The Sun. — London, England, 1838-05-04 00:00:00

gang, to clean tho streets of the town, or do any other work, in which the parish penal gang happens to be employed. He is then, as the law directs, advertised for four successive 'weeks in the Colonial papers, for the purpose of being dale - led ; and, during all that time, works for the benefit of the parish, and perhaps at the end turns out to be A free person. k that case, he has undergone an unjust and severe punishment." in relation to the manner in which they are treated, we learn further that—" Young girls, cf premature age, and probably of excellent character, sent in on suspicion, or for some trifling indolence, or for turning out late to work, are seen working in chains in these penal gang., cleaning the streets, n ee any germ of modesty they might possess is destroy - ,d. One , of these girls is probably chained to a thief, or woman of in famous character ; if she has been heretofore pure in her con duct, the chances are strongly in favour of her being corrupted by the vices of her companions. Once seen amongst the cri minals in the streets, disgrace attaches to her name, though she has really been guilty of no offence, except one of the most trifling nature, proceeding from the ea: clessnees of youth ; and yet, for this cause, she is made to associate with all the vilest criminals of the chain gang. The strongest representa tions were made by the Governor to the different Custodes ; but it has never been asserted, that, in a single instance, the practice was in consequence discontinued." The evidence of his Lordship with respect to hospitals was equal) , strong, and here again he would remind them that these were not the statements of an anonymous calumniator. He might go through the whole of. the pamphlet, and pi-educe facts still more strong, and if he did not give his authority he could not expect to be believed ; and yet Mr. Gladstonehad the har dihood to assert that these were the charges of anonymous ca lumniators, and Sir G. Grey had asserted that in most instances the spirit and letter of the Abolition Act had }seen adhered to. He thought he had stated enough to convince the most sceptical ; but if there were any yet unsatisfied let him have but another opportunity, and if the man had any brains in his head, or any blood in his heart, he would undertake to con vince him.—( Loud cheers.) But he need not go to Ja maica for the statements of Governors and Magistrates, for he had got an analysis of Lord Glenclg's admissions, and he would adopt his freend Mr. Thompson's plan, and summon him before them co give evidence. His Lordship was aware that by the A b olition Act the negrees were to be divided into two classee,, one to be emancipated in August 1838, and the other in August 1840, and it was a fact that in Jamaica no classi ficatioes Aet was passed until last year, and then it was so framed the...it could not be allowed to pass, or receive the sanction of the J...'sritish Parliament, so that in fact up to this moment, no classification Act has been passed. He would now ask his Lordship—" How has the eight hours' system,' which your Lordship characterised an inconvenience' which it would be better to pass over in silence,' operated on the welfare of the negro ?" Answer.—" In Jamaica this has given rise to great discontent. It has acted very injuriously to the negro, for while the nine hour system secured to the negro a holiday every Friday, the eight hour system precluded him from that indul gence, and left him but the refuse of the day for raising his own provision."—" How has the workhouse system been ad ministered?" Lord Glenelg's answer is It is true that apprentices are condemned to workhouses, or houses of correc tion, placed under local laws, for apprentice offences, or offences affecting the interest of his employers. For every inconsiderelle offence of this kind the apprentice is committed to a workhouse; he is removed from the protection of Britieh law, red from that moment the admission of special Magis trates is carefully prevented. I will not enter into more sad scenes to which my Noble Friend has alluded as occurring in these workhouses —scenes on which it is impossible for the mind to dwell without horror. Many facts have been elicited regarding these workhouses in the course of the examination before a Select Committee of the House of Commons which prove that the most horrid cruelties are perpetrated in them, and present a most disgrating picture of West Indian punishment." He might multiph, these evidences, but it would take up a vast deal of their time, but he hoped they would believe him to be a creeiltah;ie witness when he said that he would not snake a faire statement, and that every statement that had been :lade by the abolitionists, whether it related to food, or tim.4, or classification, or hospitals, or punishments, was evi dence derived exclusively from the Colonial Office itself. The question now was, how are these abuses to be got rid of? The Government said that there was nothing like a plaister of parchment for the sore legs, and lacerated backs, and hungry bellies of the ne,groes.—( A laugh.) That had been tried again and again without effect, and let them now act like rational men, and try some more powerful remedy. He (Mr. Luney) had no confidence in the Colonial Legislature, or in the Government at home, and it appeared to him that the only remedy they could ever hope to see effectual, was the re medy of annihilation.—( Immense cheering.) Give the ne groes their own time, and compel the planters to pay them wages, and he was quite sure, from the facts laid before them of the workinsf of the system in the col on i es , no ev il wou ld arise, but great advantage both to the planter and negro.— (Hear, and cheers.) The solemn iniquity of a compact was asserted, but its existence had been denied by Lord Brougham, by Lord Denman, by Mr. O'Connell, by Sir E. Sugden, and by the Bishop of Exeter—(Cheers)—and he (Mr. Luncy) felt much pride in bearing this testimony to the opi nion of Isis excellent Diocesan, who had said that it could be no contract which deprived men of their natural rights— that it was no contract which was a violation of the law of God—that it was no contract which authorised the commission of robbery and murder—and the present system compelled them to commit both.--(Much cheering.) He would only advert to one other objection— that it would be unsafe to emancipate the negroes—that the man who had so long endured afflictions, corporeal and men tal—that the man who had been deprived of his rights, and tortured in a variety of ways—that the man who had submitted to all this with the utmost Christian resignation—that that man would murder the whites. And for what ? Not for cruelty, certainly, for they don't do it now. If they designed it at any time it would surely be when they are suffering op pression. Was it to be supposed that he could bear torture and not kindness ?—(Hear.) The thing was absurd. It wa s stated als o th at h e was unfit, but they had the testimony of Lord Glenelg that he was quite fitted, for freedom.—(Cheers.) He begged to apologise for having occupied so much of their time, and for having exhibited somewhat of excitement on the subject ; but it was a question in which he thought it criminal to be calm.—(Cheers. ) The time was coming when the negro would stand on equal terms with his oppressor—when they would be face to face, and when both would receive ample compensation for their conduct in this life.--( Hear, and cheers.) When that time came, let it be remembered that he should obtain no mercy who had shown none.—(Much applause.) lie would entreat of the meeting to adopt the constitutional means which were placed in their hands—that they would go to the Legislature, and petition that the in famous system, which was revolting to humanity—which was adverse to sound policy and religion—should be put an end to at once and for ever.—(Great cheering.) With these sentiments he most cordially seconded the resolution. Mr. TOWSON here came forward and ascended the table in front of the platform, and claimed permission to be heard. He was received with cries of " Char," " Order," and hisses. The Chairman Laving entreated the meeting to permit him to g o on, he was th en a ll owed to proceed.He was sorry that he was one of the individuals who was open to the strong censure which had been made by the gentleman who had moved the resolution. He admitted that in the eyes of others he might be exposed to censure and ridicule, and ho assured them thtt no man would be more happy to stand in the ranks of those to whom the Rev. Gentleman who had preceded him had alluded than himself. But there was another consideration which they ought not to lose sight of. Those who spoke so much of justice would place it all on one side, while they said they would do injustice to no individual. His (Mr. Towson's) desire to do justice to the Ne4ro no man could doubt, and he acknowledged that the last time that eloquent Gentleman ( Mr. Thompson) was there, he had been carried away by the torrent of his oratory ; every statement he had made had produced an impression on his (Mr. Towson's) mind, and he had never dreamt that he could ever have a different set of opinions in his heart.—( Hisses and Groans.) But lately another question had been brought forward in that town, and elsewhere, and he (Mr. Towson) thought it right to pause before he advocated it. The statements now pat forward were that they would throw down the present G erernment—( Cries of " No, no") —that they would throw every obstacle in the way of the pro ceedings of the present Government, because they were not the advocates of the present question. He would consider himself unworthy of the franchise, if he allowed himself to be influenced by such considerations. When he was last in that Hall he acknowledged that he ought to have investigated the question before be advocated it, but he would do so now fearlessly. He regretted to find that a technical objection had been taken to his coming forward, because he did not mean to move an amendment.—( Cheers and laughter.) The subject of a contract had been alluded to, and it had been asserted and denied that a contract existed. But before he went to that point, he thought it necessary to investigate the grounds of the argument on which the assertion of their being no con tract was founded. It appeared to him that Sir George Grey when he made that statement--( Considerable interruption here took place in the meeting, and it was some time before order could be restored.) He was no advocate of Sir George Grey under all circumstances—he was no sycophant—(.l laugh) —for when the Honourable Baronet first presented him self to the constituents of Devonport, he (Mr. Towson) could scarcely make up his mind to give him his vote; and he did not see why he should not defend him when he thought Sir George Grey was in the right.—(Cheers and hisses.) It ap peared to him that the statements put forward were not the whole truth, although they might be true. He would use no expression likely to create an unpleasant feeling, but it ap peared to him that they were extracts—(oh !)--and not full statements. He had set one gentleman right when he alluded to the death of a negro woman.—( Groans and hisses.) He was not going to advocate or defend one iota of that tran saction.—(Hear.) When he found the gentleman had left out one word, he (Mr. Towson) thought it right to supply it, and at the proper place, too. When he spoke of her death was the fitting time to give the verdict of the Coroner's Inquest, which was apoplexy, He wished, that whatever conclusion they came to, it should not be said that it was upon garbled statements.—(Cheers.) He considered it extremely unjust, illiberal, and unfair to bring all those charges upon Sir G. Grey, or upon the heads of the present Government.—( Oh. ) He would not say that they had done every thing in their power—( Hear) —but he would state th a t th ey h a d done a great deal which they considered best adapted to prevent the evils complained of.—(No, no, and much interruptio n .) Th e Reverend Gentleman who had last addresse s cl i t r, hem had brought forward th e ev id e nce of the Marquis of Sli g o, and he Tcon fessed th at h e (M r. T owson ) did not agree with him.—(L ?p -roar.) H e did not go f ar enoug h, f or he stated in conclusion (p -that the negro was un fi t f or f ree d om .—(A voice in the crowd, "Heis a liar." Great laughter.) The Rev. Mr. LUNEY—He has given the best evidence we could ask upon th e su b ject, by emancipating all his own ap runtieee,....(Greet applause>) Mr. ToWsON again endeartinred to address the meeting, but the uproar WRS so great that he 'could not proceed. I.3n:iia'aiArq en'trented that he might be heard. Mr. Tows'on bad a pamphlet in his liant,!, ill trhich ii Coin parisvm Was instituted betwOin Ant'igii . e. And janiaieai and it Was attempted to proved that the negrots Of the unfit for feett'ilom.—( 'Uproar.) Mr. GEORGE THOMPSO thtfeated the meeting to hear Mr. Towson. He vll- doing their cause great sgrTice,—( Hear, hear.) was stating to them manfully the objections that eczurred to his own mind, and if they allowed him to [toned without ohleo;ation or interruption, they Might be assured that ho would receive a full and satisfactory answer.—( Cheers. ) Mr. TOWSON thrn fesumed—He contended that many of the statementi made were exaggrated, and that if the negrocs were treated with kindness, It would be more advantageous_ to them than to have e manc i pat i on f orce d upon them.—( Oh ! and great laughter.) He believed ttiat very great unjustice had been done to a very deserving set of men, and who had earned the thanks of the country—he meant the special magistrates of Jamaica, He should Wing evidence of that. He would give them the living testimony of a gentleman who was now pre vent. He had his evidence with him, and he would beg to read a little of it to the meeting.—(Laughter, and cries of t• No, no, don't trouble yourself.") It was the evidence of these men which had led the present Ministers astray. [Mr. Towson here proceeded to read long.' extracts from the evi dence taken before the Parliamentary Committee, but was frequently interrupted by the meeting, which throughout manifested indications of impatience.] It was clear from that that the Special Magistrates had evinced the greatest rcadi nets to investigate th cases brought under their consideration, and that they received every encouragement and support from the Government when charges were preferred against them. Under such circumstances, he thought it unfair to bring such accusations against the Government and against Sir George Grey, Sir Edward Codrington, and others, who had nothing to do with it. The members of the Anti. Slavery Society could not pretend to be so well qualified to advocate the eman cipation of the negrocs as the present Government.—(Great laughter.) He would assert most distinctly that every sug gestion calculated to improve the condition of the negro which had been transmitted to Lord Glenclg, had been adopted in the Act of Parliament introduced by Sir George Grey. Ile had the remarks of a Special Magis trate, who was now on the platform, before him, and he then stated that the apprenticeship system, under good laws, was a good one.—( Loud laughter.) He did not want to vindicate their prison discipline, or to tolerate any abuses ; but, at the same time, they would recollect that Sir George Grey had told them that the subject had met with calm and deliberate consideration. (Mr. Towson here proceeded to read some further extracts, which at length appeared to have exhausted the patience of the meeting, and great uproar en sued. A person in the crowd asked how much of that large book Mr. Towson intended to read ?) (Great laughter, and cries of " Off, off !") Mr. THOMPSON said the gentleman had assured him he did not intend to read the whole of it.—( Renewed laughter.) Mr. TOWSON again attempted to proceed, but the uproar was renewed. The CHAIRMAN said, although the gentleman was perhaos wearisome, he hoped they would give him full latitude and the longest rope.—( Ct les of " No, no," and much confusion.) Mr. THOMPSON said the gentleman's object was not to vin dicate slavery, but to defend persons who were not present, which he thought very praiseworthy. They had no desire to suppress anything, and therefore he beseeched them to give him a patient hearing. Mr. TowsoN then proceeded, and, after some desultory remarks, concluded by asserting that the charges brought against the Government were quite unfounded. Mr. G. THOMrsoN then came forward, and was received with loud and general cheering. He said—With your leave, and by your gracious patience, I will take the liberty of offering a few remarks on this most interesting and momentous topic, for the purpose of placing it so far as I am able to do upon that high and only proper ground which it should occupy before a Christian and a British assembly.—(Hear, hear.) I am in fluenced to day by no personal, or party, or political feeling whatever. For seven years of my short life, I have been daily and hourly in peril, and in labour, and in much weakness, the unceasing advocate of negro rights.—(Cheers.) I have never made a political speech, and the greatest compliment paid me for some time has been the one unintentionally paid me to-day, that a gentleman who has heard me speak often knows not yet of what political opinions I am. I may say, however, that I rise to-day with feelings of fervent loyalty for the maiden Queen of these realms—with profound respect for the Govern ment under which we enjoy the privilege to live—with a de sire to yield, in the fear of God, the strictest obedience to the law of the land—and with the recollection that what I utter to day I shall have to account for in that court and at that tribunal to which we are all amenable.—(Cheers.) But while I am loyal to my sovereign—while I am respectful to the Govern ment—while I am obedient to the laws, I do it as a man who is a moral and accountable being—the friend of the negro, the out-cast and oppressed negro—the foe of slavery under whatever name and in whatever latitude—(Hear, hear, hear)—as the servant of one who is king above all kings, and judge and law-giver, above all judges and law givers, and as responsible for all the moral, or social, or politi cal, or religious influence, I can bring to the work of releasing the prisoner, and letting the oppressed go free.—( Cheers. ) When I was last among you, although an utter stranger, you kindly received me, you patiently heard me, and you most flatteringly commended me ; and if I had then aught of title to your patience, aught of title to your thanks, I have not the less title to-day, bringing with me into this hall, the same heart which I then brought with me—the same judgment—the same conviction—the same unextinguishable hatred of the common antagonist of men on earth and God in heaven. Will you then _ " Hear me for my cau , e, And be silent that you may hear."—(Cheers.) Never did I rise before a British audience to discharge a more delicate, a more painful duty, than that which truth and jus tice, a proper regard for the character of myself and those with whom I have the honour to be associated, in the " labour of love," and the interests of a million of human beings, have this day devolved upon me. I desire to fling away to-day, above all other days, every petty and personal feeling, and without passion or partiality, to address myself to the question now before this vast assembly, under a sense of the responsibi lity I owe to Him whose honour and whose laws are involved in the discussion now going on.—( Hear and cheers.) With these introductory remarks I shall come at once to the ques tion before us. I am thankful that the way has been considerably cleared by the two Honourable Gentlemen who have already addressed you. My honoured Friend who opened the discussion, or rather, seconded the first resolution; and the gentleman who has taken upon himself the task of indicating, of course, from his conviction those whom he considers to have been unjustly treated in some of the allegations I have thought it my duty to make in the pro gress of this great question,—l shall not, therefore, to-day give you long documentary evidence, drawn from questionable sources. I shall not tire you with " stale steryotyped calum nies" from Aldermanbury.—(A laugh.) With the apocryphal writings of Joseph Sturge, or any of those questionable instru ments by which in our folly and feebleness we thought afore time we were well assisted.—( Hear, hear.) This is rendered unnecessary. I hold in my hand a pamphlet, which has been in the hands of my friend beneath me—above me in all other respects—( A laugh)—purporting to be an authorized copy of a speech delivered by an honourable Baronet closely connected with the borough in which we are now assembled. The station of that honourable Baronet—the situation which he fills—the character which he has main tained, not amongst you only, but with the country at large_ the circumstances under which he spoke, and the facts and accusations (for he has both in abundance) contained in this pamphlet—all command the attention and the respect, and the due and deliberate consideration of this assembly.—( Hear.) It was delivered on the 29th of March last, in support of the Government measure to prominently alluded to by my hon. friend who has just resumed his seat, and it was delivered in opposition to a :notion which, at the bidding of the united em pire, another Hon. Baronet brought before the Honourable House, in which both on that occasion appeared—Sir George Grey. I may bo permitted to name him—and I name him with a high respect for his private character. I have had opportunities in all parts of the kingdom of meeting many personal friends of the Right Hon. Baronet, and although sonic were grieved at the conduct which he deemed it expe dient to pursue, all were unanimous in attributing to him private virtues and political excellencies sufficient to commend him to-day to our sincerest respect, and to induce us to deal with the utmost candour and the utmost faithfulness towards those statements he has elsewhere made.—(Cheers.) But the circumstances under which that speech was delivered— connected as that speech was with a topic so dear to our hearts—a manifesto, as it really was, of the views and intentions, and feelings of her Majesty's Government — canvassing as it did so com pl e t e l y t h e mot i ves an d measures of the abolitionists of these islands, it does deserve and ought to receive our patient and most impartial consideration.— ( Hear, hear.) That pamphlet, for it is with it as a pamphlet I shall deal, contains most grave and mighty accusations against the promoters of the recent movement in favour of the immediate and total abolition of the negro apprenticeship sys tem in operation in the British colonies. We arc charged, and I speak now as identified with the abolitionists—ss one ' proud to be identified with them, and deeming it, as I do, the highest earthly honour to number the most conspicuous defen ders of the rights of the negroes among my friends, and co veting no prouder epitaph than this when I lay my head un der the clods of the valley.—" He lived and died the negro's friend"—(Great chee-ing)—l am charged, for I am not a very obscure abolitionist, however obscure I may be in other respects, and having taken a tolerably large share to myself in the labours recently performed—l am charged, or we are charged, and as many in this assembly as have undertaken in days and months past to agitate the great question of negro apprenticeship with a view to its immediate extinction—l am charged, and you are charged, so many of you as are in that predicament, with having practised frauds at public meet ings —with having suppressed evidence—with having given an unfair complexion to our case—with having inten tionally delayed information, until we made it serve the purpose of popular excitement at home—with having an invincible aversion from inquiry by Committees of the House of Commons, because we were afraid the truth would come out—because we were afraid of being cross examined, and because we were afraid the planters would be heard before the bar of the country. We are charged, fur ther, with importuning Members of Parliament not to listen to both sides of the question, to shut their cars to the plead ings of the injured West Indians, and have their ears only opened to the machinations of the imperious Abolitionists ; and we are charged, finally—and this is the gravest indictment of the whole—we are charged with a desire, nay, with a de termination, to effect a violnt, and not a peaceful termination of the present system of apprenticeship. It is said, in as many words, that this was the intention of the leading men among the Abolitionists in 1833, find that it still IS the aim of ;he consnismouS adfobatea, of this: ffleasiirb imme gita ati6trtmo. .Mdny other things are insiniinted,—inany epi ibets are bastowed-- - -many adjective_ applied ; but . I have to deal with qie Chariiei gna. flot iii what arc couched, So I pCitl6iVe lti thCril act of injustice, either as regards the motives or the moral character of those men who have stood forward the friell4°. 9 f the PC grns. Thcse, you will admit, arc fearful allegations, and of this we must be quite certain, either they are true or they are false. if true—what arc we ? If false—what must the man be who makes them ? If true, we must be bad men and women too; if false, why then there arc but two reasons we can assign for the conduct of those who bring such charges—either they know us not, or knowing, they have not faithfully represented us ; and if unfairly represented we may be permitted anywhere, but most of all in an assembly of thi• town, to vindicate our cause, to vindicate our honour, to vin dicate our principles, which are drawn straight from the GA pel of Him who came to preach deliverance to the captive, and the opening of the p! isons to them that arc bound.__ ( Cheers ) For myself, I plead " not guilty" before the bar of my country— (Applause)—and if permitted 1 would plead " not guilty" before the House in which the accusations were made, and wherever I go I shall disown for myself, and if you please, for you--( Hear, hear)—the truth of this most unde served indictment. I would say to Sir George Grey, if he were here to-day— " Would my breast were bared before thee, Then thou would'st at last discover 'Twas not well to treat me so." But, as I hold a long speech in my hand, in the shape of a pamphlet, and as the allegations are in that speech doubt less the reasons for making them will be found there also.— ( Hear.) And we may reasonably expect that tke Hon. Ba ronet, in the course of that speech, has so argued as that he will clear up every doubt ; for he says himself, and says em phatically, in the fourth page, " I rejoice that now, though for the first time, it is about to obtain a fair, patient, and dis passionate hearing. I pledge myself, before I sit down, to show that the facts of the case do not bear out the state_ ments which have been made, and the resolutions which have been adopted at the meetings to which I have alluded." Here then we have " the statements made, and the resolutions adopted," placed over against the facts, which the Hon. Bart. is about to furnish to the House of Commons, and we shall see presently whether tho facts, as the Hon. Baronet stat es them, do really demonstrate the injustice of the charges Preferred, and demonstrate also that the statements we have put .forth at public meetings, and in our resolutions, are at variance with the true merits of the question. Now, fortu. nately for us, our statements are in print—our memorials are in print—our speeches are in print, for even our desultory conversations which transpired in London, during the two meetings of the delegates, are faithfully noted, so far as to make some of us ashamed the next day at having uttered such egregious nonsense the day before. I speak not of sins with regard to principle, but phraseology ; and don't let my Hon. Friend mistake me on this point.--( Hear, and a laugh.) We cannot always put one's thoughts in the best language, as he has perhaps found out.—(Laughter.) All our resolutions, our memorials, our petitions, many of our speeches, and even our observations made at the delegates, meetings, before din ner and after dinner, and after tea, and even after supper, for we toiled and spoke, and cogitated at all hours—( Cheers) ; they are in print as well as those documents which by this time must be more or less familiar to all who hear me. Our tabular statement of punishments—" our case made out"— statements, oral, written, and pictorial —our account of the horrid machine the tread-mill our extracts from; the Colonial laws our details of food and other allow ances—our documents in print, of course all were pro duced against us. Of course when these allegations were made—when we were charged with these heavy delinquencies to which I have referred—the proofs abundant and overwhelming were on the table of the House of Com mons ; and, as the Hon. Baronet proceeded with his speech, from time to time every document and statement was appealed to, to prove his case. But if it shall turn out that instead of doing what we are charged with to-day—if, instead of making a short statement, he made none at all—if, instead of quoting a solitary instance, he quoted none at all—if it shall turn out that he tried the prisoner, condemned him, and executed him, without even allowing him to be heard in his defence, to call witnesses to his character, or to put in any documents out of the million the prisoner had written, and which contained, if anything contained it, the evidence of the truth of the charges brought against the prisoner —if it shall turn out that Sir G. Grey, without any witnesses for or against us, was himself wit ness, juryman, accuser, judge, and executioner, then I say we have discovered a new mode of trying men, and we may save a national expenditure of much money ; and we may dispense with all the costly machinery that is put in motion before a man can bo condemned for petty larceny, and constitute men —what Sir G. Grey was—the law-giver, the witness, and the executioner, all in the same person.—( Hear, and cheers.) —[A gentleman near the platform, whose name we understood to be Towson, here called " Order, order."]—Sir, I shall keep to order, and I do not think I am violating it when I say that Sir G. Grey would have acted more fairly if at this stage of the proceedings he had said, " Here is a fabrication," putting in one of our documents—" here is a fraud" putting in another—" here is a falsehood" putting in a third--." here is an exaggeration" putting in a fourth—" here is a solitary case" putting in a fifth. This resolution is unsustained in principle—this resolution is incorrect in statement. I say it would have been but fair to have proceeded in such a course as this. Now when we look at the charges of the lion. Bart. we take it. for granted that before be sits down he will demonstrate by evidence—for, mark, his chief charge is, that we have not quoted evidence enough—it might reasonably have bee's anticipated, ere he sat down, that he would have de monstrated by evidence incontest ible and sufficient—first, that the statements made by the Abolitionists were false ; second, that there was a necessity of some kind for a continu_ ante of that restraint and " modified coercion," to use his own words, which constituted the present system of negro appren ticeship—that he would have demonstrated, in the third place, the justice of the existing laws—fourthly, the efficiency, as well as the honesty and independence, of the special justices, a very important consideration—fifthly, the kindness of the masters ; and sixthly, the danger of immediate emancipation. Before lie could pronounce the scheme of immediate emancipa tion either unreasonable or wild, he ought to have demonstrated all the propositions I have now laid before you. I shall look at these charges one by one, although some scarcely require notice. First, then, with respect to the frauds at public meetings. Mr. Tarry, here came forward, and begged to ase what all that had to do with the immediate emancipation of the negroes.—(Cries of " Chair" and " Order.") The question before the meeting was, whether the Government plan of apprenticeship was the best that could be adopted. Now, the course pursued by the Hon. Gentleman, it appeared to him, was to place Sir George Grey in a position, with regard to his constituents, in which he ought not to be placed.—( Loud cries of " Order and Chair," followed by calls for Mr. Thompson.) The CHAIRMAN did not think, as far as his observations had gorv., that Mr. Thompson was out of ordee.___( Great cheering.) If Mr. Thompson were not to allude to Sir George Grey, he (the Chairman) did not see how he could substantiate his ar guments.—( Cries of " Bravo," " Go on Thompson.") Mr. TRIPE again attempted to address the meeting, but was received by loud cries of order, chair, and hisses, which come pelled him to give way. Mr. TilosirsoN resumed—He had thought that the most honourable, manly, and English mode of stating opinions ad verse to those cherished by any other Gentleman, if he were denied by circumstances the opportunity of replying to them where they were made, and when they were made, was to take the next best mode of offering a refutation to such opinions, and to come when there were those who knew the individual best, and lored him most—when his friends were found thick as leaves in Vallambrosa—that so, if you touched his character, sullied his fair fame, sought to remove him from the pedestal where your admiration and suffrages had placed him—he might be defended by warm and generous hearts, and eloquent and persuasive lips—(Laughter)---and not take another course and fight in the East when he ought to have been battling in the West.—(Cheers.) I have disclaimed all party feeling_ who dares impute it to me ?—( Applause.) Again I deny it. My motto is, Perish politics ! and live the rights of man and the law of God for ever I—( Vehement cheering.) Who made this a political question ? Those who carry it high above the murky and corrupted atmosphere of politics, or those who would bring it down to that sphere ? I tried to lift it above it, and you shall be judges as to the identity of those who bring down this lofty and heaven-born principle to be debased at the shrine of political expediency.—(Cheers.) Let the warmest admirer> of the Hon. Baronet out-do me in the enco miums I have honestly pronounced upon him—more eloquent e t they m enough, gh ay be, ,si m Sir George e sincere himselftle a m y u cannotbe, ore a nd e dytheyCh eers.) are not l have said that he is a good man—l grant you that he is an honest man, but good and honest though he be, he is liable to err, and in proportion to his goodness and his admitted honesty is the danger of his error.—( Hear, hear.) In proportion to the influence which his rank and his education and his station give him, is the injury he may inflict upon the cause we every one of us love, by his advocacy of the infamous line of conduct which equity cannot sanction—( Hear)—and by his making charges which justice cannot approve.— ( Hear.) Have I not a printed speech now in my hand which has been circulated extensively amongst you ? Is it not in the hands of the gentleman who preceded me ? Has it not been scattered through your town, and have you not an opportunity of buying it for little, or getting it for nothing—( A laugh)— so that you may track me in my course ?_and if you discover sinuosity—if you discover a garbled statement, if you discover a mis-quotation, charge me with it, beard me with it—put it on my forehead, and send me through the land as an unfair opponent.—( Vehement cheers.) I contend that Sir G. Grey is here, and in many other places where I can never be, and surely while he at this moment in a printed octavo is every where, I may be permitted to be somewhere.—(Cheers and laughter.) The charge has gone out that we have practised frauds on public meetings—how do you know that I am not about to commit a fraudulent trick upon you now? Keep your pockets buttoned—keep your understandings hoodwinked — don't hear me, don't see me, lest I instil poison into minds. Now I must rebut this charge, A I r your minds. or cannot go on. on. I must clear myself of this charge, or you ought not to hear me. If I deserve this, hiss me from the platform —if I de serve it not, throw over me the aegis of your protection.— ( Cheers.) " Practised frauds on public meetings I" When? Deponent sayeth not.—( A laugh.) Where? Non mi ricordo."—( Much laughter.) What were they ? Cant tell. That statement, as I live before you, is utterly unsubstan tiated ! How then can I reply to it. Oh, lam glad to see my Hon. Friend below me (Mr. Towson) turning over the pages of the book in his hand, and if while I am on my legs he can show me the " frauds," as truly as to Heaven I would confess the vices of my blood, so will I acknowledge my error, and make to Sir George Grey to-day the most am- THE SUN, LONDON, Y, MAY 4 1 1838. plc apology which one gentlettian owes to another.—( Great cheering.) 'thus I have disposed of one charge, and for the simple reason that t have no evidence; and I have not come doWn here on .the mission of another Quixote, to beat, the air;. or fight ; or like another Torts 'thumb, Make giants that I may kill them.—(Great j laeghtef. I shdll niew proceed from what is wi s t u h sta e ine a d rd by nothing, to what is supported by the stypreeston ( s).! . evidence we a '''thing with having rg done ! Chargedis the evidence which so, and the proof that is given of tri.: . nt „,ins to say Sir George Grey has given you himself. you have suppressed the evidence which this book contains. We arc charged with having suppressed evidence, and I am giving Sir George Grey the full benefit of substantiating that charge so far as his own evidence goes, and if I support not my case out of this book, I shall submit to leave this platform in disgrace.—( Hear, hear.) But there is a specific case quoted—it is said that James Williams's pamphlet, with all its horrors, was not communicated to the Government, and for this reason that it suited not the purposes of the party who gave these horeors to the world—that they kept them in con cealment until they put them in such a shape as was likely to subserve the purposes of popular commotion. See w hat a simple story will put this down. That excellent man Joseph Sturge, whose name is synonimous with whatever is pure in principle, and truthful in statement, and honourable in conduct, and humane in feeling, went out as a missionary of humanity, as he was justly termed, to the West Indies. While there examining as he did many negroes touch ing their condition, he examined James Williams. He told him important evidence—that evidence being given, and the fact having transpired that Willlanis gave it, it seemed likely that James Williams would suffer sortie disad vantage by volunteering to give evidence to Mr. Sturge. The latter did what cannot be too highly commended—he bought out of the hands of his master the remaining term of his apprenticeship, and he said to him, " Now you are free; you cannot suffer for any thing you have said touching your own sufferings, or those of your fellow-slaves."—( Loud cheers.) He brought him home to educate him, and un known to Mr. Sturge, getting acquainted with some friends who from day to day heard his simple narrative, it occurred to them that it ought to be put in print. It was—and ere a copy was published—wet from the press, with the errors scarcely corrected—with all its typographical inaccuracies— the first copy from the wet types was sent to Sir George Grey.—( Much cheering.) With regard to the second part of the charge, as supported by the evidence which Sir George Grey has given us in this book, I shall deal presently. An other charge is having an " invincible repugnance"—these are his words—" to Parliamentary Committees." " Because," says Sir George, and there are three becauses, and I shall give them every one, " Because they" that is the abolitionists, " are there subjected to cross-examination ; because their allegations are there capable of being sifted and scrutinized; and because there, evidence may be adduced to rebut some of those allegations, and a full and comprehensive view of the whole case may be presented." Here arc three becauses, and now let us see if ever the abolitionists have shown an invin cible aversion to Parliamentary Committees. Who, years ago, moved and moved for Parliamentary Committees of enquiry into the atrocious scenes perpetrated in that dark and dreary abode of slavery—the Mauritius? —The abolitionists—( Loud cheering)—who sought a Com mittee for more than six months, and which produced the large folios of evidence which my Honourable Friend below me has to-day scanned over and quoted from ? Who got that Com mittee ? The abolitionists. Who denied it -for six months ? Sir George Grey.—(Great cheering and hisses, Mr. Towson or some person near him, cried " No, no.") The gentleman says No, but he will sing a softer note presently.—(A laugh.) Hear Mr. Buxton, a gentleman whom Sir G. Grey quotes, and therefore I may quote him :—" The apprenticeship was, how ever, enacted, and came into operation in August, 1834. So soon were my fears confirmed as to the working of it, that on the 19th June, 18.35, I moved for a Select Committee "to inquire whether the conditions on which the twenty millions were granted, had been complied with," I showed that the terms of the agreement had not been fulfilled by the planters, and I added, " I am sure I speak the sense of the House, when I declare the twenty mil lions ought not to be paid." I warned the House of the feel ing that would arise in the country, in these terms—" Should they find that slavery, or something very like it, continues— th at the planters, having taken their money, disappoint their hopes ; it will kindle a flame of indignation against all such as withstand inquiry, while the money is yet safe in our coffers, such as no Government will bo able to resist."—( Mr. Towson, " Sir George Grey voted for the motion.") Oh, then, lam to separate Sir George Grey from the Government 1 Be it so ; but the strongest argument I ever found for Sir G. Grey was this, that in consequence of his position in the Govern ment, he could not vote as he wished.—( Hear, and cheers.) If, then, I am to detach him from the Government—if he ut ters not the sentiments of the Government—if the speech I hold in my hand is not the speech of Sir George Grey, as a Member of the Government, but is his speech as a private in dividual, then he stands before you in a very different cepa city.—( Hear, hear.) I put it to your recollection—l put it to your candour—if my friend beneath me did not in every pa ragraph of the speech identify Sir George Grey with the Government ?—( Hear, hear.) Whether his whole apology was not for the Government, and for Sir G. Grey as a Mem ber of it ?—( Cheers.) But it seems the old adage of " What is good for the goose is good for the gander" will not apply in this case. I assure you I mean nothing personal—(Great laughter)—because if I did, I would make myself the gander. Then we are to understand that Sir George Grey was not a member of the Government. Let him have the benefit of that, and still my case is made out that the abolitionists are not the enemies of Parliamentary Committees, and that they sought them frota the 24th of July, 1835, to the 22d of March, 1836.—(Hear, hear, hear.) A gentleman behind me says that it will be but fair to state that a vaca tion, or a recess, or something of that kind occurred ; but certainly there was no vacation when the motions were made ; and, whether there were 50 or 500, or one, or none at all, it does not disturb the fact that the Abolitionists moved, through Mr. Powell Buxton, fora Committee, and that, after six months, they got it. So much for the charge that we don't like Parliamentary Committees. But it is not Parlia mentary Committees alone that they moved for; losing their Committee of Inquiry, what did they do? Were they glad of it? Failing to obtain a Committee, what did they do? On the 14th of August, 1835, within one month after they had lost their motion for a Committee of Inquiry, they pre sented a memorial to Lord Glenelg, which I hold in my heed. It contains twenty pages of close type on the state of things in the West Indies, and a copious appendix, bringing forward a variety of abuses, repugnances, and contradictions in the law and practice of the British colo nies. Mark that—they moved for a Committee of Inquiry, and on the 14th of August they took the next step. A long memorial was drawn up by the Anti-slavery Society in Lon don—they presented this memorial to Lord Glenclg, and on the 22d of March Mr. Buxton got his Committee of Inquiry. Then, before the Committee so obtained, they put forth ano ther document entitled " facts, statements, and observations, on the working of the law for the abolition of slavery, and on the present state of negro population." This pamphlet, which was ably drawn up, was also carefully presented to the Colo nial Secretary. There was no agitation, no popular excite ment, or any other evils, attended it. A Parliamentary Committee, a respectful and able memorial, and then a cautious and lawyer-like exposition of the facts of Ow case, and I would, that with that volume in my hand, and twelve hours of your time, and my holiest friend below me to sit and hear it out, I could go through :the :whole of that evidence. Has my friend read the able analysis of Mr. Jeremy, of the law of Jamaica, proving that in many instances the condition of the negro is far worse than in the days of slavery ? Has he read the evidence in that document ? If ever there was a ease made out of gross injustice in every day practice as well as law, that case is made out in the volume before me. And if Mr. Buxton consented to the Report made, it was simply to secure unanimity, and not because lie did not believe that the evidence fully warranted the immediate extirpation of the system. I have Mr. Buxton's own words upon this point : " From the first day on which Lord Stanley's scheme was propounded, to the present hour, I have had but one mind on the subject, viz., that the apprenticeship was unjust in prin ciple—indefensible in policy—an anomalous, unnatural,. and unnecessary state of things ; and in practice, as the practice has unfolded itself, worse than in theory." Do not think that this is an old opinion, and that Mr. Buxton has changed his mind—do not believe that it was before the existence of these ponderous volumes, begotten in Parliamentary Committees— this is a letter to Lord J. Russell, April 18, 1838, in which he declares that his mind was made up against the apprenticeship system before the evidence was taken, and that he only con sented to the report, on condition that he might be permitted to record in that report his opinion that the apprenticeship should cease altogether on the Ist of August 1840, because it was possible that many of the negroes might be continued in apprenticeship beyond that period, in order to pay up the fines, in time, inflicted upon them by the Hon. Special Ma gistrates, who have been taken so kindly into keeping by the lion. Gentleman below me. Then, again, we are charged with importuning Hon. Members of the House of Commons not to hear both sides of the question. Here are the words : —" I know the means which have been taken to induce Hon. Gentlemen to vote in favour of the resolution. I know that they have been importuned not to listen to the arguments on both sides of the question, not to decide calmly and dispas sionately after they had heard it discussed, but to pledge them selves beforehand to support a motion which had never before been brought forward in Parliament, and on which no oppor tunity had been afforded for argument or debate." There is no peradventure; it is not that it appears likely, or probable, or possible, but it is almost certain. In the name of all the abolitionists of the United Kingdom, men and women, I deny that allegation.—(Cheers.) That they might have been re quested beforehand to vote for the measure I will not deny ; and the man—l speak advisedly, I speak deliberately, and I speak solemnly—the man who will not, in his place in the House of Commons liberate the negroes from uncompensated labour, and abrogate a contract that contravenes the law of God is not in elementary education prepared to go into that sanctuary of the British Constitution, or be the representative of the deep emotions, and fervent prayers, and mighty energies of the people of this great empire.—( Loud and continued cheering. ) Sir, lam glad that you cheer that sentiment. Yes, there is a code above all other codes_a law above all other laws— and every human code, and every earthly arrrngement which sets at defiance that code, which has been handed down to us from heaven to work its effect in the world, and bring the millennium to its birth —the man that will not set aside every contract that squares not with that holy law and code of universal equity, is not fit to represent a Christian or a Bri tish people.—( Vehement cheering.) "Not hear both sides"— it was the cuckoo cry fifty years ago, when the pioneer of Afri can freedom, Thomas Clarkson, was trying to make them hear both sides—when the silver-tongued and sainted Wilberforce tried to make them hear both sides.—( Cries of " near, hear, hear.") They would not hear—they were " deaf to the charmer, though lie charmed never so sweetly" and now when weepirg mercy, and insulted justice, and a fettered race, and a justly indignant nation cry, snap the negroes chains— fulfil the law of God—pity and help your brother in bonds— " hush" says a voice from the Treasury benches, " you won't hear both sides."—(Tremendnue eheering. ) Well, where are both sides? Where is that Jamie faced monster the abolition ists won't look at? Were ndt Members of Parliament in cir cumstances to look at both sides before ? Why, my Friend below me has been giving uti Mit side as frig as the side of a house to-day.—( Laughter.) Is not tide big enough (holding one of the large blue books)? There's one side, arid my friend e s . .„ . gum ,: it as it was a book o f yeaternal, although it is t the side was et:hi - T.10.e ° two years old. Yes, his own account, two years ago; and hefe'a eisotne. (holding up another book), an octagon has not more gidt, And the transformations of the Kaleidescope are not more varied. Let tile West Indians go on and fill blue book after blue hook, and pigeon -holes, and room after room, and we shall still have the cry, You will not hear both sides. What then, in the name of justice and common sense, is it not yet decided whether a man should receive wages from his master, or not ? This was the question—" the head and front of our offending was this"—we asked for the abolition of the term of the apprenticeship fer two years. How monstrous—how sin warrantable ! " Both sides!" with Lord Glenelg's admissions already in print, and scattered through the land in as many forms as the heart-thrilling assertions of Lord Brougham himself.—( Cheers.) " Both sides l" Who pre vented their hearing both sides ? Who was it ? They got a full House when Ministers were to speak and when William Ewart Gladstone got up, but they managed somehow not to have so full a House when the abolitionists were speaking. Who clamoured down the adjournment of the deflate ?—veho, when Mr. Gladstone, a young man of ex traordinary talent; and almost unrivalled eloquence on either side of the House ( speak from having heard him)—who was it, although he had got 70,00(11. df compensation money in his right hand—who was it, after that insidious speech, delivered to throw dust in the eyes of the community, Wenn/tired down the adjournment of the debate, and would not let Sri George Strickland be heard ? Wily, it was the West Indians on the one side, and the Government on the other.--(Loud cheers. ) And yet we are told that we won't hear both sides. I now challenge Sir George Grey to tell the people of Devonport and the abolitionists, for all arc concerned, and none less than you, where the man is who was told in his own nouse, in the lobbies, or under the gallery, nut to ;hear both sides? To the simple assertion I return an unqualified denial, and I challenge the proof. Then, lastly, we are told that we wish to bring about a violent termination of this system, and this methinks is the " unkindest cut of all." We are made out by the lion. Baronet to be lovers of epollation and blood. We arc told that in 1833 we desired a violent termirietion of the then sys tem, and now in 1838 that we are seeking to compass the same unholy object. If so, then I say the execration of the community be ours.—( Hear, hear.) Either that charge is a truthful one, or in the face of high Heaven it is a cold hearted and cruel calumny. Which is it? Who are the abolitionists? Are they trading politicians? No. These are the men who come to meetings and cry out that this is a political question. Are the abolitionists men who fight a cri minal warfare—who mount the steed and charge the cannon, and " cry havoc and let slip the dogs of war ?" Are they preachers of sedition to the negro ? Have they tried to array him against his tyrant? And yet there are men in this country who don't go far from that. There have been such things as Polish meetings—there have been such things as meetings to celebrate the three glorious days of Paris—there have been such things as meetings to applaud the Belgians— there httve been such things as Greek loans and Greek meet ings, and conseetated banners and dinners to the exiled pa triots. Yes, and it is the pride and honour of this country that the Pole under the heel of thd Autocrat of Russia, and the exiled Greek from his sunny Isles, tied every oppressed and down-trodden man, from the field of blood, where despotism has unhorsed him, can stand upon the British shore and say, " Now I am a man again."--( Vehement cheering.) Tell me, men of Devonport, did the exiles in the mines of Siberia—did the young Parisians in the streets of Paris—did the Greek ever groaning under the tyranny of the Turk—did any of these, or all of these, present to a generous and hor rified, and sympathetic nation, a list of grievances, longer, blacker, more touching than those presented by the negro of the West Indies?—( Cheers.) And yet did we, the abolitionists of Great Britain, ever preach war to the negro ?—Never. ..Our principles have ever been pacific. When we did not send them liberty, we sent them Missionaries. When we could not win from the Legislature nor from the Government an Act of Parliament to make his hands free, and relieve his neck from the yoke of an earthly thraldom, we sent him unedultered the waters of everlasting freedom. We said to him from out the pages of the holy book, " Art thou called a slave, care not for it; but if thou may'st be free choose it rather." Now are we to be told by one who ought to know us—by one who I believe does not know us, for I am obliged to impeach his understand ing to spare his heart—( Hear, hear)—are we to be told that we desire and seek, and are determined to bring about a vio lent termination of this system ? Are we to be charged with putting forth a sword of war when we hold only the olive branch of peace ? Is he to charge us with desiring to achieve by blood what we desire to win by the mild arms of truth and love made mighty by the living God ? I spurn the charge—l hurl it back—the friends of peace we have been—we are —and the English Government and the Ministers of England's maiden Queen shall many years to come refuse their rights to the negro `ere we instruct them to violate the law of God, -or teach them the lesson of rapine and of blood.—( Great ap plause.) I have now got through the charges, and to do the Hon. Baronet justice, I say we must look carefully and minutely at the evidence brought forward, and sec wherein it differs from our own statement. The duty, however, of con tradicting those facts by others lies with Sir G. Grey—the onus probandi lies with him. I shall now state the case we made in regard to fraudulent registration, and no one will deny that even Sir G. Grey himself has made out a case with re gard to fraudulent classification—with regard to appraisement —with regard to food—with regard to the denial of indul gences, and with regard to the disparity and want of re sponsibility of the punishments awarded to apprenticed labourers. Such is our case—and now for the Honour able Baronet, whose case consists of sundry extracts from the dispatches of Governors, and the reports of special Magistrates. And here, I am upon strong grounds, and I shall not quote a document to day that has not been quoted by Sir George Grey —not one, and if I can justify our proceed ings on several distinct grounds, out of the under-Secretary's own brief, I am sure you will say, we have triumphed, at least in argument; and if I don't send you home in every convic tion of your minds, and every feeling of your hearts, imme diate abolitionists, then I say, not that I have failed, but Sir George Grey and you have not only failed to be influenced by . me, but that Grey and Thompson together could not make you the friends of justice. Now, what was the ground of the argu ments of our opponents in days gone by—that the negro was not fit for freedom. Thence came the apprenticeship system by which we gave their time, and satisfied the claims of the planters with gold. Our opponents said, give us the appren ticeship for the purposes of education and good conduct—we will educate them through four or six years of mild appren ticeship, or modified coercion (a new expression of Sir George Grey). Now if I prove out of the lips of Sir George that the negro might safely be entrusted with liberty on the Ist of August, 1834—that he might still more be intrusted with his liberty now, and that in proportion as you relax the rigour of the law—in proportion as you adopt a just, equitable, kind mode of treatment, in preference to one of unkindness, injustice, and denial of wages, that the negro becomes an attached friend—a good servant—then my cause is made out from the lips of our opponents. A large portion of th e ev id ence o f t h e Honourable Baronet- bears on that point, and you will be delighted to hear it; and as I see my friend below me turning from page to page of the book, we will, with his leave, begin at page 21 of the edition.-_(Alard a laugh.) Have you got it ? [to Mr. Towson]._( Roars of laughter.) And while speaking of the good conduct of the negrocs, think of what Lord Glenelg said of the workhouse system—think of the denial of custo mary allowances, privileges, and water-carriers—think of nurses, and even mothers, who might not visit their dying child, and then think of the beings to whom this conduct is exhibited. In page 21, one of the Magistrates reports— " With partial exceptions, the conduct of the apprentices has continued to be favourable. They are gradually performing their labour with more apparent willingness and good humour." If that was not so, Sir George Grey would turn round and say, it is all owing to my apprenticeship. "It has become now, I think, a matter of general observation, that they do more on a free labour day than on a compulsory;day, and yet on occa sions of this sort they are often far less strictly superintended. They appear actually ashamed to skulk on a hired day." " Oh, I thank thee, Jew, for teaching me that word." They appeared ashamed to skulk, why would not a school-boy skulk—would not a servant maid—would not her master, to pore over his ledger, or perhaps to Sir George Grey's speech, and if such things occur on the green tree, how much more likely to skulk from tyranny and refuse to labour when another refuses to pay—and here let me give my creed. I hold it to be robbery, and the baser the robber, the poorer the man and woman—l hold it to be robbery before man and God to take the labour of a human being and not give an equiva lent. Without going . further, se e w h at I have done. I have demonstrated from Sir George Grey's lips, that the negroes are w illi ng to work for hire, and while they would skulk on another day, they would be ashamed to do so then. It hearmay bi it, y: asked, do matronsty matrons, and look d a do your ft er n their egr o sister children, justice, s t c n e d , when she basks in bliss on the bright eyes of her infant, and dresses it with care, and hugs it with so much tenderness. " With regard to the free children, I discover nothing within the range of my observation that would lead me to think that any considerable number of them were suffering from neglect. If they have lost the care of the estate, which they have not every where done, the father, often by marriage or other means, has acquired new views of the parental obligation, and for the first time, with his wife and his children around him, has a feeling of home." And again, " I have the greatest con fidence in the general industry and improved condition of the peasantry after August 1840." I shall now come to my Friend's squatting argument presently.—( Mr. Towson " order, order.") Does the Gentleman who calls me to order know that these are the very words the Marquis of Sligo employs ?—( Hear, hear, hear, and loud cheering.) I admit it is not a subject of mirth but of sorrow—l grant it. It is a subject of sorrow that such a system should exist, and of deeper sorrow, if deeper sorrow could penetrate the human heart, that we s h ou l d have a Government w h o w i ll not terminate the sy s t em..—( Immense cheering.) I was not in mirth when I made use of the word squatting, which means running to the bush and settling there, arid that argu ment is called by the Marquis of Sligo the squatting argument. It appears the G ent l eman alluded to my f acet i ous manner, but when he ha s spo k en as long of health as crippled, he and as often, and in circumstances will find out, tbet on the gravest subjects, it is wise to relax a title. Ile may have power of peerless elo lucnce, th High I never heard them, 11l very difficult to ke-p up t'ie attention of an audience with° some little relaxation, and I hope we will be better friends' " the ap: when we meet again. Another Magistrate writes pi-entices in my district are well disposed, and that their co" duct for the last quarter has been both quiet and orderly ; t lic .Y " Voluntat,Yf perform their work cheerfully." And again, task-work is becoming more general, and in the digging l' i cane-holes and cleaning the cane pieces, answers well." 11 ! in page 27, " the attendance at church, in this quarter parti cularly, itunie culiirly, being more than equal to the existing accominocia: tion." In page 28, we find, " the apparent increase said' crime, about which so much has . been so unjustly s a l for the sole purpose of prejudicing and throwing d'sj'er, tri ,„: on the general character of the negro popillat,i,on..n 1, 1 page .29 Mr. Lyon, another magistrate, writes— this superintending Lie administration of the Abolition Law half, 1 district, during a p er ,,:td of more than two J'cars and a a. .. each quarter to re have had the gratification I:: of the conduct of the appreritiCes." I dont avtint . , ttne ne kindness where kindness exists. I want to prove the . .._ ll i s gro is fit for freedom, and if he is why then the ques. t!-'. ,130 settled. Sir George Grey says that he is, and if so why I° ( not free ? How dare a Christian Government speak of morato responsibility ? How dare a Christian Government denY . d scai" ng beings panting for liberty, emerging into civil life, an w ith to be free and grateful servants for hire----how can they' l ia , port favoourdewnyy a drop of warm and generous blond in their hearts, deny 1i ... freedom, the right to which and the fitness for which is de mo , strated ? ( Cheers.) In page 31, we have the taternet,'; of Mr. Gal. - , that the apprentices generally in this c%te.n. Iv, district Inve c rvitiee 1 themselves with very grea t prop f!te,) paying strict attention to their duty, and respectful a nd v t,„ dinit to persons in authority over them in almost e ver)' " _, stance where persons, by conciliatory and kind acts, su . themselves deserving of, and entitled to, respect and obedienteea. In page 32, where a bad feeling does exist, I have no be si rs . tion in attributing its cause to the irritability of the maneg,f„he in whose minds no thought of conciliation ever enters. ' il. apprentices generally perform their work willingly, and we f e r In page 37, Mr. Lyon writes :—" An increasing desire it knowledge and improvement is apparent among thernl -Tuf manifests Itself now in the general acceptance of the truthbiie Christianity—in the enlarged attendance on places of Inland worship—in the increasing attention to personal d e ccncy t e a, comfort in their apparel and hous e s, and in the signally Inect„ ligent questions which they often put, on a variety Of s lib i w ith to those who have inclination or leisure to converse eviii them." After reading a great number of other extracts nos, Sir G. Grey's speech, which bore out Mr. Thomson's stater' 1 . , but for which we regret we have n o t s pace, Mr. Thonig° l % l) fid ceeded. Now, then, the question is, will you be s ati .o. with this measure brought forw-:rd by her Majesty's G c)v- d tid e ment, or will you go and ask for another ? You are en_ lot to do this—it is a Constitutional course, because the ro, Clause, and the best Clause, too, in the Bill, enacts, or Po vides that this Act may be repealed or amended bY Woo, passed during the present Session.—( Hear, hear.) d I again, there is another Bill before the House of Lords, 80 0 0 call upon you to support that Bill. Lord Brougha ni rs co brought talents angel bright and energies unrivalled, t a e k in d the holy work, and free the negro from the fetters th yap, him. Support his Bill. It is a short, comprehensive,vcdreot, i easy, practicable, measure. Then, again, Sir E• ‘ e shiP upon the Bth of this month, will move that the apprentestire, be immediately and totally abolished. Support that Inc a ors —( Hear, hear, and cheers.) England expects that everY r d s ... will do his duty.—( Applause) Let our duty be nnwa iLoec i irrespective of party, and fearless of consequences• - Th a dact cheering.) I regret to find that I cannot canvass the ° O c - st ioo of public men (sometimes at least), or speak of this c l i t - hoUt with reference to the principles of justice and mercy, W e n t,, being told that I am corning in the way of the Governmq ,„id tha t (1f or, hear.) It is no praise to a Government to be .- - , th otit I cannot zdvocate the principles of justice and mercy , w` t to coming in its 1.7,ay. It is a very left-handed cornplim e i n ,ball a Government to te me that if I stand up for justice, that is prove the downfall of tilo. Adi:_'inistration. Howeve r, ica of not the question. The abobtien;, . is arc not the e lle mor e the Government ; and, if any one thin; than another, it is to find that at this lee . n/ cou ld gratify m e art ier crisis, whe n r n, a nd are so nicely balanced, and when the wo r ld is .hoe r k in i g t ° h e abe when they know not at what moment they may : ai yer boacu l ' litionists are found at their posts, resolved to throW 0• ti poll' for a while, all private or personal considerations and ath e the r tical partialities, whether the Government stand or fall---w. ti4.° they sink or swim—whether they shall be exalted M a a d opinion of a grateful people, or retire before the frown t his , indignant constituency.—(Cheers.) I shall leave h ly of question with you in con.nection with the great asseT ie ' r v ie which this meeting may be for a moment the tYPe --t c ur 0 shall meet again and the negro will be there ; i r , that h and ce ... will stand forward the type of Him " who was desp ised rief; jetted of men, a man of sorrow, and acquainted with v not The individual selected to test our Christian mor e t stract by be tine lovely whom we must love, and the rich who a vrho , s o their riche;, and the great and the intellectua l, "' h individual must give tine homage of our understanding --t-e w ill be they selected in that hour to test our love of the F , a viour 1-, were thirsty wino were hungry and wanted bread—they , v' • ri ed, am i and wanted drink—they who were sick and i mp riso .. ut suc h nigh unto death. In that hour no argument will d 1) „. d i v ine as can be drawn straight and pure from the fountain ot ~ the truth—it will not do in that hour to say the interests 01 .1a... _, planters would not allow me to succour and deliver that n'' I go it will not do on that day to say the Government was in w an o u d ld by the agitation of the question of negro slavery. " - ~., have given him liberty—l would have agitated for freedoin,, I would have clothed him with the rights, and crowned l""; with the dignity of a man, and brought him under the sbel i t ; c , of tine British Constitution—but my representative in Ptah; ment did not think as 1 thought, and I should have put ,t'', Government in jeopardy, and subverted the power °h a d ins Member of the Administration ; but a violated contract 1 . 0 been entered into between the Parliament and the l e d man. I would have snapped his chains, but I l e w ill the consequences.—(Hear, hear.) This argumen t ,. r bid riot do ; and, as it will not do, then Heave n ° him that we should use it to-day. As you expect to mee t , ou t then, and live with him for ever—as you hope to have c i, a. cars saluted with the commending sentence " for as 011 , so ye did it to the least one of these, ye did it unto roe'_ ee ts, let us to day cease our animosities, bury our rcsentMd as' forget our politics, and for once cease to be politicians, o °`; o c cl sume the philanthropist, the Christian, and the servant .i_ a d. ac —let us again unite to memorialize the Legislature--fieed dress the Sovereign herself; nor cease until we have !: col our holy object—(Enthusiastic cheering)—and ere th' ot ion serrated oil be poured upon the Queen; and ere the c°r ° A bneY,P anthem reverberates al o ng the aisles of Westminster slid s oa and ere her right hand grasps the sceptre of domM,l° ;end! cre the shout o f an a tt ac h e d And loyal peel s° F i r st, the isles of " Long live Queen Victoria the 1 t he the negro ma y rece i ve w i t h h er sign man.iloacs an' boon of earthly f ree d om , an d th e s h ou t of the At dco 06' swcr to the acclaim of W e st m i n ste r Abbey.—(Loud an need cheering.) -Sr. ge fl ‘ The Resolution, which was seconded by the Rev. '',OY• RIS, was then put from the Chair, a nd carried unani ol° ,o O e The next resolution was moved by F. REES, ESCP a conded by Mr, SLATER. the ri A resolution of thanks to the Marquis of Sligo s li s ptisi ll moved by the Rev. G. HORTON, and seconded by OLDREY, R. N. li r • On the motions of D. DERRY, Esq., seconded bla CLARKE, Esq., a vote of thanks was unanimously P9s:iieso ° George Thomson, Esq., for his able advocacy of the e' emancipation. ( He t A vote of thanks to the Chairman for his dignifie d - c 0 5 0 a °d that day was then moved by the Rev. Mr. Wit.coc i " seconded by Mr. J. Symms. ,pt 6 The motion was unani mou sly c arr i e d, an d the meet iv6 ' late hour separated. V' t BASTENNE AND GAUJAC BIT--1 COMPANY. ,bola c ,l The Directors are happy in being abl e t o i n f orm the Sha: - fi re Od that the arrangements between the P ro p r i e t ors o f the Base e ,g Gaujac Mines, by which the exclusive p r i v il ege o f expor t ' Goi s ' vending the mineral tar and asphalte o f th e B as t e nnc he e e Mines was to be ceded and secured t o thi s C om panY, talihoeof h finally completed under the personal superintendence of 1)( Directors at present in Paris. tiot The Company is therefore now in a position to conni.,l;":co!_, delivery of the Mineral Tar; and their Agent in Paris (the, v, v oitf o de Beurct) has already undertaken, on their behalf, and 013 t a it " ) . of geous terms, a contract for the supply of a considerable clea rl , i s ted Mineral Tar, in continuation of a contract which has 5 ,1 ° 5 if several years for the Railroad from Berlin to Potsdam• o f tb e r , The Board of Directors will be prepared, on the retull'obolci,c.ii Brother Directors from Paris, with a report to their Tar of on the subject of the prospects of the Company, which c a re to be highly satisfactory. the Sha • In the meantime they beg to direct the attention Of 041°„ holders to the works constructed with the bitumen i o , 4 „iac % c t l i e Mr. Dcbray, the Manager of the French Bastenne and ul a 'eloo"' e ar pally, on the railroads from Paris to St. G erma i n and St ras, O or g pavement in the Rue Richeli eu , on th e Boulev a F alit ° Frescati's, the Pouts Neuf and Carousel, the „vorl' s i g St. Denis, the fortifications, roofs, floorings and othcrcolOot Bayonne and Bourdeaux, the large reservoirs of th e A t he 111 Batignolles, Charenlon, and elsewhere, which aff hr i ,“ tu inel l ' ample and satisfactory proofs of the excellence of their P! cret arY• R. FOULERTON , Office, 28, Moorgate-street, May 2, 1838. . o s : t r e : r o e l f:t o l z i : Y rs . ---- - The Marquis and Marchioness of Salisbury f ioio e issued cards for a grand assembly on the :11st instant, at Sali' burl Arlington street. . a for The Grand ball at Devonshire House, apP° lll , t „ e v iace' the ns 17th inst., is we hear postponed ; that on the 11 th will tat' ' . Grace yesterday issued cards for a grand party on the 1 9 t h t ij l t ,(10 6 Prince is just n e r i e nf s o h n oE ' n s ntChorinsky, and other distinguished Hungarian and '''..- t 0 u S r t t r i a l us i s; a s r b t at o id f is t c } ;n e gag n e e d w for atliiedoceasic,n. cheaper e . dit i oi n f t ! , Noblemen.a%rvriiivialgiiivretlaiistoraniiiit(rlyboaf Ill'riantceC6::,eaftrlical'Oi Bellasys, renowned for her beauty, wit, and s Lady just published. The portraits it embraces are those of the rox.ls;t, fsif of the Beauties of the Court of Ch ar lan t atid sentimeutal—and the Countess of Southesk, whose faults, foil' d ' i ,lll miseries, constitute a tale well fitted to " point a moral." We cor ted i ll • . recommend this delightful publication. The portraits area Jameon 0 the first style of art, and the " Memoirs," written in , the very happiest manner, form a series of admirable illustrations 0, Court and Reign of the " Merry Monarch." it Ilit I.' OUTWARD-BOUND, BY THE AUTHOR OF Go d- LIN THE REEFER."—This interesting work has been compare d E wire, poratrauage, win's Caleb Williams, and truly, as far as the vividness of the striking nature of the incidents, the power of the author's' " g oon and the graphic manner in whicb his scenes are drawn, the co P If nivt:ch i, is not altogether improper; but the locale of the story itse— , . n not chiefly at st a, makes it a very different work. It is a descripti°_tr'angs pirit—Mrs. 1,0.0 oci of the workings of the mind, but of the extraordinary effects of 3 ractero, and high.wrought chances upon the fortun es and lives of the ella We have seldom read as more exciting nautical romance.