The Sun. — London, England, 1838-05-18 00:00:00

Still, however, to afford protection to the natives while forming colonies I mong them, without compromising their independence, and involving their ultimate depression, poverty, and ruin, appears to your Committee a problem of vast difficulty yet to be solved. In no part of the world can it be expected that the Aborigines should be able to compete, in agriculture, trade, or commerce, with their intelligent and enterprising visitors and settlers. The soil and the power, the wealth and the authority, will in evitably pass into the hands of the more industricus, when the two races come so immediately in contact. Laws may be framed with the most benevolent intentions to protect the Aborigines, amidst such perilous _ _ circumstances, from violence, and ill-usage, while they would yet become the victims of the crafty, the designing, and the unprincipled, whose in tercourse with them would be so studiously managed, that, while the perpetrators of wrong might elude the vigilance, or escape the penalties of the law, the Aborigines, in the language of a celebrated Miami Cacique, quoted by Sir F. Head, in reference to the red inhabitants of North America," would melt like snow before the sun." Such a view of the subject does not arise out of any obviously essential defects in the proposals and suggestions of those who have originated the scheme, or are conducting the arrangements of the New Zealand Associa tion at home. The Aborigines' Protection Society is satisfied that there is much in the known public character of the members of that As sociation, as a body, to guarantee the honour and the integrity of their professions. The ground of their apprehensions and distrust is, the past history of colonial establishments, combined with a conviction that the spirit of competition and enterprise that must be created to insure suc cess cannot but effect the speedy deterioration, diminution, and final de. struction of the Aborigines. _ _ _ It is not the object of this Society to create difficulties in the way of emigration and colonization. They cannot contemplate without satis faction the extension, on just and liberal principles, of Colonial Establish ments, under the paternal sway of an enlightened British Government, as a means of relief to the unemployed portion of our home community, and offering new sources of industry, trade, and commerce. At the same time, the Society cannot look without deep anxiety on the fate of the Aborigines in countries which, although but thinly occupied with a native population, may be yet intended to be made the seats of British colonization. NEW SOUTH WALES. With regard to the Aborigines of New South Wales, the Committee are happy to find that protectors have been specially appointed to watch Gver !nelr interests ; and the appointment of these functionaries, they hope, will be succeeded I,y that of ethers, corresponding with the extent and increase of our settlements in that part of the world. The Commit tee took with much interest on the Colony of South Australia, as it seems to promise some guarantee for guarding the interests of the no tives,"by making provision for obtaining land from the natives by treaty— for reserving, one-fifth for their use—for protecting them by a Special Agent—for making their subsistence a charge on the new Colony—for instructing them—for building asylums for them, and for taking means to teach them habits of industry." The Committee have reason to fear, however, that, in some of our set- Vements in New Holland, the Colonists have not yet learned to regard he Aborigines as equally under the protection of British law as themselves ; a princ:ple w hick seems to arise necessarily from the assumption of Bri tish authority over the whole country. The Act that makes the territory a part of the British Empire, unquestionably places within the protection of the British Government and law, the natives of the soil. " If," it is justly remarked, in the Parliamentary Report, " If the whole of New Hol land be part of the British Empire, then every inhabitant of that vast island is under the def_mce of British laws, as often as his life or property may be attacked, and the appeal to arms for adjusting controversies with any part of the primitive race, exposes those by whom blood may be shed to the same responsibility, and to the same penalties as ii the sufferers were white persons." No unimpartant step may be gained on behalf of the Aborigines in thos, Colonies, by issuing a proclamation to this eT,,ct, by command of her Majesty's Government, through the medium of the Colonial Executives. The Committee has been made acquainted with the formation of a new Colony in North Australia, to which an expedition has sailed, and im portant considerations connected with another new Colony, at Port Natal, have also been communicated to the Society. The necessity of some measures being speedily adopted in relation to the settlement at Natal, his greatly increased, since the Parliamentary Report merely re commended it as" the duty of the Government at the Cape of Good Hope to exercise a vigilant superintendence over the growing settlement there, so that any injuries done to the tribes might be arrested and punished before they assumed the appearance of actual hostility." Reasons for doing more thin this recommends may be found in the im mediate danger of having there a formidable independent body in the emigrant boors, already referred to; who have placed themselves in the neighbourhood of that settlement, and actuaily hays puldished a manifesto of their intentions to select the Bay of Port Natal ar their sea port. It is assuredly not to the interest of the British Colony of the Cape of Good Hope to have any other than a friendly Power so near as Port Natal, where a constant influence may be exercised over tlic Tribes to immediate contact with our frontiers. To the Aborigines of British Guiana, of Western Africa, on the Banks of Gambia, at Sierra Leone, and on the Gold Coast, and to this situation of the natives of India, the Hill Coolies lately imported into Mauritius and Guiana, the Committee has been able to pay but very cursory attention. They exhibit, however, highly important subjects of attention, and increasingly prove ever extensive in the acid, claiming the vigil :nt observation of an Aborigines' Protection Society. No greater calamity has been inflicted on the Aborig•r.es of Australia and the South Seas than the transportation of our convicts. Aware of this, the Constitution or South Australia has wisely obtained a spe. cial provision that that settlement shall not be scourged with so fearful an evil, by making it in any way a penal settlement. Their jealousy arises out of the history of the old transportation system, and is but too well founded. Extensive inquiries have been made into the subject, by a Committee of the House of Commons, and corrective measures may, it Is hoped, be ere long devised and adapted. In an early period of the proceedings of the Society, it was suggested by Dr. Hodgkin, that it would be desirable to form a library as early as practicable, with the special view of circulating works among its mem bers, on the subjects to which their attention was called. Some valu able manuscripts of his own were very liberally communicated to the Society ; and it is an interesting fact, that one of the first contributors to the Society's Infant Library was the venerable Dr. John Mitchell, of Glasgow, author of the Buchanan Prize Essay on Civilizing Barbarous Tribes—a rare ♦olume, and not to be found in the British Museum. In addition to a Library, the Committee are desirous of instituting a Museum, to consistof the productions of Aboriginal Tribes. With a view of calling forth xiditional attention to the state and claims of the Aborigines, the Committee offered last year a prize of fifty pounds for the best essay, " On the present state of the uncivilised and defenceless tribes; the causes which have led to a diminution of their numbers, and their debased condition ; and the best means of protect ing them and promoting their advancement." The period allowed for receiving essays for composition extends to the 31st December, 1838. The subject of a legislative measure applicable to all the Aborigines connected with our colonies and commerce has been considered by the Committee. Such a measure is thought to be indispensable; but this Society, aware of its magnitude and difficulty, only ventures to call to it the attention of the Government and legislature, without attempting to draw a Bill. A change in the law as it stands will be seen to be of ur gent necessity, if it be recollected that in no English Court, at home or abroad, can evidence be given by a Heathen native of Africa, America, Australia, the South Seas, or the Eastern Ocean ; although cases occur daily in which justice cannot be done except upon the testimony of Heathen witnesses being taken. This is one of the various evils to which Parliament alone can apply remedies to secure the native people common justice. Examples might also be adduced in the existing rules of international law, which require to be changed ; such as the practice of exciting cne tribe against another for our supposed benefit. This should be prohi bited by a general law. The interference of Parliament is equally required in many matters of administration, such as the improvement of instructions to gover nors, urging on them, as one of their highest duties, the protection of the lives and rights of Aborigines, and the careful abstinence from all mere discretionary attacks upon them. Besides such changes in various branches of the existing law and ad ministration, a Bill should, it is conceived, contain the basis of a new system to regulate, as far as law can do so, all the acts of the Colonial Government and of the colonists which influence the progress of the coloured races. The Society in Its earnest desire to aid in affording protection to the defenceless tribes of Aborigines, by appeals to public feeling and to the legislature of the country on their behalf, cannot be justly charged with holding the doctrine, already, they trust, well nigh universally ex ploded—that barbarous tribes must be civilised before they can be in duced to embrace, or even able to comprehend, the Christian religion. So far from entertaining a sentiment so perfectly at variance with all the accumulated evidence of facts before them, they have not hesitated to express their full conviction that the only effectual method to civilise - a barbarous people is to commence with evangelising them. " Christia nity is the parent of civilisation ; and true civilisation cannot be pro duced without it." At the same time this Society is equally con vinced from a view of the beneficial effects already produced by Chris tianity on various native tribes, that the invariable result of Christianity is the advancement of civilization. The spirit of the latter is created - immediately the spirit of the former is created. They stand in the re lation of cause and effect, and no sooner does the cause begin to operate, than the effects begin to follow. The Committee consider the vast accu mulation of fact and illustration adduced on this point in the Parlia mentary Report and evidence, as must for ever have set that question at rest, with all candid and enlighted inquirers into the subject. And here it may not be unsuitable to remark that the direct tendeney of this Society is to aid in the progress of Christian Missions- among the Aboriginal tribes, by throwing the shield of its defence around the Missionaries,.when unjustly aspersed, by upholding the value of their exertions, and procuring for them occasional aid in the prosecution of their labours, so far as they involve the physical and social improve ment of the objects of their benevolence. One of the most formidable difficulties the Society has to contend with is, the tone of despondency expressed by many in relation to the ulti mate condition of the colored races. It seems to be an opinion founded rather on past experience than on any essential principle in the nature of the case, that the coloured races must inevitably perish as civilization and Christianity advance. Whatever past facts may be, and unques tionably they are painful enough, they are not evidence that no better scheme of colonization can be found compatible with the safety and im provement of the Aborigines. We cannot admit the doctrine that the establishment of a civilized community in the neighbourhood of uncivi lized tribes, must be injurious to the latter without supposing something extremely defective and improper in the regulations and principles of the former. Let these be corrected, and the evils must be diminished. The capacity for intellectual, moral, and social improvement in the tiolored races cannot be denied. Sufficient experiments have already been made to prove, that with fair means of culture, they can attain a rank of equality with the other races. The Canadas and South Africa, afford illustrations sufficiently in point in Peter Jones, John Sunday, Andrew Stoffels, Jan Tzatzoe, Waterboer, and many others, are names familiar to the British public. What these have become by the pains bestowed on them, others can also become by the same process, their countrymen might become. It is education they require; intellectual and moral culture will prove their defence. 11. Hendrick, a native hot. tentot, residing at Grigua Town justly, though by a bold figure, con veyed that sentiment to Macomo, when holding up a pen to him he re. marked, "leans to wield this, and it will afford you more protection to your country than all the assegais of Caffreland." He remarked also, " Thank God, I have lived to see the day when I have learned to know, that mind is more powerful than body." In concluding their first Report, the Committee feel that although they have not yet been able to effect mu: h, they have yet entered upon an important and wide field of labour. Their path becomes more defi nite as they advance. And although they are unwilling to stipulate what shalt and what shall not be either the legitimate objects of their attention, or the exact manner in which they must always prosecute them, but prefer leaving themselves at liberty to select their objects and to clieose their own mode of treating them—they labour under no diffi. cuhy in slating that they will feel it their duty to watch all •novements affecting the coloured races generally—all schemes of colonization and civilization, all measures of the Supreme or Local Governments bearing the extension of colo n i a l b oun d ar i es , en the Aborigines in our Colonies, the acquisition of new territory, and the administration of existing laws respecting the intercourse of our own subjects with the Aborigines of our Colonies. It will further be the duty of the Society to collect, compare, and examine the venous suggestions that have been offered, and may he offered, for the protection of the Aborigines, and to employ means fr eo this to time to get them cerr:ed into effect, so far as approved— thea to mere their operation, and gather futdie lessons for improved measures by the experience afforded. This will include the obtaining *ld publishing laws in our colonies on behalf of the Aborigines—a careful attention to the appointment of magistrates and police—and to the qualifications of protection--the prosecuting offenders--and the appealing to the humane and enlightened portioes of our Colonists in favour of the Aborigines in their vicinity. And all this will require the greeter care, as from the immense saricty in the grades of civilization from absolute be:ban - en to comparative refinement, found in A bcriginal countries, it is cbvi3us that measure; for their protection Must vary also, and can not be determined, for all case•, by any general regu lations. With objects of such a character, and of so great magnitude before them, the Committee hope to be favoured with the zea!ous co-operation of their friends. To enable them to prosecute their important labours, there will be required a liberal effort on the part of the Society's friends. Without additional pecuniary aid the Committee will be embarrassed and retarded even in their incipient operations, and altogether precluded from entertaining those plans of enlarged effort which are already pre- senting most powerful claims on their resources. Confiding however in that support, as furnishing the means of exertion, they anticipate no small measure of success under the smiles and guidance of that Divine Providence which carries into effect the ancient predictions concerning the reign of Messiah, " He shall deliver the needy when he crieth, the poor also and him that hath no" helper—he shall spare the poor and needy, and precious shall their blood be in his sight." By the Abstract of the Treasurer's Account read, it appeared that the Treasurer was in advance to the Society in a sum of 161. Is. 10d. The following contributions to the Society were announced from the platform : Miss Gurney, Northrepps Cottage, pet A. Johnston, Esq. £2 A. Johnston, Esq 1 1 James Douglas, Esq., of Cavens General Prendergast W. Alers Hankey, Esq lO 0 F. Baines, Esq Sir Jeremiah Bryant Rev. F. Cunningham, M. A., Vicar of LowestefF W. Dillworth Crewdson, Esq. , . William Allen, Esq F. T. Atkins, Esq. Rev. Dr. Fletcher 1 1 Miss Smith, Homerton C. S. Tosswitc, Esq. James Foster, Esq., per Rev. Dr. J. Pye Smith EDWARD BAINES, Esq., M.P., then came forward to move the first resolution : " 1. That, contemplating the vast extent of the Colonial Dependencies of Great Britain, with the important amount of influence for good or for evil necessarily exercised by them over the Aboriginal tribes in or near those dependencies, this Meeting rejoices in the formation of a Society having for its special object to watch over and protect the interests of the natives, and of Aborigines in other parts of the world ; and further, that the Report now read be received, printed, and circulated, under the direction of the Committee." The vast extent of the Colonial possessions of the country devolved upon it a responsibility which was perhaps higher than that of ally other country in the world, inasmuch as it placed this country in a situation, as the resolution stated, of either for good or evil, making use of that influence or authority in such a way as to promote in a vast degree the interests of the great body of the human race. When the Chairman stated that there were three millions of persons in a certain degree de penitent upon the Society, he under-rated the effect which it was likely to have on the state of the world, and especially of the dependencies of this country.—(Hear, hear, hear.) In thirty years there would be another three millions, and the population would go cn in that ratio extending the benefits of the Society in an illimitable degree. It was in his memory that an inquiry was instituted into the manner in which the Aborigines might be served most effectually ; and he did not know any one who had contributed more to that object than the gentle ma❑ in the Chair, who presided in the Committee of the House of Commons. It might be supposed that when the English took possession of foreign countries, they were benefactors and dispensers of blessings. But in fact they dispensed curses instead of blessing,s.--(1 - 1ear, hear.) Their course was marked by blood—by disease, and vice, and devastation. —(Hear, hear.) It was necessary to present to tile country and to the Government the real state of things. They were told that by the use of ardent spirits, and gunpowder, and by disease and vicious habits, whole regions were most rapidly in course of de population —(Hear, hear, hear.) The Government was anxious to put an end to the miserable condition of the Aborigines, and hail shown the the utmost alacrity to terminate those mischiefs, and wherever it had the power it had done so.—( Hear, hear.) Lord Durham would go out intrusted by this Society, and no doubt he would be as attentive to their instructions as to those of the Government. He (Mr. Baines) looked upon the Society as being of as much importance as the Societies for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade. He did not agree with their Hon. Chairman in considering that meeting a small one, or looking upon it with gloom or dissatisfaction. On the contrary, he thought it was a very goodly meeting far the first.—(dear.) On all occasions he would avail himself of every opportunity to promote the objects of the Society to the utmost of his power. He cordially moved the resolution. Sir CULLING EARDLEY SMITH seconded the resolution. He had lis tened with great interest to the statement which had been made by their worthy Chairman.—(Hear, hear.) He was glad that the report tad not go to pledge the Society to ally specific line of conduct as to the exact manner in which it ought to be established in future—(Hear.) No doubt colonization, rightly conducted, would confer great blessings on a country.—( Hear.) Nor was it less evident that colonization, wrongly conducted, was a great curse.—(Bear.) The discussion of this subject was calculated to greatly benefit the national charactsr.—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") The way to improve national, as individual character, being, first, to make man acquainted with their faults. —( Hear, near.) Ours was a professedly Christian nation, but there was unhappily too much of anti-Christian practice both at home and abroad.—(Hear.) We pride ourselves on conveying the blessings of Christianity and civilization to foreign countries, while we are in fact doing the reverse.—(Hear.) That worthy and useful missionary, Mr. Williams—(Cheers) —had felt great interest in the welfare of this So. ciety, because he felt that his success the South Seas was mixed up in a great degree with the Society's operations.—(Hear, hear.) It was no:, true, as had often been stated, that the cruelties of Europeans were but retaliatory upon the natives : but European and American cap• ains cf vessels allowed their crews to go on shore on the South Sea islands, and commit the worst excesses—and when, by their pernicious practices the anger of the natives was roused, and loss of life ensued, they sailed around the islands, and shot all the natives they could find.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Then was it to be won. tiered at that the natives executed retributive justice on the next Europeans that landed on their islands.—(Hear, hear.) Did it not be hove a Christian Government and a Christian people in this country to put down such abominations ? In New Zealand and other countries where Europeans of the worst character were already settled, it would be beneficial to establish a good system of colonization.—(Hear.) But in countries not yet visited by Europeans, the most effective mode of civilising and improving them would be by such an expedition as Mr. Williams was now prosecuting—that is by teaching the blessed truths of the Gospel—and trusting to Christianity for civilization, instead of be ginning with civilization, and hoping that Christianity would follow.— (Hear, and loud cheers.) The CHAIRMAN requested Daniel Wheeler to address the meeting ; fur though he was aware that gentleman was averse to appearing before a public assemblage, it was important that the facts of the case should be stated by such an impartial witness. Mr. D. WHEELER then rose, and was received with loud applause. Be said the statement of the indefatigable friend of humanity, the Chairman, did not, powerful as it was, come up to the sad realities of the case.—(Hear.) The object of the meeting was to form a Pro tection Society for the Aborigines of our Foreign Settlements ; and it wanted only publicity to ensure success.—(Cheers.) It was the cause of suffering humanity, and it must prevail.—(Hear.) Whatever was done must be done quickly, for in many parts the Aborigines of these lands were fast diminishing from the soil. In illustration of his state ment, Mr. Wheeler read several memorandums, from one of which it appeared that in 1836 the Sandwich Islands contained, according to the census taken by the Missionaries, about 110,000 inhabitants, whilst in IS'2 6 the population was about 155,000. Wherever this scourge of the human race, shipping, went, what was the consequence ? The natives perished from the soil. He had seen a vessel arrive at some of these islands from London, and on the following morning the deck was covered with the wretched daughters of the New Zealanders. This was not the case with our shipping alone, but extended to the American vessels to an awful ex ' tent. In some of the Friendly Islands where the Missionaries were stationed, these abominations were not carried on to such an extent. He could not for a moment suppose that, in his enlightened country, there were any parsons who were insensible to the blessings of Christianity and civilization, and he wished to impress upon them that it was their duty to extend the advantages they possessed to others.—( Applause.) The CHAIRMAN said his friend who had just sat down had perhaps had greater opportunities of knowing the real truth of the matter than per haps any other man. He, therefore, wished to know from him whether the visitation of the British people, with all their intelligence, with all their skill, with all the benefits which they could confer upon the na tives, had been a blessing or a curse to the native inhabitants? Mr. WHEELER replied that where there were no Missionaries, there was no doubt they had been a curse to the island.—(Cheers.) The na tives had no other friends than the Missionaries, who were always ready to uphold their cause, and stand up in their defence.—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which was carried unanis mously. S. GueNev, Esq., moved the next resolution, which was as follows: " ". That on a review of the enormous wrongs inflicted on Aborigines by European colonization as hitherto pursued, it is a cause of congratu ' lation that a new and better era has dawned, of which there are promis ing indications in the awakened attention of the public mind to this in. teresting subject—ill the labours of the Parliamentary Aborigines Com mittee—in the late restoration to the CaiFres of their country—in the appointment of Protectors of Aborigines—and in some late despatches from the Colonial Office,characterised by just and beneeolent sentiments." He wished it had been put into abler hands, but impressed as he was with the importance of the object of this Society, he could not refuse his assistance, however humble it might be.—(Hear, hear.) The case had been somewhat understated, certainly not overstated. Upon in quiring the other day what had become of the inhabitants of Van Diemen's Land, he had been informed they had been reduced to 150, and that they had been shot like crows.—(Shame.) When they saw a large island like that, nearly as large as Ireland, so reduced, that was enough of itself to shew the importance of the object they had in view, and the justness of the cause they had entered into. Without even resting their cause upon the greatest and highest privilege of the knowledge of the Gospel of Christ, if they proceeded upon the lower grounds of po litical motive, there was every reason for preventing these inhabitants being swept off from the face of the earth, who might have been their friends, and in one sense their neighbot rs, aiding them in various ob jects of commerce and trade.—(Cheers.) There was no reason why the inhabitants of those beautiful islands on the Pacific should not become customers to us, and we customers to them. The object of the Society had been fully made out. Heartily did he wish it might be successful.----(Cheers.) The meeting was a very important one, and thoti;ll but small in numbers, yet it was not without power in point of influence,—(Cheers.) The Rev. Dr. Ptilt Smut seconded the resolution. He felt him. self painfully labouring under the incapacity to compensate the attention of the Meeting, and, tl.erefore, he should only detain them for one mi nute. It might have occurred to rr any that there was a great objec. tion at the tint mention of the thing to the formation of a new Society, when the country and the metropolis was filled with Societies of the most important and beneficent character. He felt the force of that ob jection, and to that might se attributed in some degree the smallness of attendance at that Meeting. It was gratifying to find the attention of the Legislature had been called to this subject ; and he was confident the strong tide of public opinion would shew itself, and the Society would be strengthened a hundred fold.--(Cheers.) The Rev. F. CUNNINGHAM said a resolution had been put into his hand, in consequence of the illness of the Honourable Gentleman who sat by him, (Mr. C. Lushingten.) He had much pleasure in being pre sent that day, as whenever he read the evidence taken before the Abo rigines Committee of the House of Commons, he thought that there was an absolute necessity for something being done for the pro tettion of the poor natives of these uncivilized countries. He was convinced that something must be done, and he hailed the formation of that Society as a blessing to both this country and the Aborigines. The Society would be of immense importance in affording the most authentic information, with respect to the state of the various tribes on the borders of our Colonies. The importance of the Society would be immense, as would be proved when they looked at the large Island of Newfoundland—there was now not a single Aborigine alive —a few years ago there were one or two alive, but they were hunted, and when taken, shot like beasts. In Caffre Land the policy had been to drive the natives from their pastures, and so close that they fought amongst themselves until they were almost exterminated. In New Zealand the same had been done, and the natives were ruine 1 by the introduction of gin and gunpowder, end the proinotion of weer atnang,t the various tribes; a'd working for the extermination of the Hari , et Had it not been for their intercourse with the missionaries, the natives of New Zealand would never have been able to have made head against the colonization scheme of last year. With re':erence to the civilization of Eastern Africa the benefit con ferred by tl.e Society was its success to protect the natives with every other state of the people.—(Cheers) Wherever the English or the Europeans had gone he was sorry to say that more mrs'cldef than good was effected to the aboriginal natives. Wherever they had endea voured to effect colonization it was necessary to watch the motives of the parties, for if the motives were mercantile c.r selfish, little or no good would be effected. He was glad to see the exertions that had been made by the Missionaries, and he trusted that they would go forward in the work they had so capitally began.—(Cheers.) He trusted that the time was not far distant when the institutions of England would be propagated over all the islands of the Pacific. The Rev. Gentleman concluded by proposing the third resolution. "3. That considering the various sources of danger to which the aborigines are exposed from their intercourse with Europeans, and the probable extension of European Colonies, this meeting is deeply con vinced, notwithstanding the encouraging circumstances already noticed, of the necessity of exercising an unremitting caution and vigilance in reference to all schemes of colonization which may be proposed, and all measures that may yet emanate from the Home or,Local Government affecting native tribes." Mr. Haw MET begged to be allowed to say a few words. He felt no doubt that he should express the opinion of the New Zealand Associa tion, if he stated that he cordially concurred with the views of the So ciety. They were most desirous that any plan for the colonization of that part of the world should be most zealously looked at by the British public. The plans for the colonization of New Zealand were now un der the consideration of a Committee of the House of Lords, who would doubtless adopt the mode most likely to benefit the country. The great principle on which the colonization of New Zealand proceeded was, that the land of the savage tribes should be made available as a fund for their civilization. It was not according to reason or the Divine law, that the territory on this side of the globe should support its millions, and also those who occupied a territory in another part of the world. The Creator had pointed out the fund most available for that purpose— namely, the land of that territory. Under proper regulations the na tives of any territory would be benefited by increasing the value of their land, by peopling it by a well-ordered British community.—(Cheers.) The Rev. Mr. BINNEY, in seconding the resolution, said that lie felt some degree of shame in having in England to second such a resolution. —(Cheers.) The state in which the Aborigines were placed was a die. grace to E: gland. They were in that state in which Malthus had said they had drawn a blank in Nature's lottery. They were in a state of infancy. In his conscience he believed that Exeter-hall Was the most wonderful place in the world. In other countries there were temples and amphitheatres, but in no other city but this was there a building appropriated to meetings upon philanthropic subjects. There never was such a thing before. It stood, like Adam before the fall, " alone in the world."—; Hear.) At the same time he must say that he felt ashamed at seeing so small a meeting, wherl the object was to protect their de fenceless fel:ow-men. The Society bound itself, by the resolution which he held in his band, to beep an eye on all home and colonial proceeding;, by which the happiness and interest of the Aborigines was to be effected. He believed that the true colonial spirit was not cast out nor converted.— (Hear, hear.) It was only changed, awed, and bound down by the hand of authority. Whatever good was done in the Colonies, was done, not from the principles of humanity, but under the pressure of 1.1. e slave-drivers here—of whom the present meeting were part.—(llear, and a laugh.) When the colonists were removed from the controul of public •opinion, their hearts were changed. At borne bad men were restrained by the consciousness that the public eye was upon them ; and for this reason newspapers were good things ; and it was the duty of the Society to carry that power of public opinion into the Colonies.—(Hear, hear.) As a Christian minister—feeling as a Christian minister—he felt it his duty to look to the souls of men—to the souls of the aboriginists—and it became us to seek that their souls might be sanctified. This was only to be done by missionary exertions; but these exertions had been im peded by the manner in which the Aborigines had been treated, cre ating an abhorrence in their minds of the men and of their faith. There was too much truth in the following observations, which were written thirty years no, and appeared in the Ediabsergh Review. They were evidently written by no friend to the missionary cause, and he could not refrain from quoting them on the present occasion r—" Let us ask, too, if the Bible is universally diffused in Hindoostan, what must be the astonishment of the natives to find that we are forbidden to rob, murder, and steal—we who, in fifty years, have extended our empire from. a few acres about Madras, over the whole Peninsula and sixty millions of people, and exemplified in our public conduct every crime of which hurnan nature is capable. What matchless impudence to follow up such practice with such precepts I If we have common prudence, let us keep the Gospel at home, and tell them that Machiavel is our prophet, and the God of the Manicheans our God."—(Hear, hear.) He hoped this Society would prove a great blessing to the Missionary cause and the universal diffusion of Christianity. Ile had great pleasure in seconding the resolution. The motion was then put and agreed to. The Bev. Dr. FLETCHER, in rising to move the next resolution, said lie had great pleasure in giving his humble support to this most important Society, which he was persuaded would soon gain a strong hold on the Christian public.—(Hear, hear.) It was a matter of deep regret and humiliation that in the nineteenth century, after our many and extensive conquests, and notwithstanding the efforts of Missionary Societies, there was far more to deplore than to rejoice in the influence of Britain on foreign settlements.—(Hear, hear.) " Ships, colonies, and commerce," formed the triple support of our un. exampled national prosperity—these advantages should have been made conducive to the diffusion of Christianity.—(Bear.) But unhappily the contrary had been the case, and the most pernicious effects had inva riably followed . from our intercourse with barbarous or semi-civilized nations—(Hear, hear)—and the hardy seamen of our country, instead cf being the precursors of civilization, had been :he harbingers of devasta tion, and misery, and demoralization in our foreign settlements.—( Hear, hear.) This Society would have the most beneficial effects, as the pioneer and assistant of all Missionary Societies.—(bear, hear.) The resolu tion he hail the honour to propose was as follows : " 4. That this Meeting contemplates the p ast effects of colonization not only as having been derogatory to the natiosnal character, but greatly injurious to the success of Christian Missions, and the progress of civili zation among aboriginal tribes." The Rev. Mr. Ews (Secretary to the London Missionary So ciety) seconded the resolution. He observed, it was greatly to be regretted that such a Society as this i,ad not been established many years ago ; and that missionary• operations had been much retarded by the baneful effects of Et iropean intercourse with the natives of foreign countries.—(Hear, he ar.) He was, therefore, most anxious that the Society should be well_ supported—that it should have agents in cur foreign settlements, in So uth Africa, in America, in New South Wales, to protect and improl 'e the Aborigines in those countries.—(Hear, hear.) A Gr.wrtrmAx, who stated himself to be 7111 American, here rose in the body of the meeting, and begged to add his testimony to the ill effects which had resulted from intercourse , - with his countrymen, to those who had justly been called the finest- race of Aborigines—the North American Indians, immense numbers If whom had been, even in very recent times, wholly exterminated by the mischievous results of civilization.—(Hear, hear.) The resolution was put and carried. The gentleman from America, who had jus t aat down, stated, in a swer to the Chairman, that his name was Mr. Thatcher, of Boston. The Rev. Mr. Scar..cs (of Leeds), who said Le had come up to town as a delegate on the Anti. Slavery Society, and I elt. that the objects of that anti of this Society were identical—(Cheers )--moved the next reso. lotion : "5. That the thanks of this meeting be pre :wanted to the office-bearers of the Society, for their valuable services, and: that the President, Trea. surer, and Secretaries be requested to contir me in office, and that the following Gentlemen be requested to form the Committee for the year ensuing :—W. Allen, Esq., G. F. Angus, Es q. , E. Baines, Esq. M.P., E N. Buxton, Esq., Sir Augustus d'Este, Bart.., tosiali Forster, Esq., C. Hindley, Esq , M.P., S. Gurney, jun. Esq., Gu Tne y Hoare, Esq., T. Hodg.. kin, Esq., M.D., M. Hutchison, jun. Esq., 11. Johnston, Esq., It King, Esq., Dr. S. Lushington, M.P., C. Lushingto a n P., J. Pease, Esq. M.P., Ebenezer Smith, Esq., S. Bannister, Esq., yg. I.f. Higgins, Esq., Hull Terrell, Esq., Sir Culling Eardley, Smith, Bast., Rev. A. Wells, S. Wilkin, Esq., Robert Howard, Esq., T. Rose , D. CREWDSON, Esq., seconded the rest elution , which was Unani mously carried. W. ALLEN, Esq., moved a vote of thank I tti the Chairman, and in doing so, passed a warm aulogium on the. services—in the cause of Christian philanthropy generally, and of this Society in particular—of their respected chairman, who had so long pro veil himsel f the tried and indefatigable friend to injured and oppressed bun ran na t u re, in whatever part of the world it was to be found.—(Cheer .s.) The Rev. T. BINNEY, in seconding the resol utic , n, explained that he had not intended to say that the colonizing, but that the Colonial, system remained in spirit unchanged—that is, tha though where old col°_ vies had been fully imbued with the evil of tl sec olonial system—yet, no t o colonization, car rie acci , o t beneficial change had taken place, the c o lon izing spirit ha d, he was happy to say, greatly improved ; and, he would m Id, that he was rathe r a friend The CHAIRMAN briefly re t urne d t h an k s, an d th e meeting separated at a quarter past four. on right principles. lion, The resolution than otherw ise having been d by conducteda nis NEGRO EMANCE THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 18, 1-438 MEETING OF THE CO LINTY OF ESSEX. A public meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the county of Essex took place yesterday at the Town I [all, Chelmsford, for the purpose of taking into consideration the prop: 7iety of petitioning Parliament for the immediate and entire abolition of ' negro apprentice. ship in the British Colonies in the West Indies. Th .e meeting was very numerously and respectably attended, anti the gall ery was filled with ladies. At a few minutes past twelve the High SI reriff, Wm. Cotton, Esq., who was accompanied by several of the most respectable and in fluential inhabitants of Chelmsford,Colchester, and t he neighbouring dis tricts, entered the Hall, and took the chair am : telst loud and general cheering. Among those present we observed, the Revs. H. Bull, A. Pearson, E. Yorke, G. Bryan, T. Craig, I. Gray, I. Mark, I. Howell; C. E. Branfill, Esq., T. Christy, Esq., G. Gibson, Esq,., N. Catlin, E s q ., T. Catchpool, Esq., E. Daniell, Esq., W. C. Miles, 3 ?sq., J. H. Pattisson, Esq., T. Butler, Esq., J. Copeland, Esq., and I des srs. Marriage, T. Candler, Dixon, Burder, Copland, Perry, Pritch erd, Cremer, Ridley, Eve, Johns, and Christy. The HUM SHERIFF, having taken the chair, said that no doubt all present were aware of the object of the meeting.. 'He had only to ex press a hope that whatever observations might lee -.made they would be made in the kindspirit which had called them tog, ?th or. 'With regard to the emancipation of the negroes, that had long bet :n determined; and they had not met to decide on the expediency of alx dishing slavery. No doubt it was a question on which many entertain e d different opinions, and therefore he begged again to express a hope that the discussion would be conducted with a kind feeling. The wt ,rthy Chairman then read the requisition calling upon him to convel re file meeting. Mr. MARRIAGE said the friends of Anti-slave ry had thought it right to address letters to most of the members of P. sal lament attached to the county. They had received letters from George. Palmer, Esq., declining to attend, because he did not concur in the obje ct of the meeting ; T. W. BrRITIStOII, Esq., M.P., expressing his regret th at his engagements in London would not permit him to attend ; Sit ;corge Henry Smyth, M.P., s t a ti n g he would use his best endeavours to promote the object of their wishes—(Cheers) —although he did not d ire to be placed in so a resolution ; John prominent a situation as t he mover or secon'Sir ahn Tyrrell, who was der d in savour of the object of tßound, meeting,E q P., un a a b n l d e t E o . a G t t . e n ß d a r ; n a a n r d d , fr E o s m q. of opinion that the subject had been fully agitated and exhausted, both in and out of Parliament. Some of the Members t )1* the county had not been written to, because it was thought they wont I have been able to attend; they had received letters from T. B. Leimard ,Es q ,, Lord Western, and Lord Raleigh, declining to attend ; Th omas Powell Buxton, and ha epy if the reso l ut i on had Samuel Th e I G I e u v r . were u u u n i, a L: o v i t i l c a a b r l y o a f b s L e i n a t izu ( r El y e , a .m r. , o h v e eede. been tion. put H e i ‘tgoouabhlleirmhvaenbdes,etbsutexhceeceadminegittere as the representat i ve o f a should be carried. — ) the fi rs t resolu woman, or child, who mien as Wilbe r f o rce and parishwer were n i o u t whichi y h e o r e t. o w p as i a t n h a i t n d t i h v i i s d u rn a s na u a rv r , comparatively nothing.-- (Cheers.) He and his par ishioners had the f s (C te h p e l e e r n s. , ) shiotuli,d,ashtaovebelablaonurreeidatesdo tlhoantgsufocrh 'ngs of Englishmen that liberty was a most desirable objet, and that et ill became those who were so fund of liberty, to be accessory to slavery at non; t their fellow-creatures. —(Hear, hear, hear.) An end ought to be put to this dreadful system of tyranny, oppression, and cruelty ; the e vil Lad only in a very small measure indeed been removed. Where the nog roes had been partially e nancipated all had gone on well, and thei 'e was no reason for saying the whole harvest would not answer to that sam p le, and t hat the whole tnl'siegrre°foproepumlaotsit desirable, on%vcl d in his t actmind,they as h. rd —(Hea r , h ear. ) It was tha t they should no longer be kept in a stete of servitude and subjection', And expcee I to all the miseries which it was well known they were t !xpo.:ed to. He would not detain the meeting any longer but would sinn?ly m ave the resolution that that bad been put into his hand, trusting th ere ware others who would more fully speak on this subject.—(Cheers.) J. H. Perrisos, Esq., willingly seconded the resolution, because it was one devoid of party feeling and party spirit. He stood there in the character of an Englishman and a Christian, and he felt it was the bounden duty of every man %;ho had the welfare of the empire at heart, to support the motion.—(Hear, hear.) He. fully concurred in the ob servations contained in this resolution, as to the expediency of the measure. When part of the negroes were emancipated on the Ist of August, it was apparent these negroes who were not emancipated would be dissatisfied. Ho would at once come to the broad question—was there or was there not to be slavery in the British Empire?—(Cheers.) No person ought to be under the dominion of another, or subject to an other, without his being a party to the contract. As the meeting would hear the subject more ably supported, he would close his observations at once by expressing his strong and zealous hope, that slavery would at once be abolished.—(Cheers.) The Resolution w,as then put and carried unanimously. C. E. BRANFILL rose to propose the next resolution, which was one in which he entirely and cordially concurred. In fact it embraced the pith of the question they were called on to discuss. They were all agreed on the great principle that it was absolutely necessary to abolish slavery,that foul plague-spot on the laws of this nation. They felt that slavery in our colonies was degrading to them, and that they could not hold up their heads as the advocates or liberty throughout the whole world, while this spot remained to defile our code of laws.—(Hear.) The nation had agreed to pay the enormous sum of 20,000,000/. for the abolition of slavery. There could not remain the least doubt on the mind of any person as to the expediency of altering the Abolition Act by curtailing the period during which the apprenticeship was to endure. It was on that particular point of the question that the resolu tion which he held in his hand pressed, and he would therefore read the resolution at once. (Mr. Branfill here read the resolution.) He contended that no individual had a right to put his fellow men in bondage.—(Cheers.) And lie would state in the face of the meeting that his only wish to have a seat in the British Senate had been that he might propound to it this question—Which was the greatest crime, for the black people to cut all the white people's throats, or for the white people to hold the black people in bondage ?—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) That was a question which, if he were asked to give ass opinion upon it, he should doubt very much. He believed it would be a great crime for the black people to put to death the white people, but he doubted whe ther it was not a greater crime for the white people to hold the black in bondage.—(Hear.) They had all agreed as to the expediency of aboli tion of slavery.—(Hear, hear.) The only question was as to the mode of bringing it into force. There could be no doubt, from the evidence laid before them, that the negroes at the present time were in a worse state of bondage than they were during the time of the existence of slavery in its full vigour. It would seem as if the planters, having po longer a perpetual term or right in the property of the slaves had given up all care for the well being or the health of those unhappy indi viduals, and that his only object was to wear him out as soon as possible. —(Hear, hear.) Many of the planters had declared it to be their inten tion to render the siave, when he received his liberty, unable to work. — (Shame.) Their worthy Chairman had told them to speak temperately ; but if there was a subject on which it was difficult to speak temperately it was where we saw our fellow creatures subjected to such atrocious cruelty.—(Hear, hear.) When they heard of a woman with a sucking infant at her breast deprived of food, and the child trying to draw nourishment from that fountain, which was dried up by the cruelty of her master, it was impossible to restrain one's indignation against such monsters, who were a disgrace to the human race.—(Cheers.) It was one of the decrees of Providence that he who oppressed his fellow men, should become debased: and if there was one thing more historically supported than another, it was the fact of degradation and depravity which existed in slave-holding colonies. Those who kept their fellow men in bondage were the last that ought to be entrusted with the making of the laws by which the abolition was to be carried out. Lord Glenelg's Bill appeared to entrust the whole of the management of the bye-laws, as they were called, to the Colo nial Assembly.—(Hear, hear.) Ho had no expectation that the planters would do justice as between themselves and the slaves-- he should as soon expect the wolves to make laws by which the lambs should be delivered from their prey.— (Hear, hear.) His in dignation was not only excited by the cruelties inflicted 'on the slave under the name of apprenticeship, but it was also roused by the Banters wringing from the British people 20,000,000/. of taxation.— Hear, hear.) There might be many at the meeting who felt but little the pressure of taxation but there were thousands who earned their livelihood by the sweat of their brow, and the 20,000,000/. formed a very large item in their national burdens. He felt indignation when he found that the 20,000,0001. was to be whistled out.of the pockets of the honest and hard working people of this country,'for the purpose of swell ing the coffers of those who had ne just claim whatever on them.— (Hear, hear.) He contended that the planter had no right whatever over the labours of the slave whom he had stolen. When he attended as a delegate in London, from one of the towns of the county, the most important fact he had ever heard was that stated by Mr. William Knight, who said it had been calculated that, at the time the Abolition Act passed, the marketable price of all the British slaves was not more than 15,000,0001, but they had given 20,000,0001. for the absolute purchase of them.—(Hear, hear)—therefore, if Cley were only worth 15,000,0001. at that time, if any body had a claim on the slaves it was the English people; and it would seem by that, there was a balance of 5,000,0001. in their favour.—(Loud cheering.) However, that was paid to ren der easy, as it was said, the transition of the negro from a state of slavery to liberty.—(Great laughter,, and cheers.) Was the system which had been carried on calculated to ameliorate the condition of the slaves? No. It had been termed "apprenticeship." If it was an apprenticeship to learn how to work hard they had been apprenticed long enough.— (Cheers and laughter.) Ile could not conceive it was possible that any good could arise from continuing slavery any longer, and he was strongly of opinion that the Providence of God would not allow this matter to terminate without some retribution on the planters. Ile should be sorry to say one word that could tend to incite the li berated negroes to acts of retaliation; but he would say there boldly that he should not be sorry if, on the let of August next, the apprenticeship system was not abolished by law, that every negro in our West Indian colonies threw down his hoe and refused to work.—(Hear, hear.) He thought one of the greatest objects likely to accrue from this meeting was to show the negroes had a strong support in this country.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The transition from slavery to freedom would never be brought about by the Colonial Assembly, for they appeared to have a sort of obliquity of vision —(Hear, and a laugh)—therefore the best thing they could do was to call on the Legislature at once to declare the negroes free.—(Cheers.) He also trusted that, when he was made free, there would not be one law for the black man, and another for the white —that there would be no taw which exposed the back of the black man to the cat-o'-nine-tails, and which would not expose the back of the white man to the same punishment, if he committed the same crime. There was no reason to apprehend that the negro would not work as well for the wages of his labour, as from the fear of the lash of his master. —(Hear, hear.) He lio?ed the negroes would combine together, to ex tort from their masters an ample and fair remuneration for their labour. The higher class combined together constantly, and he saw no reason why the labouring black or white people should not combine together for a fair remnneration. He did not wish to see men combine together to break the lawi"; bet he did like to see them combine together for the purpose of providing for themselves and their fellow-men.—(Hear.) It was as much for the interests of the planters that the negroes should be free, as it was for the negroes themselves. The great question was, whether the negro was a rational human being, and whether he had a soul. If he had a soul it was absurd for any one to stand up and say he ought to be held in bondage. If he was only a higher order of the brute creation, they might then have a right to hold him in bondage, as they would a horse or a dog. But the negroes were men of intelli gence and industry, and from the statement of their own missionaries, they were aware that the negroes were able to appreciate the great doe. trines of religion. His only wonder was, that they were unlike what they had been described to be. In conclusion he apologised for detaining the meeting so long, and expressed the great satisfaction he felt its moving the resolution.—(Cheers.) E. BEM/SHER, Esq., seconded the resolution. He was convinced that the negroes were fully capable of receiving the benefits of moral and religious education and of civil liberty, and because he wished to obtain all the advantages of the splendid sacrifice made by the people of this country to give 20,000,0001., a sacrifice unparalleled in the history of the world. Having given a compensation, they were fnlly entitled, as a nation, to receive that which they had bargained for. The negroes had shown themselves worthy of liberty, because that which they had already received was enjoyed by them, not in a state of riot or confu sion, but by attendance at places of worship, and by rejoicing in a Christian and religious manner for the liberty which, under the bles sings of Divine Providence, they had attained.—(Hear, hear.) He an ticipated a glorious day when they would see the African, though clothed in a different skin from that of the European, would be ca pable of enjoying those privileges which in this land of liberty the country were preparing for them.—(Cheers.) The island of Antigua had shown a noble example in the emancipation of its slaves, and that splendid act had been followed by the best effects. He hoped that this year, which was the one in which our virtuous and beloved Queen was to have the British crown placed on her head (and which might she long live to wear), would not go out without the full and free emancipa tion of those poor slaves whose cause they were advocating. Such an act would give additional lustre to her reign, and be the brightest gem in the British diadem.—(Cheers.) He sincerely trusted she would, under Providence, be permitted, through the Legislature of this country, to have the happiness of emancipating those subjects of her Crown, so that the descendants of Wilberforce and Stephens might see that the work of their forefathers had not been in vain. —(Cheers.) The resolution was put, and carried unanimously. GEORGE Ginsoer, Esq. then came forward to move the next resolu tion. He knew not why he had been selected to take part in the pro. ceeclings, unless because it was known that he had come from a part of the country in which a deep, a lively, and an increasing interest upon the subject was felt. In thus coming forward he did it with diffidence and embarrassment, being unaccustomed to address a public audience; but since he came into that Hall, he had been inhaling the exhilerating air of freedom.—(Cheers.) Ho saw around him gentlemen clothed in the ample mantle of charity, and he therefore came forward to claim their indulgence.—(Hear, hear.) He stood there a convert to hume_ diate emancipation. He was one of those who considered an interme diate state necessary, but from observing the working of the system in some of the islands, he had found the opinion to be theoretical, and he had been compelled to abandon it.—(Cheers.) He had then thought that the national faith was pledged, and he could only satisfy his mind by investigation. In proceeding with that investigation, he found that the money had been paid upon certain conditions, and the question arose, had those conditions been fulfilled? and he ascertained that they had not. He would give them an illustration; if any gentleman present hadpurchased a farm for six years, and the conditions of the lessee were, that he should make every endeavour to improve the land, if in the course of four years it was found that, notwithstanding remonstrances, the occupier was wasting the soil and suffering the buildings to go to decay, would it be a violation of the contract if he took possession of 'the land before the expiration of the remaining term of the lease? He would say that that man's interests had been violated—and such was the present condition of the country. They had granted emancipation upon certain conditions, which it was proved had not been fulfilled ; and therefore it would be but an act of justice in the Government to take possession of that property, and if they were willing to abandon the pecuniary condition, at least the immediate emancipation of the negroes should be demanded.—(Cheers.) Since the resolution had been put into his hands a few memorable words had occurred to him on another and a very different occasion—" England expects every man to do his duty,"—(Hear and cheers.) For that reason he had felt it his duty to come forward, and he would add that they were assembled there for no insidious purpose—that they were not met to undermine the institutions of the country, or to excite the spirit of discontent and hostility to the powers that be"—not to interfere 'with the interests of the planters, but in the name of justice, of humanity, and of religion, to uphold the hand of the Executive to grant an act of justice, which they sincerely believed would benefit the colonies and the negroes themselves, and by passing the Act of Emancipation, be the means of binding and attaching them by grati tude to the State, promote the prosperity of the planters, and, he reve rently hoped, would ultimately tend to the glory of God, and the ex!en sion of the Redeemer's kingdom.—(Loud cheers.) GEORGE 'Essoetesoee, Esq , then presented himself to the meeting, and was received with loud cheering. He said—Freeholders of Essex, I am proud of the privilege of offering to you this day a few observations, and I will not abuse that privilege. I will say nothing inconsistent with that religion which constitutes the glory of our country—is at once the cause of our prosperity, and the foundation and security of that prosperity. I will utter nothing inconsistent with the spirit of the English laws, as ad ministered in this building in which we are assembled. I will say no thing at variance with the political views of any party here, be cause what I have to address to you, this day, will be in strict accordance with those great fundamental principles which we hold in common, and for the triumph of which we are all desirous, however we may differ as to the best means of carrying out into universal application those great maxims of moral and political conduct.—(Cheers.) Had the meeting to-day been convened for political purposes, I should not have been here. If the object of this meeting had been to promote the local interests of the county in which we are assembled, and in which you are residents and electors, I should not have been here ; but I am here to advocate a cause more than any other cause free from a party political complexion—free from those imputations which may sometimes justly be cast, and to which many other qecstions are liable, of being advanced by persons wino have their own personal and pecuniary bite ' rests involved, and who either betray, or may be considered latently to cherish, the desire to advance their own confused and absurd purpesee; rather than the good of the community at large.—(Loud cheers.) Our cause today is not the cause of party—it is not a question belonging to any division of the political world, or any section of the religious world— it is the cause of man—it is the cause of our country—it is the cause of God—it is a cause in which all men and all parties have laboured—the cause of Pitt and Fox—those great rivals on many questions united on this— the cause of Sheridan, Burke, Wyndham, Wilberforce, and now I boast to say a cause advocated by men of all religious denominations, as well as by men of every political party in the State.—(Great cheering.) It is in the highest sense a religious cause that we advocate to-day. Re ligious in its object, it is to carry out those great principles of morality which have been revealed in the Word of God. Religious in the prin ciples, by the advocacy of which we seek to accomplish that object. Our principles have been derived from that untainted volume which has been in goodness and wisdom given to us to save us on this great question from being led astray by leaning to the maxims of men, or by submitting to be governed by the theories of philosophers and legis. lators who have not derived their spirit and information from God. — (Hear, hear.) Our means are religious—our's are not the weapons of carnal warfare, and we desire not to accomplish our object by unhal lowed means. We have repudiated such means hitherto, and we have sought to achieve our ends by measures purely pacific. We have not ventured to recommend a course which has been sometimes adopted, and which I, for one, believe would be a lawful course—we have not ventured to recommend that course alluded to by my . Hon. Friend on my right, I mean the acting upon the doctrine of passive resistance. —(Hear, hear.) What we have done hitherto has been this : we have sought in the spirit of love and by the propagation of truth to influence the consciences and hearts of men, and especially the consciencies and hearts of those who have the power, and with that power also inherit the will to exert themselves for the extinction of that nefarious system which, for three centuries, has been a stain upon our national character —a scandal to religion, the curse of the Colonies, and the disgrace of the world. And, again, our final object is not to accomplish the extinc tion of personal slavery. We are labouring, I trust, under the influence of a desire to promote an ulterior object. We regard personal liberty, civil liberty, and religious liberty, as a means to a great end—(Hear)—as not worth fighting for, sometimes, for their own sakes—as not worth the sacrifices we have to make, when gained, merely for their own sakes — but as so many great and indispensable means of revealing nobler, and ho:ier, and eternal ends. And it is because we believe that without personal liberty there will be little religious liberty—and, I might say, where there is no religious liberty, we generally find that there is political and personal slavery—it is because we believe that the spiritual interests of these our fellow subjects are intimately connected with—nay, indis. pensable from—the possession of personal liberty, that we seek to save them first from the bondage of an earthly thraldom, that, among the privileges of a better condition, they may arrive at the enjoyment of that freedom which knowledge, and which a moral and sound religious edu. cation bestows upon the subjects of such an education, and without which mass is, after all, a slave; and not the guiltless slave who wears the fetters of a temporal and servile bondage, but the guilty slaveof passion and of sin—the vessel and victim of him" who goes about like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour."—(Vehement cheering.) I have said this much to explain the views by which I am influenced in rising to ad dress you to.day ; and I may be permitted to say further, that we are not the enemies of the planters.—(Hear.) Would that they could look into our hearts—they would there discover no sinister motives, no hidden desire to abridge the benefits they enjoy under the present system — (Cheers)—no desire to injure them in their worldly circumstances, or, what is dearer to them, as it is to every man, their reputation—that we do not meet to-day to punish . the innocent with the guilty, but to bless the guilty with the innocent—(Loud cheers)—and if there be any among the planters who are worse than others, more clue], more indu rated, more callous, and more set against their own true interests than those around them, to save them even against their will, and make them, by the establishment ofa luster, and a milder, and a holier system, to be partakers of it, may be so at last, of those blessings which they have blindly repudiated, and of those influences they are now so strenuously resisting.—(Great applause.) Now, Sir, I humbly conceive that our question to-day lies in a very narrow compass. At all events, the mo rality of the question lies in a very narrow compass.—(Hear, hear.) It is not, in the first place in what position we stand—with what difficulties we have to contend—what are the objections brought against us—and what are our chances of success. But the first question is this—is the negro in a suffering condition—has the negro at this hour his privileges and prerogatives, and rights, which as a man and a subject of the British Crown, he is by nature and by birth entitled to ?—(Loud cheers.) If we find, on looking at him, that we are not in a free condition—that his personal liberty is abridged—that his labour is taken from him and no wages given as an equivalent, then, Sir, what can be the difficulties, whatever the objections, whatever the number, or subtelty, or power, or malignity, or rank of our opponents—we may make up our minds to this one thing—that we are right in pleading the cause of the negro, and if there be truth in the Bible or strength in the arm of God, we must ultimately triumph.—(lmmense cheering.) Now, a word in the first instance with regard to the character of the negro before we speak of his condition. On looking at the debate in the House of Commons, I regret to find that in the speeches delivered in opposition to the motion of Sir G. Strickland, that the negro was entirely forgotten. Sir G. Grey reasoned not as though the question had reference to 800,000 living, sentient, human, rational, immortal beings, the subjects of the Govern ment of England, and 20,000 of them our Fellow-Christians, but as though it was simply a question of compact between man and man, hay. ing reference to some inanimate or at best some brute irrational crea tures. That the negro, if suffering had to be relieved or if wrong had to be redressed, or if the enslaved hail to be set at liberty, never seemed to enter for an instant into the minds of Sir G. Grey or Mr. Gladstone, the two distinguished advocates on the opposite side of the question, who, though on different sides of the House, and antagonists generally, were most cordially united as friends and fellow-labourers in opposing the wishes of a united and enlightened empire —(Loud and continued cheers.) Surely as Christian men, having or professing to have a philanthropic object, their:first attention should be directed to the individual respecting whom the alleged case of suffering had been made out. The negro stands before us to-day in a very commanding position. He is a man, and woe be to those who would lay hands upon him and make him pro perty, and desecrate his Maker's image—reduce the being created but a little lower than the angels, to the condition of a beast of burden I Woe to that legislature!—woe to that government! that dares to barter away either the liberty or the industry of one solitary human being ! (Loud and continued cheering.) There is not a freeholder within these walls to-day who is more entitled to the fruits of his lands, or the wages which he acquires from the exertion of his handicraft skill, than is the negro entitled to eat the fruit of the soil on which he toils, and to demand for his labour a fair, and reasonable, and just equivalent.— (Cheers.) The British Parliament has no more a right to rob the negro of the fruits of his industry than you have a right to rob him.— (Hear, hear.) There is not, before God, one morality for Chelmsford, and another for St. Stephens —we shall be judged according to our actions and not according to the place where we performed them ; and I am sorry to say that many of our legislators who are honoura able men out of the House—who pay their tradesmen and workmen, and who would be ashamed to defraud the widows or the fatherless of their scanty pittance—who pay those who reap their fields or who sow them—yet go into the House and maintain before God their right to ' rob 800,000 human beings. Now I will not assent to this doctrine— (Hear, hear)—l bow down before his immortality; I acknowledge him to be a brother; I bring him within the covenant; ofgrace, by which I hope to be saved, and I look to live with him hereafter in the holy and immortal climes of bliss, and what I claim for my Sovereign and myself, the one the highest and the other the humblest in the land, I claim for the blackest and the poorest, and the most insulted negro in the British colonies.—(Great cheering.) We paid to set that man free, and on no other condition did we submit to have our pockets emptied of twenty millions of money. We paid it, not that he might be in a better condition than before, as Sir G. Grey tells us—not that he might receive fewer lashes, but that he might re. , oeive none; not that he might have fewer hours to himself, not that he might have one half of Friday, which they managed however to take from him—but that he might have every Friday, and every day from the Sunday dawn, when the church going bell summonses him to the House of God, till the Saturday night, whets he returns weary with labour to the hut where he rests his head.—(Great cheering,) I scorn the appeal made to me to be grateful that the negro is not so badly off as he was before. I ask, is he free ?—(Vehement cheering.) I ask, has Lord Stanley's prophecy been fulfilled ?—is he freed from irresponsible corporeal punishment? Is he freed from the collar, from the stocks, from unpaid labour, from the taint of a servile condition ? And if Sir G. Grey cannot demonstrate that lie is, in the language of Lord Stanley, " for ever absolutely manumitted and discharged from all manner of slavery," I would say to him, compare not the length of his chain now with what it was before—be thankful that it is longer, or lined, or made of better materials—if I see one fetter— if I see attached to his heel one link of the dehumanizing chain, I shall come again and again to these men, although they might fear neither man nor God, and by constant importunity weary them into acquiescence, and oblige them to yield to moral constraint, that which was withheld as a spontaneous and gracious act.—(lmmense cheering.) Now the negro was worthy of this not merely as a rem, but as a man fit for freedom. Our enemies being the judges—there is not a human being on the face of the globe more fit for freedom. What a mass—what volumes of base calumnies have been propagated respecting the fitness of the negro for freedom, and even now we are told by Mr. Gladstone, that if two years were necessary to prepare him for a transition state, how much the more necessary to have two years to prepare him for a state of freedom : ergo, we must by no means think of emancipating the negro. It is not the negro whom I consider unfit for freedom—the patient double-drudging negro attached by a solitary act of kindness to the man who may have been guilty of 1,000 acts of unkindness—who with a cutlass in his hand for fifty years, never once raised it against the man who had spoiled him of his rights. It was not that man who was unfit for freedom in my eyes—though fair science may not have been enlightened his mind—though the page of divine inspiration may present unmeaning hieroglyphics to his gaze, he is not the man who is unfit for freedom, but I will tell you who. No matter how polished, how proud, or how pale—no matter what be his rent. roll—no matter whether lie be a Student of Christ Church, or an Under Secretary of State—that man, in my estimation, is unfit for free dom, who living and enjoying, and being wise, and proud, and happ*, and strong, because he is free, either grudges it to his neighbour, or, what is worse, uses the means which freedom gives h m to forge the chains for his fellowman ; or, worse than all, worshipping at the altar of the goddess, brings his victim to her shr.ne, and sacrifices him there. The emotions of thet man's soul must he dull as night—his aft' ctions must be dark as Erebus—" Let no antis man be trusted." I have the au thority of Sir George Grey himself, supported by extract after extract ' from the reports of Governors and Special Magistrates, all speaking in the mo t eulogistic terms of the conduct of the Negro. But I have higher authority for the fact. I would point to the beaetiful and in controvertible argument referred to by this Gentleman who has pre_ crded me, in the condition of Antigua, where there were 34,000 blacks, and 2,000 whites, which was a sugar colony, and where, therefc re, the experiment had been fairly tried.—(Hear, hear hear.) Does its present condition fulfil the prophecies of our opponents, who sat upon the battlements of their blood.stained superstructure and watched for the appearance of an enemy, and when they descried his ap proach, flapped their raven wings and " frighted the isle from its pro priety ?" Not a woman has been defiled—not a man has been injured __not a cane-piece destroyed—not a trash-house fired—not a single white man assaulted.—(Cheers.) The cane-piece blooms as sweetly as ever —the mill goes as merrily as ever—the wh ar f i s l aden with sugar as heavily as ever—the ship floats in the harbour as proudly as ever—and leaves the shore, now teeming with plenty, with a cargo of natural and uncontaminated sweets, the produce of a harvest reaped by a grateful and an honest peasantry.—(lmmense cheering) H ave th e m iliti a an d the troops beenre.organcsed. There had b een suc h f orces i n t h e i s l an d , as was the case in every other slave colony, but the militia had been dis. banded. It had been the practise to make every book-keeper enrol him self as a militia man, and periodically to put on Russian docks, a scarlet coat, and a plumed hat, with a rifle on his shoulder, to go strut on the parade, and through certain milit ary evolutions, that he might learn to be a warrior, and shoot the negroes if they dared to complain. Now all these gentlemen had lost their vocation. " Grim-visag'd war bath smootli'd his wrinkled front ; And now instead of mcunting barbed steeds, To fright the souls of fearful adversaries, He capers nimbly in a lady's chamber."—(Great laughter.) And there were standing troops in the island. Were they called out? No. What were they doing? Smoking cigars, d r inking sangaree, fishing on the lagoons, fe as ti ng at the planters' houses, and dancing wills the planters' daughters—and sometimes marrying them too. As to fighting, that was the very thing they did not do, and had almost for gotten to do. — (Cheers ) And a proposal has actually been made by the Government at home to the Executive in the Colony, to withdraw every British soldier, and l eave i t to be defen d e d aga i ns t intestine fetid cr foreign aggression by the virtue, the valour, the loyalty, the gratitude, and, better than all, the piety of the emancipated slaves.—(Great plaus'e.) But have they a police ? Yes. And who are they ? Blacks. Who is the head of the police—the controlling mind and directing authority? An emancipated slave. Where are the eyes of our legis lators, where are the eyes of the majority—the odious-1 was going to say, the infamous majority, when Antigua, wills her 34,000 enfran chised, happy, energetic, peaceful, loyal subjects stood before them, to rebuke their timidity, to win their admiration, and to solicit their suf frages in favour of 700,000 fellow men yet unemancipated ?—(Tremen dous cheering.) Then there is the Bermudas, where 5,000 have been emancipated, and there is Nevis, which will be free on the first of August. Another island, more enlightened than the Legislature' IS about to do that themselves whi c h th e British Cabinet will not do, a. to set their apprentices absolut e ly f l e e on the Ist of August next, whenn tats 9,000 men will be emancipated.—(Cheers.) Then we ha ve the Virg islands, and Tortola and Barbadoes, with its population of eighty thousand, whose planters and legislators grave and rev erend seignors," were never in the habit of doing any have declared that they were only prevented from freeing their slaves I) . y . tlfe fear of coming into collision with the British Parliament. He hel d in his hand a Barbadoes newspaper, in which the debate in the Barba. does Legislature was reported, and wherein it was stated, that however they might be convinced of the safety of the measure, they fea red thing might be thwarting the intentions of the British Parliament.—(nea'' hear.) Oh! but our opponents say, these things may be true, but thin do not apply to Jamaica. Why, there are 350,000, with its inounta.r fastnesses, and unexplored wildernescess, and tempting regions, to wie' the slave might go when he was free, and where he might choose ra ther to live upon the fruits of the earth, than serve the white mall to hastily, the house or in the field. But if I bring the planters of Jamaica to g' , ve evidence: in my favour, turning to the blue book before me, I fin" 3 letter from Sir Lion(' Smi h to Lord Glenelg, dated the 13th of Novena: bet, in which he states, that not only on the lot of August n ext, h u ' on the very next day, the 14th of November, the slaves might be eman cipated—. all parties would be glad to abandon the system to-morr"oW-- 'ere for further compensation."—(Cheers and much laughter.) the difficulties of the law, the troops and the militia, were jumped ever s instantly. A little more compens a tion, and tosmorrow—aye, to-inorrov —they would abandon the system themselves, and yet Mr. William., Ewart Gladstone, wills that dispatch before him, had declared that two years were necessary to provide for a transition state, a much longer time would be necessary for immediate freedom. But then it was ' a , they would run away to the buela What have I to do with tha" bush , Granted that every man, woman, and child would run away to the has it come to this, that we hold them in bondage lest they should rya away, if they chose, to the bush, rather than dwell in towns or cities, and the God who dwelt in the bush go with them ? And I would salf, " Heaven's ble,sing go with you, my, brother—l would rather y ou shou remain with me that I might pay you with wages, instead of the wh i P ee that I might have cherished and enlightened you ; but if you will to t n., . e e bush, prosperity go with you, and if ever you choose to peep out or co out, I shall be very glad to see you." So much with regard to the fit", ,s of the negro for freedom. Is their condition one of injustice and ceu e ', t ' a and severity ? I must remind this assembly that for the last two an" a half years our case has been most carefully laid before Governmen t 1° ..,„ variety of documents—all of the highest authority, an d most conclus, in their evidence. It has been demonstrated to the Government, a! though perhaps not to the community at large, because the O. agi tation has been comparatively short, that in the matt er of Ive gistration thousands and tens of thousands of the negr oes been defrauded—that by a false classification, or none at all, been r two years of their liberty has been put in jeopardy -- that e an over-valuation they have been prevented from purchas in g tb w i freedom, and where they have bought it they have been o bliged . ht pay a much larger sum than justice prescribed—that by th e Kith hours' system they have been deprived of their half Fridays—that ''„,re regard to food they are in a worse condition than when th e y a re slaves—that the scale of punishments was increased, and there .ess, now thirteen offences for which they could be punished wit h 50 lastah-as while under the old system they could not receive more than on the tread-wheel women were put to have their joints dislocanq their limbs bruised, their backs lacerated, and their forms wasted:no, destroyed—that they were prevented from moving from one Id a ' ne another—that with regard to the aged, mothers and children , their e s ° e dision was decidedly worse than before. This was our ca se ; an shall not require any lengthened documents to demonstrate it, beeaus, ae it has been unequivocally admitted by Lord Glenelg himself B ut ere e the subject o: registration, I shall direct your attention to the t;ris principal colonies belonging to the British empire. First, the tins, an island in the Indian pecan, containing 76,000 negroes-enceo, British Guiana, containing 100,000—and thirdly, lons tensing 350,000, the most important of all our slave c", ,' a s According to the Slave Acts, every negro was not duly registereO; or entitled to his freedom on the first of August, 1834, yet in d es P i re this law, every negro was subsequently registered and the planter; just ceived compensation for him. Now, if the parties had recei ved th or award of the law, every person guilty of th e flag i t i ous act, instca aiats receiving compensation for his slave, should have, for foloniouslY e porting these men, received the halter as Isis reward. And here rim, bring a great charge against the Government, that when Dlr. Je ths the Chief Magistrate of Ceylon, when he had lingered for r n°ll ,, i - ent England to give evidence on the state of Mauritius, the Gover b •,,g one first endeavoured to get Mr. Jeremy out of the country, by threat rocs, the withdrawal of his appointment, a n d r e f us in g to pay h is es s P e e thei' • and when the abolitionists undertook to pay a ll the expences out 6agy pockets, they refused to open the case of the Mauritius , and iseog compelled Mr. Jeremy to leave the country without t e ar.) one word of evidence on the condition of that Island. —(Hear ' e ived I find that in the short space of twelve months 7,304 persons resew 1,0, 23,000 lashes, and forgone 7o67 were punished with hard labour, the w e er , and imprisonment made on the authority of returns from Special Magistratee. An d to o's come to the negrocs' paradise—British Guiana, where Mr. Glad', ,he , se l e astoo e family have large estates, and as many: negroes as have brought ` upwards of 100,0001. in the shape of compensation. De r. e'r,„ talsen was anxious to prove more especially that the negroes were kin. , h i e ; care of when sick. Now, by accident I found a Paper this Ine h r e a tg containinga long case of gross abuse in one of the hospit als attac. yes_ an estate on a plantation in Demerara, and I find that after a lone in s tigation of all the facts, the Acting Governor reported as folio:es of " The Acting Governor has perused the entire evidence with feel es„ the deepest regret, of the utmost reprobation, 0 - f the hospitalbirybet; which it reveals, and of the greatest astonishment that it ha s rs efr. escaped detection and exposure." But with regard to punisho le e , 3 were Gladstone laboured hard to prove that the punishments ingipet7s thaa very light, but by statements which I hold in my hand it AP- % re w ere from the first of August, 1834, to the 31st of July, 1 535 ' th o f May , 8,152 inflicted, and from the Ist of June, 1836, to the gist s Ise s_srs r eturn 1837, there were 7,596 punishments. By comparing the , Thse nte Jamaica with those from Guiana, I findithat in Jamaica the leun i° " r dto were nearly 7 per cent. less upon the aggregate. And now w ith re° e ase Jaaica. The first thing I shall put in as evidence in proof of our the being m made out in that island is the result of a careful a nalysis of ps i law of Jamaica' made by a gentleman whom I have already named, pie upon Mr. Gladstone bestowed a high compliment in the course ef. speech. This gentleman, Mr. Jeremy, was lynx-eyed, and equalled in his knowledge of colonial law, assisted by three oti L competent persons, went into an examination of the law of '- maim before a Committee of the House of Commons, and derev"" s strated that the negro might be worked for forty-five consecutive inn ir i that he migh the robbed of his own time—that he might be flogg, e ; for complaining to his paid protectors—that he might be imprisoned i°,', 24 hours by the estate constable—that he might be defrauded ot .ht' contract for task.work—that he might be sent to the treadmill, or ' - o e s his wife, mother, or daughter, sent there without redress—that his visions might be taken away—that he might be flogged with 40 Dew; for going beyond the precincts of the plantation without a witten,!taisi, from his owner ; and that his children, if through his death or des: l th , tion, or disease brought on by persecution, they became a burden t rs to planter, the innocent and helpless might be apprenticed for 21 year' or payback what the planter did for them in the way of food, cloth,s,eo., attention during the years of their infancy.—(Loud cries of l a ' ses t and shame ) The next evidence he should offer was of the mostocepther kind. During the time that the Marquis of Sligo was il . re of of the Island, all the measures affecting the liberty or wees3eiablet the negroes were sent down to him by the House pf A peas were repudiated with scorn, or treated with insult or d e w s, at A higher testimonial I could not give you. I hold in „ as sets'' , printed letter, addressed by Lord Sligo to the editor of the Tha t Col n tee who, as late as the month of March last, wrote as follows s negrocs will be more fit for freedom two years hence than the,' a ' th erse I do not anticipate ; nothing has been done by the planter to f t is thr for that . blessing. " He states it is not likely they will do In °re ter e f succeeding years, and he declares himself to be an earnest suPP the immediate abolition.—(Cheers.) D ou btless we shall b e told : , " 05 to House of Commons that the contumacy of the Planterd serener be attributed to the Abolitionists, that they were placid an e tree s ; just and generous, impartial and equitable before ; but that we cos n., formed them into tyrants and demons b our continued Per tinaci o Y ' f ' the malignant attacks on their ch erecter. Here we have • se sh l P the Marquis of Sligo, that during the first year of the apprenti moor tern, they resisted all his attempts to carry any ameliorative the y OA; in the Colonies, and we have the Marquis's testimony, t hat , o ld ill 111 : ttnued that conduct down to the time he left the Island. I " ses te n '. hand a pamphlet, entitled " Jamaica under the ApprenticesiPre'al posii; of which the Marquis is avowedly the author. It explain s th , e ' ,sa ve t floss of the negroes in the Island of Jamaica. You shall n ° " os joseP, declamation of George Thompson, nor the stale ealunen ies ssa l l et re Sturge—you shall have the testimony of the Marquis o f Sliga. s ot h e be recollected the Marquis of Sligo tells us himself that ev erY , P t ee developed was pressed again and again on the Government o f pe e try. What are the liabilities of the negro according to the o f eve r ' ondition estate of this Noble Lord. He toile us with regard t c e an li ce= apprentice that "an overseer, a book-keeper, a policerea"ces h• constable, or even any idler: riding out for a musemen t, ; a man walking along the ro a d w ith a bu n dle, or, what is to hiro---or a basket of provisions upon his head; hestops him, questionbee envit if the man does not gi ve an expl ana ti on sa tisfactory t° t to he • —if the negro does not succeed in giving what he is ers a to ca' ficient explanation—he takes him up,for which he is (01111( h ir3 bro!: o peei tain premium," a most vicious enactment that—" a nd nerally before the nearest local magistrate for examination , _ e s e trs t ,, , nve l' • magistrate would not do—he must be brought before a s hicti ed i t' a resident proprietor, "and in order to get the reward t° `. al to co at col t entitled for apprehending a runaway, urges the mane , c" et ban' to workhouse. The man, generally, has not the means proving to the magistrate who and what he is ; and that on on sospiewor rally not wishing to let a runaway escape, commits hint fined i ° ! O at , As soon as he reaches the workhouse, lie is at once other fellow-prisoner by a collar 'round his n eck, and lie n is or do a s tow' c la in the penal, or chain gang, to clean the streets dare to be .io s other work, in which the parish penal gang liePP ell „ sie t P 4 ,e'' ployed." Mark his offence. He is taken uP ° ,tt blic o of being a runaway; he is advertised in th e l oa d h pers, imprisoned with an iron collar round his neck, treated pers, imprisoned with an iron collar roumad isis jelo a i iss felon and driven out like a convict to clean the streets "„"o wee le All "He is then, as the law directs, advertised for four succesl during d: the Colonial papers, for the purpose of being claimed ; s at 01e 011 1. that time works for the benefit of the parish, and Per ba _ l ; - 0 31 1 . 08 1 turns out to be a free person." No earthly redress has O n ' this 711°r rtY e worthy Chairman told us that the question for discussions that seseociss was not slavery—that that had been abolished —I as k i the ts I l ‘ el/ —(Loud cheers.) If that be liberty on British g ound, ` the bat rise nothing of British liberty.—(Cheers.) Commend me tc' tet as ee Czar—let nct the royal standard float above my hea d- 7, e t, th e ' ,poi treated as this mass is liable to be treated while I am to.`" ans trea hee r time lam living under the British Constitution, th at , e . l mu st - me let on British ground.—(Hear.) If I must be a slave ---1. et-- - eer 1 &We tithe the yoke--if I must serve the tyrant, let him be a rega „ a ail ce doe., o know whom I serve—let me not see the wymbols of fr _ ja ws sa let the praises of the great Redeemer, and know that ttw .id ju stlY country, generally speaking, are administered impartiallYoal_s_apleoe,„o„ me not wear the manacle on any rood of British territ _e . Y .soo ,llP oi e where the Grand Turk flourishes his whip in the centre of ., n is ' hee l co are or place me where the Autocrat of St. Petersburgh puts and neck of the Pole—but let me not, I say, suffer s i a yere; lavori c . e; prived of the sympathies of mankind, by having that of all. ned " liberty."—(Shouts of applause.) This is the worst o s not s for they were called slaves, there was not an eye that `lift n etiti °3 t oe' for them— these was not a hand who did not subscribe 3 ,, ./ ss one o , their liberty—there was not a legislator that did not seem 140 pie co st' heart abhor slavery." On the hustings they would saY -- ,, gssse e t ° , st or man can like slavery—it is repugnant to our religion, ao' e by the I nagi e c a ' ll ea, lairs;" but when we gave 20 000,0001. —hoes Focus, -• and - ese • ward the thi ng, w a s changed; we rechristened the monster,ofter esil" the . him " Apprenticeship," giving him a longer name a. s ,_, w ith making the condition of the negro to stand in close assocint;so condition of our brethren, who follow the profession of a ,! otise orl, t , s e cine, and law; and who make watches and shoes, corning:ser, a ny o Saturday night to spend his Sunday with his father and m o t e " atre ane to church with Isis sister.— (Cheers and laughter.) Thus ler sympathy is cut off, and the neer° is left alone to the tent:er. and Senators, who cheat the deluded people with a show of ctOrthereoi: they E . r that their hands were free front fetters, while id r°ups jer the basest bonds." I say apprenticeship is slaverys s a s s svor y, hateful, because it wears a mask—(Cheers) —because it e as 'S che ek , ' a disguise. Let us rouse up the great lion of nature:, and theta growth of the domestic spoiler, who keep men slave:, and t e.l , are te their charter.—(Cheers.) If that is the condition of th e spet oo 5„ females any better off—let us hear. The Marquis of Sligo th s tit es.' the females. Young girls, not persons old in crime and o_ c eDe r .os but " young girls, of premature age, and probably of excerlls o r ' tta ss * I ter, sent on suspicion, or for some trifling indolence, ol°