The Sun. — London, England, 1836-03-08 00:00:00

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T . ._ -' -----_ .- ----e.....,-2-i . . . . .. . . ~.. _, . „..,,,,o,„ ___ ~., , ,) , • - riAnif-N: \/ I ! 4 ----.'-- - .4., .;,..' t // N ~... -'---$ ''...'''' 1 ' tk''' 0' ' - rittAl:eWl Kjit , k. ,: , 4 1 .14,2 . -.• ~ fp 4 a ,- '*--, " CI -I,i -4- ip t•; .. ~. ex• ' \5 . i ..., l 'r- . y.. 1 1 , ....("5j0i7- 1 "'"" 1 ... , .-- ' ; , 41;0:- .. y ~ ,- 0-, ~. ,t,, ~ • _ --, ' ~,, ~,... itik, , ,,, _ ..„.. t . , __,.„. • ~,,_„,-,„„.5,- . ,•,, .___,. . av a rp.A. , , ' -4.4 < . rA. , . - °-.7 SD/I'''' , DIP ...--',.,. hri '7e,‘;',,,t 111 11))1 , ,: '" : 17; ei;`. , , 41Vicr ,i) - 6"ltk V-- •<-, • , gm ' v.' • ,',,pti ' 3 ' , ' 0 I T ~.. k'A" I - "t._ , -- .4,&-- %'~ ~L isionil Iges %le 1111 4 1(c ;i1. , T a most numerous and respectable MEETING of of th e MER CHANTS, BANKER S, aridINHABITANTS ' M„1 CITY of LONDON, h e ld a t G u ildh a ll, on Monday, the 7th of arch, 18 36, 1, The Right Hon. the LORD MAYOR in tll% Chair ; Was moved by GeoRGE GitoTr, Esq., M.P., and seconded by 1. ISAAC SOLLY, Esq , and unanimously agreed to, of 'flat th e p rosper i ty, t h e greatness. an d-th e goo d G overnmen t th a nation mainly depend upon the moral habits and intellivence of People and that, therefore, x. impose any to upon the means ° _ fe :. l taining moral or political knowledge, is an act of injustice, and ; 11 . tto be opposed by a ll l ega l an d Constitutional methods. moved by M. Woon, Esq., Alderman, M.P., seconded by Dr. BIRKEECE, and unanimously agreed tp, I SLTliat the Tax upon Newspapers is a direct Tax upon Know • Inasmuch as it prevents the middling and lower classes of the in gln °4llnunity from obtai n ing that information respecting the proeeed • s both Houses of Parliament, and the administration of law ni the Courts of Justic.. ; and that knowledge of foreign and do mestic occurrences, which, to a free and commercial people, are essen tially necessary to ena bl e t h em proper l y t o di sc h arge their so eial and relative duties, to stimulate their industry, and 'to direct Commercial enterprize into new channels of profit to them- A , ' e s , and advantage to the community at large. loved by JOHN TRAVERS, Esq., seconded by BENJAMIN Woon, Esq., and unanimously agreed to, ikr 3 . That the present Stamp Duty of fourpence upon every English 'ewspap er , is alike injurious to the cause of moral, scientific, and political truth ; and encourages a monopoly which tends not less to destroy the fre e d om o f th e P r ess, than to weaken our confidence in a fte who h ave it s di rec ti on an d management. lo ved by JOSEPH HUME, Esq., M.P., seconded by DANIEL O'CONNELL, Esq., M.P., and unanimously agreed to, That this meeting cannot conceal from itself the fact that the Stamp Duty on Newspapers was imposed, and has been increased, continued, and defended, by the open or covert enemies of the People, anti of all free and liberal institutions ; and that, therefore, it becomes the first and paramount duty of a Government profess , si ng to r es t upon th e a ff ec ti ons o f a nation, instantly to abolish a :az which is suited only to the purposes of tyranny and misrule, and ; c s calculat e d t o s h u t ou t f rom the middling and poorer classes that nowleti ge of their rights which is a fundamental ingredient in the Tie principles of English liberty. loved by Alderman WHITE, and seconded by G. W. PRESCOTT, Esq., M.P., and unanimously agreed to, 5 . That this meeting is assured that nothing short of the entire aboliti on of this tax will guarantee to the Government a proper s ubmission to its laws, or ought to satisfy the expectations of the N I F:PIe, inasmuch as men of all parties are alike interested in the m uottion of those sound principles of morals and legislation, on which ( I",_e stability of our institutions depend. This meeting, therefore, s t'ertnines to petition Parliament for the total abolition of the , Duty on Newspapers, hereby respectfully entreating both its , s , -e presentatives, as well as all other Members of the House of Com mons now present, to support the prayer of such petition, and that - "c Right Honourable the Lord Mayor be requested to present such Petition. W. T. COPELAND, Mayor. gloved by JAMES PATTISON. e., •, Es M P and seconded by Wit- PAM CRAWFORD, Esq.. M.P., and unanimously agreed to, That the sincere thanks of this meeting are eminently due, and are hereby given, to the Right Honourable W. T. Copeland, '• 13 ., the Lord Ma)or, for the prompti tude with which he has wed, and the ability and urbanity he has displayed in presiding ever this meeting. lIRITSCHKA and CHARIOT to be SOLD, together or separately. They arc both nearly new and in e xcellent condition, with imperials, capcases, and other appurte nances suited for either town or posting ; the Britschka has folding shutter and calash. They may be seen at No. 43, Crawford-street, Bryanston-square. COMMERCIAL GENTLEMEN visitin g CHELTENHAM are respectfully informed that the BELL ;To is most advantageously situated, and the Establishment offer -117 every comfort and convenience possibly to be met with at a Cc,m ercial House, the Premises having lately undergone a thorough d it'urProprietor assures his Friends every attention will be reeted towards the most economical SYstem. ~T h e BELL INN is situated in the central and most fashionable art of the High-street, Cheltenham, adjacent to the principal Ho tels en either way, from which Coaches start every day to the N orth, East, South, and West of England. N.B. Lock-up Ceach-Houses, and Excellent Stables. RICHARD WRIGHT, Proprietor. am Chelte b 1 t February, n , 51836. OUNGERFORD AND LAMBETH SUS PENSION FOOT BRIDGE. Capital 100,0001., in 4,000 Shares of 25/. each. Deposit 2/. per Share. b - 41 Pplicati ons f or Shares (if by letter p')st paid) will be received the Bankers, Messrs. Wright and Co. ' and Messrs. Vere, Pte, and Co.;by the Solicitors, Messrs. Few, Hamilton, and ew ; and at the Of fi ces of the ompany, No. 9, Villiers-street, u ngerford-market—until Saturday, the 12th inst. P rospectuses may be had as above. The necessary Parliamen -7,1 forms have been complied with, and the petition for the Bill " 41 1ich will con t a i n th e clause restricting the liability) has been Pres ented. London, March 4, 18343. TH E EQUITABLE SOCIETY FOR PURCHASING LEASEHOLD ESTATES. THE great di ffi culty which exists with persons takers, g situations in Public Offices, or being Clerks to themselves Merchants, and others, to make any certain provision for can in old age or under sickness, and the only provision that -all be made for a widow or child being an insurance on life, which m ay be defeated by inability of the party to continue the payment s the premium, will at once show the value to be attached to a lety i n which the sharehclders combine with a p rovision for the mselves that which every man of sense and good feeling is host anxious to effect—a provision for his wife and children. .2 1 Society has been formed to meet the difficulties above stated, "gal Which offers peculiar advantages to subscribers. L. Por f ur th er particulars and for shares apply to Messrs. Fare nther and Co., land agents, &c., 2, Lancaster-place, Strand ; or t° Messrs. Kirkman and Rutherford, solicitors, Cannon-street, `..Zr of wh om p ros p e ctuse s may be had. ]ASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY. Notice is hereby given, That the Subscription for this un 11;'44Ing is now closed, and that all Shares, the Deposits on which / tece ve not been paid at this date are forfeited. Holders of Deposit e ttes l Ptst who have not yet exchanged the same for Scrip Certifi scii, and signed the usual Parliamentary Engagement, and Sub- Agreement, are required to do so immediately. By order of the Provisional Committee, • J. C. ROBERTSON, Secretary. e, 18, Austin Friars, March 7, 1836. SOUTH WESTERN RAILWAY. a MEETING of SUSCRIBERS held pFsuant to l• ftisernent, at the London Coffee-House, Ludgate-hill, on Sa- Y the sth of March, 1836. T l , JAMES MORRISON, Esq., M.P., in the Chair. till" e Chairman presented a Report from the Provisional Corn tte appointed at the Meeting of the 20th of February last, which p ft d 4'o ched unamimously, That the same be received. dipleanlved th at a C omm i t t ee o f M anagemen t b e now appointed to dic e and superintend the requisite survey, and issue the prospec tilt' and to appoint officers, and take such other measures as they d eem expedie n t for promoting the undertaking. •e • esolved, Th at suc h C omm i ttee d o consist of the several sub rsrs who have acted on the Provisional Committee, with power kt ilo i to thei r num b er; th a t fi ve b e a quorum at their meetings, it% it no cheque be issued to the Bankers except upon the signa nf three of the Committee at a meeting countersigned by the Ltary. tik; o rtved that the thanks of this Meetin begiven to James Nor ' ' ..8( 18, for his very able conduct in the C g hair. KING and WHITTAKER, Solicitors, 5, Gray's-Inn Square. IN I E SYMINGTON PATENT PADDLE CAP , , TOWING COMPANY. I r AL, 50,000/., in 5,000 SHARES of 10/., each. DEPOSIT, 2/. per Share. Ilia CHAIRMAN, WILLIAII - ; 4 RIGHT THE LORD MAYOR, w TAYLOR COPELAND, ESQ., M.P. JO DIRECTORS, Nathaniel Gould, E..5q. atnaniel Domett. William Alex. Urq chart, Esq. TL e Ph Som es. E sq. Willi am G uns t on , E sq . ernas Ward, Esq. Robert Bowie, Esq. 131 Ni:zits. Messrs. Masterman and Co. SOLICITOR. —1", Boyman Boyman, Esq. ESECRETARY, (pro. tern.). —William Neely, Esq. N GINEER. -.II GINEEn.—Mr. William Symington. 11,451.1 increased importance of bringing vessels by steam . to the Pro i r ?neks of the Port of London, and the dangers to life and ' r e Pe ' Y ar ising fro the use of the common Paddle-wheel in the titetsl state of the River, have induced some of the most influer!- nipo w ners and Merchants of the Aletropolis to form a‘public 44(' d g Ce mpan in the full hope that b Paddle well organized systfm, tion, adeptionyOf Symington's Patent-wheel, the objec reedi `,l ) Steam Navigation on the Thames may be avoided, or re- well' a nd great advantages derived by the commercial interests, Th er as Prnfit to the Proprietors. N i u e Is little doubt that the Deposit will itself be sufficient to t ut t he Directors to have Four Boats immed iately at work, and thr. ' lr e Call w ill exceed V., or be at an interval of less t ha n Atin,ontlis fro m th e preced i ng one. Otet'eln leat ions for Sh ares are to b e a dd resse d to M r . N ee l y , at the a that' °f th e Company, to whom also all Steam-boat Proprietors tior tl( o t IL s their orders for the Patent Paddles, or for the altora g Wiliam -street, March, 1836. C°TTISI-I UNION FIRE AND LIFE IN- N ° . AA SURANCE COMPANY, ''9, W est -street, Strand, . London ' • Georgo-street, Edin , i burgh ; and College-g re e n , Dublin. nstit uted 182-I, and Incorporated by Royal Charter. Capital, £5,000,000. Th om DIRECTORS. Ch.-1 42 Hawkes, Esq. , M.P. Walter Learmonth, Esq. .r. ,ies Balfour, Esq. Francis Mills, Esq. .1 Gordonu Duff, EMI• Richard Oliverson, Esq. lames Gooden, E sq ' . c ° n Kingston Es.. 'Z. L„ , (1- Divie Robertson in , EslEll7. q. Hugh F. Sande gtoo, Esq. Archd. David Stewart, Esq. Th. i . S. Mackenzie, Esq., Manager. loN-rtinmuishing features of this Corporation are UNQUESi It B 4 ' l 1,1:i: SECURITY, LOW RATES OF PREMI I M o the ,!:,'lobination of all the important advantages hitherto offered , Fir e i ns . ran FIRE DEPARTMENT. Jt`kr, t ees effected at the reduced rates, and when for seven r kit, e .arfed six - ears only. Na charge made for Policies, or a hons or remin:als. 1 5 Thi s i„ LIFE DEPARTMENT. Ves •In effects Life Insurances either at Reduced .... loro_elYnhout Profits, or with Participation in Profits, of . v , ,h h ib, deduct are returned at regular periods, without being subject to 4 ion for charges of management. 11 - 1 M roR ASSURANCE OF low. ON A SINGLE LIFE. --_,_ Ae. '------------- \, One y . ----------- r ' Seven Years. 0 t. ~.--1-----____ 3b 01 5 ( i i X. s. d. 40 40 1 5 10 019 3 1 1 i , 1 7 10 r s 7 8 1 17 3 3 is 1 'r aid ' I 213 2 4 10 3 Pariy., offices Rates and every information may be had a the Com -449, weste"; or of the Agents throughout the Kingdom. S trand, F. G. SMITH, Secretary. WITH PROFITS. Whole of Life.ll Whole of Life. ..£ s. d. X. s. (1. 1 15 8 1 18 5 2 6 1 - 2 911 302 3 5 0 417 4 7 9 11 710 LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 8, 1836. No. 13,565. TAXES ON KN OWLEDGE. COMMON COUNCIL.-YESTERDAY. (Concluded from our First Edition of yesterday, and given _ in our Second Edition of last nicrht.) 0 Mr. O'CONNELL, continued.—The pride and boast of Eng lishmen is that while every country in the world was enslaved, the flag of liberty floated triumphant in this country. It is to preserve and extend that liberty that we are assembled here to-day—that liberty which the Tories would annihilate. —( Loud cheering.) Do you know the meaning of the word Tory?—(A voice in the crowd cried " Robber.") Yes, that is the term used in Ireland for robber ; but, robbers as they are, I would not wish to see them die the death of thieves.—( Hear, hear.) It will afford me sufficient satisfaction if they are deprived of the power of plundering the people.-- ( Cheers.) What has been the principle instrument of Tory misrule?—what enabled them to carry on for so long- a period their system of plunder and domination 2—By limiting the circulation of knowledge amongst the people, by enslaving the human mind, and degrading man to the level of the brute crea tion.—( Hear, hear.) By this means they acquired the power which they so long wielded against the liberties of the people; how do we seek to put it down? By circulating knowledge amongst the people—( Cheers)—by explaining to them their rights, by showing to them their rights, by remind ing- them of their duties, by ;bowing the poor man the folly of crime, the power which it gives to his enemies, and the in jury which it inflicts upon himself, his family, and his country. This would be the effect of circulating knowledge amongst the people, and the expansion of human thought will then have a fair field of public and individual utility.—( Hear, hear.) There is one expression in the resolution which I hold in my hand which I cannot support, and I trust it will be expunged from it. What, I ask, do they mean by the term lower classes? When I sec one man born booted and spurred, and the rest of us coming into the world stark naked, I shall admit the grada tions of upper and lower classes.-Cheers and laughter.) I am only a radical, but a thorough radical.--( Cheers.) I am also a disciple of the illustrious Bentham, and my reverend master never suffered the term lower classes to be used—he always used to term them the less opulent. It is no disgrace to be poor, if it does not arise from vice, but the other term should be abolished ; and if you want to distinguish them, say the richer and the poorer, but talk not to me of the upper and lower classes.—( Much applause.) The Tories, as I was saying to you, felt that in England—as she had exceeded all the states in Europe, for when the rest of Europe was in a state of depotism—when the Kings and nobles were everything and the people nothing—at that period, when the feudal system was broken down, when the power was taken from the great body of nobles, and centered in one, but gave none to the peo ple—in England, as I have observed, put down the great lords, they then, by an unfortunate mistake, cut off the head of one King—it was a great crime, for they ought only to have de throned him—and put up a despot Cromwell in his place. After the restoration the same system of misrule was continued, under Charles the Second, and afterwards when James the Second attempted to play the same game as his father, they did not behead him—there was nothing in that head which would make them take it off—( Cheers and laughter)—but they wisely kicked him out; they kicked out the scoundrel who had attempted to interfere with their rights, with their civil, and above all, with their religious liberties.—( Cheers.) The Tories, finding the people were progressing in political and moral knowledge, had recourse to an invention which must have been suggested to them by some black gen tleman from a hot place--( Laughter)—they resorted to the diabolical instrument of taxing knowledge in the shape of a stamp duty to impede its circulation. Already had a number of newspapers and other periodicals sent forth articles of in struction, and Englishmen were ripe for further salutary changes. The Tories here took their stand—they laid on the stamp duty, they placed bird-lime on the wings wherewith it would have flitted through the land, the dove of peace, and comfort, and utility—and having placed lead upon its wings by the imposition of this stamp, they secured one hundred years of Tory dominion in this country. This is a literal fact.— ( Cheers.) Are we to bear it any longer ?—( Cries of " No.") In spite of this leaden wing—in spite of all these fetters, we have got an instalment of justice. What was the Tory prin ciple—that acre were 4 Members indeed for the city of Lon don, but that there should be two for Gatton, a mound in a park, and two for Sarum, where there was an old tree— and that these four men are to have just as much influence as the four Members for the City of London. Was there ever such absurdity as this ?—( Cheers.) Englishmen are remark able for their common sense, and I remember making an au dience in this very place smile by giving them an illustration of this characteristic. A Frenchman was boasting that his country was celebrated for its inventions, and gave as an example that they had invented the fine frill and ruffles of the shirt. 0 yes, said the Englishman, but the English in vented the shirt, in addition to the frill and ruffles. —( Laughter. ) I think the Englishmen had the best of it.—( Hear.) English men, I repeat, are renowned for their common sense, and they would certainly never have known for centuries that such places as Gatton and Sarum should have Represen tatives, but that the rich had all the power in their hands—( Cries of " Hear, hear")—that they could be bribed and bought in a thousand ways--that there was the beak of the vulture as well as the feathers of the eagle, which was always the emblem of feudal authority ; while on the other hand the immense mass of the population of a country never have any interest adverse to good government. These interests are al ways identified not only with it, but with intelligent and cheap go vernment. The Tories knew this, and they prevented their obtaining that knowledge—they prevented its coming to the door of every man. They introduced the demon of discord and the demon of bigotry, and they said to all your fellow Christian because he differs from you, and 'even in London here, the earliest thing I recollect having heard of, were the riots of Lord George Gordon's mob.—( Hear.) See what the spread of knowledge has been productive of—here am I an Irish Papist, addressed and cheered by a London audience.—( Much applause.) What has occasioned this change ? The increase of knowledge. What has been its effect? The increase of charity and brotherly love. What is the beat, the quietest, and the purest portion of religion, but benevolence and cha rity; and the greatest of all is charity, says the Divine writer -(Tremendous cheering.) That knowledge is fast increa. sing, and everything will soon be accomplished; and, as the sun rises, the moral darkness will be dispelled.—( Applause.) The object hitherto was to keep the people in darkness and ig ranee. I am for no compromise, and I shall accept of none. —( Loud cheering.) They say that they will reduce the tax to a penny—but that will be leaving a portion of the evil—the portion from whence the whole originally came. I am a Radical, and shall have it out by the roots.—( Vehement cheering.) Oh 1 they say, we must continue the penny, be cause you require to send these papers by the post-office. Mark that people of London—that is to say you must pay a penny in London, because a man in Devonshire requires a paper.— ( Hear.) Why should you pay a penny because another man gets a letter?—(Cheers.) If a man from Devonshire came to you and said, pay a penny for I received a letter in Devonshire, would you not laugh at him, and say, I shall only pay pen nies for my own letters.—( Applause.) Is not this system making the people of London pay a tax of a penny a portion of the original injustice, which knowledge and intelligence forbid to be continued, and must not last any longer?— (Loud cheers.) That system would not only be unjust, but I contend that it is unnecessary. If you want to send letters or papers through the Post-office, let them put a stamp on the cover, and then every man who wants to have a letter sent pays the penny, receives value in re turn, and no man is compelled to pay for another. But have we arrived at that state of utilitarian perfection in legis lation, that we do not require further improvements? Did any any one ever hear of anything so absurd as the state of our law of that system, of law which no one can undcrsand, the meaning of which few can even guess at. I have been myself for thirty-five years endeavouring to understand it, and I confess to you that I am now as wise as when I began. No one is certain of anything, v ben he goes to law, but of litigation, and of attornies' bills of costs. People of England, there is nothing, I repeat, certain but liti gation ; and I ask, why there should not be improvement in this system as well as in others ? Every thing progresses ; the march of mind goes forward—machinery is brought to a perfection which does the work of the human mind, and actually seems to think travelling is so quick, that we seem to annihilate space and time. We travel GO miles an hour on railroads—there is a progress in your arts, sciences, and manufactures (Cheers,) every thing has been brought to what we now think perfection, but what the further ance of knowledge shall show us is but the beginning of wisdom. I want your support in making the law cheap. What use is it that the police shall protect you from robbers by night, if the attornies are allowed to rob you by day.— (Laughter.) I do not blame the attornies. I know many of them—excellent and worthy as any men in the country. I have now given up practice, and I can therefore afford to praise them without suspicion of interested motives ; but I attack the system, and I ask you to assist me in the spread of knowledge, which will make our efforts successful. I put it to you, Englishmen, whether it is right that a man shall have a right to a vote for a Member of Parliament, not because he is good, virtuous, honest, or wise, but merely because he happens to live in a house of the value of 101. The man who lives in a house worth 51. has no vote, but he is often a better man than his neighbour, who lives in one worth 101. Is that consistent with common sense ? The law affects every branch of industry—we aro taxed in every shape.—Hear, hear, hear.) I would be glad that every man who pays the taxes should have a vote in the election of representatives, and who is there among you who is not taxed directly or indirectly to the state. It there be such a man he must have air for his food and water for his drink, and even in this case be is taxed for the vessel in which he draws ithe is sorc to be so. If knowledge were abroad, this would not be so.—( Hear, hear.) I am, I confess it, for universal suffrage.—(Cheers.) It is said to be dangerous. I ask where is the danger, particularly if the vote is protected by Ballot?—( Continued cheering.) I am for the vote by Ballot—others arc not. Let us argue the question with the people through a cheap press, and if we be wrong the people . will not support us—if we be right th e y am in favour of the Ballot because I think it the surest method of putting down corruption and intimidation. No man will then be able to go into a shop and coerce the vote of the proprietor by threaten ing to withdraw his custom, because he will have no opportu nity of knowing how he voted. Taxes on knowledge inter fere with the one and the other only because the people do not understand it, aad lords and wealthy men are overpower ing because the people have not the means of ascer taining what would be useful for their condition. The withdrawal of the taxes would conduce to the peace, prosperity, and independence of the country, and the permanent establish ment of the liberties of the British subject.—( Cheers.) We are told that there is a great capital embarked in the newspa pers which at present exist. We don't want to take away the ca pital from them—it will give them great advantages in corn. peting with the cheap publications, and if they are honest, the people will buy them. Do you think that the Times would be bought by the Tories, if by its monopoly it had not secured a place in the market for its literary outscourings and its abuse of every man who is honest—of every friend to the people — an d of every one who has the courage to brave it as I have done. Let but the people express but their opinion firmly, and when this case comes before the Government, as I am sure it shortly will, it must receive a favourable consideration. The Times and such papers will no longer have a monopoly, and in the cheap publications the working classes of the people will have an opportunity of seeing its absurdities exposed and its calum nies refuted.—(Cheers.) The taxes meet us in every part of the country. In machinery we have to contend with them—in soap we arc taxed, in paper, in beer, in fact in every neces cary of life the taxes rest solely on the people, and I ask for your opinion of their impolicy and injustice. I came to you thus freely to give expression to my sentiments, and not, I confess it, without some little expectation of getting, at your hands, such a shout as would be re-echoed through the walls of Westminster when I am assailed by the enemies of the people. —( Loud and continued cheering.) Generous English men, I was not mistaken.—( Continued and vehement cheer ing.) They told you that I wish for a separation of Ireland from England. They told you what was false—what no man should believe.—( Hear, hear.) I wished for separate legis- . latures for the two countries. I wished for what I believed to be conducive to the happiness, security, and welfare of the coun try—my voice roused Ireland because I saw that justice was not done us—that voice would with the same causes rouse Ire land again. —(Great cheering.) Why did Idoso ? Because I found the British Legislature apathetic, ignorant, and I will add vicious, in mans instances. I found the Tories ready to withhold from us an equality of rights and of privileges, but I see that a better era is approaching, and all the Tories and Aristocrats will not be able to disunite the honest men of the two countries in their endeavour to promote the cause of justice and of truth. —( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) I ask but for justice for my country. I ask but for the same measure of rights which Englishmen enjoy—l never ask: for more, and I will not be content with less.— ( Cheers.) This was the principle for which I contended in looking for emancipation. I contended that in religion there should be no interference between man and his Creator, that it was of too awful and important a nature to allow any dicta tion between conscience and God. I would equally assert this principle for the Protestant as well as for the Catholic, for the Methodist, as for the Presbyterian.—( Cheers.) This I am still labouring for. In emancipation I sought but for equality ; now, I want no superiority for Ireland. Eng lishmen will assist me in this, and I know no way better calculated to promote the true union of the two coun tries than by making the people of this acquainted, through the medium of cheap publications, with the condi tion of Ireland. Pardon me, my friends, for thus intro ducing our affairs upon you, but I ask you to remember that the Irish Members in Parliament have always voted for lessening the burdens of Englishmen—for increasing their franchises, and for everything that can tend to pro mote the happiness, comfort, peace, and prosperity of Great Britain.—(Loud and continued cheering.) ' And thus we shall ever vote.—(lmmense applause.) Those who would curtail your liberties endeavour to raise a sectarian and a reli gious cry, but those prejudices which they excite will vanish before the sun of knowledge, as the birds of night fly at the approach of the morning star.—( Great cheering.) lam therefore for the abolition of all taxes on knowledge—( Cheers) —and oh, let the people of England, when they hear of the oppression to which Poland has been subjected—(Cheers) — when they listen to the tales of distress and of affliction by which the breasts of the Polish mothers are torn—let them reflect that the monster of despotism is enabled to continue his bloody career by withholdin g political information from the peo ple, and that the moment knowledge is diffused, misery and wretchedness will be banished from the now blood-stained plains of Poland.—(Cheers.) There is no spot on the face of the globe where tyranny now reigns triumphant ttat shall not, when knowledge is sent forth, be freed from the fell mon ster. I plead not alone on behalf of Ireland—l plead not alone as the advocate, but as the interested counsel for every nation where wrongs remain to be redressed, or rights be con ferred.—( Cheers.) I plead for every country where tyranny should be abolished or justice administered.—(Loud cheer ing.) I love the democratic principle. lam attached to an hereditary succession to the Throne. I think it wise to take away so great an object of ambition from the lottery of public life, I love to see the principles of freedom every where esta blished, and I am pleased when. I' look to America, and see them there carried out, but I grieve when I behold one dark spot in the horizon of that fine country—l am sad when I see her annals blotted with the stain of the negro's blood. I re gret to see the lash laid on the backs of our fellow creatures, and I equally abhor the system, whether inflicted upon the black or the white man.—( Loud and continued cheering.) How long will it last I know not. They have not taxed the press because the white men should pay it, but they oppress in every shape ; the black, who has been made by the same Creator, and destined for the same eternity as the white ratan, The Tories did not dare to lay the lash upon Englishmen as they did to Irishmen in 1798—( ali,)—they did not dare to do that, but they determined to reach you in some way, and they taxed your press.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") We are here now for the purpose one and all of us are here for the purpose of saying that there must be an end to the swindling which was begun by the Tories, and car ried on till this day. Truth, knowledge, justice, and religion, all claim from Englishmen the unconditional, the immediate abolition of this tax.— ( Cheers.) There is a drag upon the wheel of improvement which keeps it from running into re volution, and we must keep it in motion. All we want is equality between the three countries. We want the three countries combined' in a holy brotherhood, then shall we see secured the peace and the prosperity of the great Bri tish nation. The Hon and Learned Gentleman then retired, amidst loud and reiterated cheers. The fourth resolution was then put and carried. Mr. Alderman WHITE felt gratified beyond mea sure at the great attendance which had been there that day, and was more gratified at ,the manner —the en thusiastic manner, in which they had received the ac complished advocate for Ireland. It would prove to Urn that, though he had enemies, yet in that city there were many friends to a conscientious and consistent friend to liberty. He had to propose a resolution, but he did not feel called upon to say a word in its favour, because the meeting had been ad dressed so ably upon the subject by gentlemen who could bring better' arguments in favour_ of the measure, than he could do.—( Loud and continued - cheers.) The resolution which he bad to propose, was to call upon the members for the city to impress upon the Government and the House the necessity of repealing the whole of the tax. Those mem bers were then present ; they had the classical scholar, who, by his learning, won the ear of the House ; they had the tried and honest friend of liberty in Mr. Alderman Wood ; they had their two new representatives who had conducted themselves so well, that he trusted they would long continue to enjoy the unbought suffrages of their fellow-citizens.—( Cheers.) He would not detain them longer, but at once move his resolution. Mr. W. G. PRESCOTT—I have much pleasure in seconding the resolution you have just heard read. The question before you is, whether you will petition Parliament for the object for which we have met? After what has been said by those speakers who have preceded me, I have little doubt of the re sult of the question, when put to you.—( Loud cheers.) It gives me a great deal of pleasure to come forward as the .is se conderone o o f f questionatbe most upon important which points vc thata e as be e mbid presented t I to us at this moment.. My only surprise is , that con siderin g that the Reform Bill has passed, we should be assem bled to petition the Legislature to take off the tax upon newsp a p ers, that being the most ready means by which all sorts of know led g e are disseminated, for, with the exception of newspap ers, c the people have no means of knowing ivhat laws are passed. You have heard of the difficulties of under standing those laws—take off the taxes upon newspapers, and some of them, the difficulties of knowing what laws arc passed will be removed. I need occupy but little of your time, as I am sure you have already heard sufficient to induce you unanimously to concur in the following resolution— ,• 5. That this meeting is assured that nothing short of the entire abolition of this tax will guarrantee to the GLvernment proper sub mission to its laws, or ought to satisfy the expectations of the peo ple, inasmuch as men of all parties are alike interested in the diffusion of those sound principles of morals and legislation,:on which the stability of our institutions depends. This meeting, therefore, determines to petition Parliament for the total abolition of the Stamp Duty on Newspapers, hereby respectfully entreatini, both its representative, as well as all other members of the'llouse of Commons now present, to support the prayer of such p •tition. The resolution was then put and carried. Mr. PATTISON, M. P.--T shall not think of detaining you long, as you have had your patience nearly exhausted already. I shall confine myself to assuring you that I shall be found as zealous and' anxious an advocate for taking off this ob noxious tax as any of those who have preceded me.— ( Loud cheers.) I shall advocate this great cause to the best of my power. Having s aid this much, I shall beg leave to perform th e d u t y which devolves neon me, namely, of pro posing a resolution of thanks to our Chief Magistrate:—)Lou d cheers.) I heartily congratulate you that you have a gentle man filling the high station of Lord Mayor at all times appa rently willing to convene meetingi for the good of the people. This is a heartfelt matter for congratulation, which we were not but very lately accustomed to.—(Loud cheers.) Under tnese circumstances, I will finish what little I have to say by moving the following resolution :- 6. That the sincere thanks of this meeting are eminently due, anti are hereby given to the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor, for the promptituele with which be has called, and the ability and urba nity he has displayed in presiding over this meeting. The Secretary here read the petition, which was an echo of the resolutions. Mr. CRAWFORD, M. P.—l shall preface what I have to say with one single observation, viz., by assuring you that the prayer of the petition just read shall have the support of my vote and influence when the subject shall come before the House of Commons. —( Loud cheers.) After what has already passed in this Hall, I will not presume to say more than that I will most cordially perform the duty assigned to me of seconding the resolution proposed, f e eling as I do how much the inhabitants of London are int.l.ebted to his Lordship, who fills the Chair, for the urbanity with which he received the Committee that waited upon him, for the alacrity with which he gave enct to our wishes, and for the mariner in which he had that day presided over their meeting.,—( Loud cheers.) The resolution of thanks was then put, and carried unani mously. The LORD MAYOR came forward,. and was enthusiastically received. He said—l cannot but feel very much gratified and flattered by the verb kind manner in which you have been pleased to pass the resolution that has been just submitted to you. I can assure you, that in presiding over this meeting I only do that which I have felt to be my duty to do, namely, whenever any portion of my fellow citizens require a meeting for the ex pression of their opinions on any public measure it is my duty to call them together to allow them to give expression to their feelings.—( Loud cheers.) In so doing lam not bound to adopt any of the principles that may be avocated. I assume to myself the right of judging for myself upon any matter under discussion. (Loud cheers.) You have called upon me to present your petition, and I can say that I will do so most cheerfully.—( Cheers.) I feel that, in placing in my hand this petition, you have imposed a task ution me which I shall endeavors to discharge to the utmost of ability.—( Hear.) If the course of convect which I have pursued since I have had the honour of being your Chief Magistrate has given you satisfaction, I am content. I thank you much for the confidence which you, my fellow citizens, have reposed in me by calling me to the station I fill ; and I hope and trust that I shall be able to give a good account of the manner in which I have discharged my duty. —( Loud cheers.) The meeting then dissol.ved. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Mile!, 7. The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before four o'clock. RAILWAYS. The SHERIFF of LONDON presented a petition from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the city, against the Railways that wore proposed to traverse the city of London. MUNICIPAL DECLARATION. The SHERIFF of LONDON also presented a petition from the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the city of London, praying that that clause in the Act of the 9th of Geo. IV., which called upon persons taking offices to make a certain declaration, might be repealed. Mr. Alderman WOOD supported the prayer of the peti tion. He was in hopes the time was not far distant, when the necessity of making the declaration would be done away with. The necessityof making the declaration Irui borne very hard upon a most worthy man, one of the present Sheriffs, who had been elected an Alderman of the City of London, but had not been allowed to take his seat, in consequence of refusing to make the declaration. Whether the Court of Aldermen were right in the course they had pursued it was not for him to say : he thought them wrong, but he hoped the time was 'not far dis tant when the law would be altered upon the subject. Mr. WILES said that not only Dissenters, but many mem bers of the Church of England, were anxious that the making of the declaration should be dispensed with. For his own part, he thought the declaration one of the most absurd and futile he had ever seen. LONDON AND CROYDON RAILWAY. On the motion of Captain ALSAGER, the London and Croydon Railway Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. LONDON AND BRIGHTON RAILWAY. Mr. C URTE IS presented a petition from Brighton, signed by upwards of 4,000 persons, against Rennic's line of the Brighton Railway._ Captain AL SA G E R moved the second reading of the Lon don and Brighton Direct Railway Bill. After some few observations from several Members, the Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. Lord G. LENNOX presented a petition from an individual against Rennie's Brighton Railway, as it passed his preinises, on which he had just spent a large sum of money. • Mr. LO NG FIE LD presented a petition from Cork against the Irish Municipal Corporation Bill. Mr. V. STUART presented a petition from Castle Stewart in favour of the Tyne navi g ation. Colonel THOMPSON presented petitions against the Hull and Selby and Birmingham Railways. Mr. WIG NE Y presented a petition from Brighton a;aiint Sir John:Rennie's proposed line of Railway to 8.-ighton, praying to be heard by counsel against it. Mr. OSWALD brought up a Bill for improving the Clyde Navigation—read a first time. Mr. WILLIAMS presented a petition from Coventry. It was agreed upon at a meeting which was presided over by the Mayor, and was attended by Magistrates, Aldermen, and Common-councilmen ; it complained of the `'Taxes on Knowledgethey were bad laws and ought to be r e peal e d. It well known that the working classes of that town were some o fthe best educated and informed men in that part of tlie'vas ; c ountry. He was glad to find that the higher classes were beginning to discover that the better educated the working classes were, the better members of society they would make. They therefore prayed that these taxes should be taken off. Mr. ELLICE supported the petition. He concurred in the prayer of the petition, and when the subject came before t h e House, he should give it his cordial support. Mr. GIL LON presented petitions in favour of the repeal of the Stamp Duties on Newspapers. Also a petition from the licensed victuallers of Cupar, complaining of the additional duty of 50 per cent on the spirit licenses.. Mr. PARROT presented a petition in favour of a repeal of the Stamp Duties on Newspapers. COMMISSIONERS OF TAXES. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND presented a petition which was of a very important nature ; it was from the town of Doncaster, complaining of the proceedings under the Com missioners of taxes, which they alleged were contrary to the spirit of British justice, and by which men were called upon to give evidence against themselves. They complained that they were required to give evidence against themselves without having committed any offence against tho law; and they fur ther complained that they were not allowed to be heard by counsel to advocate their rights against the decision of the surveyors. The HON. 111EstBErt then presented a petition from the Li censed Victuallers of Sheffield, against the increased spirit duties ; also a petition praying f,n- some legislative protection for the children employed in the factories. TOI3ACCO DUTIES. Mr. ENVART presented a petition from the tobacco manu facturers of Liverpool, praying for a repeal of the Excise re strictions on tobacco. When it was shown that these restric tions were a burden upon trade, and it was not pretended to say that they prwented smuggling, he trusted that that House would no longer allow such anti-commercial principles to be acted upon. —( Hear, hear.) Mr. Thornely, Mr. Morrison, and Mr. Scholfield, supported the prayer of the petition, which was then laid on the table. IRISH CORPORATION REFORM. Mr. J. O'CONNELL presented a petition from Athlone, praying fur a complete measure of Municipal Corporation Reform fur Ireland. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. Mr. L. OLIPHANT presented a petition from the City of Perth, complaining. of agricultural distress. IRISH MUNICIPAL REFORM, AND TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE. Mr. \l' A LLACE presented three petitions from places in Scotland in favour of Irish municipal reform and the abolition of taxes on knowledge. IRISH TITHES. Mr. HENRY GRATTAN presented three petitions from certain parishes in the county of Meath, praying for the aboli tion of tithes, and the duty on materials employed n the building of chapels in Ireland. The petition on the subject of tithes was signed by Lord Gormanston and his family. DISTRESS OF AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS. The Marquis of C HAN DOS presented a petition from certain labourers in the county of Buckingham, complaining of distre - :s. The petitioners stated that they were obliged to support themselves and families on one shilling a day, which was all the wages they received, that they had made applcation in vai n to the Poor Law Commissioners for relief, and they now threw themselves upon the protection of that House. MUNICIPAL REFORM (IRELAND.) M S. CRAWFORD presented a petition from Belfast, in favour of the Municipal Reform Bill, and that a measure of Municipal Reform should be extended to Ireland on the same principles of those which have already passed for England and Scotland. Th e pet i t i oners state th a t th ey w i s h to h ave t h e town of Belfast i nc l u d e d h i t h e provisions of any Bill th a t ma y pass this Hou se , as i ts C orpora ti on h as b een f or a cons id er able period i noperat i ve for any use f u l purpose, or f or t h e goo d l oc al governm en t o f t h at i mportant p l ace. Il e ( M r . C raw ford) would r es p ect f u l ly request the attention of the House to th e prayer o f t h e petition. It would be in the reco ll ec ti o n of Hon. Members that a petition had been presented a few ni g hts ago by the Members for Belfast with a directly opposite prayer. The petitioners, whose wishes he now stated, felt it unnecessary' to trouble the House on the sub ject, confiding in the wisdom and justice of the Le gislature in extending to them a measure based on the principl es of the Acts for England and Scotland. They did not intend to forward any petition on the subject until they had heard of that which ,was presented by the Honourable Member opposite, and which he (Mr. Crawford) must say was smuggled through Belfast:—(Cries of " Hear, bear.") That petition doubtless never saw the light o' day until it was presented in this House. No notice of the intention to get it up was given, and the inhabitants of Belfast first heard of it from the notice given by the Hon. Gentle man opposite of his intention to bring it forward. The petition which he (Mr. Crawford) held in his hand reached him on Tuesday last, but too late to present it with that entrusted to the Hon. Member for Belfast. That Hon. Gentleman, when he presented his petition, stated that it was signed by. 8,000 individuals. In this -he thought there was a sligiit mistake, for, on enquiry at the Report Office, he (Mr. Crawford) found there were attached to it only 4,364 signatures. He was sure the Hon. Member did not wish to deceive the Hbuse, but some person had deceived him on the subject. He (Mr. Crawford) would not compete with the Hon. Member in the number of signatures to the respective petitions, but he would defy him to impeach the respectability of those who signed that which he was about to present..(Hear.) Tey were all men of interest and weight in Belfast, and the Hon. Mem ber would see among the signatures, the names of those with whom he had formerly associated in standing forward to assert the rights and liberties of the people.—(Loud Cheers.) He would see the names of men who were his associates, when he so eloquently and so determinedly ad vocated popular rights. The Hon. Gentleman had cast off the principles which he maintained in his juvenile days ; he had cast off the friends with ss hom he associated in other days, and he discarded the principles of which he was once the asserter. He was not surprised at the manner in which the petition had been kept in concealment while it was within the limits of Belfast; he was not at all surprised that when the petition came to this country it should be the object of the Honourable Member to increase its importance—( Loud cheers)—but notwithstanding all that, be would fearlessly lay the petition he had now to present on the table of the House, challenging any Hon. Member to deny its respect ability. Mr. DUNBA R fully concurred in the sentiments that were expressed in the petition, and bore testimony to the efficiency of the course adopted. In proof of that he would refer to the Report of the Municipal Commissioners, who had stated that the Corporation of Bangor was an instance in which pro perty was preserved with care, and its income usefully ex pended. Mr. EMMERSON TENNENT complained of the most unwarrantable, improper, and unhandsome attack which had been made on him by the Hon. Member for Dundalk— ( Hear)—on the occasion of a petition that bad been presented by him on the same subject. He hoped the House would pardon him for a few moments while he replied to it. He had been charged by the Honourable Member with misrepresenting the number of signatures attached to that petition, and he (Mr. Emmerson Tennent) need hardly tell the House that he had not in that instance complied with a form which no other Hon. Member adopted—that of counting over the names attached ; but the House would, he trusted, believe him when he stated that he had correctly communi cated to it the information he had received. The lion. Member had been instructed to say that he would in a few days present a petition, which would embody the sentiments of the inhabitants of that town, and the present he presumed was the petition which the Hon. Member alluded to. The circumstances under which that petition had been got up, were a good practical illustration of whit might be expected from the working of that political party, not only in the town of Belfast, but in every other part of Ireland, when called into active operation so soon as that Bill was passed, which would establish annual contests for the election of Councils and Aldermen in these boroughs.— ( Hear, hear.) He would only say that, as far as regarded the petition, he must protest against its being received as em bodying the the opinion of the town of Belfast. Mr. S. CRAWFORD begged leave to say that he had not made any objection to the petition presented by the lion. Member being receive 1. He had only said that it did not ex press the general opinion of the peop'e of Belfast upon this subject. The petitons were then laid on the table. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose to present a petition from the city of Londondei ry (as we under stood) most numerously ar,d respectably signed, praying that the Bill for the regulation of Municipal Corporations in Ireland might be founded on the same principle as those on which the English Municipal Reform Bill was founded. The peti tioners complained that the funds of the Corporations had been misapplied, that the administration of justice had been impeded, and various abuses had crept into the corporation,and they traced all these etrors to the want of due popular control, such as they hoped would be found in the Bill now before the House.—( Cheers.) • Lord C - ASTLERE AG H presented a petition from Newry, praying the House to raise the qualification of voters under the Irish Corporation Bill, from 51. to 10/. Mr. BRAIiY said that the majority of the people of Newry were favourable to the Municipal Reform 13111 brought in by his Majesty's Government. The Hon. Member was proceed ing, when he was interrupted by cries of " Order." The SPEAKER reminded the Hon. Member of the regu lation which had been adopted to prevent discussions on the presentation of petitions. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. Mr. G. F. YOUNG—Having given notice of a motion affecting the privileges of that House, and the character of one of its Members, he begged to know whether it was t'e plea sure of the House that he should :proceed at once with it, or defer it to anolher occasion. Lord J. RUSSELL said from the importance of the busi ness before the House, he would suggest to the Hon. Gentle man to postpone his motion until to-morrow or Wednesday. Mr. WKRBURTON thought as the motion affected the character of a Member of that House, it should be proceeded with at once. Mr. G. YOUNG agreed to adopt the suggestion of the Noble Lord. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. Mr. HAWES, seeing the Right Honourable Gentle man the Attorney-General in his place, begged to know whether or not it was his intention to re new for abolishing imprisonment for debt ? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL fiad hoped that a Noble and , Learned Friend of his would have introduced the Bill in the other House of Parliament early this Session, but ho regrett"d that his Noble and Learned Friend was prevented by indisposition from attending his duties in that House. If, however, the Bill was not ►ntroduced by some other Noble Lord, he begged to state that he would take an early oppor tunity of renewing his Bill in that I - 10113C. Mr. JACK SON asked the Attorney-General for Ireland several questions respecting appointments of a legal nature in Ireland, but the Hon. Gentleman spoke in so low a tone as to be totally inaudible in the gallery, except as to the last, whe ther or net Mr. J. O'Dwyer had been dismised from the office of Crown prosecutor on the Noithern Circuit, and a Roman Catholic Barrister ( Mr. Sauze) appointed in his place. Mr. O'LOUGHLIN said, Mr. Sauze had been appointed not by him, but by his predecessor. Mr. BERNAL brought up a Report, which was o:dere I t• be received. VOLUNTARY TITHE COMMUTATION. Sir R. PEEL said he had last year stated his intention to bring in a Bill for promoting the voluntary commutation of tithes. Ile would without observation move for leave to bring it in now and have it printed.—Agreed to. Sir R. PEEL asked the Secretary of State for the Home Departmelit what course he intended to pursue regarding the Marriages and Registration Bills ? LorSJ. RUSSELL proposed to proceed on Wednesday, as it was at present arranged. On Tuesday followinc , he would propose the House should go into Committee on the English Tithe Bill, and the proceedings on the Registration and Mar riages' Bills would depend on the length the debates would ge. CONSTABULARY BILL (IRELAND). _ _ . _ An HoN. MEMBER on the Opposition B niches asked a question relative to the proceedings on the Constabulary Bill ( Ireland), aad whether ht was the intention to go on 1N ith it on Wednesday. Lord MORPETiI said that would depend on the length of the Debate this evening, and upon the circumstances of a postponement of the discussion._ PRICE 7D. IRISH CORPORATION REFORM BILL. Lord J. RUSSELL moved the Order of the Day for the (louse to resolve itself into a Committee on this MIL Lord F. EGERTON rose to discharge the duty which he had imposed on himself by the notice he had given on a former night.—(Hear , hear.) lie felt `more sensibly than he hid ever felt before, the great importance of the subject he was about to bring under the notice of the . House. If there was any thing that afforded him relief under these circumstances, it wts the fact that the dis cussion on this subject on a former occasion, presented in his judgment more of argument and less of acrim on y than was usual in the discussions which took place in that House, and snore especially when the ground of contest was the great field of Ireland. Little as I may be able to contribute any addition to the argument (continued the Noble Lord), I do trust I may be able to succeed in avoiding t o or i g i nate any infusion of that second ingredient I have named, which, by its absence has distinguished the debate which the first a lvanced. There was no speech delivered on that occasion more stamped with that character which I have ventured to attribute to the debate, than that delivered by the Attorney-General for Ire land. I do agree to ratify with my vote t h e sentence h e h as u ttered on institutions which can no t, i n my j u d gment, l onger w ithstand the evidence of their f a il ure f or any goo d soc i a l purpose, whether of original intention or casual adoption ; and whatever may be my abstract reverence for prescription or antiquity, I am prepared to r e li eve t h em f rom the burden of a weak and painful existence, without reference to the particu lar quarter from which their fall may be cheered, or to what parties, on the other hand, may follow them with lamentation to the grave As far, therefore, as the fact of the Right Hon. Gentleman's argument extended, I find myself in that state of concurrence which I w i s h I cou ld always find myself in with th a t G ent l eman. H ere, h owever (as the motion I Inve submitted to the House indicates), am afraid we diverge. I join the Right Honourable Gen tleman in removing these abuses of alleged exc l us ion, and we on l y differ when he sits down to build among the ruins, and I pause to question the necessity, or to exa . • -.• 1 , N 1 - - - --,r) . . mine the probable results of the Ke e o,nstiruSruiCpen, .. of his Bill, by which he prop -&, re.e . 4erelje"..;44 i of his preamble and first cla l'lti ithet - 'INI - 11 - eitiesVls Gentleman has asked, will the e, after.e s eVg, d measure of Municipal Reform f r Scotland atia Eng , n . e fuse one to Ireland on similar p • ei a l e sp (My a' t e k er . uld be this. If you mean by it the ees\eit . every hum:snarurity for the application of equal justi /O lill.e.afscS . d all per re, sussions in the administratio n oft ale ; ir d eetie . can by it i the placing al local expenditure for mu freallurposes under vigilant popular controul, I answer. yes. If you mean art elective administration of the f unct i ons of justice, and the powers of the armed police, I answer that I look to the end and not the means; and when you have shown me that those ends are to be attained by that popular election in Ireland as well as England, I will answer yes, also, to that pro- ositio n . Bearing this observation as to the definiti on of similars prig, ciple in view, I deny that, in substituting abolition for tho restoration of the Right Hon. Gentleman, I do withhold from Ireland the benefits which, to use the words of th e H ee. G un. tleman, Parliament has not hesitated to extend to the other parts of the empire. This, sir, is the cause and substance er an argument well - Calculated to dazzle by its specious lustre, to attract one's attention by its seductive generalities, and t o blind us to those consequences which, however matters of detail, lion. Gentlemen will pardon me for saying rcqui-e, as I think, no microscope to detect. He or any other gentle roan, who boasts an equal pride in his country, or equal love for the land which reared him, may listen with impatience to anything I have to say on the subject of its affeiss ; but I should wander into the extreme of base, and se; vile, and in sincere flattery, if I told him that there was nothing in the situation of that country, in the state of its society, which :as tinguished it from England and other nations, and ..11'..4 may in special cases make it an unfit recipient for insti.utionevillich are not in themselves essential to good government, and which are only valuable as the machinery for that purpcsee If this be insult'to Ireland, I can only say that I should con ceive that I was insulting the good sense of Irishmen if I sup pressed my conviction of its truth. When I find numbers arrayed against property, a minority powerful in wealth and intelligence, opposed to a majority unpopular in their mate rials—when I see the natural guardians of the temporal and spiritual interests of its lower orders in conflict, I do say that there is a sad distinction between England and Scotland, which bears directly on the question uosv at issue ; ..the mode by which we shall regulate the administration of the law, and the protection of the property and. peace of those who are to live under it in the case, not indeed of society at large, but of certain most important aggregations_ of indi v id ua l s . I say that into that country it i s not desirable to introduce a system by which he who has to administer the law to all, may he in debted for his tenure of that high function to a few ; I say, that if unfortunately the state of feeling be such that party must be represented by him that makes the law—that if it be such that mere profession of opinion, apart from the proof of any one qualification upon earth, be a passport to Parlia mentary representation, I say that all which is desirable becomes doubly necessary, that he who administers it should see no obligations for his appointment—that his installation should not become an election chairing—that he should not be borne into the hall where municipal justice holds her-seat, on the shoulders of a mob, any more l than he should sneak into it through the private avenue of a faction. His Right Hon. Friend spoke of the appointment of sheriffs, and he asked a question which has not been answered yet. What security the popular appointments of those officers af forded for the purity of juries, and the impartial execution of that most important function ? The Chancellor of the Ex chequer wisely forbore to reply, and confined the force of his answer to the circumstance of there being but eight cities which, under the Bill, are to be entrusted with the election of officers of that denomination. What would Louis Philippe say to his new Minister if he told him, " We have an institution to which we all have objection, but really the application is so partial that we are convinced his Majesty will not object. We propose to apply this institutien to Paris, Lyons, Mar seilles, Bordeaux, Nantes, and s two or three other towns." Is Ireland the country I have desteribed, or is it not ? It is idle to be delicate, delicacy is misplaced in dealing with such a sub ject; and if I am called upon to demonstrate that feeling, I find the difficulty which greater reasoners than myself-have found in proving an axiom, or in confuting that syste m which deni e s th e t est i mony o f our senses, and the evidence of habitual perceptions. If Ireland be not that country, if I, as an Englishman, misconceive its situation, or speak of evils which do not there exist, then I say to the gentlemen of that land who hear me, S' Your countrymen misrepre sent you ; truisms and professional opinions are unfaithful guides ; your own daily press is not the mirror of things that are. The minutes of evidence before Irish or Orange or in timidation Committees are a mere delusion. Those who gave it were falsifiers, and those who listened to it were dupes." If Ireland be not that country, the speech which we heard the other night, when this House rang with applau se o f t h e senti ments and langua ge o f th e N o bl e Lord was thrown away; the oil he then attempted to pour forth was wasted on a waveless surface. In the case of the Reform Bill, some may hove thought that there were reasons which forbade its extension to Ireland ; but none could have failed to perceive, that to deny that extension must there have been felt, even if necessary, as an insult and an injury, and that hardly any reason could have been alleged against it which would nut have gone all the lengths of despotism. You had no choice in that case between the perpetuation of all the abuses so called which you had agreed to sweep into schedule A in England, and a similar measure of representation ; for you could not propose to leave Ireland without a representation. Does that necessity exist here ? Is separate jurisdiction any part of the essence of our constitution? Does our elective magistracy rank with trial by jury, or the free and fair representation of the people in Parlia ment ? If it be essential in theory or in practice, how has Manchester, how has Birmingham, pursued with their crowded populations the arts of industry ? Why should election be confined to these cemmunities, where it more immediately rouses the elements of local strifes, and is adverse to the social charities ? Why does it not extend to the rural distr . cts ?—and these considerations bring me to the subject of the Irish Constabulary Bill. What are the provisions of that Bill, and their object? They deal with one of the most important objects connected with the peace of Ireland —the appointment as well as the regulation of an armed police of some 5,000 men. That appointment now resides with the gentlemen of the country, the body of magistracy—a body appointed by the King's commission. Do they leave this power of appointing the police in the hands of that body? Or do they remove it to a magistracy elected on any popular principle, however restricted ? No ; they transfer that power to the Lord Lieutenant. In my opinion they do wisely, and that opinion with me is not new. I thought so in 1830, and I think so still. In 1830 I thought that it would be advisable to transfer to the responsible representative of the King in Ireland—to one who was placed above the atmosphere of local partialities and influences —these appoint ments. It is not for me to show that circumstances have arisen since that period not to justify my views, but to convert my opponents - ; but in the case of those who then opposed my views and those of my Right Hon. Friend, I am bound to pre sume that such circumstances have arisen—for I do tint attribute to my Right lion. Friends opposite any low or paltry or mere party motives in this matter. Ido not believe that they con sidered then that the Duke of Northumberland was an im proper depositary of the trust they are ready to give to Lord Mulgrave ; and if I look on the opposite benches for the then i hampions of the magistracy, it is not for the purpose of a momentary cheer, or to throw any difficulties in his present course, that I turn to the debate of 1830. I give full credit to my Right Hon. Friend for something more statesmanlike, than any such ground of paltry party reference to the individuals in power, or out of it ; but I have to infer from his change of - opinion, that he does not conceive that the situation of Ireland yet has undergone a change for the better since the period when I was officially connected with its af fairs, or that its condition has been assimilated to that of Eng • land in those better features of order and tranquillity; and when he joins the generalising cry for identity of institutions in all particulars, I might have a right to ask arc you pre pared, while you receive what you establish or enjoy here, by to part on your side with institutions which in themselvesa d the mode you amend and modify them, prove and illustrate the strong practical distinction which exists between the two countries? The Constabulary Bill of my Right Hon. Friend is, I say, an answer to that question, which prevents me from giving him the trouble of any other reply. I say the Consis s _ bulary Bill of this year is in itself an answer to the clamour which is raised for identity of institutions. I ask again, sill you who join that cry come forward to assimilate your institu tions ? - I don't ask will you bear the same burdens—will you, on the part of Ireland, make the same contributions to the Exchequer ; but I ask, will you abandon the assistant-bar rister's jurisdiction ? Is there anything like the summary jurisdiction of the assistant-barristers in England S Is there a dissentient voice as to its value and its merit in Ireland ? That court is one of those instances which prove in itself the impossibility of applying identical institutions to the two countries ; the law or England it administers, but there is nothing in practice more differing in the cases of England and Scotland than there is in this between England and Ireland. And what are you about with the law ? Are you moulding it to the practice of England ? Arc you gradually confining its operation ? Arc you compelling the assistant barrister to empannel a jury where you now only give him a power to do it, which he rarely if ever exercises ? If you arc so employed, I believe you will create great dissatisfaction in Ireland. I believe you will have an insurrection of suitors, who prefer for the settlement of their civil causes .ate fiat cf a lawyer appointed by the Crown to the veretact of their neighbours. But lam happy to think you are not. At this very moment an Honourable and Learned Member is reviving a Bill of last Session to extend the operation: of the system to make the administration of civil justice in Ireland less like England, and with this Bill, or that for the Irish constabulary, staring me in the face, you tell me that the two countries must have not only equal justice, but the same institutions. The Right Honourable Gentlem an tells us of Commissioners under the sth of 6ieorge IV., and Protestant Members of Parliament. I derive the greatest satisfaction from the informatiea the Right Honourable G en .: will the night Hon. Gentleman se riously say that he anticipates from this that purity will govern the elections of the magistrate and councillors, which will Bill s l but dlonity o o f frefo rm and i come under the operation of awhich is ushered in like the must say I rejoice present by all the acclamation .. party, announced wits; sn much of the pomp and . if politics absented themselves from the election of these Com rnissienees, more particularly as my proposition to nig)et em braces the very extensive application of the provisiees of that very Act ; but, if they did not, it tells for no o e . ine that there' were Protestant as well as if Catholic .ri Ce m ob jection is to partisans, not to Catno , ucs. A s to the Protestant Members of Parliament, ttliSeioners, for my theee Members advocate opinions witioli I think dangerous, it i s no satisfaction to me that any one should ,be a bl e to tell me, " I am as good a Protestant as yourself." then itiot Hon. G e ntl e man mean to tell me that these rrotestut Members were Does returned to Parliament