The Sun. — London, England, 1838-05-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. A strong desire was evinced by some of the underlings of the Tories to place Ministers in a difficulty last night. It SeeM3 that in the course of the day much canvassing was carried on to induce Members of the Opposition to remain away from the division, in order to lessen as far as possible the majority against the recent resolution of Sir Eardley Wilmot, and we are told that a Noble Lord, once actually in the pay of the West India body, was particularly zealous in exertions, which, if successful,. would have had the effect of terminating the ap prenticeship system in the West Indies " immediately," there by depriving the planters of such pecuniary advantages as were to be obtained from the two years' service of the negroes yet unexpired—advantages fully contemplated by Lord Stanley when he introduced the Bill of 1833. The result proved, however, that the activity and in dustry of the Noble Lord were entirely thrown away, as the counter resolution of Sir George Grey was carried by a majority of 72 in a very full House. Sir Eardley Wilmot only added 80 to his previous num ber of 98, while 165 additional votes were given for 'Ministers. The case stood precisely thus. On the 29th of March Sir George Strickland submitted a motion for the abo lition of negro apprent:ceship in August next, and after a long debate it was negatived by 54 votes. On the 22d of May, Sir Eardley Wilmot introduced a resolution to terminate ne gro apprenticeship " immediately," as if no preliminary step or preparation of any kind was necessary, and this motion he carried by surprise, and, not least to his astonishment, in a House of not 200 Members, by a majority of only three votes. When appealed to on a subsequent day, the Hon. Baronet declined "at present" to take any step to carry his resolution into effect, and notice was therefore given, on be half of the Government, that Sir George Grey would last night move a counter-resolution to rescind, or rather to annul, the proceeding inconsiderately adopted on the 22d instant. The speech of the Honourable Under- Se c retary for the Colonies was very masterly and comprehensive, including all parts of the subject, and treating them with such force, as well as particularity, that it really seemed to render needless any other address on the same side of the question. Nevertheless, Sir Robert Peel, as Mr. O'Connell expressed it, " chivalrously" volunteered his assistance, and Lord Stanley, unwilling, perhaps, that the Right Honourable Baronet should run away with all the glory, also defended the course pursued by Ministers, and re probated the manner in which the Honourable Member for Warwickshire had persevered in re-trying a question already settled, and reversing a decision which had been come to by a full House after the most mature discussion. Sir Robert Peel very emphatically stated his objection to a resolution which was avowedly not to be followed up by a Bill, but which reversed a former deliberate resolution, affected to repeal a solemn Act of Parliament, and sought to involve the House in difficulties, not only without the accomplishment of any ge od purpose, but with the mischievous consequence of exciting and disappointing the expectations of the negroes. ' If," pursued the Right Hon. Baronet, amid loud cheers, " the resolution of the Hon. Member for Warwickshire were permitted to remain unrescinded, an impression might get abroad that the Legislature having abdicated its functions they had de volved upon Exeter-hall; a heavy blow would thus be struck at the influence of Parliament, and it might even be deprived hereafter of the power of holding the balance of justice be tween the planters and the slaves with a firm and steady hand." Sr George Grey had previously adverted with considerable severity to the conduct of the recent meeting at Exeter. hall, and complained of the eager and injudicious haste with which tidings had already been sent out to the West Indies of the unexpected adoption of the resolution of Sir Eardley Wil mot. This fact alone rendered it imperative upon Minis ters to lose no time in taking measures to counteract what he must call a wicked attempt to create an impression which might otherwise be productive of the most fatal results. His aexiety was to protect the peaceable but hopeful negroes from the grossest delusion, and he claimed of the House that it would lend its aid in securing adherence to a course of policy consistent with reason, justice, and enligh tened benevolence. The debate did not assume much anima tion , nntil Sir Robert Peel rose in answer to Mr. Baines. Sir Robert was replied to with great ability by Mr. O'Con nell, who argued that the planters bad given nothing in return for the twenty millions sterling voted to them ; that the House of Assembly of Jamaica, in particular, had opposed, derided, and despised, the measures of the British Le gislature, and that it was high time that some com pensation should be afforded to the unhappy slaves who had been cruelly maltreated in defiance of the law, and had for the last four years been half starved, and compelled to work for nothing, instead of being duly paid their labour. The only compensation that could be given to them was free dom ; and that it might no longer be withheld, he heartily sup ported the amendment proposal by Sir E. Wilmot to the re solution of Sir G. Grey. Lord Stanley followed Mr. O'Con nell, but amid considerable interruptions from the impatience of the House, which interruptions were continued while Dr. Lushington addressed it. The discussion was brought to a close by Lord John Russell in a short but effective speech containing no details, and only adverting to the main points of the question. Mr. O'Connell had bestowed great praise upon the character of the numerous petitioners to the House on this interesting subject, and while Lord John Russell willingly admitted the justice of the general eulogium, he regretted that it was not deserved by all who took an active share in the proceedings of public meetings in favour of the negroes. ~ I must say (observed his Lordship) that some there are—l hope few in number—who take the course they adopt on this ques tion with a view chiefly of injuring those whom they consider their party or their personal opponents.—( Loud cheers.) I tnust consider conduct of this kind degrading to the great cause such individuals pretend to espouse, and to the good and conscientious men with whom they are associated in their ad vocacy." This severe censure was greeted by demonstrations of accordance front all parts of the House. We have never had any liking for the apprenticeship system, conceiving with Lord Rolnick, that there is no medium between slavery and free labour; and we look with much apprehension to the ter mination of the apprenticeships, when the owner ceases to have an interest in the well-being of the apprentice. But the big blunder having been committed, and Parliament having decided on observing the bargain with the planters, we only trust that those who have influence with the negroes will not employ that influence in inciting them to acts which may terminate in scenes of violence and bloodshed.—Morning Chronicle. Sir George Grey brought forward, in the House of Com mons, last night, the Government resolutions on the subject of negro apprenticeship—resolutions, of which the object avow edly was, in effect, to rescind the resolution carried, last week, cn the motion of Sir Eardley Wilmot. Sir George Grey cotomenced a wordy speech, by adverting to the smallness of Ithe meicrity, by which Sir Eardley Wilmot's resolution was tarried. The real majority of the House, as evidenced by the division on Sir George Strickland's motion, was, he con tended, in favour of maintaining the apprenticeship system until 1840. The Hon. Under Secretary, then, dilated on the evil;, to which uncertainty on the part of the negroes as to the real intentions of the Imperial legislature might give rise—and condemned, in terms of considerable se verity, the Loast that was made, at a late public meeting:, that intelligence cf the division of last week had already been sent to the West Indies. Sir George, then, chs.rac;erized the conduct of the West Indian clergymen of all denominations—missionaries as well as clergymen of the Established Church—es having been of infinte service to the use of good order. The deportment of the negroes them- Ives had been above praise ; and it was with a view, above 11 other things, to the ultimate advantage of the negroes, hat he deprecated the attempt to bring the present system of things in the Wcitt Indies to an abrupt termination. Et;uca tion(the Hon. Under Secretary for the Colonies observed) does make rapid advances in our West Indian colonies; and, H' the course of education be not interrupted by injudicious ,leg,ielation, its advances within the next two years will, urndouhtedly, be prodigious. In determining our course, we ,aught not to forget, that on our decision and its re sults, alepended consequences, most important, not alone to the .negro cultivators of cur West Indian colonies, but to slaves in almost every country in the world. The slave-owners of the United States were regarding our experi ment with the deepest anxiety. If it turned out favourably, the result would, i n e ll probability, be the emancipation, by a similar process, of the immense macs of American slaves;— if, unfavourably, the result would undoebtedly be, the perpe tuation of slavery. The most obvious dietetes of prudence, moreover, dictated the policy of propitiating the various local legislatures, and of inducing them to co-operate with the Im perial Parliament in the spirit of the scheme of emancipation. Sir Eardley Wilmot, after a few words, in defence of his pee collar course of action, moved as an amendment on Sir George Grey's resolutions—" That the resolution of the 22d of May be carried into effect, by legislative enactment. Mr. Villiers seconded the amendment. He denied that the object of the Immedi tte Emancipationists was to cause confusion in our West Indian colonies. On the contrary, the chief ob ject of the Emancipationists is, he observed, to create a new order of social relations between the negroes and their employers. To the employers, too, he contended, would immediate emancipation be advantageous—for slave labour :s proved, beyond question, to be, the most expensive kind o f 1 / 4 hour. Not more than one-third of that sort of labour is avail 'a6. l e to the purposes of the planters. Mr. Sergeant Jack son 1 0 1: l eaved on the same side. Mr. Hutton supported the Governm *at resolutjons. Sir Charles Grey denied that the property °C um? in man was contrary to law. As to the al leged breach .of Contract on the part of the planters, the con contract, but many contracts ; con tract alluded to, w4B not "one but why should tio rights of the we.i'l° body of planters be for feited, beca u se ceotain individu a l s an , e a st them had been - guilty of imp ro p r i et i es ? M r. W ar d declare, -I . t ha t a lthou g h h e supported immediate emancipation—still that t nbrase implied, that before emancipation did, in reality, take place, the neces. sary preliminary legislation should be entered upon. es' 'W s Sir Charles Charles Grey's argum ent a b out the inviolability of a r rit: -"' s hip--did that Gentlem an f orget that, in thiscountry, e an in denture of apprenticeship might be cance ll ed on the round of cruelty ? The planters had virtually cance ll ed the appren ticeship system. Their case was the case of Mrs. Brownrigg. The Government Bill—Lord Glenelg's Bill-- for improving the Act of 1833, proved breach of con tract on the part of the planters. Mr. Edward Ellice asked why Mr. Ward and the other gentlemen who talked of the necessity of preliminary legislation, did not undertake the task of grappling with that preliminary legislation, of which they spoke so glibly ? Had they considered the measures re pired ? A poor law, and a vagrant law were of the number. Let the House, moreover, bear in mind the state of the finances of Jamaica. The Jamaica exchequer was in a state almost of insolvency. The currency, too, was deranged. What, besides, (asked Mr. Ellice,) are ou to do with the local legislatures? Did a You mean toabolish them ? or do you them, mean, merely, to irritate by passing over their authority ? Two years, the Right Hon. member for Coventry contended, are hut a short period for the discharge of the necessary dutiessu of legislation; and a precipitate movement, now on the part 1 • of the legislature, might lead to the most fearful consequences to the negrees themselves. Sir Robert Inglis did not exactly ap prove of Sir George Grey's resolutions—but he must, at the same time, oppose most decidedly, the amendment of Sir Eardles; Wilmot. The Hon. Member for Oxford, then, pro ceeded to contend that there existed no contract between Par liament and the planters—and, therefore, that Parliament could not proceed against the planters for breach of con tract. Mr. Baines argued in favour of immediate emancipa tion. Compensation was due to the negro, for the injus tice inflicted on him under the apprenticeship system. What had been done by Government on this subject, dur ing the last four years ? What reason had we to believe that Government would employ the next two years better than the last four ? Sir Robert Peel censured Sir Eardley Wilmot for proceeding by the form of resolu tion ! The Right Hon. Baronet, then argued, at great length, that it would be most inexpedient to terminate abruptly the apprenticeship system. That there was a de cided compact between planters and Parliament, no man could doubt. Under that compact, transferences of property had taken place I If immediate emancipation were carried into effect would compensation be given to the purchasers under that compact? If not, the grossest injustice would be inflicted ! It had been alleged that the compact had been violated by the planters—but had that compact been violated in such a way as to entitle Parliament to visit the whole body of planters with a forfeiture of their rights ? The interest of the negro, and the interest a!so of the American slave called on us to avoid precipitate legislation in such a matter. He would not consent to yield to popular clamour, neg transfer to Exeter Hall the functions of Parliament. As to the allega tion of Mr. Baines, that nothing had been done during the last four years in the way of preparing for the change that was inevitable in the social relations of the West Indies— that fact was accounted for, by the circumstance, that the Committee of 1836—0 f which Mr. Baines himself was a Member—recommended that nothing should be done, until the close of the apprenticeship system ! Mr. O'Connell replied, to some of the arguments of Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Ellice. The danger, he contended, was only in delay. The difficulties, with which we are now doomed to struggle, have arisen, he maintained, from the pay ment to the planters, of the twenty millions, without exacting from them security for the performance of their part of the compact. The state of the apprentice is, Mr. O'Connell maintained, worse than that of the slave. Lord Stanley sup ported the views expressed by Sir Robert Peel. Dr. Lush. ingten and Lord John Russell followed. Then came the division, when the numbers were found to be, for Sir George Grey's resolutions, 250 ; for Sir Eardley Wilmot's amend ment, 178. —Morning Herald. Sir George Grey, the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, moved a resolution last night in the House of Commons, the purport of which was to declare the opinion of the House, that the resolution carried by Sir E. Wilmot or, the 22d of May, for the immediate abolition of the negro apprenticeship, ought not to be carried into operation ; but that all means ought to be adopted for securing to the negroes the privileges to which the Slavery Abolition Acts have entitled them, and all posdble attention directed to their condition on the arrival of their period of entire freedom. To this motion of Sir G. Grey Sir E. Wilmot replied by an amendment, affirmin: that the resolution of the 22d of May ought to be carried into effect by a legislative enactment, due provision being made for the peace of the 'colonies and the wellbeing of the negroes. The proceeding of Sir G. Grey had been rendered necessary by the discreditable conduct of Ministers in allowing themselves to be defeated on Sir E. Wilmot's resolution of May 22, by the absence of all their own retainers the tactics of this Government being, that whenever a right but unpopular vote is required, that Governments shall carry it by the aid of the Conservatives, while the Ministerialists evade the division to escape odium with their constituents. The line of argument now taken by Sir G. Grey was, that the enforcement of emancipation by the Government at home would be injurious to the negrOes themselves, who would fare much better if public opinion were left to operate upon the prudence of the planters. Sir E. Wilmot, however, was de cided to press his amendment, and intimated that if he carried his point a second time, he should bring ir, a bill for giving effect to it. The debate then proceeded upon the old and beaten grounds. It seemed whollywithout interest, except to the Quakers,who,as is their custom on such occasions, were under the gallery in great numbers and in great excitement. Mr. Vil liers was for immediate abolition. Mr. Barron followed, and attempted to attract attention by an attack upon the conduct of Lord Brougham in assailing his old colleagues, the Minis ters. This philippic extracted several cheers from Mr. P. Thomson. Mr. Sergeant Jackson denied that the life and happiness, or misery, of man could be the subject of any law ful compact ; and thought that the compact, even if it could be lawful, had been violated. Mr. Hutton said, that if you would advertise for grievances, you would always find them; and that instances of individual cruelty might has collected, sufficient to make a case for abolishing apprenticeship in every manufacturing town throughout England. Sir Charles Grey thought that property in slaves might well be the subject of compact, seeing that such property was recognised by the statute law from the beginning of George 11. to the Abolition Act of 1833. The State, in the case of the negro, stands in loco parentis, to contract with the master for binding the apprentice. Each master had received his separate compen sation, and it was not because one and another had failed to perform his covenant completely, that therefore the indenture was to be cancelled as to all. Mr. Ward was for the imme diate dissolution of the apprenticeship. Even in England, says he, the magistrates may cancel indentures. Very true : as between an individual master and his apprentice, upon the circumstances of the particular case; but there is no jurisdic tion in any English tribunal to cancel all indentures. Mr. Ellice answered the preceding speaker in a practical and useful manner. He is one of the most valuable allies of Ministers at a pinch. If the interests of the masters alone had been at stake, those, he said, he would have compensated in money ; but he objected to the immediate abolition, not for the sake of the master, hut of the negro. Before the negro could be safely set at large, you must provide a poor law—a vagrant law—an improved currency—and you must remodel the discrepant legislatures of the different colonies. These were works of some time and care. Sir Robert Inglis sup ported Sir George Grey's motion, and Mr. Baines opposed it. But it now found a powerful ally in Sir Robert Peel. He expressed his disapproval of abstract resolutions like that of the 22d of May. When a measure of this kind was con templated it should be embodied in a Bill, on which Members of the House can reflect and vote in all the stages of it, and the Lords can exercise their constitutional privilege of re jection or modification. The period for which the mas ter was to enjoy the apprenticed labour of the negro was stated in 1833, by the authors of the Slavery Abolition Act, as an ingredient in his compensation, and ought not now to be abridged. If you will do something, however, do not resolve, but enact. If Exeter-ball is to take the functions of the House of Commons, there will soon be an end of that moral influence which Parliament has heretofore exercised so ad vantageously. It is material, too, that you should set such an example on this great subject to foreign States—as they may be likely to follow a peaceful example, proceeding steadily to its close, not the alarming precedent of an abrupt and perhaps tumultuous termination. Mr. O'Connell, in the course of a rambling speech, read various extracts from various works, and made varieus assertions on various suljects. The staple of his argument was a story which he lied just heard of a so gro woman whose sick child, he said, had been inhumanly exposed in a road and left to die for want of medi cal assistance. Lord Stanley, who answered him, acquainted the House that this was an old tale, originally brought forward by Mr. Buxton ; that inquiry had been made into the circum stances, which turned out to be utterly false ; that Mr. Bux ton had been satisfied the whole was a fabrication, and ex pressed his regret for having introduced such a history. Dr. Lushington endeavoured (but at half-past twelve it was with little success) to obtain a hearing in favour of immediate aboli tion, and Warned the Ministers that they were alienating tin ir best friends by the course they were taking. Lord John Rua sell repeated the reasons of Government in a very short speech, ashamed, as; it should seem, of th e p art w hi c h the Government were taking, or rather declining to take. But the House divided, and the Conservatives rescued them from the mire.— Times. After an animated discussion, and the moving and with drawing of one or two amendments, the House of Lords last night went into Committee on the Irish Poor-law Bill. The egregious defects of this Bill, the inefficiency of its provisions, and the fallacies of the calculations on which it is founded, have already been so frequently and ably exposed, that we feel it would be as useless to the public as it would be irksome to ourselves, to enter upon their recapitulation. The admirable speeches of Lords Lyndhurst and Brougham on the motion for the second reading of the Bill, have almost completoly ex hausted the subject; but still there are one or two points which have not as yet received a due meed of attention : we allude especially to the distinction between those incapable of work and those u na bl e to procure it—those from age or in firmity unable to labour, and those able and willing to labour but , unable to o bt a i n emp l oyment. Th i s is a most important eistinction, and one which, to a great extent, must regulate another important part of the proposed Bill—the teat of destitution. Ireland is differently circum stanced from all other countries where Poor-laws exist. We know of no instances where thousands of the labouring classes annually cross and re-cross the sea, seeking a few weeks' employment. A people with such an ardent desire of em ployment, thus manifested in a manner so conclusive as to defy refutation, need .not the stimulus of workhouse discipline to urge them to industrial exertion. And even if they did, it would be difficult to make the dietary of the workhouse so meagre as not so far at least to hold forth an inducement be. yond what external labour could procure for them, did not the love of liberty and enterprise so powerfully pervade the breast of the Irish peasantry, that fur the most part they would rather endure any extent of destitution, short of actual starve ( .7jon, in their native freedom, than accept the utmost personal ealefort with the loss of liberty. What relief can the -khouse system be expected to afford to a people so cir we. 'a-'ced? The Irish poor ask not the bread of idle cuin ne3 _, .on the contrary, they blush to accept it, and where -- nee --- e ' ss i tv leaves them no alternative, they quit their °en order to beg where they may not be known. neighbo - url r re o ; c d ,: ' , n They ask arity, but employment. This fact is notori ous ges :ater violati on o f a ll p r i nc i p l es o f w h o l esome legislation n adwht can a be pes t eetrated, than to build houses for the maiettenance of such pereons in idlenese at the national ex pense, while with half the ca l eital necessary for their support in this mode, applied to their employment on the at present unprodu.etive resources of the country, not only would pauper ism be deiven from the land, but a considerable accession made to the national wealth? These facts may not appear perrectly distinct to the . Poor Law C omm i ss i oners , an d th ose expecting to be placid in authority under them ; but to all imp:o tial observers they must appear so fAvieus, that it is only THE SUN, LONDON, .TUESDAY, MAY 29, 1838. .-priAing how the people of Irehnd can so tranquilly behold the pri,grrs3 of a measure Which, while professin2* to relieve them, s a mere mockery of their misery, and while tempting. them with the promise of a right of legislative provision, would rob them of their independence, and plunge their country into a state of even greater misery and dozradation than it has ever yet experienced.—Morning Advertiser. ELECTION COMMITTEES. YESTERDAY. (From our Second Edition of last WESTMEATH. The Committee met at Twelve o'clock. Mr AUSTIN was heard from that time to half.past Two, in opposition to the opening of the registry. • • The Committee ordered the room to be cleared, and remained in consultation till half-past Three, when The CIIAIIINIAN announced a resolution, to the effect that the Com mittee did not cansid,T that the Irish Reform Act precluded them from entering into the registry. Mr. THESIGErt, on behalf of the sitting Members, gave notice that he should to morrow apply for a Commission to examine witness es in Ireland. This announcement appeared greatly to astonish both the Committee and the Counsc.: for the petitioners. The Committee then adjourned. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, il4 ? 28. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. Mr. HENEA GE took the oaths and his seat as Member far Devizes. Mr. Crafer, from the TreAsury, appeared at the bar, and presented certain returns, which were laid on the table. On the motion of Sir GEORGE CLERK, a new writ was ordered fur the county of Linlithgow, in the room of the Hon. James Hope, who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. ST. PANCRAS PAVING BILL. Captain A LSAGER presented a petition against the St. Pancras Paving Bill. _ . Mr. HALL presented a petition from Kentish-town in favour of the St. Pancras Paving Bill. • Lord EASTNOR presented a petition from Somcrs town against it, Similar petitions were presented by Sir R. INocis and Captain WOOD from St. Pancras, and the trustees of Skinner's Estate. Mr. HALL moved the second reading of the St. Pancras Paving Bin Lord TEIGN3IOUTH opposed the second reading of the Pill which had just been moved by his Honourable Colleague. Perhaps Honour able Members were not aware that this was the sixth time a Bill of this description, almost identical in its provisions, hail been brought before the House. Thrice it had been thrown out on the second reading, and a Committee of the House had decided it was exceedingly objectionable to entrust the paving of the whole parish of St. Pancras to the vestry, and they proposed, as a modification, that four boards should be erected in the parish. After several ineffectual attempts had been made, his Hon. Friend'had now brought forward the present proposition. He objected to the Bill on principle, as he thought it would be mischievous in its operation. The object was to place the whole paving of the parish, containing 120,000 inhabitants, and 20 .miles in circumference, tinder the jurisdiction of the Vestry. Hon. Members would recollect that the parish was partly paved and partly unpaved, and that it was under the control of 19 different Trusts. Ile heard of no objection being made to these Trusts. There was a part of the parish at Kentish.town which was unpaved, but the 57th Geo. 111. enabled the Trusts to extend their jurisdiction for paving these districts. What he would suggest to his Hon. Friend was to withdraw the measure, and wait until the next Session of Parliament by which time steps would be taken to provide for paving these remote districts of the parish. He could not see why these trusts should be suddenly and without just cause de prived of power, and one circumstance he should mention to show its extreme unfairness. There were several of these trusts which had incurred large debts, and which they were on the point of pay ing off.—(Hear, hear.) If this Bill were carried, they would be suddenly deprived of the means. of doing so, and on these grounds he should give the measure his most decided opposition. lithe Bill passed the whole of the parish would be thrown into cunfusion, beeause if the jurisdiction dropped in, they must be placed under one Board. Mr. HU NIE thought the House did not clearly understand the nature of the Bill from the statement of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord objected to the Bill, because so large a parish would by it be put tinder the management of one Board. He (Mr. Hume) thought that was an ar gument in favour of that Bill, for in St. Pancras there were no less than 18 Boards which led to the greatest confusion. In his opinion the Bill ought to be allowed to go into Committee, where its details might be considered. He would therefore appeal to the principles of fairness, and lie trusted that if the principle was good foe one parish, it would be good for the other. Lord TEIGNMOUTH—Sir, I forgot to move that the Bill be read a second time this day six months. Sir H. INGLIS seconded the amendment, and trusted that the ques tion would not be made a party question. The cases of the parish of St. Pancras and of Marylebone were not at all similar, for in the former there was a large rural population in one part, and a town population in another, which was not the case in the latter. He would resist that which was the sixth attempt to tax the poor in order to put power into the hands of the vestry. Mr. HALL was sorry that this Bill should meet with the opposition of the Noble Lord opposite. He had received a letter from one of his constituents, stating in winter the children were unable to go to the na tional schools in consequence of the impassable state of the roads. Indeed the state of the streets in the outskirts of the parish was most deplorable. All he asked was that the Bill might be allowed to go into Commit tee. His noble colleague (Lord Teignmouth) was mistaken in sup. posing that the Bill would place tha whole jurisdiction in the vestry, because the whole jurisdiction and power were proposed to be taken out of the hands of the vestry, and placed in the hands of the Rate.payers and Commissioners to be appointed under the Act. Ile therefore hoped that the Bill would be allowed to go into Committee, and the sense of the House could be taken upon its third reading. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided ; when the numbers were : For the Bill . Against it Majority against the Bilk —26 IsTEINQUAY (CORNWALL) HARBOUR BILL. This Bill was read a third time, as was also the Rocester-bwidge BM, GLASGOW WATER-WORKS BILL. Mr. HINDLEY brought up the report on this Bill. Reports on the following Bills were received :—The Dudley Hill Road Bill, the Dcanhcad Reservoir Bill, and Paddington Estates Bill. Mr. PLUMPTRE presented a petition from the Clergy of Canter. bury, in favour of certain amendments in the Registration and Mar. riage Acta. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON presented a petition front Newcastle-on. Tyne, tbr the abolitio❑ of the system of Negro apprenticeship. Similar petitions were presented by Mr. Hodges fri m Kent, and Mr. C. Lush. ington from various places in the county of Suffolk. Mr. BAINES presented a petition from the Deputies of the several congregations within twelve miles of London appointed to protect their civil liberties, in favour of the immediate abolition of Negro apprentice ship. Petitions to the same effect were presented by Sir J. I'. HULLER, Mr. SHAW LEFF:r RE, and several other Hon. Members. Captain CHET WYND presented a petition for a reduction of the rates of postage. Mr. C. LUSHINGTON presented a petition from a place in Ayr. shire, against any further endowment to the Church of Scotland. Mr. G. KNIGHT presented a petition from the Dean and Chapter of Carlisle, against any alienation of Church peoperty. Sir J. Y. BULLER presented a petition from a place in Devonshire to the same effect. Mr. E. BuLLEn. presented a petition in favour of the immediate abolition of Negro slavery. Sir G. STRICKLAND presented four petitions for an alteration in the Factory Laws. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from a person of the name of Lester, complaining of the delays in the Cdurt of Chancery, and praying that measures might be adopted for the pur. pose of giving expedition to the proceedings of that Court. THE CORONATION. Sir F. BURDETT presented a petition from several of the tradesmen of Westminster, praying that the ceremony of the Coronation might be performed with all the usual solemnities. The petitioners stated that if any part of the ceremony was dispensed with, trade would be con sider _ ably injured. The Hon. Baronet con curre d i n t h e prayer of the petition. NEW WRIT FOR LINLITHGOW. Mr. GILLON said that he rose to address the House upon a sub. ject which involved its privileges. He understood that a new writ had been moved for the County of Linlithgow, on the ground that Mr. Hope had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. Ile was informed that the date of the application fur the Chiltern Hundres was the 7th of the present month. He understood also that the signature was not filled in the hand writing of the Honourable Member himself. AS the Honourable Member had left the country sometime there were no means of ascertaining whether the signature was that of the Honourable Member or not. lie had therefore to present a petition praying that the issuing of the writ might be suspended, in order that time might be given for a communicetion with Mr. Hope. He would present the petition and move that it be printed with the votes and taken into consideration to-morrow. He moved that in the meantime the issuing of the writ be suspended. The SPEAKER said it would have been much more regular if the Hon. Member had got another Hon. Member to present the petition. Mr. HUME suggested that as it was clearly irregular, the Hon. Member should withdraw his petition. The SPEAKER said there was ne rule upon the question, but it would clearly be more convenient if the old usage were adhered.to. Sir G. CLERK—As he. had moved the writ he trusted he might be enabled to render such explanations to the Hon. Member as would ren der his motion unnecessary. At all events, as the appointment had re gularly taken place, so far as that House was concerned the matter was at an end, and there was no reason for the delay in issuing the writ. The day before Captain Hope lett the country, knowing his absence was likely to be protracted, and not wishing to deprive his Constituents of a Representative, he had asked him how lie should act. He (Sir G. C.) told him either to authorise any friend or relation to apply for the Chil. tern Hundreds, or to write a letter to the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself. Captain Hope wrote that letter, which was left wills his brother ; it was afterwards put into his (Sir George Clerke's) hand, with a request that he should go down to the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and he acted in compli ance with that request.—(Cries of" the date.") If a Member of Parlia ment stated in his place—(Loud cries of" Hear, hear," from the Tories) certain facts that had come under his own knowledge he did not know why they should be doubted.—(Cheers from the Tories.) What he had stated was on his own responsibility as a Member of Parliament. Mr. PRYME considered that upon the Hon. Baronet' s own .showine there had been no acceptance of the office. There had been only a solici tude to get it; no acceptance. The office had been granted but Capt. Hope might have changed his mind, and not accepted it. Sir G. CLERK said that, if an lion. Member asked an individual to apply for that office, and it was granted by the Ch ancellor of the Exchequer the uniform practice was to consider that he had accepted it. Mr. HUME said the motion that had been put from the Chair was on the ground that the Chiltern Hundreds had b een accepted. The Speaker had therefore put a question without having any document to be fore s the day iad been warrant it.— (Cries of " Oh, oh , " from the Conserv atives.) Mr. he G sailed,. had .HOPE tO said m t h h e e l h i oaide written igentlr suchfor a Linlithgow,tera de scribed by his Hon Friend, and that it had been left with his brother, the lion. Charles Hope. Captain Hope had also expressed to him his desire to obtain and accept the Chiltern Hundreds.—(Flear, hear.) Mr. FIUME— Will the Honourable Member state on what day that was.—(Cries of " No, no," from the Tories.) Mr. HOPE.—The date was the 6th of May, and he sailed on the 7th. Mr. E. J. STANLEY said, as he understood, the case was this. An application was written by Mr. Hope, and left in the hands of his friend for the office at a time thus might be convenient. It was left blank, without any date. That blank had been filled up since Cap tain Hope had left the country, and therefore they had no reason to know whether the Honourable Member might not have changed his wind since. —(Hear, and ironical cheers from the Conservatives.) The House could not know whether other circumstances might not have arisen since the letter was written, which might make it desirable to the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman to retain his seat. It was for the House to consider whether there was any informality in its own proceed ings which might require that a resolution should be altered. He sub. mitted that the mere fact that a place had been applied for,:and that the application had been acceded to, was sufficient to establish the accep tance, and to require the issue of the writ. Sir T. FREMANTLE thought that when the place was granted upon any gentleman's application, he ceased to be a Member of the House. It was a mere quibble to raise an objection to the 155110 of the writ, be. cause there had not been a formal acceptance of the place after the appointment,—(Hear, hear.) Sir R. H. INGLIS said that assuredly the appointment of any Member to an office under the Crown would not vacate his seat, without his acceptance of the office. Put when the office was conferred in c,msc quence (Atha Member's own application, for the purpose of' vacating his seat, he (Sir R. Inglis) did not see how there could be any obstacle to the issuing of the new writ.—(Hear, hear.) Sir J. GRA HAM said that when he had the honour to represent the city of Carlisle, a vacancy occurred for the county of Cumberland, and he applied for the Chiltern Hundreds in order that he might stand for the county ; but the appointment did not reacts him in Cumberland until the day before the election ; but his acceptance of the office was considered as perfect, and his seat for Carlisle as completely vacated as if he hat sent in a formal acceptance.—(Hear, hear ) Mr. O'CONNELL hoped that his Hon. Friend would withdraw his motion.—(Hear, hear.) He thought this case was ana'ogous to that of a mercantile man, who had given an order for goods, which were there ' upon shipped to his consignment.—(Year, hear.) In such a case the contract was complete, and the goods were as much his property, as if he had given a receipt for them.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. GILLON then withdrew his motion. Sir R. PEEL presented a petition from a place, the name of which we could not learn, praying fur an a'teration in the law respecting felonies. Mr. CLAY presented a petition from certain watermen, prayi;:g for a Bill for the better regulation of steamers on the River Thames. Mr. O'CONNELL presented a great number of petitions for the abo lition of the system of Negro apprenticeship. Mr. GILLON presented a petition from Dumfermline to the same effect. Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Labouchere, and Sir Stratford Canning, severally gave notice of motions, but from the noise and confusion which prevailed in the House we were unable to ascertain on what subjects. SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS IN LOWER CANADA. Mr. LEADER wished to put a question to the Noble Lord, the Secretary of State for the Home Department. It was commonly re ported that another Act had been carried by the Government in Lower Canada, which was wholly uncalled for. He was informed that the Habeas Corpus Act had been suspended in Lower Canada until the 24th of AuglAtt, and he wished to ask if that was the cam ? Lord J. RUSSELL was understood to say, that the disturbed state of Lower Canada had compelled the Government of that province to sus pend the operation of the Habeas Corpus Act until August next. Mr. LEADER wished to know if the Government meant to bring in a Bill of Indemnity fur these unconstitutional proceedings. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said these proceedings were within the powers of the Act of Parliament. NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP. The Order of the Day for taking into consideration the resolutions relative to the Negro Apprenticeship in the Vest Indies having bceu read, Sir GEORGE GREY said that in rising in pursuance of a notice given on Thursday night by a Noble Friend near him, lie deeply felt the responsibility which pressed upon him. It had devolved upon him, as the official representative in that House of that de partment of the Government with which the subject of those resolutions he had to propose was more immediately connected, to ask the House to adopt the resolutions which the Government felt it their duty, under the circumstances of the question, to pro pose. He felt that responsibility deeply, not from any doubt of the justice, expediency, or the humanity of the course which the Government had felt it their duty to adopt, and if he had any hesitation as to the propriety of the course which he felt it his duty now to recommend for the adoption of the House, it was owing to the magnitude of the in terests connected with this questiOn—interests, as the Hon. Baronet had properly expressed it, not of a pecuniary nature only, not of a subordi nate character however important in themselves, but affecting the pre. sent and future welfare of hundreds of thousands of our fellow sub. jects—objects of the solicitude of that country and of Parliament, who had long been subject to degradation and oppression, and who were now in a state of transition from that t, the possession and enjoyment of the privileges of British subjects and freemen. The discussions that had already taken place both in that House and elsewhere had been kept free from the admixture of any party feeling. It had been discussed and considered by risen of all parties, differing widely in political sen. timents, with reference exclusively to those interests which it was their duty as Members of the Imperial Legislature to con sider, and which they should never sacrifice to external threats, or even the injudicious zeal of honest advocates against the better judgment of that House. He would not waste the time of this House by adverting to allusions that had been made else where with respect to the conduct of Government upon that question. He would not allude to the language that had been used elsewhere, fur ther than to say that he remembered in that House hearing one of the most eloquent speakers cn behalf of the immediate abolition of slavery utter one of the most impressive protests against mixing up that question with political feelings—(Cheers) —and for party purposes. When he considered that a similar stand had been made in another place by a Gallant Friend of his, he could not feel that there was any necessity for him to enter into the objections and observations that had been made elsewhere. He would, therefore, pass over that subject, merely ob set ring that he had seen in the Newspapers of the day, a letter from one of the greatest and strongest advocates against slavery— who had not feared to come' forward, and boldly expressed his sentiments in defiance of one who had come forward for the purpose of discrediting the cause. It would be in the recollection of the House that after the subject had engaged much of the attention of the country, after public meetings had been held in the metropolis, and after a me morial had been presented to Government, which had been laid on the table of the House—after meetings had been held in different parts of the country for the purpose of influencing the decision of the House. A motion had been brought forward on the 29th of March by his Honourable Friend the Member for Yorkshire. That motion led to a protracted discussion. The debate was prolonged to a late hour on the second night ; when after every argument had been exhausted the House came to what he believed to be a deliberate decision upon the question submitted for its consideration. There were present upon that occasion no less than 498 Members, of whom 271 voted for the amendment he had the honour to propose, while 217 voted for the motion of the Honourable Member for Yorkshire, leaving a majority of 54, the expressed sense of the House against the motion, and in favour of the proposition which he had brought forward on behalf of the Government. That proposition was afterwards embodied in a Bill to which the House had given its assent, upon the prin. ciple that to the extent to which the contract had been vio lated the Parliament would give a remedy; but that to proceed to a greater extent would be to connnit an act of injustice. The Bill founded upon that proposition embraced every remedy which had occurred to the Government, or which had been suggested in that House. Not a single division had taken place either upon the principle or the details of the Bill, the Parliament thus broadly asserting that it would be unjust, impolitic, and unwise to interfere with a so lemn decision of the Parliament upon so important a question. A division certainly slid take place in the Committee, but it was upon a clause proposed by the Honourable Member for Ho. triton to terminate the apprenticeship in the Island of Jamaica on the Ist of August, because, as his argument was that the cases of cruelty had been fully made out with respect to that Island. Upon that occasion the Abolitionists again shewed their whole strength, but were again defeated by a large majority. The Govern ment, their, had a right to inter, that after two solemn expressions of the opinion of the House, the matter would not be seriously brought before the House. The Bill having been passed, was at once sent out to the West Indies, where, he had no doubt, it was in action and beneficial operation. The Honourable Baronet opposite gave notice that he would again submit the subject to Parliament on the Ist of May, but it was afterwards postponed to the 22ild, a period which rendered it utterly impossible to carry the intentions of the Abolitionists into effect. Under these circumstances there was an evident indifference on the part of this House to enter into a protrated debate upon a proceeding which had been solemnly decided upon twice within a few weeks. There was evidently a general impression throughout the House that this question would not be seriously proceeded in, and this resolution wasadopted not in a House of 488 Members, but in one only of 193. Had this been a question merely of domestic concern—had this been a question which involved only some affairs effecting th s country, lie cer tainly should not have thought it necessary to invite the re considera tion of this question, with the view of clearing up any doubt on what might attach to its real meaning. If the Hon. Baronet himself had submitted to the House a practical measure founded on that resolution, being the only means by which the negroes could derive benefits therefrom, the decision of the House might have been obtained on the motion for leave to introduce the Bill, or some of its subsequent stages, and it would not have been necessary for Govern ment to originate any measure to remove that uncertainty which might exist elsewhere, where the consequences of uncertainty might be disastrous and ruinous. An explicit abandoom Int of any in tention to propose a Bill founded on that resolution would have been an almost express avowal of the circumstances under which the resolution was adopted. It would have been an ac knowledgment that the Hon. Baronet had no confidence in the majority which fortuitous circumstances had thrown into his hand; and that con viction must have pressed on his mind, or he would not have delayed the introduction of such a measure. But a course had been taken by the lion. Baronet, looking at the result of which he could not shut his eyes to the fact, that it was the best course to keep alive uncertainty where uncertainty was the greatest evil that could exist. There was another, and an equally important, consideration, as proving the neces sity of the interference of Parliament on the present occasion. He alluded to tine declaration which had somewhat ostenta ti°us'Y been put forth, that intelligence was sent out immediately to the colonies of the result of the division on the motion of the Hon. Baronet, who, lie was glad to understand had not taken part in sending the communication. But it was announced by the Noble and Learned Lord, who presided recently at a public meeting upon this sub. jest, and the statement was made as if for the purpose of showing that no measure could proceed which was not founded upon that de. cision—true communications sent out was that the House of Com mons decided in favour of immediate emancipation, and he did not wish to put a harsh interpretation upon the conduct of those who, he must say, however good their intentions, had practised a delusion upon the negroes, which would lead them to eapee what could not be effected without an Act of both Houses of Par liament. It was a duty from which this House he trusted would not shrink, to let the negroes know what were the laws under which they were to remain for sometime longer, however short that period was. His objections to the continuance of the misapprehension on this subject were derived from all the accounts which he had received from the Colonies, and which convinced him that the most unfortunate effects mu st follow if the misapprehensions were not removed, He knew, in eked, that there were a body of men in the Colonies whose conduct entitled them to all praise—(Hear, hear)—he meant the Mission aries (as we understood) in connection with the Church of England. Those men were using efforts to counteract the injudicious zeal of cer tain friends of the negroes, and were urging upon every loan to impress upon the negro the necessity of obedience to the laws as long as they re mained in force. The Right Hon. Gentleman then read a document signed by the Secretary of the Missionary Society, to the effect that every effort should be used to induce the negroes to pay obedience to the laws. They therefore urged on the real friends of the apprentices, whatever might be their opinion of the system, to refrains from any tumultuous or disorderly expressions of their dissatisfaction, and to press on them their patient submission to the law, so long as it remained unaltered. He attached the greatest weight to this letter; it was not only the Wesleyan missionaries wino had so expressed themselves ; this very mail had brought him accounts from one of the most active Baptist missiona ries. He believed they entertained the opinions which the Hon. Baronet opposite entertained, but they were too holiest and too sincere in th:_ir friendship to the negroes to foster any delusion in their minds, or to lead them to entertain a false impression as to the proceedings of Parliament in regard to them. At a meeting of 2,000 apprentices at Salter's Hills St. James's, resolutions were unanimously adopted, that the appr entices were willing t o wor k f or their masters so long as the present law continued, although they would rather be free.—(Hear.) the had also received a Colonial Newspaper by the same mail, and which contained similar statements. What he had stated on a for mer occasion had been repeated at meetings, that the negroes were At for emancipation. He would be the last man to retract any expression of credit due to them, and he might add the unjust suffering to which they had been exposed might in some degree enhance that credit, and he was sure that there was not a Member of this or the other House who would refuse a tribute of approbation to their conduct, which had been beyond all praise. Th o se were not the only gentlemen of that persuasion who had taken the course to which he had referred, for he found in the same paper a report of several meetings in regard to education. s u b s equently to one of those meetings it was stated on the following Sunday that the Rev. Mr. Bluebell preached. to a numerous congregation of negroes.ln that sermon he alluded to the remarks that had gone abroad. He denied in explicit terms that they were correct, and guarded the people aga inst them. He explained the difference of the abolition law, and told them that the responsible administration of the law was placed in the hands of the officers of the Government, to whom alone they were to look for protection and support.—(Hear.) He enjoined them, therefore, when they heard reports with reference to the question of a determination of apprenticeshi to mention it to the spec:al magistrates. He stated that they had a'ready borne half their apprenticeship, and nothing would give him and his friends greater satisfaction than to know that they would behave rhemselves well for the next two years. He told them not to excite their feelings., and advised them to believe no report affect ing their interest other than what the Magistrates told them.—(Hear.) Therefore it was that he looked with less apprehension at the hasty and injurious, and if he was to go the length of the newspapers, he would say criminal and wretched attempt to impose on the negroes, by declaring that they werofrec. The Government had sent out circulars to tho. different Governors of these Colonies, for the purpose of giving them more authentic information as to the real state of the case, telling them to persuade the people not by troops, which it had been falsely stated had been tent to coerce them, but by those rguments and that reason to which their growing intelligence had rendered them susceptible. He would ask the Government to interpose and second the laudable efforts of these mon, mare especially when the Hon. Baronet had declared that it was not his intention to bring in any Bill during the present Session of Parliament founded on these resolutions. Ho now called upon the House to adhere to its former determination on the subject. He asked them not to be scared by the fear of upholding slavery. That question had been already settled. He would put out of the question the intervening period between the present time and 1840, and he would ask them was it worth while to keep alive a state of excite ment which could only inflict sorrow and punishment on those whom the Hon. Baronet and his friends wished to serve ? He must say that the view in which this question was placed before the country was not a fair one—the abolition of slavery was kept out of view altogether. The question was now between amelioration and abolition, as had been represented—not between apprenticeship and slavery—the question was now purely one of time, and by the indecision of the Hon. Baronet it had now dwindled down to one-half the former period. He would ask them whether it was worth while to agitate the question when the energies of Parliament might be directed to a much better purpose—to the amelioration of the apprentices' present condition, and the establish ment of such a social system in the colonies as would secure them last ing prosperity ? Voluntary manumission was now taking place in many of the colonies, and he must repeat his opinion that any direct legisla tion on the subject wou:d be highly injurious to its continuation or in crease. On the other hand, he thought the frequent expre.sion of opi nion in this country would tend to promote it. In Jamaica, although things had not gone on in that island as well as could be wished, yet even there Sir L. Smith, the Governor, had proposed to the House of Assem bly an Act for the purpose of carrying out more effectually the Abolition Act of the Imperial Parliament, and that Act had been agreed to. It was now passed and in operation, a fact which proved that the opinion of his country had had its proper weight in the colonies.—(Hear.) He might be charged with inconsistency in deprecating interference by the Impe rial Parliament, and at the same time encouraging it in the local Legis. lature; but the difference was manifest ; the members of the local Le gislature possessed themselves the means of shortening the apprentice. ship, while the Imperial Parliament would merely be wasting time in forcing on a measure which must be founded on a vio!ation of national faith. The second of theresolutions which he should have the honour to propose would declare the opinion of the House that no means should be omitted that could tend to secure to the negroes their full privileges as secured by the Abolition Act, and went further to declare that the anxie us attention of the House should be directed to their condition at the time of the expiration of the apprenticeship—a period which he held to be the most important subject for consideration. These were facts of the greatest importance, which could not fail to present themselves to the House, and to which the attention of Parliament could be beneficially directed, and when the time should come the Go vernment would ask the House to concur in whatever measures might be necessary for securing the permanent well-being' of the negro popu lation. Education was one subject of the greatest importance.—(Elear, hear.) He had laid before the House at an early period of the Session the report of the intelligent inspector of negro schools, in which was to be found a detailed account of the state of education, and of the means now in operation for a xtending it. The report for the Windward and Leeward Islands had also arrived, and would when printed be laid on the table. Another question was the criminal and civil discipline and the proper and effectual administration of justice, all questions to which the anxious attention of Government must be directed and in which the assistance of Parliament would be required. Thera was one other consideration to which he must allude, and on which he could not better express the opinion of Government than by quoting one of the dispatches of Lnrd Glenelg. That Noble Lord stated that " it is the opinion of Government that the great and cardinal prin ciple of the law is that the period of apprenticeship should be succeeded by freedom in the sense of the term applied to the other subjects of her Majesty." This should be the basis of all legislation, and without it no hope could be entertained of giving happiness to the colonies. He would trouble the House with but one more observation, and that was suggested by reading the speech of one of those itine rant orators—he did not mean the term offensively—who had been addressing public meetings in different parts of the country. That gentleman stated that a reason for being more anxious about the question - was that its fate would have a powerful influence on the continuance of slavery in the United States. Now he (Sir G. Grey) quite agreed with Mr. Thompson on this point. He believed that the eyes of many nations were at this moment fixed on the conduct of England, on the great experiment now in progress in our colonies ; and he believed that the successful result of that experiment would go far to detet mine whether slavery would be abolished in the IJnitedStates, or continued for an indefinite period. He believed that the faith of the country was pledged alike to the negro anti the planter for the carrying out of that experiment ; and he earnestly hoped that nothing might be done which might obstruct its successful termination. He calk(' on the House to adhere to their former resolution, and not to foster the delusion at present so industriously spread. He knew that in recommending that course he was urging one which some I•Ion. Members might find it difficult to follow, not from any opposi tion on their own impartial judgments, but from the persuasions of those who were influenced by a mistaken sympathy. He had great hopes that the division to-night would confirm that resolution, in which case lie could assure the House they might calculate on the hearty co operation of the most influential West Indian proprietors. He had had several communications with those gentlemen, and he could answer for their cordial disposition to co-operate, to the fullest extent, in carrying into effect the wishes and intentions of the Parliament and the coun. try. Having so frequently trespassed on the House on this question, and so fully expressed his views on former occasions, he was now unwil ling to enter into any very minute details, anti he would rest it on the necessity there was of relieving the colonies from a state of uncertainty which might be attended with very dangerous results. He asked the House to carry those resolutions. He asked them in the fullest confidence that that course would be most consistent with jus tice and good faith, and with the dictates of an enlightened and be nevolent humanity.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet then moved the following resolutions :—" 1. That in order to prevent the injurious consequences which may follow from the intentions of Parliament being left in doubt, and in order to maintaia the peace and welfare of the colonies, it is necessary to declare that, in the opinion of this House, it is not advisable to adopt any proceeding for the purpose of giving effect to the resolution of the 22,1 of May. 2. That this House, at the same time, declares its opinion that no means should be omitted which can tend to secure to the negro population of her Ma jesty's colonies the privileges to which they arc entitled under the Act for the abolition of slavery, and under the Act for the amendment of the Slavery Abolition Act ; and, further, that the anxious attention of this House will be directed to the state and condition of the negro popu lation when the expiration of the term ofapprenticeship shall have en titled them to the full enjoyment of entire freedom." The resolutions having been put to the House by the SPEAKER, Sir EARDLEY WILMOT rose and addressed the House, but from the low tone of voice in which he spoke was frequently inaudible in the gallery. We understood him to say, that if there was ever an occasion on which any Member of that House had to claim its indulgence, it was now, having to strive against all the powers of eloquence and argument of the Hon. Baronet the tinder Secretary to the Colonies ; but he would endeavour to reply to some of them. First, with respect to party and political feelings having been mixed up in this case, he most conscienti ously declared that political feelings had nothing to do with the question, and so far as he was personally concerned, he most conscientiously said that nothing but the desire to promote the national justice had induced him to take the course which he had pursued—(Hear)--but having in 1833 declared his opinion that the proposed apprenticeship laws would be quite contrary to the interests of the slaves, and that they ought to be placed oil precisely the same footing with the English free labourer, he had felt himself bound now to advocate (because of the negroes. In 1833 he had requested the House to rescind the vote which they had given that twenty millions should be appropriated to the emancipation of the slaves, and to adopt a sum of fifteen millions as the amount, wills a view to securing the object which he then had, but in that he was unsuccess ful ; and having now been required by his own constituents to bring forward this question, and having been required also to present a peti. lion, lie had declared his intention to make a motion for the immediate abolition of the system, which had been adopted. He had thought it his duty to make that declaration, and nothing but illness would have induced him to delay bringing forward the motion ; but indisposition had precluded the possibility of his taking that course which he had in tended, and then the Hon. Member for Yorkshire had anticipated his intention, and had introduced a proposition having a similar object to the House. No sooner, however, had his health been restored than his motion was again placed on the votes of the House for the Bth May. Previously to that day, however, he found that an immense number of petitions were in the course of preparation, and he therefore de layed his motion until they should have been laid on the table of the House. In answer. therefore, to the Honourable Baronet he begged to state that that alone was the reason which had Induced him to delay bringing forward his motion until the 22:1 of May. He thought that there was no man in that House who would say that the Government were taken at all at surprise on the 22d of May. The mo tion was for a long time on the books, and he must now express his as tonishment that after the very able speech of the Hon. Member for fen. colts, after the question had been argued the other evening, no one was found in the House ready to rise and to controvert the opinions which he had expressed. There were many Hon. Members present who were his opponents on this question, but all were silent. After that debate had closed he never for a moment doubted what would be the result of the division ; and he had to complain that the Noble Lord (Lord Joins Russell), in his absence, had stated his intention to oppose any mea sure which he might propose to the House. That declaration cer tainly did startle him, and in consequence of it he was induced to be lieve it necessary not to rest on Isis own views alone, but to take the opinion of other Gentlemen as to the course which he should pur sue. He did not, tor himself, doubt what should be done, but he thought it better to ask those Gentlemen their opinion before he should take any step on his osvn responsibility, and which might involve them in the consequences of what might be deemed his rashness. Having been called upon, therefore, be the Noble Lord to state what mode of proceeding he intended to adopt, he on Thurs. day said that he did not wish then to give an opinion, but that he would wait until a few days had passed. Being pressed by the House, how ever, he stated on Friday that it was not his intention to take any steps on the resolutions which had been agreed upon. The Noble Lord however, stated also that the Government did not propose to call Upon the House to annul those resolutions, and that he must say was the point between them, because he thought that it was for the benefit of the cause that the Government should adopt those proceedings best cal. culated to secure its welfare, in preference to any proposition coming from him, although, at the same time lie reserved to himself the right of in troduce any measure which might seem to him to be calculated to secure the object which he had in view. The question between them, therefore, was, not what svas to be done, but who was to do it ; and he thought it was the duty of the Government to bring the Bill into the House en tirely to put aside and repeal the law as it now stood, and to do now in 1838 that which the Hon. Baronet opposite had said must be done ill 1840. Being of opinion, then, that the Government should have performed this duty, and being certain also that the Government would not allow the resolutions to remain On the books of the House, it was his wish to force the Ministers to make some motion on the sub ject, anti then came the Hon. Baronet, and by the resolutions which he now proposed he thought to satisfy the House. When the Noble Lord first referred to the resolutions which were intended to be proposed, he (Sir Eardley Wilmot) conceived that he had borrowed from him, but it was clear that the interpretation which was put on his resolutions was of a different character to that which he imagined they bore, the motion before the House not being to annul those resolutions ; rna he must point out to the Houee that if they adopted these resolutions they would in effect stultify themselves, by suffering those which were already on the books to remain undisturbed. The Honourable Baronet !night say that they did not mean to rescind those reso lutions, but they would allow them to stand. But why should they allow them to stand if they did not intend to act upon them 7 They might by a new proposition erase these from the journals of the House, but they could never blot these out from the hearts of the people, and if they attempted to do so they would inflict on them a wound which they could not cure or remove.—(Hear, hear.) The question now before the House, however, was, not whether the ap. prenticeship system should be abolished, but whether the House would wish to rescind those resolutions which they had allowed to pass. He knew what might be said with reference to the adopting a measure one day and rescindin it the next, b u t th ere were a b un d a nce of precede n t s g for such a course, and If the House would only look bask they wonl d find that questions had been frequently so dealt with. They might re member the motion of the lion and Ll artmed Member for Dublin in reis r el:cc to the Irish Church, which was agreed to, but after a few days wan rescinded ; and they might also call to recollection the motion of an Honourable Member on the subject of the malt tax, which, after having been carried on Friday, was rescinded on the following Tues day. Now, as to the resolutions already adopted, the Honour able Baronet had said that the House was at liberty to decide one" the question one way or the other; but he totally denied that the motion of the 29th of alarcls was the same in terms as that of the eed of May. On the .2d of May he called en the House for the aleeition of negro apprenticeship and the House having divided, the resolution was carried; and wha t was now the object of the Honourable Baronet ? In order to mak e . up the difference between the two s e t s o f reso l u tions which h ad bsen submitted to the House—the one passive, the other active —he brought forward another set, which was neuter ; to that the House W . s . to have three sets of resolutions on this su bj ec t, an d the next ' might bring news like that which yesterday came from Barbadoes, csll ing upon the Government to assist them in carrying into effect the views which the planters might entertain, and then there must be another fresh resolution, in order that the Honorable Baronet might take soule steps in obedience to their desires ; so that there must be four resold' tions, north, south, cast, and west, on the four points of the weather cock, to undo everything that was done.—(A laugh.) There was aue thee point to which he would refer, and that was the public meet in g s which had been held ; and he beg g ed t o sa y th a t h e h a d studiously avoided attending any meetings, that he had only been at one, and that subse quently to his bringing his motion forward, while he had been only once at Exeter Hall, and then he presided as chairman. He, however, •":":1 almost invariably declined attendi ng mee ti ngs, b ecause he Woul d not have it thrown in his teeth, that he did anything apart from his own feelings as an independent Member of Far : liament. In that character alone did h e ac t , an d th e r espons ibility of all the measures that he brought forwa:d rested on himself alone. regard to the allegation that he had not given an answer to the Noble Lord until after the resolutions had been agreed to at a public meeting, he must say that he was quite ignorant of the intention to hold such 3 meeting, or to propose such resolutions, and all he had heard of it wa a from a gentleman who said to him, " What do you think ? Ther e 113 : been a flare-up between Mr. Handley and Lord Brougham !"---s(•' laugh.) He had no doubt that a Bill ought to be brought in at ounc e, and he had never expressed his intention to give up the subject Ill" this Session, but he had said that lie would reserve himself for oth' r . circumstances. Those circumstances had n o w occurre d, and lie innst say, that if these resolutions were negatived, and the amendment which he intended to propose should be carried, he would be ready immediately to introduce a Bill, and its provisions would be to carry out the resolution of the 22d of May, including all those clauses necessary for the security of the negro and of the master, as well as for the safety of the West Indies generally, placing the negroes in the pcsiti e , 3 of the free labourers of En g l a nd ; an d if , on th e con trary, amendment should be negatived, he was determined to do all in his power to carry out the opinions expressed in those resolutions. Tit er ; was only one other remark with which he would trouble the House, and that was with regard to the information being conveyed to the West In dies of the proceedings of the etild of May, and he hoped that the Ho n ' , i Baronet would do him the justice to say that hi s on l y o bj ec t was to sv cure for the slaves that justice only to w hi c h th e y were en titled, an d that he would take no means which could be considered as improper i 3 his endeavours to procure that object. He was not a party, nor had he consented in any way to the information being conveyed out to the colo nies; and if his advice been asked upon the subject, he must say that, he should have expressed his opinion th a t nothi ng s h ou ld be done whi e " would tend to excite the negroes,or give them hopes which there were " et grounds to suppose would be realized. Having offered these observa tions to the House, he would beg to propose an amendment to the re'?" lotion of the Hon. Baronet. It was—l` That it is the opinion of thi4. , House that the resolution passed on the 9.2 d of May should be car ried into effect, by means of a legislative enactment, in order to provid e mode of securing the security of the colonies, and to promote the v " fare and good conduct of the negro population, and to obtain for tea the full enjoyment of their liberty." Mr. VILLIERS did not undervalue the Slavery Abolition .Ante' meta Act, but he doubted whether it was calculated to carry the bene v t lent intentions of its framers into effe c t. If th e same sys t em of mat" treatment with respect to the labourers which had been practised si nce the passing of the Abolition Act were to be continued for two Ye l l • longer the worst consequences were t o b e expecte d . Th e i nten tion ° the House with respect to the Ab o liti on A ct could not be carr ied int 9 effect, for if the Justices created under the Act had the will they were deficient in the power of doing so. In mercy even to the apprenticed. themselves they could not inflict the fines on those proprietors who ha violated the law.—(Hear, h ear .) Wi t h respect to the am entlmea't ur the Abolition Act, it rather served to irritate than to soothe the the irritation which previously exi s t e d b e t ween t h e apprent i ces and et proprietors, at the same time th a t it s prov i s i ons could never be carT iy . into effect. It had only introduced new e l emen t s o f di scor d, esPeel3. ,e in that provision which gave to the a pp ren ti ce th e pecun i ar y penalty t j , fueled on the master. Again, the int ercourse w hi c h necessarily toob place between the apprentices who are bound until 1840 and those 'l es , are to be emancipated in August must tend to make the former te st ,,,, and discontented. Immediate emancipation would alter the rela'',e position of the proprietors and the a pp ren ti ces, an d would crzAtilci between them that sense of mut ua l d e p en d ence b y w hi c h a lt ina nj "o were so much influenced. It was not mere b enevo l ence w hich peo rn s P o f the proprietors of Antigua to emanc ip a t e th e i r s l aves, b u t a sene -„iie their own interest. They found that only one-third of the slave was available, and by emancipation they gained the other two-tila It had been deliberated in Ba r b a d oes a b out t wo mont h s a go wh et wa , advantage would not accrue f rom i mme di a t e emanc i pat i on , and ltrrieell probable that before another month el a p se d th e p l an wou ld be e e ' into execution.—(Hear, hear.) Th ere were two p r i nc iples admitted the Abolition Act :—First, that if th e apprent i ce s howed bin"or to be aggrieved by the master he should be entitled to immediate en:roil pation, and next. that where the compact was found to operat e aae the cushy towards the negro popul a ti on th e i r h app i ness s h ou ld be mad primary consideration. The principle of the Bill was to serve then io that and those who opposed immediate em an cip a ti on were b oun d t° it would operate injuriously towards the apprentices. ; re of t he Mr. BARRON felt that lie was taking the unpopular stel e e r► question, but, were it so, he would not shrink f r o m the fulfilment .• ,4 contract, to the fulfilment of which the House was pledged by mole the bond than a solemn Act of the Legislature. The agreement wit h slave proprietors was, that the former should give freedom to their slaves in 1840; and for this they received an equivalent, partly' t" money and partly in the continued service of the slaves as apprentices -(Hear, hear.) lle felt the contract to be a most solemn one, arid. acting conscientiously upon that feeling, it was his solemn duty N , oppose any re.opening of a question which had been so fully concluel'eff , A man of great talents in another place had endeavoured to excite the' bad passions of the country upon this question, for the purpose of creat ing an ill feeling against the friends with whom he had formerly acted- It was much to be regretted that that Noble and Learned Lord had used his great and admitted talents in such a way. Wiwi the NoVe and Learned Lord denounced the Members of that House. fo r the conscientious and constitutional discharge of their doey, Ij e (Mr. Barron) would not hesitate to say that such coml./let Ica: both unconstitutional and disgraceful.—(Hear, hear.) The - Noble 3 n" . Learned Lord ought to have been aware limit his advice would not followed by any party in either House. Ile must have beep, aware than the public would not give credit for purity of motive to so rapid a trait; I sition from one extremity to another, and the Members of that could well affsrd to endure the taunts of a man, however talented, w u haul thus run round all the points of the political compass. Such at, l tacks would pass by them as the idl e w i n d, w hi c h they regar ded not, and , 0 he would tell the Noble and Lea rne d L or d f r om hi s place in tl ' ch House, that for himself h e d esp i se d b o th hi s t a unts a" his threats. The Noble end L earne d L or d h a d f o ll owe d . the tide of P ° l;l , ie larity, and not argued upon principle, if principle he had army. soices , had no personal interest in th e quest i on; on the contrary, the Part but he took would be displeasi ng t o a port i on of his constituen ts, , should be unworthy of a sea ti n that House if he permittedsuets consideration to influence his conscientious opinion. for Mr. Sergeant JACKSON having voted with the Hon. Me nthe!. Warwickshire would of course oppose the proposition of the 1-o¢r Baronet opposite. Sl avery under any modification could be no , matt of compact between any two parties, more especially when a tisird P a T rt i , Y ; and the party most of all interested, had not been consueted. l „ e r Hon. Gentleman h a d a d m i tted that the proprietors vie ' eate d the ~,f which formed the b as i s o f the alleges! compact, and added that if t t e " t ,,t did not alter th e i r con d uct he would on some future teay aclvocat e 4 . t ee emancipation. If the prop r i e t ors h a d not fulfilled. their part 9s-- contract how could they expect that this country would observe " (Hear, hear.) e rid Mr. HUTTON th oug ht it wou ld b e better both for the master' the apprentices to allow th e given time to expire, and let the seP a ' -' e 1" be as amicable as possible. Sir CHARLES GREY d en i e d th e position of the Hon and r '—,,a,salse Member for Bandon, wh o argued first that it w as i mpos sible t° ,4 personal liberty a subject of compact, and neeet that those most were parties to the compact so made. Now such coristracts:.___ been recognised over and over again by the statutes of the real . n w o (No, no, from Mr. O'Connell.) No Was it possible that th en h e re another lawyer in the House who could make such an assert:son- efir were fifty statutes on the books recognising property in. slave s ' oat was at a loss to discover the reasons of the Hon. Member fist. Band °ll i ie vir was at a loss to conceive how any lawyer in the Haase c ould , peg' have maintained such an argument. lie considered it far mo re it o r vial for the negro population that the law should be rataintained• and present existed. On the Ist of August, ISK4B, forty th , ° t hat non-predial slaves would be liberated, and h e though' ted to vacillating conduct on the part of the Legislature might be ea l3 , e Ow foment insurrection. Let not this great experiments—Streit a °I I the not on the pages of history—be frustrated by any plan similar .e°ool.ll one proposed by the party opposite. The horrors of st. Dorning ° t die to be a lesson, and the people ought not to be allowed to think tii3 a na House would unsay one week that which it said the Week before' so lose the respect of the country, Mr. Sergeant JACKSON exoleinel Mr. WA RD said that lime less t the proceeded upon the v e ld tion the better. Es:petience had taught them that; but if it 0°1 ' 1 ; 00 1; inte rest acted upon its any case this was the case. Resolutions never eision operate with the effect of law, and in this case he thought the " e- s atale of the Government was come to most unhappily. In 1840 the the difficulties would arise that would arise now, and the feeling.f l tivf country demanded that the r eso l u ti on s h ou ld b e followed by a legl-eiliale enactment. No man more th an hi mse lf would oppose the jil t ' 4 ,7 ' 4 emancipation, if by immediate emancipation it was to be u n l e reo" that it should be effected without the necessary attention to the in of all grades of society in the colonies. sisoe n , Mr. E. ELLICE thought that the law might be altered, eanehet'' even with good f a i t h , b ut w hi ch was not the question in view- i T iy 4 11°- not be producti ue o f any benefit, but he thought if there were I"' d pre the t° tion to decide it wou ld b e one more of compensation than 0"f i l ie d. r e. the negro popul a ti on. Wh en h e looked at the su bj ec t which rs „ ; ae; cluced so much ex c it emen t—h e would not say clamour—for he ed thised with the feeling, and thought the Legislature was boun d p t i o cu rtie• to the feeling out o f d oors —h e cou l d not but contemplate its' able He would remove th e l as t t races and obliterate the most a b Th. system that ever di sgrace d soc i ety. He would no t aPP the offensive epithet to those to opposed the settlement be bail question as it was originally intended to be settled, be atotddi long before looked at the difficulties of time case, and i ,,,,tend et. have them take into consideration the difficulties to h e c " re."' with by those whose duty it was to mature the'original Tuea-ciu, (Hear.) The social state of the West Indies must be collai•dereset, laws had had to be framed for the maintenance of the lame, the indigt'es the sick, such; as civilized society was already provided with h Y e l : f eurmil lie institutions. At the expiration of the period if tire apiTeentl cottes4 he had been employed by a hard task-master, as a matter of _ _ lr if an able.bodied man, he would not work for that changes were not easily to be provided for. A vagrancy la‘c ha of have to be also passed, which was not easily done when th s were it of the people of twenty colonies were to be consulted. Law - ev o nly. made so readily. Besides which they were not British coloni:b.._t, but Dutch, Spanish, and French ; the peculiarities of time inhabitants of of all must be considered. There might be no difficulty Jamaica Havannah, but it would be different in other colonies. In an d it was said that they were almost in a state of bankruptcy our when that was the case, it was evident that the question °f tier rency would have to be looked to. At present in Jamaica t. alte" had no means of making small payments, and any sudden ',ether would produce disorder ; and Its would ask his iron, Friend w o master; white i two years were too long a time to provide for the legislation of s but lag subjects ? He had told his Hon. Friend of these difficultie s, should now come to the most material 'of all. This was to be fell al in t t i l:s ey ch e a . r i a st c e t d er , a a s nd in co so ra m p e os c it o i l o o n ni o es f , timaendretr,ereirsetnetraati absenceinstitutionsas n e r , fie" How w o uld t h e " s h ort Bil l " o f t h e H onoura bl e B aron et deal with- then,' in Jamaica for inst anc e, where there was a local legislature •spr_s_t% themselves to, and acting in direct contempt of, the feelings °f 3 7 4 people of this country, the intentions of the Imperial Parliament, people the instructions of time Government ?..--(Hear, hear.) The If ott* c i.