The Sun. — London, England, 1836-08-03 00:00:00

oP' ...be heal tba s auf Lad• 1, *"....e aPastle of the Government. —(Dissent from Mr. O'Connell.) IDid the lion. and Learned Member disclaim the object of his 'visit ? lie ( Sir J. Graham) understood him to hay.: said that lis was a mission in favour of his Majesty's Government and justice to Ireland.—( Loud cheering, during which)— Mr. GORING rose to order amidst much confusion, and said in a loud tone, I appeal t o y ou, Si r, whether this is the question b e f ore the House? 'Whether the question before the Horse is the contest for Newcastle, or—(The rest of the sen tence was drowned in the noise.) After some moments— Sir J. GR.A HAM proceeded amidst much cheering. The Right Hon. Baronet explained that in reply to an observation of the lion. Member for Middlesex as to the state of public feeling on this question, he was about to show what tha elec tors of Newcastle had thought of it. Of his late lamented friend it was said that he had been an apostate and a renegade, and it was the duty of the electors to deprive him of his seat; and at the last election issue was joined upon the very point— the app ropr i at i on principle —on which the late Member was supposed to have incurred the displeasure of his constituents. The Noble Lord shook his head ; but was not there a witness present ill the House who could say on what terms he claimed the support of the electors and freemen of Newcastle.—( Th Chancell or o f the Exchequer—." The freemen !") Y es, the free e snen. Was there already a distinction to the prejudice of those freemen who had had their right of voting confirmed only in the last year? li e ( Sir J. Graham) maintained that this very question of appropriation was proposed by the candidate, and that he said lie would not vote for its principle. An lion. MEMBER —Triennial Parliaments. Sir J. GRAHAM—The Hon. Gentleman behind the Trea sury bench said with an air of triumph, triennial Parliaments. —( Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) That was no doubt most constitutional and excellent advice.—( Renewed cheers, and cries Mof " Order, or d er .") I t was said that the Hon. Par ember f or liam Nawcastle had pl e d ge d hi mself to support triennial ents ; but was it not likely that the present Parlia ment ' would expi re b e f ore that period by something like the same - .sort of advice ?—( Cheers fro the Opposition benches.) He was anxious t o make an observation on what had fallen from the Noble Lord opposite, the Secretary for the Home be partment. Th e N o bl e L ord appeared to think that on a farmer occasion he (Sir J. Graham) had misrepresented him —that he had charged him with dissimulation in the conduct which he had pursued with respect to the appropriation clause Lore they, were co l leagues—members of the Government of Lord Grey. Now, nothing could be further from his inten tion than bringing such a charge against the Noble Lord. If he (Sir J. Graham) were obliged to state the result o f th o eonv ersations which h a d taken pace, both in and out of the Cabinet, he had no hesitation in saying that so far from being liabl e to the charge of inconsistency for the support he gave to the proposition for which he now contended, the Noble Lord would be guilty of no inconsistency whatever in supporting the measure if it went twice as far—if; in fact, it went so far as to put down the Protestant Establishment altogether.—( Cries of " Hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Now, with regard to the Charge of dissimulation which it was alleged he had brought against the Noble Lord. How, he asked, could such a charge arise —how could he have said that the Noble Lord had been guilty of dissimulation —when the Noble Lord made a decla ration in his place in that House which was interpreted out of doors, especially in Ireland, as amounting to the death-blow of the Establish e d Ch urch in that country? He now came to the charge of i ncons i stency, which was the charge which be had brought against the Noble Lord: On a former occa sion he read a passage from a speech made by the Noble Lord in 183 3, in which the Noble Lord was represented to have said, " Others might be for revolution, but he was for peace. This country could not be revolutionised year after year. If le did quarrel with the House of Lords, he would quarrel aboutabo somethi ng worth quarrelling for. " The object then was appropriation of 1 20,0001., out of the Perpetuity Fund; but the Noble Lord said that this sum was so" insignificant," and 4 misunderstanding with the Lords would be so " dangerous," that he would not embark in such a quarrel upon grounds so trivial. The Noble Lord held the same sentiments when the 100,000,000/, were granted for the relief of the Irish Clergy but now, for the sake of a bare abstract principle, as to whe ther 50,0001. should be wrung from the Church of Ireland or not, the Noble Lord was willing to run the risk which he de precated and resisted in 1833, when he said, " Others may be for revolution, but I am for peace."— position b enc h es. (Cheers from th e O p _ Lord use d ) But on a mor e recent occasion the Noble an argument which was wholly inconsistent with the course which he now took. He alluded to the de claration which he made within the last fortnight, when the Established Church Bill was brought before the House for the third reading. It had been urged upon the Noble Lord that some items should be deducted from the incomes of the Bishops that 5,000/. should be taken from the see of Canterbury, and 3,000/. or 4.000/. rom the of er Bishop s . The items alluded tof amounted incomes altogether to 25 , 0 00/., h a lf t h e sum in respect of which this discussion had arisen and what was the Noble Lord's declaration ? Why, the said he would not for such a sum as 9 5,000/. risk the ?success of the measure, or because of it, run the hazard of preventing it from being carried with the assent of the heads of the Church. To be consistent the Noble Lord should act on the same principle in the present case, especially as the whole matter in dispute was only 50,0001. It was impossible to reconcile the principle on which the Noble Lord had acted in the one case with that which he theadopted in the other ; and surely when he gave way to insure success of the Established Church Bill, he was bound to yield in the present ca se rat h er t h an risk the whole of his thesure, and thereby endanger the peace and tranquillity of shatut',l_l'aPPY country to which it related. He had been told one; the sttruggles in which they were engaged was a hopeless it foril entirely agreed with his Right Hon. Friend the st might bTamworth that they should it, hopeless as position cheering,) with manliness, and oppose it to the last. —(op . heering.) It was a monstrous fallacy to suppose that this would be a final measure. The Hon. and Learned Mem berr Tipperary had said that if they could bring peace for Ireland by the sacrifice of a million the purchase would be a jeahtneaeps orz, but that such a notion was ridiculous. So he (Sir Graham) said now. Within the lastdfewdays. the Hon. and Learned Member for Kilkenny thisha written in a letter, addressed by him to the People Country, the following sentiments :. Would outranquillize Ireland fol low up this plan — give the glebe y s to the value h of 3001. per annum, to the pastors of the great andsuovehrw elming ma jority of the people of these parishes." tyehna had it heard,had at thatlas t transpired, after all the disclaimers which the the object was to get endowments for tl e Church, to transfer the glebes of the Roman Protestant C C I e a r t g l i y o . l t i u c the Roman Catholic Priests._ the cheering from the Op position benches.) lie wished the people of England to un erstand this.--( Renewed cheers.) He said let the people of this Cou ntry, whether Protestants or Dissenters --let the Vo luntaries of Scotland—understand that the question was not ane of Protestant spoliation, but of Roman Catholic endow- Ment-that it was whether they should take from the Ministers Fof the established religion the fair lands they possessed, and .i,voc.them to the Ministers of a religion for the overthrow of %,,en.idh their forefathers had bled, and which, whether in the ' l ll l . or Ton the scaffold, they rejoiced and gloried in denounc ' _R . ( he 'light Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amidst loud cheers) Mr. S HEIL The Right Hon. Baronet, while speaking of uttNi_ee.uvv.tes.a,s,_tle, The Right by crie s o f ~ Triennial Parlia- He did not seem to know the purport of the intima ;es I can explain it to him. The new Member, who is triennialented as a Conservatise, pledged himself to vote for Parliaments. —(Cheers.) His opponent declined to result ( give any pledge, and had voted against the Reform Bill. The :. . 0 the Newcastle contest affords no ground of triumph ; it on the hustings of Newcastle that the flag of trium linve Toryism ought to be planted. The Right Hon. Baronet o uu. ~.1. - t ed to the state of feeling in CumberlaUd. I know little i'saui oberland, except from the impression produced there in which y the Right Hon. Baronet himself; and the applauses , _ attended a very remarkable speech of his, appear to me cou nt furnish evidence of the state of popular feeling in that i'L..ll,tY• The bight Hon. Baronet on that occasion called szictf.:beSuucaturelett once -valued friend," but added that he " a recreant Whig."—( Loud cheers.) The thegtst Hon. Baronet also expressed himself favourable to insisptractice of extorting pledges, and advised the re )r.l to R ef uPon Lords Lowther giving a pledge in favour of 0 . orrs h ____ ( Hnd continued cheers.) These are the ~.,nly indications which I have of the state of public feeling in "other] but , „ an d, this appears to me to be sufficiet o form ti tolerably correct estimate of that county. ''he t Right g• Baronet is in one particular entitled to my thanks ; qabl°" not co i nc id e with the Bishop of Exeter in his formi eh 4rge i mputation. H e re li eves us, en the contrary, from the ii of perjury. It has been the good fortune of the Right ,'ll,B x ownoent,erßuarn net to tak e a very different view from the Bishop of points of theo r y an d practice ; in practice so far as ' t conduct, or even so f ar as the conduct of Roman Ca lifics is concerned. I n 1830, the Right Hon. Baronet gave ) "" e e of a m ot i on d enouncing the Bishop for holding a living, ei. l Stanhope, I think, in dam—( Hear, hear)—and now Lut,! rePudiates, as unchristi commen an, that charitable ecclesiastic's im 4tion of perjury cast upon his Roman Catholic fellow -sub "`""t'. This does him credit. With respect to the Catholic oa th,i , ldo assure the Right Hon. Baronet, that as far as lam ILlitvidually concerned, I have no intention to subvert the hi " ur ell, I wish to curtail it—l wish to reduce it to the di h-ens of the Church of Scotland—_l wish to proportion the ietraYinent to the service performed ; where there are no Pro astar.ts I see no pretence for paying a clergyman the exurbi i`latlstlin of three hundred pounds a-year. The Right lion. t?",n.eet adverted to the speech of the Member for Tamworth, l a wmlithat Right flon. Gentleman declared talctht if the pit "of the Church must at last be shaken, he, ast, would itiro;lttieuoun.cur in their concussion, nor be accessory to their Pros- Sir, I do rit desifeto overthrow the pillars of the ...ellurch--I wish to take down the golden dome, in under rr itsto r P ti l rent by its fall from burying all beneath it d Is ns•----(" hear hear," and loud cheering.) T e li f e err l e l d i,,e t h u t t—hl'euulirble Baronet th Member for Cumberland r subject of education, and declared that he was Rive edu willing to out of the Consolidated Fund 50,000/. a-year for the is evl4.',lcn, under the Commission, of the Irish people. H iiliii.gto tax England with this sum. He would mulct the )3 ' n gl'sh People, and spare the superfluities of the Irish Church. ut i n a h e , . ran so religious, it seems to me extraordinary that of 1! willg to assent to what ous people call the mutilation t h is t ce word of God._( Hear, hear.) It is remarkable that f oe. Proposition has come from the Tories ; and the silence o Nv! il .T .. aitl e of their Irish friends is not less deserving of notice. for i 3 r is the Recorder of Dublin ? Where is the Member sit and " ? What is become of the Member for the Univer weY of Dublin ?--( Cheers.) Formerly, when the Tories Go I T to O ffice, and confirmed the mutilation of the word of o th ere were reasons, substantial ones, for silence ; but v, r _u .s when their consciences are emancipated, and their inte o"osut : e re no longer concerned, will they stand up and dc e:. ~t_he application of so large a sum to be given from the (Lo'ultlediated Fund for the suppression of the Scriptures.— (Loud ' le ers.) There is one point snore in the speech of the r for Cumberland to which I desire for an instapt to advert. He charg es th e Member for Kilkenny with having ; intimated a wish that glebe lands should be given to the Ca : tholic clergy. I wish that the Rig:it Hon. Baronet would tell us whether or not he conceives that a provision should be made for the Cath o li c c l ergy. Th ey repu di ate it but does the Right Hon. Baron e t d es i re to use any gent l e v i o l ence to induce their compliance on this subject Cheers.) I know that in common conversation the Tories constantly lament that in 1825 the t erms propose d to L or d Li verpoo l , i nc l u di ng a provision, were not accepted. To this day, the Tories are fond of reverting to this proposition. But why in this House do they never openly refer to it ? Why is the Member for T . amworth, why i s th e M em b er L ancas hi re s i gn ifi cant l y silent on this point ? Will they this night tell us their minds on the question ?—( Hear, hear.) No, Sir: they are afraid to awaken the religious prejudices of the English people. But how disingenuous it is on the part of the Member for Cum berland, when he suppresses his own opinion, to avail himself of a paragraph in a letter of the Hon. Member for Kilkenny in order to ignite with it the inflammable feelings of the Eng lish people ? This incendiary expedient is scarcely worthy of him. I turn from the speech of the Hon. Member for Cum berland. In the opening of this night's debate, the question of privilege was glanced at. lam glad that on mere matter of form the debate has not turned ; but I am also glad that the great prerogatives of the people have been recalled to the public recollection. The time may not be distant when the redress of grievances must precede the supply of the exi gences of the Crown. But although privilege is put aside, let not dignity be forgotten. For once, let us follow the example of the Lords. They rejected the amended Municipal Reform Bill, because it was inconsistent with their House to recede from the ground which they had deliberately taken ; and shall we, after having passed a resolution declaratory of the policy by which Ireland must be for the future governed—after having with that resolution annihilated and created a cabinet —after having embodied the principle of that resolution in two successive Bills, in two successive Sessions—shall we, I say, accept a Bill founded on a principle diametrically the reverse of that thus solemnly and repeatedly adopted, and without which we have proclaimed the tranquillity of Ireland to be hopeless ?—( Cheers. ) What will be the consequence of ac cepting the measure of the Lords ? The Ministers must re sign, and the Irish Municipal Reform Bill, carried by a majority of 86, to which the House is pledged, is lost. The Lords must, if they wish to extend their Conservative habits to their characters, adhere to their destructive Bill.— (Laughter.) There is only one man who could, without any damage to his character, convert his Alien Act into a Bill for the naturalisation of the Irish people ; his asso ciates, although they have availed themselves of his talents could not venture to act in conformity with his ethics. It may be said that the settlement of the tithe question is of para mount importance to every other. True ; but what reason able man can regard the measure of the Lords as the settle ment of the question? The aliens—the seven millions of aliens and of perjurers—will scarcely be reconciled to this measure by the share which Lord Lyndhurst and the Bishop of Exeter have had in its production. The conjunction of this honest lawyer and of this Christian ecclesiastic, is not a little curious. —(Hear.) I remember a striking speech against Catholic Emancipation, made by Sir John Copley as Master of the Rolls, which Mr. Canning more than intimated was derived from a notorious pamphlet of the day. Mr. Canning exclaimed— " Dear Tom, this brown jug which foams with mild ale, Out of which I now drink to sweet Kate of the vale, Was once Toby Phillpotts—." (Loud laughter.) Is it not an odd coincidence that Copley and Phillpotts—the one metamorphosed into my Lord Lynd hurst, and the other into the Most Rev. Father in God the Lord Bishop of Exeter—should be still politically associated— and that the former should denounce us as aliens, and the lat ter should involve a whole nation in one comprehensive and flagitious imputation ? Aliens and perjurers Is this the Conservative process of conciliation, and is it thus that those passions are to be assuaged which disturb the peace and arrest the prosperity of our unfortunate country ?—(Long and con tinued cheers.) This Bill a settlement of the question ! It will be repudiated with utter scorn by the Irish people, who will regard it as an expedient to turn out the Ministry, to expel a Lord Lieutenant who has won the affections of the country, and to restore the Orange faction to the plenitude of its domination at the Castle. Does any moderate Con servative conceive that even if this project could be effected, it would be serviceable to the country ? What can be more prejudicial to Ireland than these sudden transfers of power, attended with ferocious exultation on one side, and black vindictive resentment on the other ? The Green flag to day —to-morrow the Orange—the next the Green flag, with a darker and deeper dye, again. Is this a state of things to be desired ? It may be said by a Conservative, that since a triumph must be given, it is better that Orangeism should be selected for the preference. This suggestion might be plausible, if there was the least chance of durability in a Conservative Government. But who is there that looks one yard before him in this fog of prejudice and passion by which we are surrounded—who is there that looks beyond to-day and has a political to-morrow, who can believe that it is pos sible that the Conservative policy with respect to the Irish Church can be long maintained ? lam sure that the Hon. Member for Tamworth does not think so. His speech to night was full of intimations of despair. Why did he say that if a blow must be struck, it should not be struck by him ? Why did he talk of the prostration of those pillars which he declared that he for one would not contribute to overthrow ? What did his speech mean, but an announcement that he would not play upon this question the same part which upon the Catholic he had been compelled to perform ; that he would leave it to others to do that which he saw was inevitable ; that he had already made sufficient sacrifices, and would not go through martyrdom again.—( Hear, hear.) Let us throw aside all abstractions, and consider not merely the merits of this ques tion, but the relation in which we stand towards each other, what are our comparative resources, and on whose side the victory will, in all likelihood, ultimately be. Forgive me if I put so abrupt a question as this :—Who are you, and who are we ? My answer to the first question shall be fair, and you will permit me, in answering the second question, to be frank.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Do not imagine that I mean to undervalue the importance of the Conservative party. I am willing to take you at your own price, which is rather a high standard of appreciation. You say that you have the aristocracy, the gentry, the clergy, the army, the magistracy, and the House of Lords. You have not all the House of Lords ; you have not the Cavendishes, nor the Russells ; no, nor the Stanleys, in the House of Lords.—( Loud cheers.) Some of you say that you have the King, and that Windsor is only an appurtenance to Apsley-house. Ido not agree in this opinion, for I remember that the Duke of Clarence, on the 23d of Febi-uary, 1829, turned to the bench of bishops, and asked them whether they would dare to call themselves the ministers of peace if they contributed to civil war in Ireland? —( Loud cheers.) This speech I beg respectfully to recom mend to the episcopal meditations of Dr. Phillpotts, and I trust that one of the dignitaries of the Church will derive advantage from the truly Christian sentiments expressed by the illustrious personage who is now its head.—(llear, hear.) Having told you who you arc, I proceed to communicate some information to you of which you may stand in need, and to tell , ;ou who we are. But it is better that before I tell you who we arc, I should first tell you what we are. In 1793 we were not half in number what we now are; we had no intelligen2e, no education, no concert, no property; and yet even then we extorted from England the elective fran chise. England put into a hand which she did not know to be gigantic a weapon from the armoury of the Constitution, with which from crest to centre Toryism bas been cloven.— ( Cheers.) I spring with a single bound over an interval of forty-three years, and hurry to the 13th of April, 1829. On that day the great charter of Irish liberty was ratified, and the King uttered those words of power, Lc Roi le vent. No, he did not use it, nor you did not use it, nor the Lords, nor the gentry, nor the clergy, nor the army, nor the magistracy ; but we were resolved upon it, and I tell you that to the question before the House we bring the same unconquerable will, and the same indomitable determination—( Loud cheers)—and that delay this question as you may, excite the fanaticism of Eng land as you may ; employ this question to get into Downing street as you may, still you must yield at last, and to Ireland, at last, justice shall be done.—( Immense cheering.) I know that you arc in the habit of speaking, and of writing, with derision, upon the phrase, " Justice to Ireland." It is quite natural that you should do so. At Madrid they laughed at justice to the Creole. At the Hague they laughed at justice to Belgium. There is an exceedingly good picture by Copley in the Na tional Gallery of the death of Chatham, and I remember that on the morning on which I read the alien speech, I was struck by that picture, and while I looked upon the fine representa tion of the expiring statesman, some of the most remarkable words which he had ever uttered came back to my recollec tion—" Do justice to America; do it to-night—do it before you sleep."—( Loud cheers.) Alas ! Sir, there were men mad enough to laugh at that admonition, and how can I expect, when my feeble voice is raised to implore you to do justice to Ireland, that you should not treat that melancholy adjuration with the same derision ?—(Loud cheering.) But it may be said that I am all this while using the language of vaunt, and that mere vaunt ought to be treated with disregard. lam willing to go into details, and to act like him who took the herald of the evening through his camp, showed him the ex tent, the discipline, the organization of his force, exhibited every legion in its panoply, and then sent back the herald to his antagonist and offered battle. But mistake me not. We do not mean to give you an opportunity of re-enacting the scenes upon the Boyne and at Aughrim again. Our power is a moral one. Our field of combat shall be on this floor, and here, where we have again and again discomfited you, again we shall put you to the rout. You put Ireland through a process unexampled in the history of confiscation. If I may be per mitted to play upon a word, I should say that the history of Irish Protestantism was to be found in Rapin. You not only took away all we had, but you prevented us from acquiring anything. It was not until 1782 that a Roman Catholic could purchase an estate. But since that time our progress in ten i torial acquisition has been great, and, as is obvious, must every day increase.—( Hear, hear.) But I am free to admit that the bulk of fee-simple property is Protestant. I stop not to ask bow much of it is in mortgage to Roman Catholics. - My case is this, that the mass of property to which political influ ence is an incident is in the hands of the middle classes. Be fore the Reform Bill, the great Protestant proprietors nomi nated to boroughs, and thus political influence was attached to their estates. But a complete transfer of this influence has taken place to the body of the inhabitants of towns sending Members to Parlirment. I will give you the ocular proof of the extent and o charcacter of the ch ange which has taken place. Look at the HBaronet the the Memb er f or th e Uni versity of Oxford. He was once the Member for Dundalk,—. (Laughter.) You will scarce believe it, but it is the fact, and the House perceives that be does not dispute it. My Lord Roden selected a gentleman eminently qualified to represent him and his religious feelings and pious addictions in the House. It is not to be presumed that any sublunary induce ments were applied by the Hon. Baronet to the Noble THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 3, 1836 Lord in order to persuade him to make so felicitous a choice.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The House seeing the Hon. Baronet not only the representative of Lord Roden, but the image as it was before reform of Dundalk—(Laughter)— and now look at Dundalk as it is. Look at th e H on . Gn- tlernan the successor of the Member for Oxford. Where is not a greater contrast between the Hon. Gentlem an , between the soft and gentle conservatism of the one, and the stern and inflexible democracy of the other, than there is between Dun dalk before and since reform.—(Loud laughter.) Formerly the Protestants of Ireland enjoyed a complete monopo l y o f t h e patronage of the Crown. The Pactolus of the Royal bounty rose in the Castle to discharge itself into the reservoir o f Pro testantism—( Laughter)—but now, without distinction of re ligion, an indiscriminate participation takes place in the dig nities and emoluments connected with the departments of the state. The different professions have been thrown open to us. Take the bar as an example of the effect produced b y the career which is famished to the talents of the Irish Catholics. In 1812 Mr. Saurin denounced us as miscreants, and now one of those miscreants is his Majesty's Attorney- General.— (Loud cheers.) Roman Catholics are in ail branches of business at the bar at its highest points. If we were seven millions of mere unintellectual, dull, insensible, degraded serfs, a mere mass of helotism, to our seven millions little re gard should be paid. Once we were sunk indeed by the penal code, but a marvellous change has taken place. Men often talk of the great improvement which has taken place in Ireland, and in doing so they refer merely to its external aspect; its moral one has undergone a still greater alteration. Not only has the plough climbed to the top of the mountain, and culti vation pierced into the morass, but the mind of Ireland has been reclaimed.—(Loud cheers.) This salutary influence has ascended to the higher classes, spread among the middle, and descended among the lower. The humblest peasant has been nobly affected by it. Even in the midst of the most abject destitution, he has began to acquire a sentiment of self-res pect. " He venerates himself a mar,." I remember the time when, if you struck an Irish peasant, he cowered beneath the blow. Strike him now—the spirit of offended manhoodstarts up in a breast covered with rags. This Celtic blood boils up as yours would, and he feels and he acts as if he were born in this noble land of yours, where the person of every British citi zen is sacred from affront, and from his birth he had breathed that moral atmosphere which Britons are accustomed to inhale. —( Cheers.) No, Sir, we are not what we were. We have not caught the accents of your voices, indeed, but we have caught the intonations of your rhymes. Englishmen !we are too like you to give you leave to keep us down—(Loud cheers) —nay, in some points we have surpassed you. Have you read the evidthwe of the Intimidation Committee, and the dispraise of heroism in rags which it details ? The Irish peasant is prepared again to do what he did before, and to bid defiance in the cause of his country to poverty, explosion, ruin. Do you doubt it? Put it to the test. If we stood alone, I should not despair. Sustained by British sympathy, how can I for a moment of the triumph of this great cause entertain a doubt ? Scotland is with us. The Scotch feel that the cause in which their fathers bled is ours. And as to England, if we have been defeated in skirmishes at occasional elections, I make no question that at a general election in the great onset we should win the day ; and if we do (and with that question I conclude) what course will the Tories take? They bid us yield to the Lords. Will they, in that event, yield to the people? Will they give up the great principle on which their resistance is founded? The Member for Lancashire will cry out that be will resist it to the death—the Member for Tamworth is too wise to do so.—(Loud cheering.) Mr. HODGSON, after briefly recapitulating the circum stances attendant upon the more recent elections for New castle, but in a tone of voice which, standing as he did on the other side of the Speaker's chair, did not reach us in the gal lery, stated that in the late election for that town he had been returned without soliciting a single vote, and after having declared his determination not to lend his support in any way to the alienation of Church property to secular purposes in Ireland.—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.) With respect to the speech which had just been delivered by the Hon. and Learned Member for Tipperary, it abounded, particularly the latter part of it, in beautiful imagery and powerful figures; but he did not see that throughout the whole tenor of his address the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had made one attempt to argue the question before the House upon its merits. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman's speech con tained this point, and this one alone, that if the House voted against the appropriation clause to-night, Ministers would be dismissed from their offices, but that the House would preserve them in their places by opposing the Lords' amendments to this Bill. Now he (Mr. Hodgson) considered the quest ion of the stability of a Government, as infinitely unimportant when compared with the settlement of a great principle like that before the House at this moment.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Mr. D. W. HARVEY, after premising that it was not his intention to detain the House very long, said that the senti ments which he had uttered on a former occasion on this sub ject had been very much misrepresented, so much so that he felt himself called upon to appeal to a tribunal to which an Englishman seldom appealed in vain, to his constituents—and the result was, that they declared themselves unanimously in favour of the line of conduct he had taken up, and from that line he saw no reason now to deviate. In one respect, how ever, he felt himself bound on the present occasion to adopt a different course to that which he had on the last division on this subject, when, as it might be recollected by the House, having fearlessly expressed his opinions on the whole question he had abstained from giving a vote. On the present occa sion he should give a vote, and for this reason—on the former occasion he was equally opposed both to the proposition of the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, and to that of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, and therefore he would not vote for either; and on the present occasion, if the ques tion was the acceptance of one or other of those propositions, he should again abstain from voting ; but as it h a pp ened this was not the question upon which he was now called to vote, but whether they should accept this measure denuded of the appropriation clause, which would be nothing less than ex tracting all the merit from it—(Hear, hear)—that and no other was the consideration and the question upon which he should this evening give his vote. He (Mr. Harvey) had fol lowed with great attention the speech just delivered by the Hon. and Learned Member for Tipperary, in hopes he would have advanced some arguments in support of the course pro. posed by his Majesty's Government on this subject—some at tempt to show that this Bill, when passed, would be sufficient to tranquillise and satisfy the demands of that country of which the Hon. and Learned Member was so distinguished an orna ment, and so able an advocate. But so far from this, when the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had taken a brief survey of the history of Ireland during the last half century, he ab stained altogether from giving any opinion for the future as to what would be the result of the passing of this mea sure.—( Hear, hear , hear.) For his own part, he (Mr. Harvey) did not think this measure would be productive of all that satisfaction and tranquillity which were promised from it. He thought the lion. and Learned Member, as a Roman Ca tholic, was bound to do everything he could to destroy the power and subvert The influence of the Protestant Church in Ireland.—( Marked cheering from both sides of the House.) If he ( Mr. Harvey) conscientiously thought that the existence of a Protestant Church was necessary for the happiness and welfare of the people of England, he should have taken the view and supported the proposition of the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire. But he was not of that opi nion : and therefore it was that he felt that this very measure, not'before the House, could not satisfy the feelings of a people who were conscientiously opposed to t he doctrines, and therefore to the very existence, of a Protestant . Church, and its claims to protection were essentially different in Ireland from what they were in England. In England the great bulk of the people of the country were in favour of the Protestant doctrines, but in Ireland the case was precisely the reverse. The institutions of the country ought to be applied to the utmost possible extent according to the wants and desires of the . pec plc. Upon this principle he held it impossible to maintain a, Church Establishment in Ireland which was made use of by a small majority of communicants. What course then was to be pursued ? The only course, in his opinion, was to withdraw all legislative countenance from both Churches, and to apply the revenues of the Church to the moral instruction and com fort of the people at large. The appropriation clause was a mere dry, worthless abstraction.—(Hear, hear.) It pretended to apply a certain surplus of Church revenues to the education of the people in Ireland ; but where was that surplus to be found ? The very advocates of the measure did not anticipate that they would have anything of the kind for half a century to come, and then it would only amount to something about 50,0001. a year ; and in the meantime the anticipations of that surplus fund were to be paid out of the Consolidated Fund. What, then, did all this quarrelling about appropriation come to ? Why, both parties seemed to understand the principle pretty well, and to act upon it too, by taking care of themselves ; only that the Conservatives were more honest than their opponents.—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.) But there was one other question involvedin this Bill which it appeared to him had been left quite un touched in the course of the discussion on this measure ; namely, the pruposal to forgive the 700,000/. which had been already advanced out of the million originally voted for the relief of the clergy of Ireland. It would be recollected that when the House was applied to by Lord Althorp for a sum of money to meet the deficiency in the tithe payments of 1830 and 1832, their feelings were harrowed by the touching de scriptions given of the state to which the working clergy in Ireland hoe been reduced by the systematic resistance which had been made to the payment of tithes. Well, in consequence of all these appeals, the million vo t e was carr i e d, under the un derstanding, however, that it was t o b e repa id t o the public purse by a scrt of land-tax, spread over a surface of five years' time. • It was surprising how the arith met i c o f t h e H on . Members of that House varied with their o bj ec t s . O n t h a t occ asion Mr. Littleton stated the tithes of Ireland to be about 600,000/. a year, and taking the sum due to be 400,000/., that it would require a million to meet the arrears ; so that at that time, in order to show the House that there was no ground for alarm, leec the loan should not be repaid, the tithes of Ireland were declared to be worth 600,000/. a year. But now, when those who took upon themselves the defence of the clergy in that House wished to make out a case favourable to their views, the tithes were lowered to 350,000/. " But so far," said the Hon. Gentleman, " from this sum of a million being given to the meritorious, distressed, and indigent clergy of Ireland, the fund was actually received in large lumps by noble laymen—( Hear, hear)—and by female laymen too, if I may so term them.—(Much laughter.) On what ground those persons who have 100,000/. or 200,000/. a year, and who are deriving immense revenues from a country which they de sert, and the withdrawal of their enormous rents from which has a far greater share in the impoverish men t o f th e people than anything which appertains to the present Bill.—(Hear , hear.) On what principle, I say, those who derive their ducal incomes could so demean themselves as to borrow money, creates my surprise; but how they could condescend to receive from the resources of an impoverished country by which they arc so much enriched, sums of money derived from the people of that country, as well as from the people of this country who are already so burdened with taxation, and that they should not only consent to borrow these sums, but to take them as a gift, this, I say, baffles all the powers of language which it is possible for me to comma n d i n ex p ress i ng my detestation of their conduct.— (Cheers.) I find on this list every class of persons, There are those on it who find their justification in the magnitude of the sums which they demand, and others .again in the paucity of their amount.— ( Laughter.) There is nothing too large for them to seize— there is nothing too small for them to take.—(Renewed laughter.) I find amongst them some very large recipients ; and what is remarkable, there is a certain coincidence between the magnitude of the title as well as the noble possessor's re sources and the sums which they have taken.—( Hear.) The Duke of Devonshire, for instance, has actually condescended first to borrow and next to accept in charity no less a sum than 3,664/.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, Sir, not to travel out of the " order" of nobility, while Dukes have been cram ming noble sums, Earls too have had their share, and one of them, the Earl of Essex, had some pickings of crumbs, amounting to 861. 13s. 4d.—( Hear.) But we have often heard in this House that we should not speak irreverently of persons who are absent, and I was much more amused than instructed by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the Attorney- General for Ireland, when alluding to night to the House of Lords. Ha fancied all sorts of things : he insinuated much ; he repudiated more, until at last he brought us to the subject to which he wished to direct our minds.--( Hear, hear.) Now it may be said, that it is unfair in me to speak of a Noble Duke and Earl when they have not an opportunity of replying to the statement, but it should be recollected that I am stating the items of a return in which are to be found the names of the Members of this House, who can answer for themselves.— ( Hear.) I should like to know whether those Hon. Members mean to vote on this occasion? We have heard a great deal lately of Hon. Members sitting on committees, or taking any part in the discussions upon questions on which they have the slightest personal interest. Now I cannot think that some Hon. Members will sanction a measure by their vote, one of the objects of which is to relieve them from the payment of a debt, which they, as recipients of the million, have consented to incur. —(Hear.) As this return is the hands of Hon. Members, they can easily see whether they are amongst the number of those who receive any portion of the million, or whether they are not. When on a former occasion the Pen sion List was before the House, I alluded to those who re ceived the pensions without reserve ; but what will the House feel when they are informed that there are in that list which is now produced, ladies, residing in this metropolis, who re ceived part of the grant of a million as lay impropriators ? Now this is a most flagrant perversion of the original inten tion of the grant—( Much cheering)—particularly when on looking over the debates for the purpose of strengthening my recollection, I find that Lord Althorp, when some distant in timation of an apprehension from past experience was made by any Hon. Member (though he was disinclined to sup pose that so bad an example would be followed), of the event, that - what was originally a loan would by some means or other be converted into a gift—when I say such an opinion was indirectly expressed, the Noble Lord Al thorp, whose fancy and vivid imagination were instantly touched by the expression of the remotest apprehension of such a circumstance, declared that if he could pos sibly conceive such an event to arise, he should be the last man to make the proposition which he then sub mitted. And yet lam bound to say, that if the list be looked to, the Whigs will be found to have, at all events, as deep a finger in the purse as the Tories.—(Laughter, and Opposition cheers.) And here I must allude to the repetition of the old story, which I had fancied was almost worn out—namely, that " if you leave Ministers in a minority on this question, it will so agitate the vessel of the state, that in all probability it will be engulfed in general ruin." Now, really this is a topic on which I can scarcely bring myself to speak with seriousness. The idea of this great nation being left in a state of distrac tion, the cables of the vessel of the state cut, and she in danger of running into the wide sea, without having any guide to direct her into post--this statement implies an imputation on the capacity of the people of this empire which I can scarcely , for a moment entertain. Why, let the Tories come in. —(op position cheers.) How long would they remain in power? Just so long as they deserved.—( Ironical cheers.) They can't stand an hour unless they are prepared to mend their man ners and their measures.—(Cheers renewed.) But, unfor tunately, if they were once in they need not do much more than stick pretty closely to the tactics of their predecessors, and give out that as they found a great deal of unfinished work on hand, they must first turn that out before they take any new orders, so that in this way a session or two may be con sumed before they begin on their own account.--( Hear, and laughter.) The country understands the thing very well. We have been six years, since November 1830, looking forward to measures of substantial relief, but whether we take the mea sures with respect to the church, the law, or taxation, or with reference to any of those manifold departments which were thought would be better administered, we have been griev ously disappointed. Now when I speak of taxation, I per ceive the Chancellor of the Exchequer taking notes, and I beg to assure him that I do not mean that he should let loose on us his budget speech, for I have not the least intention of inviting the chastisement of such an infliction.—( A laugh.) A great deal, I admit, has been done in giving relief from taxation by both parties, and more must be done; but what I am certain is, that the just expectations of the people, as to the results of a reformed Government, have met with nothing but disappointment. Now, as r,egards this ap propriation clause, I shall vote against the Lords' amend ments, because it is just so much worse than the present Bill, for not containing that clause which, though of no importance in itself, acknowledged the principle that that House had as much jurisdiction over the p ro p er ty o f th e Ch urc h as over th e Civil List, the revenues, or any other department of Govern ment.—( Hear, hear.) It is much better that the Irish Church should remain as it is for the present. The people of Ireland will be able to understand the merits of the question by the next Session of Parliament. The people of England do now understand it; and I am quite satisfied that the enlightened reform and amelioration of the ecclesiastical establishments of both countries will be more speedily effected by having this Bill, which provides for neither, postponed.—(Cheers.) Mr. CAVENDISH said, that down to 1824 the Duke of Devonshire's tithes were let to individuals, who sublet them at increased rents, but still on moderate terms. At the re quest of the parishes, the Duke of Devonshire in 1824 let them to trustees for the different pastilles, as yearly tenants, at rents amounting together to 2,5211. The compositions for the same parishes amount together to 5.2931., and most of such compositions were voluntarily entered into. The Duke, however, continued to receive the same 2,5211, and therefore annually relinquished 2,7721., being more than one-half. Notwithstanding this, the same objection was raised against this payment, as in all other cases of tithes, and since 1830, with some few exceptions, all refused to . pay any thing. The Duke, however, has regularly paid tithes for his own estates, where titheablo. It has been stated, I under stand, that the Act passed in 1833, called the Million Act, was not intended for the relief of lay impropria tors, and that such persons ought not to have availed themselves of it; and that, at all events, it was not in tended that any payment should be made from it, by either lay or clerical persons, who arc not in distress for want of the money. The contrary, I maintain, was the fact; the Act was passed to stop the collection of tithe, with a view to the final adjustment of the tithe question the following year. The money was accepted by the Duke of Devonshire, as a loan from the public, to avoid the neces sity of enforcing the payment of tithes ; and I always under stood that the Duke is, as he has always been, ready to re pay the money whenever Parliament shall so decide. It was generally understood in Ireland, that the Government wished all persons to avail themselves of the Act in order to set the question of tithes at rest, it being intended to follow up the Act by a permanent measure the following year. The only question at the time, therefore, was, whether the Duke should abandon the arrears, or receive them under the provisions of the Act, to be afterwards repaid by the parties from whom they were duo ; and no person, I think, can with reason say that he was called upon to abandon the arrears, especially after the liberal deduction for years made as I have before stated.—( Hear, hear.) Lord STANLEY rose amid loud cries of " Divide." The question he maintained was this, and this only—" Will you accept so much of your own measure as both Houses of Parliament are willing to carry into effect, or will you for another year at least (and I say for a hopeless year) go on protracting the misery and wretchedness of the con- I diet between parties in Ireland and parties in England without effecting your own object, wnich you say you desire ; which you say would be of infinite benefit, and which we admit, but which you will not consent to have accomplished with the consent of the House of Lords, and with consent and satisfaction of a large body of the representatives of this House, unless you can attach to it that which we think ob jectionable, which we cannot accept.—( Opposition cheers, cries of " Divide," and the Hon. Member cried out " That is only one question.") It was aye or no ; would they accept the Lords' amendments, and would they postpone them? Not even that ; but would they consent to take the Lords' amend ments seriatim into discussion ?-_(Cries of " Oh, oh 1") If that were not the question, he hoped he should be told what it was; but if that really was the only question before them, he trusted he would not be interrupted by the muttered moans of gentlemen who could not, in debate and argument, con tradict what he said.—( Opposition cheers.) How, then, stood the case? The Bill was sent down amended by the House of Lords, and the Minister of the Crown moved the post ?onement of the consideration of these amendments for three months, thereby rendering it impossible that any mea sure could pass in the course of the present year; and on this motion alone the House was now called upon to decide. The Hon. and Learned Member for Tipperary had stated that the example of this conduct was set us by the House of Lo ds, because notwithstanding all the concessions made to the Lords on the Municipal Act, they did not pass it. Why, true ; but the House struck out clauses in your Municipal Bill which they considered objectionable ; whilst your objec tion is, that as you cannot obtain some one principle to be put into your Bill, on the refusal of which you insist upon rejecting the whole me asure. Now that is the distinction--the House of Lords would not consent to concur in your measure, bt:nnse it contained o bj ect i onable principles ; andyou will not consent to pass this Bill, b ecause it has not some one principle which you insist upon having asserted. Here arose the question— was this principle valuable or not ? All those who supported the Bill plainly told the House it was not the clause itself, but for the principle it introduced, and the means it gave of carrying that principle still further.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Southwark (Mr. D. W. Harvey), who opposed both sides of the House indis criminately, declared that in his opinion both Bills were equally worthless, and that both ought, therefore, to be re jected; but, lie added, that if in e ither there was anythi ng that could rai se them above the contempt they deserved, it was the clause of appropriation contained in the Bill, of which he should be glad to avail himself as a lever wherewith to overthrow the whole fabric of the Established Church in Ire lane.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member for Tipperary, who began his speech certainly in a very amusing manner, went on in a very piteous tone to entreat the House to reject the amendments introduced by the Lords into the Bill, and afterwards proceeded to argue the Bill—no, not to argue the 4411, but to argue the question, and to point out the superior numbers, wealth, and intelligence of the Catholic population of Ireland, and to show how, by an increasing perseverance, they had succeeded in obtaining a concession of thbir claims in 1793 and 1829. " Weak as we were in 1793," said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, " we extorted much from you in that year ; advancing afterwards in strength, we extorted from you a great deal more in 1829." Why did the Hon. and Learned Gentleman stop there ? Because the argument he adopted before it came to its conclusion just overleaped tie Bill now brought forward by his Majesty's Ministers.— (Hear.) "We are strong, wealthy, and intelli gent," said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ; " we extorted much from you in 1793 ; we extorted what we chose from you in 1629 ; and whether you will or no"—he would have added, at all events, this inference was to be derived from his argu ment—" we will hereafter extort from you a great deal more." —( Hear. ) That was the ground on which the Hon. and Learned Member for Tipperary supported this Bill.—( Cheers. ) Then was the House of Commons to come down humbly to the Government of Ireland, and to say, " Gentlemen, you are strong, you are intelligent, you are wealthy, you are powerful ; tell us what you want, and you shall have it— ( Hear.) You are powerful, and we, the Parliament of the United Kingdom, cannot refuse you what you choose to de mand ' - you must have whatever you choose to ask." — (Hear , hear, hear.) That was the argument of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman.—(Hear. hear.) They on the Opposi tion side of the House had been asked whether they expected this Bill to tranquillize Ireland. There were two or three meanings to be attached to the phrase " tranquillizing Ireland." If he were asked whether it would tranquillize those who were determined not to be satisfied until they had overthrown the Church Establishment in Ireland, he would say that this Bill certainly could not be expected to achieve such an end ; and that no Bill to which he (Lord Stanley) would consent, or to which, he hoped, the GovCrnment would consent, would ever satisfy that party, nor as long as their clamour was listened to would Ireland ever be tranquillized.—( Hear, hear.) They now had it in their power to tranquillize Ireland as far as strife and bloodshed arising from the payment of.tithe or com position for tithe was concerned.—( Hear, hear.) They had the means in their hands—a word from the head of the Go vernment in that House would do it.—(Loud cheers.) If Ministers refused to consent to the Lords' amendments and to pass the Bill as it then stood, it was the Ministry and not the Opposition who refused to give tranquillity to Ireland.— (Great cheering from the Opposition.) He saw the means of doing much good—he saw the means of achieving that which Ministers admitted to be a great good, namely, the shifting of the burden of tithe from the tenant to the landlord—and of redistributing the property of the Church in such a manner as should be consistent with the strict principles of equity and justice. He saw the means of doing this in this present Bill, as it came down to them amended from the House of Lords.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. G. F. YOUNG rose amid loud and general cries of " Divide !" He should feel himself bound as an honest and consistent man not to give his vote in favour of the amend ments.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) . The House then divided— For the original motion 260 For the amendment... 231 Majority for Ministers —29 The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at two o'clock. FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, Jur.r 8, 1836. The Lord Chamberlain of his Majesty's Household has appointed William Rose, of Sandhills, in the county of Hants, Esq., one of the Gentlemen of his Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Chamber in Ordinary. FOREIGN-OFFICE, AUG. I. The King has been graciously pleased to appoint Joseph Bar clay Pentland, Esq., to be his Majesty's Consul-General in the Re public of Bolivia. The King has also been graciously pleased to appoint William Penrose Mark, Esq., to be his Majesty's Consul for the Province of Granada, to reside at Malaga. DOWNING-STREET, JuNa 24. The King has been pleased to appoint William Henry Harvey, Esq., to be Treasurer and Accountant-General at tho Settlement of the Cape of Good Hope. DOWNING-STREET, JULY 12. The King has been pleased to appoint William Wilde, Esq., to be Chief Justice at St. Helena. DOWNING-STREET, JULY 21. The King has been pleased to appoint Edward Allen Williams, Esq., to be Substitute to the Procurcur and Advocate General at Mauritius. DOWNING-STREET, Aua. 1. The King has been pleased to appoint J. C. Lees, Esq., to to Chief Justice of the Bahama Islands. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Wilts. Salisbury Volunteer Infantry—W. Fawcett, Esq., to be Cap tain, vice G. Short, resigned ; C. W. Marsh, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Fawcett, promoted, July 21.' BANKRUPTS. ARTHUR EDWARD WINDUS and HENRY WILLIAM WINDUS, stationers, Skinner-street, Snow-hill, to surrender, August 12, and September 13, at one, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Whitmore, Basinghall-street, official assignee; Swain and Co., Frederick's-place Old Jewry. ALEXANDER GORDON, fish-curer, Holland-place, Brixton road, Surrey, August 10, at one, and September 13, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee ; R. M. and C. Baxter, Lincoln's Inn-fields. BENJAMIN BUSHELL KING, stationer, Fish street-hill, August 10, at two, and September 13, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy, Belcher, official assignee ; Desborough and Young, Sise-lane. THOMAS OCTAVIAN NOEL PRITCHARD, surgeon, Houndsditeli, August 13, at two, and September 13, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, Abchurch-lane, official assignee ; Shrimpton and Powys. Staple-inn, Holborn. JAMES HOOP ER, cheese-factor, Upper Thames-street, Au gust 16, at one, and Soptember 13, at two, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Edwards, Pancia-s-lane, official assignee ; Trcherne and White, Leadenhall-street. JAMES OFFICER WHITtUALL, painter, Liverpool, Au gust 13, and September 13, at elevet;; at the Clarendon Rooms, Liverpool. Green, Bucklersbury, Lotion; Houghton, Lord street, Liverpool. HENRY HOLDEN, smith, Leeds, August 9, at six, and Sep tember 13, at eleven, at the Court-house. Leeds. Fiddey, Ser jeant's-inn, Fleet-street, London ; Barr, Leeds. JAMES MITCHELL, cloth-dresser, Leeds, August 9, and September 13, at twelve, at the Court-house, Leeds. Hardwick and Davidson, Lawrence-lane, London ; T. and J. Lee, Leeds. JOHN ALLDAY, wire-drawer, -Birmingham, August 10, at eleven, and September 13, at one, at the Clarendon Hotel, Bir mingham. Blackstock, Bunce, and Vincent, London ; Hodgson, Birmingham. JAMES BOOTH, postmaster, Doncaster, August 6, and September 13, at twelve, at the Court-house, Doncaster. Taylor and Son, John-street, Bedford-row, London ; Hoyle, Rotherham. THOMAS BROWN, comm' brewer, Grange, Cheshire, August 13, and September 13, at one, at the Clarendon Rooms, Liverpool. Chester, Staple-inn, London ; Mallaby, Liverpool. WILLIAM CROFT the younger, wholesale hosier and silk warehouseman, Manchester, August 19, and September 13, at three, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester. Baxter, Lin coln's-inn-fields, London ; Sale, Manchester. DIVIDENDS. G. Newman, warehouseman, Lawrence-lane, City, Aug. 24, at twelve, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester—W. Kingsford, paper-manufacturer, Buckland, Kent, Aug. 24, at one, at the Bell nn, Sandwich—W. Heughan, builder, Liverpool, Aug. 26, at one, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool—F. 11. Bradbeer, draper, Salis bury, Sept. 2, at one, at the Cross Keys Inn, Salisbury—T. Corn ley, common brewer, Romsey Infra, Hampshire, Aug. 25, at twelve, at the Dolphin Inn, Southampton—C. N. Wilson, common brewer, Batley Carr, Dewsbury, Aug. 29, at twelve, at the Royal Hotel, Dewsbury—C. and J. Clark, wine-merchants, Bridgnorth, Salop, Aug. 24, at twelve, at the Castle Inn, Bridgnorth—W. Harris, merchant, Manchester, Aug. 24, at ten, at the Commissioners . - rooms, Manchester. CERTIFICATES—Auo. 23. E. Staples, oilman, Castle-street -east, Oxford-street—J. Cal throp, iron -master, formerly of Gosborton, Lincoln, but now of Isleham, Suffolk—J. Gerrish, jun., clothier, Frome Selwood, Somersetshire—R. D'Oyly, scrivener, Moreton-in-Marsh—J. B. Billam, manufacturer, Wakefield—W. Reed, paper-manufacturer , Gateshead, Durham. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. John Peck and James Peck, music-publishers, Novgatc-street— T. R. Prior and M. Metcalfe, coal-merchants, Albion wharf, Kingsland-road—J. Charles and J. Andrew, merchants, Upper Thames-street—J. W. Monk and H. C. Rivett, v ictuallers, King's Arms, Lower Thames-street—S. Hodges and W. Hodges, wine and spirit merchants, Judd.street, Brunswick -square—E. Harrison, H. Cox, and B. Creswick, manufact urers of files and albata, or British plate spoons, Sheffield — J. Leech and S. Cheatham, engra vers, Manchester—T. A. Ward , J. Ward, and G. Brown, comb manufacturers, Sheffield—J. M e lmoth awl I'. Melmoth, poultere rs , Crawford-street, 3larylebone—C. B i gg s awl J. Knight, merchants Manchester—J. Savage and NV. B. 'Walker, soap-makers, Kinn , ' - ston-upon-Hull—J. Parkinso n, N. Parkinson, and G. Kirk ham, corn-dealers, Preston (so far a s re g ards G. Kirkham )_..D. Sim mins and J. J. Smith, earthenware-dealers, Liverpool—R. Walton and J. Ramsden, dyers, Leeds—J. Sankey, J. Williams, and J. Chatterley, wheelwrights, Salford (so far as regards J. Sanke v C. Bourne and T. K. Hassall , attorneys, Liverpool —W. T . ) glan ders and T. Burden, fishmongers, Fore-street, Cri 1 Stone and F. W. Kingdon, attorneys at law, 'Taunt pl , Egate—G. Cham berlin and J. Chamberlin, drapers and tailors, North pn—ti. Norfolk —G. Bishop, muffin-baker, Clare-court, Walsham, W. Neats, victualler, Whitechapel—J. walde Drury-lane, and jun., dealers in milk, Reading, Berkshire—J.n and 'I . Woodley, Creed, wholesale and retail grocers, Sh Bartlett and W. Somerset shire—G. W. Jacob and .1. Place epton Mallet, Somerset ornamental paper, Bartholomew , i manufacturers of .coloured and ship and insurance brokers, I:re—J. Smith and 0. Lyndall, 'fonge, Lancashire, W. Whiteh a enhall-street—W. Whitehead, Andrew, Manchester, mast ead, Bentfield, Yorkshire, and J. head, Tonga)—J • Watson master colliers (so far as regards W. White- Hudson and B. Bud and Son silver platers, Sheffield—T. gen, truss hoop makers, W H est oathly, Sussex. SCOTCH and JAMES HOLMS 'QUEST RATION. Cochran Maxtor, Augn., and CO., manufacturers, Paisley and Inn, Paisley. ' 9 and 25, at one, at the Saracen's Head The harvest commenced last \Neck in Nottingham shire and elsewhere. At Cromwell, Muskham, and Hawton, several fields of wheat and oats have been cut and carried, of fine quality and in excellent condition. Should the wea ther continue fine and favourable the harvest will become gene ral in the course of this week. It will be much earlier than was anticipatcd during the bleak and unfavourable weachcr in the spring. IRELAND. .--qeg.. A TITHE VICTIM !—The Dublin Evening Post has re ceived the following horrify in g communication from the Rev. Gerald Doyle, the respected Parish Priest of Naas. Is it by such a system as is here described that the Gospel of the Redeemer is to be propagated by the Reformed Church in Ireland ? " Sir,—l beg the liberty of enclosing to you the follow ing facts connected with the blood-stained impost; and I hope you will not consider them unworthy of being inserted in your highly interesting Paper. " On Wednesday, the 27th instant, Mr. d. Lennon, Rathmore, near Naas, county Kildare, was seized by Writs of Rebellion Ruffians,' was taken off his sick bed, thrown into a cart, and lodged in Naas gaol. " Lennon is more than eighty years old, has been out of his mind for some time, and did not know his own child who went to visit him in his dungeon. " Heartless as Writs of Rebellion Ruffians' generally are, the constables in the present instance had some feelings of humanity. On seeing the debilitated and emaciated Lennon, thy retired, and returned to describe the state in which they found him—but they were ordered to do their duty, and to secure their victim.—They did so, and there he lies in a dungeon, incapable of knowing what he says, where he is, or what he does. " I have been to see him within the last hour ; his legs and arms are like walking sticks—his words are scarcely intelligible, and he is continually tearing off the bed-clothes. " Yesterday he moped about his cell—came in contact with a turf, and commenced immediately to eat it. " I could state another fact relative to this poor victim ; but, though it would create pity, it would also excite dis gust, and I, therefore, forbear to mention it. " 'Tis reported that a petition is to be immediately trans mitted to his Excellency Earl Mulgrave, praying his Excel lency to restore to liberty this scarcely remnant of a human being, that he may drag out his few remaining days, at 'east, on his own sick be, and at his own home. " I make no comment. I have the honour to be, Sir, " Your very humble servant; " GERALD DOYLE. " Naas, July 29, 1836." DUBLIN, JULY 30TH.—Mr. LITTLE.--It turns out on inquiry into the character of this gentleman, whose recent appointment to the stipendiary magistracy of Down was condemned by the Chronicle, that that paper was in error. Mr. Little is not an Orangeman, and his previous conduct as a Magistrate is described as being fair and imparti a l. THE TODD F ORG ERY.—Mr. Todd now knows that his audacious forgery is actually published. But does he know that it is this moment exposed for sale in the shops of the spiritual booksellers of Dublin, doubtless for the purpose of disseminating, according. to M'Ghee, "the important truths therein contained ?" The copyright of the infamous libel is the property of the libeller ; and here we find it exposed for sale. We call on Messrs. Todd, M‘Ghee, O'Sullivan, or any other of the malignants, to deny, if they can, that the money made by the sale of this book is literally " the wages of prostitution."—Freeman's Journal. THE TIPPERARY SOCIETY.—This Society, established for aiding the authorities in tranquillising the county of Tip perary, held a meeting last week, J. Scully, Esq., J.P., in the Chair. We are extremely gratified to learn, that the efforts of the Society have already been attended with signal success. FEVER AND DISTRESS.—WC learn with regret that cases of fever are numerous in the town and neighbour hood of Enniskillen among the poorer classes, and that the utmost destitution and distress are the lamentable conse quence. Some entire families are lying in miserable cabins in the back streets, with scarce a wisp of straw between them and the damp earth, and wanting even the requisite nourishment. There are instances of children and others almost perishing from want, and of persons not quite con valescent tottering on their limbs to the doors of the bene volent inhabitants, in quest of means to provide some sort of food for themselves and wretched families, and thus un avoidably spreading the contagion. It is to be lamented that there are no available funds to meet such instances of distress ; and unless some exertion be made to afford relief to the sufferers, it is not easy to estimate the extent to which the desolating influence of the disease may reach, particularly at this season, when the food of the poor is scarce and unwholesome, and perhaps rendered more so by the prevailing wet weather. The Assize Intelligence presents no feature of peculiar interest, excepting perhaps that at Armagh Assizes four men were found guilty of unlawful assembly at Tynan, on the 18th of May, playing " Croppies lie down," Holy Wa ter," &c. A witness swore that a place where a brother of his had been murdered some time previously, the pri soners stopped and played a double portion of music. It is important to mention that in this case the jury was com posed exclusively of Protestants, eight of them being Orangemen. The case was by no means an api ° ravesed one, and the conviction took place on the ground that such pro ceedings tended to excite animosity. The parties were recommended to mercy, and the Chief Justice sen tenced them to a fortnight's imprisonment, finding bail to keep the peace for seven years. EXTRAORDINARY INVESTIGATION.—On Friday, an in vestigation was entered into by Sir William AV. Lynar, and, Mr. B. Molloy (Magistrates of the Blackrock petty ses sions), at the residence of the former, in Kingstown, re lative to the alleged misconduct of Mr. Richard Dunne, a barrister, residing at No. 1, Clare-street. The Right Hon. Lord Downes preferred a charge against Mr. Dunne, for annoying himself and family, and particularly the Hon. Miss Burgh, daughter of Lord Downes. His Lordship, finding the conduct of Mr. Dunne becoming so insupport able and frequent, considered it advisable and necessary to apply 'to Sir W. Lynar to restrain his conduct—for it would even be too long a period to wait till the petty ses sions arrived. The investigation was accordingly held yes terday—Mr. Dunne having been served with the usual summons to attend. Miss Helen Lowe (Governess to the family of Lord Downes) was examined. She stated that upon the 18th of the present month, as herself and the Honourable Miss Burgh were walk ing in Kingstown (where Lord Downes resides, in the Royal Hotel), they were accosted by Mr. Dunne, who said something to Miss Burgh, which she (Miss Lowe) did not understand, but which, she presumed, was impertinent and offensive, as Miss Burgh appeared alarmed and indignant. Miss Lowe further stated that upon the 20th instant, she was addressed while walking in Kingstown, by Mr. Dunne, who asked her " How was her pretty young friend to-day," and she was obliged to retreat into the Royal Hotel, being apprehensive of personal insult and danger. Lord Dowries was then examined. His Lordship stated that he, being aware of the annoying and insulting conduct of Mr. Dunne, left directions at the Hotel to intercept any letters from Mr. Dunne to Miss Burgh, and in pursuance of those orders, epistles of an amatory nature, bouquets of flowers, and news papers,n M w is h s ic ß h u d rg e i c i, la l r v a e t r i e o n .i s n te o r f ee l p o t v e e d v, b •e y re w the rit s t e e r n v , an d ts i- . lady. Upon the 24 d instant , his Lordship met Mr. Dunne r M ec r t . e D d u t n oi n e had even gone so far as to p ro p ose for the y oun g in town, and threatened to bring him to the police-office, but on receiving the promise of Mr. Dunne to conduct , h o ii r n m se i l t f te m d or b e in r l esiectu t-iopfalslsy towardson . hi As is l Miss Bur gh in pt felt himself he e obi;;ed to resort to the protection of the magistrates, as he feared that Mr. Dunne would provoke a breach of the race his part or his servants. Miss Burgh expressed !atlier, that she not only dis courage d t h e ad dresses but felt as if reli eve d f rom t h e vic nee of a mad dog "'hen proceedi ngs were ta k en to stop his career. herself u t o Po f nih lllr. k T he cen d ucu of Mr. Dunne, while before the magistrates, was of a disres i .'ectful nature, and so far did this extend, that informations %`re actually being prepared against him by Mr. Molloy ( one o f th e mag i s t ra t es ), w hom he had g f i A s I t Lr r . a o. idnafionnrsdmulattEol,nbmsuaot magistrates i s o dl Downesoi r y e c c t o e consented e and t i t c r I to istai quashuLn D u nne wto to wereim. ‘, e bail, rrie taken,l himself in 2.001, and find two sureties each in 100/. Mr. Dunne ;awed to do ; he derided the au thority o f th e mag i strates. Their Worships felt i t neces sary to co mm it hi m to Kil ma i nham, i n d e f au l t o f b a il and he was conveye d to t h e town b y a party o f t h e consta bulary p o li ce . H e, however, solicited the sergeant of the police to permit hint to see the magistrates of the. Ilea(1 Police-office, and the sergeant complied with his request. He then offered to tender bail, but Mr. Hamilton (at the instance of Sir W. Ly n ar, who refused to sanction a pro ceeding which int e rf e red with his jurisdiction and com mittal),:declined receiving it till Mr. Dunne had been con veyed to Kilmainham, in pursuance of the order of the petty sessions magistrates. Two carriages were procured, in which Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Dunne, and his bail (Messrs. Hodges and M'lstally), were conveyed to Kilmainham where, pro forma, the recognizances were effected. ABSENT MAGISTBATES.—If the following statement be correct, the " Great Unpaid" in the vicinity of the Athlone appear to obtain the commission of the peace for the honour of the thing, rather than for the accommodation of the pub lic, or for the promotion of justice. " ATHLONE PETTY SESSIONS.—In consequence of the attendance of magi*. trates, nearly two months have elapsed since Petty Sessions were last held in the Courthouse of Athlone. On Satur day there was not less than eighty-seven postponed cases for trial, and although there were five Magistrates in town who were in the habit of occasionally presiding at these Sessions, e ven one could not be g o t t o assist Mr. Burne on the last o , a r eligible a to c to o r e t t f o o n r Th the o h t e h n i r c d h , timer Burgas v‘it o e ut w a o r b ia li g ge a d occasion ; and as one M ag i strate i s not, under the present he s t y o s a te d m j single case. There were between' three and four hundred persons assembled in the Sessions-house on Saturday; many of them had travelled some miles for the purpose of getting a hearing' and several had feed professional • 211///core Independent. This matter requires looking after. Five Magistrates in the town, and not one of them would