The Sun. — London, England, 1864-09-20 00:00:00

The Prince and Princess of Wales in Denmark COPENHAGEN, Thursday. Yssterday the Prince and Princess of Wales, ac companied by their Royal hosts and relatives, re• moved from the Castle of Fredensborg, hitherto their residence, to the quiet little house of Berns torf, where the next few days will be spent in per fect domesticity. This tranquil seat lies, as already indicated, in a completely rural district; it is en• circled and shut in by woods, but in these are fre. qnsut glades, and charming walks and drives. The Rayal deer park also joins the grounds immediately beneath the Castle windows. The mansion was erected by Count Bcrnstorff, whose name it bears, as a pleasant retreat from cares of State, and over its portals he placed the Latin inscription that still remains, declaring it consecrated to the inter vals of honest ease due to a hardworking First Minister of the Crown. Since its erection a century ago by the Danish Premier the Castle has several times changed hands. Among other owners was once an Englishman, of whose house in the mother country curiously enough, the Prices of Wales became an occupant. Of late years it has been remarkable chiefly as the country seat where Christian IX., be• fore he ascended the throne of Danmark, brought up that amiable and goodly family which, for its extent, bids fair to include the largest number of crowned heads in Europe. The return to this spot of the entire Royal household, and especially of the Princess of Wales. who seems to have been almost idolized in Denmark, created no little sensa tion in the district. Its resources hardly admitted of any extensive organisation, but such a display as circumstances enabled the village of Gjentofle to make was prepared with a heartiness and simple elegance which municipal bodies occasionally might capy with advantage. The scene outside the gates of Bernstorf formed as charming a little picture as it was possible to conceive. It had not, indeed, the wide background of tho ELiaoro reooptiorr, but Cho rich shades of the autumn foliage quite compensated for the absence of ships or houses. For more than a mile from the gates of Bernstorf the road was lined with a dense and well-dressed crowd, while vehicles of every kind, from carriages and pair to local omnibuses or " Holstein cars," with endless rows of seats, were packed away in an avenue by themselves. A few of the principal officers of police, in costumes verging on the Windsor uniform, moved about to keep the line; a knot of cavalry officers stood just outside the entrance, the bearskins of thesentries placed within shot up above the level of the bonnets, but with these exceptions the gathering was strictly of the people. ;The triumphal arch, draped with oak leaves, forest flowers, and dahlias, was further embellished with allegorical designs of Peace, and from its summit were exhibited the arms and flags of Denmark and of England. An instrumental band stood at one of the ,flanks of the structure, the other side was guarded by the choir of Gjentofle, headed by its Dean. This rev. gentleman, by name M. Bosjen, wore the quaint costume of the Lutheran Church, assumed by all its ministers in the performance of Divine service and on occasions of great solemnity. Upon the black gown, descending from the ruff, the decorations bestowed on M. Bojsen became, of course, additionally prominent. In English eyes, the carrying of orders of knighthood by a clergy man has a strange appearance ; but in Denmark the clergy, sharing in the performance of secular duties, are also admitted to share in its distinctions_ Thus, Bishop Monrad guided the councils of the State. Clergymen may enter its Legislative halls; and when, as in the case of M. Bujsen, a pastor by long service and great exertion has conferred benefits in the district where he is placed, the nation singles him out and rewards him with a decoration. One of the orders held by M. Bojsen was the Dannebrog ; the other a badge called the Dannebrogsman, in it se :f no very high distinction, but acting retrospec tively and in a cumulative sense upon any honour previously awarded. The Royal carriages left Fredensborg at 3 o'clock, and after a picturesque drive of two hours and a half, their approach to the gates of Bernstorf was signalled by a hearty cheer. Their way lay fur some considerable distance through a magnificent avenue of trees, remarkable even in this thickly-wooded country ; and at an angle where this crosses another high road a pavilion overlooking the drive, and belonging to a gentle man of Copenhagen, was transformed into a per fect bower of flags and flowers and evergreens. General D'Ox.holm and a second officer of the Royal household drove quickly up to the Castle in the first carri3ge, and the Royal equipage with its four horses was about to follow, when the King, perceiving the preparation, cried with his own voice "H.alt," and stopped its progress just as it was about to pass beneath the arch. The band played the Eng lish National Anthem in compliment to the Royal visitors, and then, according to the programme, the choir were have to sung the verses composed in honour of the Princess of \Vales ; but so many voices in the crowd were anxious to shout " Velkommen," and to lead off the acclamatory " nine times nine,' - which exists in its integrity in Denmark, that the singers were obliged to bide their time. At last a general " Hush, hush," gained for them a tolerably char start, ar.d a fine chorus of 30 well-trained manly voices sang to a national air the spirited corn. insition to which was attached the signature of " Adolph Recke." The verses were of course in Danish, but a fre© translation, preserving the sense, and also, as nearly as possible, the metre of the song was volunteered and, with much courtesy, written upon the spot for your correspondent by a gentleman occupying a high position in diplomatic circles, and author of works of proved utility in dis cussions upon the Danish question : " Welcome Princess, from o'er the distant wave, Welcome here to Seeland's verdant shore To whom the old beloved forests wave, And earnest hearts and tongues their greetings pour. Well met with hint, whose love we know Has shaped for thce a f,..ture glad and bright, The faithful partner of thy weal or woe, Thy first born's father, source of pure delight. How short the time since we last saw thee here ; And yet how long t Since then we fought for very life - A mournful time, when Danes found broody bier And Denmark reeled in the unequal strife. Though tar away from us, you shared our sorrow ; You raourned our losses, and our hopes were y ours, To greet you now, this means we gladly borrow; Oar thanks and blessings go with you indoors. "And oh ! Princess, recalling by thy Leauty The radiant time that smiled on us of yore, Thou art cur angel with a new prediction Of happy times for Denmark yet in store We hail the promise of a day of fortune When wo again our fond regard shall prove. Meanwhile, once more--`j elkommen' Denmark's daughter. God's blessing rest on you and all you love I" A fresh outburst of cheering f )110 wed the con. elusion of the song, and then M,Boilen, advancing towards the Royal carriage, and bending his snow White locks before the Princess, addressed to her some words of welcome in the national tongue. Although, as often happens with extemporised ad dresses, the speaker was carried by the warmth of his own feelings and the energy with which he spok9 to a length somewhat greater than he might originally have intended, the Princess listened with deep attention to every word, and the colour, as it went and came upon her cheek, showed how deeply she was impressed with the ceremony itself and all the associations connected with the scene. At the outset the Prince of Wales evidently found some difficulty in following the Danish language, spoken so fluently as it was in this instance,.but the word hustru, indicating the relation of marriage, was a landmark which he cau g h t at once, an d f rom that point appeared to comprehend the meaning of the speaker. In substance the address of M Be - sen was an echo o f the inscribed upon the i triumphal arch, th a t t h e recollections ofst early childhood cen tring in the h ouse at B-rn o d rf might enhance th e pietsure of th e happy v;ifi, an mother. When she l e ft the Danish shores, he add e d called her, to th a t m i ghty land whose go where her heart whosu peopl e we re so Danes closely connected w i th the by race an d sym pathy, the warmest wishes .Ad wholo nation followed h e tha r, ondest hopes of the though, since then, the State had suffered heavily Queen, with all their subjects, we ' re " d Klng and mourn in common, it was a consolation that, ati co compelled to absent though she might have been, her sympathy and thoughts were always with them. HoPnourY therefore and happiness to her and her illustrious consort, and God's blessing be upon them both ! The cheering for the Princess was so loud and general, and so much of it proceeded from the ranks far down the line, that it became necessary for her royal highness not merely to bow r o ail whom she could see, bat partly to rise from her seat in order that her acknowledgments might be more generally known. Acclamations less enthusiastic followed for the King and Queen, for the Prince separately, and for the royal family at large, and both at this point, and in fact whenever a favourable opportu nity presented itself, little showers of bouquets de scended on the carriage. The Queen of Denmark, who set beside the Princess of Wales, acknowledged very graciously the share of compliments intended for her, but looked equally gratified at those di rected to her daughter. Of the heartiness of the reception it was impossible to doubt. The only thing which passed one's comprehension was, the apparent impossibility that a Queen so youthful looking could be a grandmother in sober earnest. The King, who was unmistakeably touched by the proceedings, acknowledged the kindly spirit shown by his subjects toward him and the members of his family. Unless a person has actually tried it; he will not appreciate the difficulty of making a speech, sitting, from an open carriage, The King, however, expressing himself with great distinct ness and animation of manner, said he wished to thank them all for receiving his daughter with the same affectionate heartiness shown on the occasion of her departure to be married. This proved that their sentiments towards her had never changed. On her part he could assure them that in all the trials the nation had undergone her heart was one with theirs ; it had felt and bled for all their sorrows. More than that, the Prince, her husband, shared her feelings. A final cheer, dwarfing all the previous ones, arose on this announcement, and to the music of "King Christian' , the carriage passed within the gates. It mac followed by the gcuertii gaze until the white rose on the Princess's bonnet had disappeared from view in fact, so long that " baby" was on the point of going by unnoticed. Clad in blue and white, and held up so that he could be seen by every one, the little Prince looked quietly around, as if receptions, after all, were every-day affairs, and, since a good many might be looked for in the course of his career, it was as well to take things quietly. A little pale, perhaps, from his long sea voyage, but otherwise a healthy, cheerful baby, was the verdict of all the Danish ladies, The Crown Prince of Denmark fol lowed, driving his own carriage, in which the Princess Dagmar sat beside him—a Princess with a sweet, intelligent face, greatly prized by all the Danes, who, of course, do battle for the great social tradition that the unmarried daughter is the nicest of the family. The other children of the Danish Royal house came next ; then the Countess de Grey and Countess Reventlow, and finally some other members of the suite. It would not have been sure prising had the gates of the Castle been closed as soon as the last of the vehicles entered, but nothing of the kind took place. The crowd were allowed to pass in, to walk up the drive, and to take up positions in front of the house from which they shred with might and main at any oze who happened to ap proach the windows. " Baby," regarding whom there was insatiable curiosity, was brought solemnly forward and dandled for a few seconds, but the cheer with which this act of courtesy was rewarded apparently proved a little too much for even Royal equanimity—at least, in company with nurse, he made a rather precipitate retreat. On their way down to the dining.room the members of the Royal party showed themselves at the windows—for there was no balcony on which they could present them selves—And the crowd having cheered them to its heart's content, began at once to separate, the great majority returning to those comfortable freeholds into which the soil of Seeland is parcelled out, some hundreds, however, availing themselves of the rail way station at Charlottenlunde to make their way to Copenhagen. The weather throughout was the most lovely which it is possible to conceive, the heat being that of a mellow English autumn, tempered by a gentle breeze wafted from the Sound. To-day will be passed at Bernstorf quite privately by the Prince and Princess of Wales, unless they may pay a visit to the Queen Dowager. To-morrow they are expected to visit the city, and in the even ing the grand entertainment at the Christianborg Palace will take place. The English members of their Royal Highnesses' suite have arrivcd and are staying at the PI onix Hotel. Today is a dies non in official arrangements, being devoted by them to making acquaintance with the sights of Denmark. FRIDAY MORNING. If it can be truly said that the Danish nature is ever worked up to a pitch of excitement, it has nearly attained that point at present; at least that important and influential section of it which is to be present at the Royal reception in the Christiansborg Palace this evening. This will be by many degrees the grandest assembly which Copenhagen has wit nessed for years past, the late Court having confined its entertainments more exclusively to dinner parties, and the circumstances of the time being opposed to anythicg like display upon a large scale since the present King was called on to ascend the throne. In fact, so long is it since anything like a Court reception has been held in this city that considerable diffl Allty existed for civilians to discover in what apparel they ought property to present themselves. The invitations plainly said "en grande tenue"—a declaration to which in these northern latitudes a construction is given of such intensity t - aat not a tassel or a button can be omitted under serious pains and penalties. D:plos matists and officers have, of course, their uniform. But what is grande tenue for civilians ? Is it the black cloth of gloominess of private society; or is it, on the contrary, some wonderful combination of rights, silk stockings, ruffLs, sword, and chapeau bras? The question wad a pressing and an urgent one, because, with all the resources that Copen hagen can boast, and with even a lavish expendi ture of money, it was evident that all the iuvited guests could not possibly be accommodated in time with articles so foreign to the ordinary life of the capital. To give up the prospect of seeing the Princess and the rest of the Royal family was again a consideration not to b 3 enter tained for a moment. The most experienced Court fashioners could throw no light on the matter; there were absolutely no precedents written down in [heir books. The State Steward, or Hof Marshal, as he would be called, but that the term implies a multiplicity of other functions joined to that office, formed the supremo court of appeal ; bat then, who was there intimate enough with such a func tionary to ask the question and even if there were his duties called him to Fredensborg, to Bernstorf, and to numberless other points in the course of the week ; so that if caught at all he could only be caught upon the wing. But even the officers were not altogether at their ease, while for the ladies there was a most serious consideration. The Danish Court, until recently, had been in mourning. It was quite possible the period might not even yet have expired. As regards Court etiquette the difficulty was purely technical, and on that account the harder to be solved. Fancy the horror of finding one. self in the midst of such an assembly as that of Christiansborg, without the suitable crape upon one's accoutrements, or attired in radiant colours when eubdued and even sombre tints pervaded the company at large. Or take the other branch of the alternative, and conceive the distress of any one who fourd himself the solitary death's head in a festive gathering, carrying his memento mori not along the gloomy cells of La Trappe, but plunging with it into thevery best society. No doubt, under all the circumstances, the largest allowance would be made by the members of the Royal family ; but about a bocial gaucherie of any kind there is is always a bitterness not only poisoning to the per son himself the enjoyment of the evening, bat lead ing him to fancy for a long time to come that the failure or accident has singled him out for general contempt. Such have been a few of the disturbing considerations present to the mind of all the better portions of Danish society in reference:to this enter tainment. But the pleasure of meeting the Princess of Wales end the other members of the Royal family is to them much more than an equivalent. There is a very general belief that the King of THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 20, 1864. Denmark, accompanied by the Prince of WL!cs, visited Tivoli incognito late on Wednesday night. They are said to have arrived about 11 o'clock, and to:have been in the gardens for some time before they were reccgnistd. When the Royal party were about to leave the grounds the bystanders drew aside and respectfully saluted them. THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA. (From the Times' Correspondent ) NEW YORK, Sept. 6. As the recent rapid growth of a peace sentiment among the masses of the people was not so much the result of a belief in the wickedness or impolicy of the war as of a daily increasing disgust with its management and of despondency as to its issues, it is not surprising that the victory of General Sher man at Atlanta and the evacuation of that city by the Confederates should have revived the fast-fading enthusiasm of the multitude, and caused impulsive thousands to shout " War I" who last week could do nothing bat shout "Peace !" Although the re sults and even the value of the victory are nu. known, and although General Hood's army is still capable by a bold stroke of retrieving its ill-fortune, and inflicting upon General Sherman a heavier re verse than that commander has yet suffered, the Republican party is in raptures. In commercial phrase, the evacuation of Atlanta has "sent up Lincoln stock" and depreciated M'Clellan stock in a corresponding ratio. Another such victory, to be achieved either by Sherman in Georgia or Farragut in Mobile, would, in the estimation of the govern. ing party, make an end of M'Clellan as a Presiden tial candidate, and secure the re-election of Mr Lincoln. New York has been as gay as a carnival since the day the news arrived, and Broadway, from Bowling-green to Gracechurch, has gleamed with star-spangled banners from balcony and housetop, from steeple and portico, and from every available position where a flag had room to flatter, or a knot of people to congregate. All through the North similar manifestations of re■ joicing seem to have been hastily organised, or broken out in spontaneous combustion, wherever the Abolitionist and Ministerial party • was in the majority. The Democratic party has not received the news with the same cheerfulness, but has looked on dubious, if not sulky. Its ten dency to injure the Democratic and to favour the Republican candidate was so fully appreciated that as long as it was possible to doubt the fall of At lanta, the Opposition ignored or disbelieved it. When the fact was placed beyond dispute, not on the vague authority of the Secretary of War, but on the positive testimony of Gen. Sherman himself, the Democrats suddenly remembered that Sherman was an officer of 11I'Clellan's appointing, and that if it had not been for the far-seeing sagacity of the hero of Antietam, the services of the hero of At lanta might have been lost to the Republic. ne he Democratic party affected to treat Mr Lin coln with some show of respect as long as he was merely President in esse. As soon as, by his accept ance of the Baltimore nomination, he became a can didate for re election, and a President in posse, they declared their reticence to be at an end, and their determination to use all the means allowable in party warfare, whether of, direct charge, of covert insinuation, of denunciation, of accusation, or of all the artillery of hate and spite, to prevent his success at the polls. The Republican party has resolved, it appears, to play the same game against Gen. M'Clel lan. Before his nomination the wire-pullers, leaders, and organs of the Republican and Abolition faith pretended to consider him a soldier of fair abilities, a competent engineer, a man of respectably medi ocre talent, and a gentleman of blameless private life, but not a representative American, or a person fit to be in rusted with high duties, either civil or military, in a perilous crisis of the public for tunes, But now they have wholly changed their tactics. If Mr Lincoln is to be disparaged as an " imbecile," General M'Clellan shall be posted as a " traitor." If Mr Lincoln is to be held up to public odium for having infringed public liberty by the arbitrary arrest of the members of the Legislature of Maryland ; by the incarceration without offence, proved or committed, of senators, members of assem bly, judges, and eminent citizens, Gen. M'Clellan shall also be held up to greater oblcquy for having been the ready instrument of the tyranny which it now suits his purpose to condemn. If Mr Lincoln have failed to restore the Union, Gen. M'Clellan shall be accused of a worse crime—the crime of having offered in the early days of the war his sword and his services to the Confederate cause. If Mr Lincoln has not been able to bring the war to a satisfactory and honourable close, it is because such a General as M'Clellan was so long allowed to re main in command of the Army of the Potomac, and had neither the military genius nor the inclination to strike a Leavy blow at the rebellion when oppor tunity served. Such is the character of the attacks now made upon him in every quarter where the chiefs of the Republican party have the power to appeal to public opinion, and such with increasing virulence is likely to be their character until the day of election. Another class of his opponents make believe to consider that his reputation is a matter of national concern, that he is as yet ore of the purest and most eminent military servants of the Republic, that nothing which his enemies can do can injure him, that he runs no risks, except from his friends, and that neither friend nor foe can deal such a blow against his character as he himself can inflict by acceptance of tl'e Chicago nomination. That he, a soldier, and a good one, should hope to stand upon a peace platform they hold to be suicidal folly, and urge him in the most respe.cful terms to refuse the nomination unequivocally and peremptorily, and trust to President Lincoln for the present and the page of history for the future to do justice to his magnanimous self-denial and enlightened appreciation of public duty. The voice of this particular charmer is musically pitched, but if Gen. M'Ciellan should listen to its siren tongue, he will indeed prove that his enemies have formed a truer estimate of his mental calibre than his friends and that it is possible for a man to be at the same time a brave soldier and a timid civilian. As it would have taken 30,000 or 40,000 men to preserve the peace of New York, if the Administra tion had determined to enforce the conscription among its bitterly hostile population, it has been finally decided that New York has done so well by volunteering, and has, moreover, provided so many sailors for manning the Federal navies that it would be an act of es treme injustice to so loyal and patriotic a cotntruity to drag from his home and work a single citizen who did not care to risk his life under Grant or Sherman. Thus, as far as New York is concerned, the grapes of the conscription are held to be sour at the best, and not worth pulling ; and if that rich city, into the ports of which so many thousands of warlike Germans and quarrelsome Irishmen are weekly and daily pouring from Bre men, Cork, and Liverpool, will but take tithe of the new comdrs as before, pamper them with greens backs, and clothe them in the uniform of the Fede ral army to fight in a cause of the merits of which they know nothing, worthy Mr Lincoln, who can. not just at this time afford to make himself unneces sarily unpopular, though still insisting upon the principle of the draught, will graciously consent to forego its application in the individual instance, and trust to other States and cities to be more docile and obedient than the metropolis. Mr Lin coln has acted wisely in this respect. There is no disguising the fact that the working classes of New York are in an ugly temper, and that if their ill-blood were once excited to fever heat by poli tical or social passion, the worst excesses of the mobs of Paris or Vienna would find their counterpart here. The crowded cities of the Old World have no monopoly of the "dangerous classes." Though there is room and to spare in America for scores of millions of agriculturists, there are large classes who prefer to congregate in towns, and who will not move out of them, to better their fortunes by the hard labour of subduing the wilderness. They are either hopelessly id.le, hopelessly dishonest or incurably vicious, and New York contains almost as many of them as London or Paris ; and far more than any other city in the world., these two excepted. Were the tocsin of riot to sound, whether the call to the multitude were aggravat ed by the grievance of a conscription for the con etontly-augmenting price of the necessaries of life, ikt would only need a few resolute or desperate men to take the leader ship to prove that the New World is as liable to violent revolution as the Old, and that Uitra•Demo cracy is as fruitful of civil cornmotion as any aris tocracy or monarchy that ever existed. Mr, Seward on the An erican War. Mr Seward was at Auburn when the news of the fall of Atlanta was received, and was called upon for an address, which occupies three columns of the New York Times, Alluding to Atlanta he said : The victory at Atlanta comes at the right place. The rebellions district is in the shape of an egg. It presents an equal resistance on its whole surface. But if you could break the shell at either of the two ends—Richmond and Atlanta—the whole must cruzable to pieces. While Sher man under Grant has been striking the big end, Meade under Grant has been striking just as hard blows upon the lesser end. The whole shell will now be easily crushed, for it has grown brittle with the exhaustion of vitality within. This glorious victory comes in good time for another reason. Just now we are calling upon you for 300,000 more volunteers, if you will—draughted men if we must—to end the war. You were getting a little tired of long delays and disappointed expectations. In Indiana a portion of the people, instigated by rebel plotters at the Clifton-house, in Canada, were im porting British revolvers in bcxes, which passed the Custom House as stationery, under pretence of arming to defend themselves, but really to resist the draught and bring the Government down to ruin through a subordinate and auxi liary civil war. True., no arms have been imported here. Yet delegates went out from among you and sat down in council at Chicago with those Indiana conspirators, and agreed with them not only that importation of arms should be defended in the election canvas, but also to demand the cessation of the war upon the ground that success in restor ing the Union is unattainable. Already under the influence of the cheering news from Atlanta all this discontent and despondency has disappeared. We shall have no draught because the army is being reinforced at the rate of from five to ten thousand men per day by valuation. Ho regretted the absence from the meeting of many influential men : Why are they not here to rejoice in the victories that will thrill the hearts of the lovers of freedom throughout the world ? Alas, that it must be confessed, it is party spirit that holds them aloof. All of them are partisans. Some are Republicans, who cannot rejoice :n the national victories because this war, for the life of the nation, is not in all re spects conducted according to their own peculiar radical ideas and theories. They want guarantees for swift, and universal, and complete emancipation, or they do not want the nation saved. Others stay because they want to be' assured that in coming out of the revolutiozeary storm the ship of State will be found exactly in the same condition as when the tempest assailed it, or they do not want the ship saved at all—as if anyb3dy could give such :guaran tees in the name of a people of 30,000,000. Others are De mocrats. They received from their fathers the axiom that only Democrats could save the country, and they must save it by Democratic formulas and combinations which the progress of the age has for ever exploded. They cannot come up to celebrate achievements which condemn their narrow and hereditary bigotry. Others, of both the Re publican and Democratic parties,are willing that the nation shall Ise saved, provided it is done by one of their chosen and idolised chiefs, which chief they mutually denounce and revile. They cannot honour Grant, and Sherman, and Far ragut, and Porter, because by such homage they fear that Fremont and M'Clellan's fame may be eclipsed. Neverthe less, there are enough here of the right sort—(" Yes, that's true")—enough of men who once were Republicans, but taking that word in a partisan sense, are Republicans no longer ; and men who once were Democrats, but taking that word in its narrow application, are Democrats no longer; all of whom are now Union men, because they found out at the beginning of this tremendous civil war, or at some period in its progress, that no man, no part 3 , no formula, no creed could save the Union, but that only the people could save it, and they could save it only by ceasing to became partisans, and becom'ng patriots and Union men. (Cheers for the Union.) Yes, my friends, when this war shall be ended in the restoration of the Union, no man then living will exult in the recollection that during its eontinuance he was either a Radical or a Conservative, a Republican or a Democrat, but every man will claim to have been throughout an unre served and unconditional Union man. Respecting the coming Presidential election he said— 'Why should party spirit, especially at this juncture, divide the American people? And why should 1, a mem ber of the Executive Administration, allude to it on such an occasion as this ? The answer is at hand. The Con stitution of our country commands that Administration to surrender its powers to the people, and the people to desig nate agents to assume and exercise them for four years. You receiye the Executive Government in a condition very dif ferent and highly improved. You found it practically ex pelled from the whole country south of the Delaware, the Ohio, and the Missouri, with the most of the army and navy betrayed or fallen into the hands of the insurgents, and anew and treasonable Cent ederacy,with the indirect but eff_ctive cu-operattou of tottigu rowers, totablithing Itself on the Gulf of Mexico. We cheerfully give the Government back to you with large and conquering armies, and a tri umphant navy, with the hateful Confederacy falling into pieces, and the rebellious States one after another returning to their allegiance. Regarding myself now therefore not as a Secretary, but simply as one of the people, I, like you, am called by my vote to determine into whose hands the precious trust shall now be confided. We might wish to avoid, or at least to postpone, that duty until the present fearful crisis is past. But it cannot and ought not to be avoided or ad journed. It is a constitutional trial, and the nation must go through it deliberately and bravely. I shall therefore cheerfully submit for your consideration the course which 1 have concluded to a :opt, and the reasons for it. First, I be; you to remember that the present is not a common or customary Presidential election. It occurs in the midst of civil war, arising out of a disputed succession to the execu tive power. Disputed successions are the most frequent causes of civil war, not only in republics, but even in monar chlee. A dispute about the succession of the President pe riodically begets an abortive or real revolution in each o f the Spanish •American republics. So the disputed succes sion of the Spanish throne begot that memorable 30 years' war which convulsed all Europe. A dispute whether Juarez was the lawful President brought on the present civil war, with the consequence of the French intervention in Mexico. A dispute whether the present King of Denmark, who suc ceeded to the throne last winter, is lawful heir to the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein brought about the civil war in that country, which through German intervention has just now ended with the dismemberment of the Danish king dom. It is remarkable also that civil wars produced by dis puted succession invariably begin with resistance by some one or more of the states or provinces which constitute the kingdom, empire, or republic which is disturbed. It was so in the United States of Mexico. It was so in the United States of Columbia, and the case was the same in the United States cf Venezuela. Now it is certain that in 1860 we elected Abraham Lincoln lawfully and constitutionally to be President of the whole United States of America. Seven of the States immediately thereon rushed into disunion, and summoning eight more to their alliance they set up a revo• lutionary Government ; they levied war against us to effect a separation and establish a distinct sovereignty and inde pendence. We accepted the war in defence of the Union. The war, he maintained, was at its crisis : It is clear therefore that we are fightirtg to make Abraham Lincoln Presieltnt of the whole United States, under the election of 1860, to continue until March 4, 1865. In voting for a President of the United States, can we wisely or safely vote cut the identical person whom, with force and arms, we are fighting into the presidency. (No) You justly say no. It would be nothing less than to give up the very object of the war at the ballot box. The moral strength which makes our position impregnable would pass from UP, and when that moral strength has passed away material forces are no longer effective or even available, By such a proceeding we shall have agreed with the enemy and have given him the vic tory. But in that victory the Constitution and the Union will have perished, because, when it shall have once bon proved that a minority can, by force or circumvention, defeat the full accession of a constitutionally chosen President, no President thereafter, though elected by ever so largo a ma jority, can hope to exercise the executive powers unopposed throughout the whole country. One of two things must fol low that fatal error. Either a contest between your newly elected compromise President and the same usurper, in which the usurper must prevail, or also a combination be tween them through which the usurper or his successor, subverting your Constitution and substituting his own, will become President, King, or Emperor of the United States, w:thout foreign aid if he can, with foreign intervention it necessary. (That's so.) To be sure it is so ; nothing is more certain than that either the 'United States and their constitutional President, or the so-called Confederate States and their usurping President, must rule within the limits of this Republic. I, therefore, regard the pending presi • dential election as inv dying the question whether hereafter we shall have Constitution and a country left us. How shall we vote, then, to save our country from t his fearful danger ? (Vote Lincoln in again.) You have hit it exactly, my friend. We must vote Lincoln in again, and fight him in at the same time. If we do this the rebellio n will p erish and leave no root. If we do otherwise, we have only the alter natives of acquiescence in a perpetual usurpation, :or of entering on an endless succession of civil and social wars. Upon these grounds, entirely irrespective of platform and candidate, I consider the recommendations of the Conven • tion at Chicago as tending to subvert the Republic. (It's so, that's a fact.) It will seem a hard thing when I imply that a party like the Democratic party can either mediate or blindly adopt measures to overthrow the Republic. All experience shows that it is by the malice or madness of great parties that free States have been brought down to destruc tion. You often hear alarms th a t a par ty in power is subvert ing the State, and it sometimes happens so. But nine times out of ten it is a party ont o f power that in its impatience or ambition overthrows a Republic. . . They say I am c o e heroic in when our l o h y e a l sees cana that will the always too sanguine of the success o f na ti o nal candidates and of the national arms. But it seems t o m e th a t the veriest croaker last take as tnhe hope e courage and rebellionb e m hangs upon the ratification of this abominable and deteit able compact by the American people. . . And what a time is this to proclaim such a poliey,c,onceivad in treachery, and brought forth with shameless effrontery. A cessation of hostilities on the heels of decisive naval and land battles at the very moment that the rebellion, without a single fort in its possession on the coast, or on either of the great rivers or lakes, is crumbling to the earth, and at the same time a dozen new ships of war are going to complete the invest ment by sea, and 300,000 Volunteers are rushing to the lines to complete the work of restoration and pacification. Ho defended the President against the accusations brought against him by the Democrats respecting slavery : The chief complaint against the President is that ho will not accept peace on the basis of the integrity of the Union, without having also the abandonment of slavery. When and where have the insurgents offered him peace on the basis of the integrity of the Union ? Nobody has offered it. The rebels never will offer it. They are determined and pledged to rule this Republic or ruin it. I told you here a year ago that, practically, slavery was no longer in question, that it was perishing under the operation of the war. That assertion has been confirmed. The Union men in all the Slave States that we have delivered are even more anxious than we are to abolish slavery. Witness Western Virginia, Maryland, Missouri, Louisiana, Tennessee, and Arkansas. Jefferson Davis tells you in effect the same thing. He says that it is not slavery, :eat independence and sovereignty for which he is contending. There is good reason for this. A hundred dollars in gold is only a year's purchase of the labour of the working man in every part of the United States. At less than half that price you could buy all the slaves in the country. Nevertheless our opponents want a distinct exposition of the President's views on the ultimate solution of the slavery question, Why do they want it ? For the same reason that the Pharisees and Sadducees wanted an authoritative resolution of the questions of casuistry which arose in their day. One of these sects be lieved in a kingdom to come, and the other denied the re surrection of the dead. Nevertheless they walked together in loving accord in search of instruction concerning the spirit world. " Master," said they," there was a man of our nation Rho married a wife and died, leaving six brothers. Those brothers successively married the widowed woman, and afterwards died. And last of all the woman also died. In the resurrection which of the seven shall have this woman to wife." Now, what was it to them whether one or all should have the woman to wife in heaven ? It could be nothing to the Sadducees in any case. What was it to any human being on this side of the grave ? What was it to any human being in heaven except the woman and her seven husbands ? Absolutely nothing. Yet they would have an answer. And they received one. The answer was, that while in this mortal state men and women shall never cease to marry and to die, there will be in the resurrection neither death nor marrying nor giving in marriage. Although al together unauthorised to speak for the President upon hy pothetical questions, I think I can give an answer upon the subject of slavery at the present day—an answer which will be explicit, and I hope not altogether unsatisfactory. While the rebels continue to wage war against the Government of the United States, the military measures affecting slavery which had been adopted from necessity to bring the war to a speedy and successful end, will be continued, except so far as practical experience shall show that they can be modified advantageously with a view to the same end. When the insurgents shall have disbanded their armies and laid down their arms the war will instantly cease, and all the war measures then existing, including those which affect slavery. will cease also, and all the moral, economical and political questions, as well questions affecting slavery as others which shall then be existing between individuals and States and the Federal Government, whether they arose before the civil war began, or whether they grew out of it, will, by force of the Constitution, pass over to the arbi trament of courts of law and to the councils of legislation," Mr Seward concludes as follows : The sun is setting. So surely it shall rise again, so surely do I think that the great events we have now cele brated prelude the end of our national troubles, and the restoration of the national authority with peace, prosperity, and freedom throughout the whole land, from the lakes to the gulf, and from ocean to ocean. The Great Fire in the City, DESTRUCTION OF HABERDASHERS' HALL, One of the most extensive conflagrations with which the city of London has been visited for very many years took place yesterday morning, in Gresham-street West. It (lc - cursed in a block of buildings of an oblong form, having a principal flout in Gresham-street West, on its northern side, and extending from the corner of Wood-street to the thoroughfare known as S aining• lane, and embracing within its area the newly-built and extensive warehouses in the occupation of Messrs Thomas Tapling and Co., carpet manufacturers ; Messrs W. F. Harris and Co., importers of Utrecht velvet; Messrs Richard Hellaby and Co., ware housemen; Messrs Edmonds, Son and Co., wholesale but ton manufacturers, and other firms ; also the ancient house belonging to the guild of Haberdashers, which, with the other buildings, and the thousands of pounds worth of stock they contained, now present but a mass of ruins, though the newly-built walls in Gresham-street and some of the party walls remain standing. The large establishment of Mr Hugh Jones, in Wood-street, has also severely suffered, but 0 what extent at present it is impossible accurately to tell. The site of the Haberdashers' Hall was bequeathed to the company in the year 1473 (17th Edward IV.), and the one which formerly stood upon the enclosure which forms the area of the present fire is described as being very spacious, for in it met the Parliament Commissioners during the in terregnum. The present building (or at least as much of it as remains) was built by Sir Christopher Wren upon a por tion of the site of the original building, which was destroyed by the great fire of London. The building was of brick, a heavy pile, having no particular pretensions to exterior or nament, but richly fashioned and decorated in the interior. But a short time since, when the premises of Messrs. Tap ling and Co. were erected, a handsome gateway and pas sage leading to the Court-room and back buildings was erected in Gresham-street, to harmonise with the new struc tures, and handsome iron gates fixed in the new doorway, and the old wall was repaired, but not rebuilt. Of these the major part are destroyed. In the hall of the master and wardens, we understand, there were several admirable paintings by Early masters, one especially rare and fine, called The Wise Men's Offering ;" also a small status of, Henry VIII., several portraits of benefactors to the charities of the company, including one of Robert Asks, who left the guild the munificent sum of £30,000 to build and endow almshouses in Hoxton, considered to be the finest and most comfortably provided of any similar institutions in the me tropolis. In the chests within the building were the archives of the company—at least those saved at the time of the great fire in 1666, including those up to the reign of Charles 1,, and also a small vellum book of ordinances, in which there is a good illuminatirn of St. Katharine, the Patron saint of the haberdashers. In this hall also there was a fine portrait of Eli. George Whitmore, Lord Mayor of London in 1631, who entertained Charles the First and his Queen in his noble mansion of Baumas (or Balmas) in the Kingsland road, lloxton. Th walls of the drawing-rooms, the grand reception halls, and retiring rooms were fitted up rsost elaborately in gold and ornamental oak panels, whilst the panels of the great hall and the drawing-room and reception rooms were covered with full length portraits of the Lord Mayors of many years past. Several of these were saved owing to the assistance of the Royal Society's escapes, FURTHER PA`RTICULARS. Mr Braidwood had frequently made representations to the Government respecting the manner in which many of the City warehouses were constructed, showing that they were carried out in direct opposition to the Building Act. In spite, however, of these representations several buildings have been allowed to be carried up, and amongst the num ber was the one in, which the outbreak of yesterday morn ing commenced. In a very short spaceof time the whole of the warehouses belonging to Messrs. Hellaby and Co., were wrapped in one broad sheet of flame, and from that part the fearful element rolled like a cataract into the Haberdashers' Hall, and also into the premises belonging to Mr Hugh Jones, a Manches ter warehouseman. Everyone now looked upon the fire with dismay, it being feared that every building near, containing over a million's worth of property, would have been con sumed, more especially as Nos. 104 to 107 belonging to the same firm, had also taken fire. Tho next seat that tkc flames reached was a lofty stack of stone warehouses under going rebuilding and partially occupied. Thence the flames drifted into the two houses numbered 107 to 109 in the same street, and in the course of a few seconds the three upper there were in a blaze. There being every probability that the premises of Messrs Ratcliff and Hutches, ribbon m anu facturers, would also be destroyed, most of the stock in trade was removed. At this conjuncture the flames were attacking five houses numbered 14 to 19 on the opposite side of Gresham-street. Nothing short of the entire annihilation of the warehouses, covering over seven acres of land, could be expected, when to some extent the fears of the inhabi tants were allayed by the arrival in rapid succession of five , land steamers by Shand and Mason, with another termed the Princess Royal, from Tooley_street, several manual power engines, the Princess of Wales land steamer, from Tooley-street, and the Peckham, Holloway, and Hodges's engines. The whole of the foremen of the different districts of the London establishment were present, owing to the absence of Capt. Shaw, who was on his tour in the country. Messrs. Bridges, Fogo, Henderson, J. Gerrard, and Swanton had each engine so stationed that the hose from it was stretched round the blazing piles, which had the effect of attacking the fire at four points, To accomplish this work the fire men had t , mount the burning staircases with the hose of the land steamers n hand ; but, in spite of the torrents of water thrown into the midst of the flames, hour after hour passed away before the fire began to succumb, and it was not until six o'clock that the fire was got under. The origin of the catastrophe is at present enveloped in obscurity. To give anything like a correct amount of the loss occa sioned by the confiagrat;on would ho impossible. Some of the surveyors belonging to the insurance companies inte rested are of opinion that the loss will not exceed a quarter of a million sterling, whilst others are of the opinion that it will approximate to half a million, TJucitzeatioiaably the present is the largest fire that hag occurred since the memorable one at London-bridge. We had it from the lips of one of the assessors of losses by fire, that one of the sufferers was insured for .C 20,000, but his loss will amount to £2oo,ooo—and the salvage, judging from the appearance of the ruins, will not amount to more than one or two thousand pounds. The arrangements of the police during the whole day were most admirable. So great was the crowd that the entrances to the scene of the fire had to be barricaded against the public. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—A bold and novel scheme, involving a revolution in the construction of vessels of war, has lately been submitted to the Admiralty by Mr. A. M'Laine, a naval architect in Belfast. It is probably one of many similar contributions to the pending contest between armour-plating and rifled ordnance but it has the merit of being simple, if not original, in conception, and capable, if sound in principle, of adaptation to existing models. Its main feature, is the abandonment of broadside guns and even of revolving turret©, and the substitution of fore and aft guns, "to fire only on the line of the keel." The advantage alleged to be gained by the adoption of this expedient is twofold. In the first place a ship thus armed and carried into action would present to the enemy her breadth only, instead of her length—that is, a front of some fifty feet instead of a front of some two hundred and firty. She would become, as Mr. M‘Laine contends, " five times more difficult to hit, and where bit" (owing to the differs once in the angle of impact) *i perhaps five times more difficult of penetration." In the second place, her aggressive power would be proportionably in creased by the enormous weight that might be given to guns mounted on the new principle. The practical limit to the calibre of broadside batteries is the range of their " lateral training," but Mr. M'Laine proposes that his guns should have no training at all, in the ordinary sense. They would be incapable of firing except in one direction, and while the elevation of each would still be regulated by the captain of the gun, it would be virtually pointed by the steersman. The effect of this system, if it should realise all the hopes of its inventor, would be to solve two great difficulties by one stroke—the diffi culty of making efficient seagoing vessels with in vulnerable sides, and the difficulty of making such vessels of such a form as to carry, not only 600. pounders, but the still more Titanic artillery which engineers assure us will soon be forged. Having explained the ends which Mr M'Laine sets before himself, we must now describe the means by which he promises to accomplish them. A commander may intend to fight his vessel " end on," but his antagonist may baffle him as Admiral Farragut's fleet baffled the Tennessee. A ship may be mounted with guns of fabulous calibre on the fore and-aft-principle, but without elaborate mechanical arrangements she may be quite unable to use them. 'To meet the first object, Mr. M'Laine advocates the universal employment of twin•screws in ships of war, which would " enable them to be turned on their keels and kept in the strongest position for defence." The only objection which he re cognises is the supposed interiority of the double screw in respect of speed, and this he undertakes to overcome " by suitably designing the after end of the vessel," and especially by keeping the screws deeply immersed. He does not, however, rely exclusively on the screws for rapid turn ing, since he suggests the use of a centrifugal pump at the bow to act as a supplementary motor. To effect the second object—that of making guns " of unlimited weight" perfectly available for attack—he contemplates the suspension of them on fore-and-aft railways, supported on stanchions or diagonal framework, and so laid that the gun could not be capsizfd by a roll of 70 degs, each way. For this purpose the rails must be wide apart and incline inwards, while the wheels of the gun carriage must be deeply grooved,and the gun itself must hang low. The recoil could be received on a hydraulic cylinder, and the captain of the gun—who would be the acting captain of the vessel, as he would have to control the steersmen—would be provided with a seat behind the gun, and would oscillate with it forwards and backwards. The loading would be performed by machinery, and Mr M'Laine indulges the belief that two or four guns, at most, thus handled, "with their muzzles depressed over an invulnerable bow," would sink the strongest ship afloat in one discharge. How they would be secured against the effects of pitching during a naval action, travelling as they would along rails which would favour that motion, he does not state ; but it must be ads mitted that, when not required for service, they might be carried amidships and there leshed with great facility. It should be added that Mr. M'Laine has designed a vessel of war on this theory, the es timated speed of which is 15 knots an hour, It is obvious that such a proposal as this turns wholly and solely on practical considerations. It purports, no doubt, to satisfy a grand desideratum by enabling the shipbuilder to keep pace with the demands of the artillerist up to any conceivable point. Float ing fortresses may always be constructed long enough end buoyant enough to carry any weight that the future Armstrongs and Wlsitworths can put upon them, and, if all other obstacles were ffectually removed, they might always engage land forts on favourable terms, since they would have the choice of position. It may be granted, too, that if a ship could concentrate her armament in her bow, and keep the bow constantly turned towards an enemy whose broadside was exposed, she would make short work of the engagement ; but then the very same thing might b e sa id o f a s team ram. The difficulty is to force the game in which, according to the rules, you must infallibly win. When Mr M'Laine asserts that a vessel of this type, carrying eight 600-pounders, " would be of more service to the country than a whole fleet of ordi nary broadside or turret vessels carrying smaller guns," we must take it as a figure of speech. Not to insist on the fact that a single ship cannot be on every ocean or guarding every port at the same time, no ship that we are able to imagine can be absolutely invulnerable. The Achill es o f Homeric story was invulnerable as any ironclad can ever be made, yet even a poet would not have ventured to represent Achilles as a match for the whole Trojan host. It is simply impossible for one vessel to keep her head to a number of antagonists at the same time, and while she was pointing her invulner able prow to one, another would be firing shells into her vulnerable sides. Suppose the steering apparatus of Mr M'Laine's vessel were knocked out of gear by a shot, what would be her position ? Certainly not so good as that of a vessel similarly disabled but armed with broadside batteries, for her guns would be pointing the wrong way if an attempt were made to board her. We are quite aware that Mr M'Laine, fertile in resources, maintains that, thanks to the centrifugal pump, she would still be quite under command with both rudde rs s h o t a way. It may be so, but this is just the sort of assumption that requires to be rigorously verified by actual ex periment. No one can study Mr M'Laine's elabo rate diagrams and explanations without perceiving that, like most other simple inventions, it depends for its success on a variety of complicated details. Difficulties of detail, however, are made to be over come, and may safely be left to professional inge nuity. The question for the Admiralty with respect to every new idea brought before them is, of course, whether it is worth entertaining and expending money upon. Of this no landsman can yet form a just opinion, but it certainly appears a cast in the right direction. Some years ago Sir A. Slane, in a remarkable pamphlet, pointed out that naval tacti cians, ia these days of steam, might borrow many hints from the seamanship of that age when navies consisted of triremes, propelled by oars. Mr M'Laine's plan, if it were carried out everywhere, would tend to assimilate warfare to the sea fights of which we read in " Thucydides." In the mean time it may perhaps be tested more gradually, as for instance by the addition of a bow battery to one of our present war steamers. It often happens that a new theory justifies its claim to attention by mo difying the existing system, though it may fail altogether to supersede it. POST.—Next to a great victory may be accounted a successful retreat. The predecessor of "fighting Hood" at Atlanta played the Fabian policy, and failed. He was relieved of his command, and Ge neral Hood, scarcely recovered from his wounds, was deputed to defend the city. At that time the place was beleagured by a numerous foe, and sup posed to be in imminent peril ; but Hood, with characteristic bravery, determined to defend it to the uttermost, and turned upon his assailants even before reinforcements reached him. He inflicted considerable loss on the enemy, while at the same time he restored the confidence of the garrison. But General Sherman has accomplished by strategy what he bad previously failed to effect by open as sault. The Confederate force despatched to Jones borough to protect the road by which their supplies were derived was beaten by Federal General Howard, but instead of falling back on Atlanta, re. tired upon a position it had entrenched at Jones borough. This, too, was subsequently carried by assault. General Hood was npt slow to perceive that, with his base of supplies in the possession of the enemy, it would be impossible for him any longer to defend Atlanta. He therefore resolved to leave the Federals nothing but a pile of blood stained ruins. Leisurely he removed nearly the whole of the serviceable artillery and ammunition, destroyed all the provisions and materiel of war which ho could not carry away, blew up locomo tives and railway carriages, and quietly evacuated the place. The enemy appear to have been in pro found ignorance of these important movements. General Sherman is compelled to admit that he does not even know in what direction his enemy retired, Thus much for the Ali of Atlanta. But although the Federals have lost sight of Hood for the present, the probability is that he will turn up agaia in some unexpeeed quarter, and endeavour to repair the di sas t er o f th e p as t. Th e arsen al 01 , Atlanta was not essentially necessary to the Confederates. Other more defensible places will be found in whi c h t o manu f ac t ure th e e vil lainous saltpetre and deadly missiles by which war is carried on. The loss of the city must, however, seriously damage the prestige of the South, although there is no reason to believe that it will in any essential degree contribute to the termination of the war. Its immediate effect will probably be to corn' plicate yet more the difficult position in which the Government of Mr. Lincoln is placed. The fall of Atlanta, and the partial success of the attack on Mobile, will revive the drooping hopes of the Pre sidenti and his Cabinet. Th e 4 t h o f N ovem b er s close at hand, and a good election cry is invaluable et such a moment. The friends of Mr. Lincoln may, therefore, with some truth affirm that the President has at length " put his foot down" and is crushing out the embers of rebellion. They may ask for yet another " ninety days" in which to complete the subjugation of the South, and they may promise within that time to raise the old Union flag over the hitherto unconquered Sumter. At Chicago, toe, the Peace Party may find themselves checkmated by the untimely loss of the Confederate arsenal. It would be manifestly to their advantage that the South should be able to hold its own until after the day of the election. In the present conjuncture of affairs the announcement of a signal success by General Lee, or even of the capture of Washington by a coup de main, would be received with philo sophic composure, if not hailed with positive satis faction. The Democrats likewise, who have cast in their lot with the Peace Party simply because they are not strong enough to act alone, may profit by the change of circumstance and alter their tactics. What, if they were to take up the idol of the hour and run General Sherman for the Presidency ? This would be a bold stroke, and with mercurial people like the Americans might be found to answer. Meantime the Chicago Convention appears to be bent upon aiming at an impossibility. It has laid down a Utopian basis, from which peace can• not be expected to come. It is contending for the Union as it was, and for the Constitution as it should be. But, after the experience of the last four years, the blood that has been shed, the atro' cities that have been committed by the Federal armies, the hatred engendered, and the sacrifices incurred, what rational hope can be entertained that such a programme can be realised ? We confess we are not amongst those who believe that peace is about to be restored throughout the length and breadth of what were once the United States. On the contrary, there is abandant reason to believe that before the day of the presidential election arrives the South will have determined yet more energetically to achieve its indepench nce; while the North will become a prey to contending factions, all endeavouring to obtain political power, but all equally resolved not to submit to the only terms of compromise upon which peace is possible. The God vernment of Mr Lincoln, finding itself hard pressed, may at the last moment use the enormous power at its disposal to tamper with the ballot box. Every man in the army has a vote, and we all know to what extent the military suffrage may be influenced. But should the Government in an evil hour lend itself to so unconstitutional a proceeding, and should Mr Lincoln be returned by the bayonets of soldiers instead of by the free votes of tee people, his tenure of power will be short-lived. But little prescience is required to penetrate the future. A reaction will be the result, and the Old World may yet witness the last act of this deplorable tragedy—a revolue tion within a revolution, which may sweep away in its impetuous course the remaining landmarks of • that glorious Constitution which Washington and his compatriots modelled upon principles which they believed to be enduring, and which they dedi cated to the genius of Liberty. In any event, we cannot see, either in the reverse which the Confee derates have unqu,stionably sustained, or in the forthcoming struggle for political power in the North, any indications of that peace which Env land, in common with all the nations of Europe, is so anxious to behold. COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—SEPT. 17. We had a fair supply of grain on offer at our market to-day, and the trade was slow at about late rates. Wheat, white ..43s 48s Beans,Mazagan..33a red 38s 44s middle & small.3ss 40s Barley Oat• GLOUCESTER—SFPT. 17. There was a fair supply of English wheat, which sold slowly at b .rely late quotations. Foreign dull, and prices unaltered, Spring corn very dull at late rates. NORTHAMPTON—SEPT. 17. Barley in improved show to-day, but not so high by is. —White wheat, new, 41s to 495; new red, 4Us to 44s ; old. 40s to 43s per qr. Barley, new malting, 30s to 355-- grinding, 26s to 29s per qr. Oats, 24s to 32s per 24 stone. Beans, 39s to 425. Peas, 37s to 42s per qr. CHELMSFORD—SEPT. 16. At this corn exchange to-day there was an abundant sup ply of wheat, with a heavy trade, and last week's quota receded is to 2s per qr. Barley plentiful, but inactive, at late prices. Spring corn as before. Wheat, old white...43s 47s new ..42s 46s old red....40s 43s new 39s 42s Barley 25s 33s Chevalier 26s 36s Grinding 20s 28s Malt. 6ls 67s Chevalier 648 68s Oats 20s 26s Yeas, Partridge Ms 380 White 30s 340 Boiling 3Bs 42s Dun 31s 350 Ditto new —s —0 Beans, Tick, old 34s 370 new —s -- 0 Harrow Ticks 3ss 38s new. —s —s Mazagan ..... 33s 354 KIRKCALDY GRAIN—SETT. 17. We had fair supplies of wheat, oats, and barley at our market to-day Sales slow for wheat at about is per qr decline. Oats sold freely at last week's prices. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Fir5t....378 ed 2ss Od I 188 Od Second ..398 Or 278 Od 198 Gd Third....4os Od 29 a Od 21s Od COAL M Prtoes of Coal per 'Con a ,RKET. the clone of the market. s. d. Hastings Hartley 2O 3 laniield Moor Butes 14 0 Carr's Hartley.. 20 0 Edon Main 12 0 Wyl am 18 9 Ships at market Walls End. 0 . d qaswell • --- 21 3 Braddyll's Hetton 20 9 lletton 21 3 Tunstall 21; sold, 21, Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton Sept. 18. Oa Marseilles Oct. 12. Brazil and Cape Verde, by British packet. Oct. 4. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Sept. 28. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southarupton.Sept. 18. via Marseilles Sept. 27. Falkland Islands •..• Gibraltar, via Southampton .. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Sept. 18. via Marseilles Sept, 27. India (Bombay), via Southampton via Marseilles cept. 20. Portugal.... Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Sept. 18. via Marseilles Sept. 20. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Sept. 22. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Sept. 23. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, I Sept. 28. California. and British Columbia. lADvEßTlsEmExT.l—Holloway's Ointment and Pills— Hearty and Healthy.—The experience of thousands both at home and abroad has amply demonstrated the power pos sessed by these healing and purifying remedies of removing cutaneous eruptions, repairing ulcerations, and relieving fistulas and abscesses. These hidden evils frequently rob life of every comfort through the reluctance of the sufferer to expose his infirmity. Holloway's ointment supersedes such dreaded publicity by placing within the reach of aIL plain instructions for curing themselves without any danger and without the necessity of mentioning thbir malady to any one. The ointment and pills will likewise cure bad legs, scabs, rashes, and tho se bl em i s h es w hi c h ar i se f rom th abuse of mercury and from the use of other deleterious drugs. Births. CLEGHORN.—On the 17th inst., at Farnham, the wile of Captain Cleghorn, Royal Scots Greys, of a son, MUNSTER.—On the 17th inst., the Countess of Munster, of a son. Po co ex.—At Wonston Manor, Hampshire, the wife of W. I. Moreton Pocock, Esq., of a son. Marriages. CHRISTIE—LASLE 1 T.—On the 15th inst., at Old Charlton, Kent, George Christie, Esq., R.N., to Eliza Sarah, the younger daughter of Thomas Laslett, Esq., Devon . House, Charlton. Cox—JOHNSON.—On the 17th inst., at the parish church, Babworth, Mr. Cox , Elmton-park, D er by s hi re , to Mari anne, eldest daughter of Mr, John son , G rea t Morton, near Bodoni. Deaths. BULL —On the 16th inst., at Crays-hill, Aan, widow of the late Abraham Bull, of Burstead, Essex, aged 94. EFFINGIIA.M.—On the 17th inst., at Brighton, Charlotte, Countess Dowager of Effingham, aged 89. GARDENER.---On the 16th inst., at South Nerwood, James Wm. Gardener, aged 32. SAUNDERS —On the 19th inst., at Westbourne Lodge, Harrow-road, Charles A. Saunders, Esq., late Secretary Great Western Railway, aged 67. SETMOUR.—On the 16th inst., Capt. Lionel W. Seymour, late 2d Light Bombay Cavalry, third surviving s on of Dr. Seymour, of Charles-street, Berkeley-square, a ged 36. London : Printed and Prbiialied by WILLIAM ANDREWS , of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TLIE Sux Office No. 112. Strand, In the Precinct of the Savoy, in the c o unty auddleiez.rTueoday, September 20,1864.