the loy a l inhab:tants had bee n di scourage d b y the au thoritiss. Th ey now, however, pass e l f or a nd were recog nised as loyal 111J11, but at one ti me t h ey were taunted with being Orange men and Tories, and were ca ll e d upon to come farwerd and supp l y the place of the troops which ought to hare been, but which had not been, sent out to Canada. He should refer once more to the document before him to show the treat ment to which the loyal inhabitants of Canada had been ex posed :—" The mode of proceeding ado; ted for keeping up and increasing this feeling is by parading nightly, in the town of :elontreal, large and organised Lands of men, who, however, have as yet proceeded to no acts of violence or breaches of the tious publi ca ti ons and resolutions of the Central Committees; race ; by i n fl ammatory speec h es at meet i ngs; b y sedi by Placing (in the most disturbed of the rural parishes) those who are loyal and hold opposite political opinions under a species of excommunication, and keeping them in dread of nocturnal injuries to their property ; by burning in effigy those in higher stations, and by subjecting them to a kind of annoyance called a citaricari, .:Mich is the assembling of a crowd before their doors, for the purpose of alarming them and their families at night with uncouth noises, hisses. threats, and other manifestations of popular displeasure. Sir John Colborne, the llon. Mr. Debertzeh, and others have been exposed to this kind of outrage, which, ha a recent in stance, at St. Denis, in the county of Richelieu, was unhap pily attended with loss of life and property. "—(hear, hear.) This, then, was the way in wi i i c h the loyal inhabitaats of Canada had been discouraged, and who ought riot to have been left without powerful military sopeort and co•operation Au' the resolutions had passed.—s, Mots, hear.) The Nobie Lord m'glit ask whether a military force had been required by the authorities in the colony. On that subject Led Glenelg, io a diseatch sent out to Lord Gosford, in reply to the request of the Noble Lord that two regiments should be dispatched to Canada, said that the doing so would be attended with greater mconveidence than airy advantage that could arise from their presrnee. It was evident, however, that this was not Lord Gosford's opinion, for he said, so far from the presence of an additional military force there lacing attended with inconveni ence, that the arrival of a iegiment in Canada from New Brunswick had been attended with the greatest rosiible ad vantage. It was o a t the opinion of Sir Jolla Colborne, for aid of Parliament in suppressing the disturbances which pre vaiied. The occurrences in Boston also took place in 1774 but they farmed the ground of a distinct message from tits Crown, and of a distinct applicati o n f or t h e support of Partin ment. The case of the rebellion in 1797 wes another, the lieu of which were perfectly notorious, and had even been the subjee. of discussion in the House before they were introduced to it notice on the Ist of June, having been brought forward by Mr Sheridan ; but still on the first of June the Houses had a noti fication conveyed to them, by a message that the rebellion had broken out, and their support was prayed. Taking the whole case of the Irish rebellion before the year 1798, in the year 1797, when Lord Camden was Lerd Lieutenant of Ire• land, before the rebellion had broken out, when disturbances however, prevailed in Ulster, and when assemblages of armed people had taken place, the Government did not then leave the Irish Parliament to collect the circumstances fr mm the papers which were- published and the rumours which were tfloat, but by a message they informed them of the whole of the facts, and prayed their support. In 1797 , when the apprehension of two Committees of the Unites' Irishmen in Belfast, had taken place, the same course was pursued; and in 1798, on the 22d of May, before the rebellion actually brcke out, a communication was conveyed from the Crown to both Houses, through the medium of the Lord-Lieutenant. Then, again, in 1803, when there were no separate Houses of Parliament in Ire land, the Crown made a distinct appeal to the Im perial Parliament by way of message. The substance of the message on the subject of the rebellion was that his Majesty felt the deepest regret in acquaintin g the House - of Commons that treasonable and rebellious opinions had been shown to exist in Ireland, and that his Majesty relied with the most perfect confidence on the wisdom of :he steps which the House would take to atiOrd protection to his Majesty's Irish subjects, and to restore and secure the general tranquillity of the ,country. Now, why bad this course, hitherto apparently considered so necessary, been de parted from ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Why, when a revolt had taken place in Canada, sufficient to justify the suspension of all civil law, to justify the declaration of martial law, and to jus tify the interference of th e m ili tary power to support the civil officers—why, in such a case, had not the Crown thought it fit and necessary to make a communication to Parliament, and to confide is them circumstances, in obedience to precedent, and which the practice hitherto adopted called for and justified ? There would not, he believed, be found a single instance of any case like the present in which the Crown had left it enthely to Parliament to collect materials, and to deter mine upon the circumstances, without a direct communica tion.. Ile was quite aware that theme was in the Queen's Speech some reference to the affairs of Canada, but there was none whatever to this revolt, which, in fact, had not then commenced; but the paragraph alluded only to the events of the last Session, and in no way relieved the Ministers from the necessity of making a formal communication to Parliament on the subject of a matter so important. Still he felt- that all this was matter of formal objection only, and did not touch upon the subject -matter under consideration— ( Hear)—!tut he thought that the Noble Lord had greatly under valued the question, when subjects of her Majesty were in open insurreeton, and when her Majesty was about to increase the number of the troops to maintain the law, if he thought that the precedents should not be followed in this respect, and the exigencies of a great question, as this was, should not be brought fully and distincly before the House for considera tion.—( Hear.) The main question no doubt was, whether it was fitting for the House of Commons to give its cordial sup port to the Crown in a matter of this sort ? An lhe never felt it more neesssary to decide a question with grave consi deratioe, and with cautious foresight, than he did now ; and it was after a full and meet serious consideration of all the facts that he had come to the conclusion of offering to the Crown tke assurance of his most cordial support is the steps which wsre about to be taken for the purpose of the suppression of the revolt.—( Hear.) An Hon. Member had said that the majority- of the people were di contented with the control of the present Government, and the more the Government was proved to have been liberal, and to have failed in satisfying the people the more hopeless would he the cause, and the greater apprehension there would be that there would be a failure is the attempt to establish good dominion. But, on the other hand, he must inquire whether the Honourable Member was prepared to act on the principle which he had laid down wish re and to the whole 'empire.—( Cries of " Hear.") Let the House think of the whole colonial empire of Great Britain, not alone of the possessions in North America, bat including those in India and the other quarters of the globe, and let them not forget the extent to which the principle might be applied. It was laid down that on the first exhibition of dissatisfaction, and on the first resort to arms to quell disturbances which had taken place, it was better for the original country to cut off all connexio n w i t h t h e co l ony. But supposing Canada was an island, without any relation to any foreign State which . could act on it, would this c oun t ry , a f ter h av i ng possesse d i t far seventy years, and having ga i ne d i t b y a b r illi ant conquest , finding that the people, or . a p ort i on o f t h e peop l e, were die satisfied, at once be prepared t o g i ve up a ll i nterest i n i t, an d power over it ? Why might not the same reasoning, if it were true as regarded a colony, be equally true as regarded the integral parts of the British empire, and might it not with equal free apply to all descriptions of persons ? Why might not one part of England declare its dissatisfaction with the govern ment, and then the lion. Member would say, "The domi nation is unsatisfactory to them, what is the use of governing dissatisfied people, and why not let them at once declare their independence?" If the Hou = se should nct on this prin ciple, in ten years might not the British empire be annihilated, and the great influence which it had from extended colo nial possessioas, and founded on the great power derived from its commerce, be lost, and would not the empire, from present high pp3itiou which it occupied smog States in the world, be redueed to a subordinate rank, and placed filth -rate in the list of nations ?—( Hear.) But could Canada be con sidered otherwise than as a poi lion of the empire ? . Would it be possible to apply the principle to the Canadians, considering' their relwion wiJr other parts of the British empire in North America ? First of all, there appeared to be no reason for baeving that the dissatisfaction which was represented was so general or so positive as to leave no hope of its being got over.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard nothing but regret with regard to what the Noble Lord had said as to his basing suc ceeded in exc l u di ng a ll C onservat i ve Gentlemen front office, not only as regarded domestic matters but on a thousand other subjects. The greatest delight had been declared-at his ( Sir lie Peel) having been excluded. from office ; and to-roeht, the first night of their meeting, what was said, but that there was no doubt that if Lord Aberdeen had continued in office there would have been no insurrection now in Canada ? ( Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") But there were two corollaries to this ; that there could have been no opposition so factious as that which produced the dismissal of Lord Aberdeen f,om office, seeing the care which was taken in his despatches, and that every conces sion had been made by him which was consistent with the integrity of the British empire. Thus it was admitted that it was wrong to dismiss him from office : and if S 9, would it not he just to give him another trial ?—( Cheers from the Oppo sition.) And then it was said that it would be proper to ap ply the principle which had been advocated, because the peo ple had assembled at St. Denis in arms, and at once to shake off ail connection with the Colony which has become so'grievous and burdensome. The Hon. Gentleman could not deny this; and the Hess. Gentleman had read an extract from Lord Aber deen's letter, in which the grievances of the Canadians were stated, and the efforts which had been made to remedy them were pointed out, and the Hon. Gentleman's conclusion was, that if the principle had predominated over the settlement of the question, 'there would not now be a rebellion. Why not make the settlement now then ?—(Cheers.) Oh ! but some Hon. Gentlemen would say that the Hon. Member for Kil kenny was exceedingly indiscreet ; that he did nut see the force of his own admissions. But the 'Hoe. Member for Lon don had also made some observations, and he too had one bright example to select from among the general number of of those who it was alleged hadbeen guilty of Colonial mis rule._( Hear, hear.) " Oh," said. he, " how I lament Sir George Murray's dismissal. —( Hear, hear.) Those were the days, and," said he, " if Sir George Murray had remained in the colony, and if his principle had been adopted then, I may venture to say that the financial question would have been settled." That was one of the questions. The Honourable Member for Kilkenny said that Lord Aberdeen would have settled one question; and the lion. Member for "London said that Sir George Murray would have settled the financial question.—( Hear, hear. ) But to return to the principle vhich it was suggested should be adopted, no sooner had some disagreement arisen than it was contended that it should be said, ‘• Oh I we will not keep the colony any longer with us, let them form a Government for themselves ;" but he (Sir lie Peel) was prepared to say that the principle would be per fectly inapplicable. Suppose, for instance, the people of the Isle of Wight should fall out, and say that they had a tight to be independent; that the rules of this philosophic argument were made for small as well as large communities ; and that they desired to try the system, in order that they might be sclieved from the hea v y t axes at present i mpose d on them ; and they weight say that they could show many ,qually small Italian states which were well governed, and were prosperous, and that the Channel being between them and the mother country, there was no reason why 'hey should not be equally so, or should not constitute themselves like the Canadians, a small republic, with laws Ind institutions of their 0-an. What would the Hon. Member say to that ? His argument would apply there, if it applied at dl.—( Hear.) Bat then the Hon. Gentleman, seeing that the isle of Wight might become attached to France, might find it convenient to say, " No, you are essential to our security from your being c mtiguous to Pot tsmouth, and we cannot permit you to be separate ;" but if the principle was good in toe case, it would apply to all. In considering the case of' Canada, how ever , i t must be' i nquired what wouldbe the effect on the interests of those colonies in the immediate neighbour hood of it, and it must be seen whether Canada itself would he able to maintain its independence from the United States, Cr on the first quarrel or disagree,lient it might be attached to :hat country by the right of conquest. England, therefore, was 'ailed on to interpose, not only in support of its own interests, but also to preserve the rights of its colonies, to which Canada formed a species off' key. Suppose the Government should permit Canada to estat,lish itself as an independent State, whet would be done with the navigation of time river St. Law .ence ? Would not time other colonies to which that liver emoducted say, " We have made our settlements pool on the 'hith of the understanding. that Canada was to remain a part ,1 the country. England rn ale a conquest of it, and it was ;ceded t) England by treaty; peace has endured fur seventy ears; you have given the country a: form of government, !eat which is not now approved of, and vou have no right to sacrifice our rights and our interests by giting iadependemse o a State which may prevent our communicatioa with other amuntries, and by having the command of the St. Lawrence." Surely these complaiuts would be reasonable, and sure do se colonies were entitled to have a voice in the matter. Unless by the strongest tineumaaoces England was com- in one of the papers laid on the table that night that gallant officer saved that the troops which he had sent for Lad not arrived in consequence of the la'e period ( f the year, although three expreaaes had been sent to hasten their march. It was also geaerally understood that the militia could not be called upon to act unless in cane of war with- the United S:ates. It ippeared then, that there had beee a com plete want of foresight, either on the part of th e Home or t h e Colonial authorities, to pass resolutions iefloencinee as thoe of last .year did, th e s t a t e o f Canada, thus defying the 1)0..1-kr of the House of Assembly, and leaving the loyal ialialoitants without adi q:aatc military support, and thus. leav ing to the machinations of the disaffec:ed an innocent and rural population who were not of themselves cisposed to re volt.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Some might assert that they took a more enlarged view of . the sulaj ct, and that no great evil would result from the revolt. He did no agr ee in this. altliowth he believed that the insurrection had arisen from certain disaffected persons acting upon a naturally un auspecting and quiet population, and he trusted that an end would so-in be put to this insurrection ; but it was the duty of the Government to have prepared such a military force in the colony as to have discouraged the exciters of it from pursuing the course which they did.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The information, however, as to the extent of the insurrection, as communicated by Lord Gosford, was by no means satisfactory or oonclusive; for in one dispatch he stated that the feelings of disaffection extended to so few that no alarm need be entertained ; and vet in one dated only in the next week be said that the communicatioes with the troops called upon to act in the di;turbed districts, and to put down this sudden and extensively-combined revolt, had- been completely interruated by the armed peasantry assembled on the line of march, and that the Queen's troops could not march without having an enemy cn their fl ink and rear.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) After such evidence would any one presume to tell him that blame did not rest so-nowhere ? (Cheers.) He agreed with an observation that fell from the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, who stated that blame rested with those who had drawn an innocent and harmless people into that which he believed to be a hopeless insurrettion. Some palliation might by possibility be offered in a case where there was a reasonable prospect of success ; but when those who excited the present insurrection saw what were the feel ings of the British inhabitants of Canada, how great was the loyal attachment of the British race in that country, and how general was the feeling of loyalty in Upper Canada, which the honourable gentleman, however, had rep ettedly said was disaffected—when the attempt at insurrection had been at once suppressed without the presenee of a single soldier, all of whom had been sent to Lower Canada--( Cheer could they plead who, he must say, had manifested iugh iamo ranee of their prospe c t s o f success w h en t h ey involved. an innocent population in such an insurrection as that of Canada? —( Hear, hear.) When he heard the Hon. Gentleman make such observations as bad fallen from him he happened to have his eye to the following passage from the report of the committee of the House of Assembly in Upper Canada : " It appears, from letters of Mr. Hume, addressed to some of the ministers of the Crown, that he is desirous of represent ing himself as the agent, or, at all events, as being autho rized to express the sentiments of the people of Upper Canada on the subject of their political feelings, and the public; affairs of the province. Your Commit:me are of opinion that the honour and character of his I‘l,jesty's loyal subjects in this province require that it should be promptly and emphatically declared by their representatives that Mr. Hume is among the last men they would select to advocate their cause, or repre sent their feelings or wishes to the British nation. The pec pie of Upper Canada recollect that, in the year 1834, Mr. Joseph Hume addressed a letter to a correspondent of his in this country, which, referring to his correspondent's recent ex pulsion from and re-election to the Assembly, contained the following treasonable language and advice :—‘ Your triutn- Omit election of the 16th, and ejection from the Assembly of the 17th, must hasten that cri.is which is fast approaching in the affairs of the Cauadaa, and which will terminate in in dependence and freedom from the baneful dominition of the Mother Country—(cheers)—and the tyrannical conduct of a small and despicable faction in the Colony.—( Loud cheers.) The proceedings between 1772 and 1782, in America, ought not to be forgotten ; and to the honour of the America-is, and for the interest of the civilised wet Id, let their conduct and result be ever in view.' "—(Continued cheers.) This was the languaage 'which in 1834 the honourable Member addressed to the people of Upper Canada ; but how grossly the Honourable Gentleman miscaleulatel the feelings of loyalty of the inhabitants of the Upper Province was mani fested in the following passage from the seme document : " And when it is remembered with what indignation and disgust—( Cheers)—the publication of this detestable commu nication was received throughout the Province—( Cheers) — his Majesty's loyal subjects cannot but regard with abhorrence the idea that the person who had thus insulted them should be supposed by their Sovereign and their fellow subjects in the United Kingdom to be their accredited agent, that they held any communication with him, or that he was in any way clothed with authority to speak their senti ments or represent their views on any subject, public or pri vate."—(Renewed cheers.) Suppose they applied the lan. guage and adopte I the advice of the Memb a r of the City of London as to the,e colonies that were ripe for revolt, and abandoned Lower Canada, the indignation with which thz inhabitants of Upper Canada received the letter of the lion. Member for Kilkenny would be found cut in the governmoot and legislature of the country.---( Hear, hear, hear.) But who was the correspondent to whom the Honourable Gentleman addressed this inflammatory lan guage, and whom be urged not to lose sight of the example of the United States ?—( Hear, hear, hear. ) It was . M M . Kenzie—(Cheers)—who was at the head of the futile attempt on the loyalty of the Upper Province dieing the absence of the whole of the British troops—(Cheers) --arid who might quote the language of this letw r which had been sent to him, not by an obscure individual, but by one of their own Members, to whom he might hive given credit as the Member of the Metropolitan County, and therefore as being acquainted with British interests and British feelings.- -(Loud cheers.) He might say that he was influenced by the advice of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, and that the mis chievous language of the letter in laced him to precis( d as he did—that he wasnot the responsible party for the revolt in the Colony, but was merely the humble executive agent, and that those were really responsible who gave him advice and offered him suggestions towards effecting an insurr ec ti on dia paraging to the dignity of this country, and destructive to the security and interests of the British empire.—( Laud cheers.) Lord HO WICK, agreed in much that the Right Honourable Baronet had said as to the nature of the advice contained in the letter of the Honourable Member for Kilkenny, but be rose to say a few words in de fence of the Government to nhich lie belonged, in answer to some observation; that fell from the Right Hon. Gentleman in another part of his speech. The Right Hon. Gentleman had made various remarks in his amusing style on the respective observations of the Members for Kilkenny and for the City - of London, and called on the Hon. Menobsr for Kil kenny, in particular, to give Lord Aberdeen another chance. He (Lord Howick) should like to ask the Right Honourable Baronet on what he founded such claims of greater liberality for his own Administration over that Administration which now enjoyed the confidence of the Crown ? The whole of the approbation which had been given that evening to Lord Aberdeen for his conduct as Colonial Secretary, was founded on a minute, printed in the papers now before the House, and the whole object of that minute was to prove, as prove it most conclusively did, that during the Administration of that party which now held the reins of office the grievances set forth in the report of the Canada Committee of 1823 had been redressed. This was the whole object of the minute in question; and he (Lord Howick) gave Lord Aberdeen the highest credit for the liberality and candour which had prompted hint, a political opponent of that party, to give the sanction of Isis name to such a documant. In the next place, the Right Honourable Baronet had adverted to the panagyric of the Honourable Member for tne City of London on the Government of Sir George Murray, accept itig for that Government all the credit and praise which had been bestowed on it by the H mourable Member, and con curring with the Honourable Gentleman in the assertion, that if Sir George Murray had continued in his office, the financial disputes of Canada would, long ere this, have been settled. Now, it appeared to him (Lord Howick) that the Honourable Member for the City of London could not have read very closely or correctly the papers which, from time to time, had been printed cn this subject for the use of the House. It seemed to him that the Honourable Gentleman must have confined his examination to the mere expressions contained in the dispatch in question, and not have extended it to Elle acts of the Secretary of Stec to whom those dis patches were written. What WAS the fact ? The Committee of 1828 recommended in the strongest terms that o :e great grievance which the Canadians had constantly urged should be remedied, by providing that the revenues arising cut of the Act of 1774 should be plac..‘d at the disposal of she Legislative Assembly. What had Sir George Murray done in further ance of his object in his three years of government? Nothing; except that in the last year of that Government he introduced a most imperfect Bill on the subject, anti left the appropria tion of the soma raised still in the hands of the Treasury Com missioners.---( Hear.) Now he (Lord lionick) had little hesi tation in saying that if the Bill, which under the Earl of Ripon's -Colonial Administration he (Lord Howick) had had the honour of bringing before the lluuae, and which passed into a law in 1831, he had little hesitation in expressing his belief that if this Bill had passed in 1828, after the report of the Canada Committee, or even in 1823 or 1830, the result would have been very different f:orn that which had occurred.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was not his intention to enter into any discussion on these points on the present occa sism. ; but %then he beard Honourable Gentlemen en that side of the House make this sort of assertion, and when 1:e saw their admissions then up by the:Right Hon. Get.tle man opposite, and made use of with that dexteri y which he knew so well how to display, he considered it only due to those, who had been concerned in these importent affai- s to make ass endeavour to set. the facts of pia case in its true light. The Right Hon. Gentleman sad that, though he concurred in the Address, ha did not acquit the Govern ment of a want of due precaution respecting Canada. The Right Honourable Gentleman said,. that when the house pasted the res)lutions of last Session, it gas their duty to accompany thew with sufficient forces to maintain the au thority of the Crown in Canada; that it was perfect weak nrss and (1. lesion in the Government to suppose that the delaying the Bill founded on these rasolations would prevent their having the effect of irritating the Canadians. The Right Honourable Baronet had totally mistaken the reaaona which induced Government nut to premed with that Bill. The Government had been actuated by no such idea as he appe are d to i mpute to them. It had been their axiom to proceed wilt a Bill in conformity with those reso . nitions ; but as the Right Hon. Gentleman muet be aware, circumstances over which they had no coata oul yells &red it utterly impossible to proceed advantageously with tint measure. In the first place, a delay had taken place its sequence of the serious linees of his late Majesty ; .and .v 1 the deerise of the C r o wn occurre d i t b• eame utterly napossi to retsia in town a suffieieta number of Members to pass sae) a Bill in the manner in which its importance called tbr. Gentleman who recollected the last few weeks of the last S s_ sloe would bet- him out is the assertion that at that time the state of the House was such as rendered quite absurd any idea of proceeding with any measures so serious in their nature es this. There was the most extreme impatience manifested on both sides- of the Heusa to conclude with the utmost dispatch all the business before the House. These circumstances at o ne had prevented the Government from proceediag with the Bill. The Right lion. Gentleman, in raising the question whether proper precautions had be n taken respecting Canada, as. serted that whoever else was of opinion that more forces Wcr not necessary for Canada, the Secret:ly for the Colonies was not the man. Nov, although it had been the opinion of the Secretary for the Colonies that more forces might be wanted, yet he had considered that the parties who_ were on the spot were better judge; as to when it might be adv'sable to send mere forces into the colony than parties in England, and he conceived that until additional farces were actually required in the colony, their appearance might be attended with con siderable inconvenience. Nor was this apprehension a vision ary one, for, in the absence of sericus disturbances, the up. pearance of additional military forces would in all probability be productive of no slight inconvenience. Additional regi ments could be no efficient remedy agaiast public meetings, against the machinations of political agitators ; but they might have a contrary effect, and increase the evil instead of dimi nishing it ; and a proof of this was exhibited in an eeelosuse of a despatch of the 30th of October, 18S7, .giving an ac count of a public meeting held in Canada, and of the resolutions passed thet eat, which, amongst other topics calculated to excite the popular feeling against the Government, dwelt very strongly on the circum stance of an additional regiment having recently ar rived in the colony, which it described as a proof of the in. t'ntion of Government to suppress the declaration of the opinions of the Canadian people, and to support oppression by physical force. It was obvious, therefore, that the intro duction of additional armed forces into the colony might readily be made a handle for exciting the public feeling against the Government. A n d thi s conv i ct i on i t was that induced Lord Glenelg to alter the opinion which he had ori ginally entertained in reference to sending additional regiments directly to Canada. Bat Lord . C3lenelg had not left the authorities in Canada without power to call for additional troops, if additional troops were necessary. On the con trary, in the very dispatch which the Right Honourable Gentleman had quoted, it would he found th it orders wei - e there given to Sir Colin Campbell, commanding the troops, to forward troops immediattly upon their being called for •by Lord Gosford. Such were the orders given to Sir Colin Campbell, and in pursuance of them troops were in readiness to proceed at a :nornent's notice ; and though in winter addis do gal forces could not be sent direct to Canada, there were no obstacles to sending tamps to - Halifax to replace any which might be sent thence as additional forces for Canada. Ise should not trouble the House with any further observations on the present occasion :no oljection ail-eared to be made to the course proposed by the Noble Lord; but if, at a future time, the imputations which had been brought against Government on this subject should be mere fully canvassed, he shoeld re serve the right cf entering at greater length into the question. The Noble Lord was throughout very indistinctly heard. Mr. C. BULLER sadl, that if he were the party aPaided to as eviecing an insensibility to the forms of the 1 - 1 - )LISP, he begged to say, that though he was impressed with a full sensi bility of the respect due to the forms of the House, he was st ill more sensible of the importance of the circumstances under dis. mission. Were he to judge of the speech cf the Right Hon. Gentlemen harshly, to judge of it from that which he most dwelt upon, and from that which the Right Hon. Gentleman's supporters most loudly she. red, he should hold that what the Right lion. Gent. deemed most important was that which gave him an opportunity for taunting the present Ministry, and for appealing, with his accustomed dexterity, to the Hon. Meat her for Kilkenny and the Hen. Member for the city of Lon don, to aid him in turning out the present Ministry, and b.ing. ing back that excellent administration which he described as being excluded from office by these means. As one of these Members who voted against the resolutions of last session, who predicted their consequrnces, he wished at once to state that it was his intentien to give his support to the course which Government proposed to adopt.--( Hear, hear.) He must confess that he had not believed this possible when he beard the opening speech of the Noble Lord, which had appeared to hint throughout to indicate a tone of spirit little akin to libe rality or justice ; but the propositions pith which the Noble Lord had concluded were such as he could offer no op position to. He could offer no opposition to an address which testified the willingness of the House to put down an armed insurrection now raging in oae of our colonies.— ( Hear, hear.) He could see not a shadow of a ground for separating Canada ; and one of the great differences he had with Government, and with those who had opposed the de mands of the Canadians, had been that they had somewhat arbitrarily and unjustly assumed that the demands of the Canadians tended to separation from this country. He hart always thought that the acceding to their demands would in no rase endanger the supremacy of the mother country. But he was not going to enter into those questions. He was certainly not an advocate for separation ; but he pro. tested against the doctrine laid down, by the Noble Lord and the Right Honourable Baronet, that the preservation of those Colonies nes necessary with a view to the maintenance of the commercial prosperity of this country. Our commer cial trade with America had trebled share the establishment of the independence of that country. He would not enter into the question of the value of the colony ; but must main tain that it wrs owing to cur misgovernment that the pre , sent state of affairs existad. He felt that it would be in consistent with the interests of the Colonists themselves to abandon them ; but he also felt that it was our duty at any cost to repair the injuries which were the consequence of our own misgovernment. He could not have agreed to time psopo - ition of the Noble Lord for putting down the insurrec tion had it not been for the other part of the plan, which pledged the Ilouse to do ample justice to the inhabitants of the Canadas. And if the Noble Lord's plan had referred merely to Lower Canada, he should have been dissatisfied with it. He should have said an alteration of the present sys t•m was justly demanded, and they ought to grant it forth with ; but it apneared to him that the government of these colonies could not be properly repaired without a far wither and more extensive arid general scheme of l eg i s l a ti on . I t appeared to him e ssen ti a l that they should provide something like a common system of government for the Canades ; arid the only way of doing that effectually, was to alter the exist ing local divisions. They should not, however, proceed to legislate in a state of comparative ignorance on the subject. Whatever plan they adopted, to have a prospect of success, must have the consent of the inhabitants ; and with that object, they must pursue some such course as was recom mended by the Government ; they must send out a negucia tor—they must send out a Governor, and with the power of conciliating and consulting the proper authorities, lie was not prepared to admit the propriety of n holly suspending- the Constitution of' Lower Canada.—( Hear, hear.) At the iian - :0 time ho did not see that any great practical evil would result from suspending the power of the Legislative Assembly for one year, when its powers were already overridden by a supe rior authority.--( Hera-, hear.) Ile hoped that any plan which the Noble Lord had to explain to them would give to the people of Canada full security that their just demands would be complied with. —( Hear, hear.) They should bear in mind that their difficulties were greatly increased ; that they had now to disarm the people, to allay their discontent, end they • ought to shape their measures so that in the first place the people would be ecneiliated. That object effected, they might hope to obtain their co-operation. When the Bill was proposed, which he hoped would be speedily, it would be time enough to discuss any improve ments that might be suggested in it. He hoped also that the Noble Leal, those appointment he heard with great satis frction, wouid repair very soon to a place where he was very much wanted, though it might be somewhat inconvenient to him to go immediately. He had no wish to put himself for ward as the apologist of the extreme demands of the Cana dians; neither was lie the apologist of the revolt ; but he trusted that clemency could be observed towards those who had committed themselves to the late improper pro ceedings. He rejoiced that the insurrection had been put down, that they might now consider that the armed resistance was at an end, at least for a time. Ile rejoiced at this, because it appeared to him to efthr the opportunity of acceding with perfect dignity aid propriety to the just de mands of the people, which they could net do without adopting a large, and libe. al, and comprehensive scheme of Government. Sir A. DALRYMPLE slid a few words incondemnation of the conduct which had Leer, pursued by the Government. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in reply to an observation made by the Hon. Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller), explained the opinion he had expressed with reference to the expediency of establi6hing an Elective Council ; but his Lordship was not distinctly audible. He thought that some of his Hon. Friends were too apt to look at this as a (,ues tion simply between the Government at home and the Co. Icnial Government on the one side, and the people of Canada on the other. They forgot that large class, the French Ca. nadians, as if it were considered that their interests were not to be in the least valued._( Hear, hear.) lie hoped for a satisfactory settlement of this question, and he should not hold any settlement to be. satisfactory which did not provide for the interests as wed of the French settlers as of the others.—( Cheers.) Mr. LEADER rose to protest both against the speech of the Noble Loid and the measures Which he proposed. The speech contained unfounded charges against the Canadian House of Assembly, and the Bill which he told them be meant to bring in appeared to him to be by no means the sort of Bill which the present circumstances required ; it ce - ntained much more of ccercion than reconciliation. Ile felt some difficulty as to the course he ought to pursue on the present occasion. If he opposed- the address by a direct negative it might be thought he gave a factious vote. The Nol;le Lord had given no intimation of the course he intended to pursue ; he had rffLaded no time for th e consideration of a re gu l ar amen d ment t o his address, and in the present temper of the house it would be almost impos sible to enter into a refutation of the fil!acies with which the Noble Lord's speech abounded. Ho would as k t h e H oz ,. a..d Learned Member for Liskccrd vihether that speech of two hour-end-a half did not consist shiest entirely of misrepresentations of the history and grievances of the Canadians ?—(On, oh, oh,) He said this not on his own authority merely, but on the authority of those who were better acquainted wall the subject than himself. Unless thm .Noble Lord would consent to the adjournment of the debo.t till to-morrow, he should consider i t necessary to oppcse tie Address by a direct negative, however factious his doing s o might appear, because if he did not either by an amendment. THE SUN, LONDON, WI4',DNESDAY„TANUARY 17, 1838.