The Sun. — London, England, 1864-07-05 00:00:00

MONEY MARKET AND 00:41aRCIAL INTELLIGENCE, CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK. A decidedly easier feeling is apparent in the Money Market this morning, there being less de mand for money with a larger supply. The rate for first-class bills is 31 per cent., and exceptional transactions have been recorded at even a fraction below that quotation. There were no bullion operations at the Bank yesterday. 'fLe 37 640 o,yropus has arrived f rom N ew Y or k w i th S,. • The subscrip!ion-list of the Ebbw Vale Com pany will close on Monday, the 11th inst., for London, and Wednesday, the 13th inst., for the coun try. 'The Committee of the Stock Exchange have ap. pointed Friday, the Bth of July, a special settling day in the Bank of New South Wales new shares and tho lonian Bank new shares, both to be marked in the official lists. An extraordinary meeting of Shareholders of the London Bank of Scotland was held to-day for the purposeof considering the terms of agreement made wick the Mercantile and Exchange Bank, with a view to the amalgamation of the two institutione. Mr. W. W. Cargi!l occupied the chair, and, in pro posing the resolution confirming the arrangement, said that the Mercantile and Exchange Bank had been started at an earlier date under more favour able circumstances, and possessed a capital of £4,000,000 in shares of £5O each, of which £lO had been paid up, while the London Bank of Scotland bad only a capital .of £150,000 in shares of £5O each, of which £l3 had been paid up. The latter bank would pay a premium on the amalga mation taking place, amounting to four years' purchase of the profit made by the Mercantile and Exchange B%nk, over and above that secured by the London Bank of Scotland. The resolution was unanimously agreed to. During the last few days there has been very little activity in the Foreign and Colonial Produce Markets. Sugars have been dull, at slightly re duced rates. For coffee there has been a moderate inquiry without material change as regards values, while in rice, tea, fruit, and spices there has been little variation in the demand. The tallow market has exhibited slight depression, and the quotations for both present and forward delivery show a fur.. ther downward movement. Two O'CLOCK. At Paris, this day, according to Mr. Renter's telegram, the Threejper Cent. Relates were 661. 15e. Dull. The English Stock market continues quiet, but at firm (potations. No one seems desirous to speen late till political affairs have assumed a more settled condition. The Funds show no alte ration from the prices of yesterd,y, Con sols being 90k for money and account. The New Threes and Reduced Annuities are 891. ; the Annuities, 1855, 14k; March Exchequer Buis, Bs. to 3s. dis., June ao., 5 dis. to par ; India 5 per Cents., 104 i 7,-; do. Enfaced 51 per Cents., 114 I; and the Bonds, 10s. dis. There is very little animation and variation in the Foreign Market. Turkish 6 per Cents., 1862, aro 684 ; do., Canso!ides, 491 I; Mexican, ex all, 281 ; do. New, 26 *; Greek, 20. 1 ; Spanish Passive,29l 4 ; Portuguese, 471 I ; Italian, 67k ; and the Contcd , -:rate Loan, 64 66. Business in the Railway Shure Market has been animated, and prices have, in most instances, been firmer. Great Northern A Stock, and Manchester, Sh4fUeld, and London have each improved £1 10s.; Midland, £2; Brighton, £1; and Great Western, and Lancashire and Yorkshire each The Foreign and Colonial lines continue inactive, at about previous rates. Bank tnd Miscellaneous Shares have continued rather qtdet, without material change to record as regards values, CtIEtIMOUPiX United Hotel shares are quottd 1,- 1 ; prem.; Sociei Generale De L'Em pire Ottoman, 11 2 prem.; and Ebbw Vale Cum psuy, lf prem. BRITISH FUNDS—OIiK O'CLOCK. GOVERXMENT FUNDS. 3 per Cent. Consols Do Account, July 8 3 per Cent, Reduced New 3 per Ce n t 8 95 New 25 per Cent. Jan. 1891 Do 5 per Cent., Jan. 1873 Aunumes, 3U yrs, expire .9th J an., 14.) — Do for 30 yrs, expire sth April, 1885 lll Do (Red Sea Telegraph), Aug. 1908...._.. M June. Exchequer Bills, £l,OOO , 21 & 3 per Cent. 8 dis 5 dis par Do £SOO Do £l3O and £2OO B ink England Stk, 51 per Ct. Do Account — INDIAN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES. India Stock, 101 per Cent., April 1874. -- 2Do Account — Do 5 per Cent. July, 1870 i)o Account Do 4 per Cent., Oct, 1888 — Do t;ertiticates Do Enfaced Paper, 4 per Cent .. Do 5 per Cent., Jan. 1872. Do 61 per Cent., May, 1879 Do 4 per Cent., Aug. 1866 1) , , bunda .t.Louti Do' nder £1,000..... FOREIGN FUNDS —ONE O'CLOCK.. Austrian Bonds, 6 per Cent Do 1859 Brazilian 5 per Cent Do 41 per Cent., 1852-58-60 Do 1863 B7 Buenos Ayres 6 per Cent........ — Do Account 95 Do 1 per Cent. (Deferred 3 per Cent.) — Chilian 6 per Cent. — Do 3 pet Cent. Colombian 6 per Cent BOl Cuba, 6 per Cont. Danish 3 per Cent., 1825 Do 5 per Cent. 1864 Equador New Consolidated, 1 per Cent — 1 111•4yptian 7 per Cent lOll 21 De, Second. Issue Greek 5 per Cent., 1824-5, ex-Coupons — Do Accou n t • Do Coupons — Do Account.... Guatemala 5 per Cent. Do 1839 and 1859 .. Mexican 3 per Cent - Do Scrip £23 paid Do French Scrip, Ex 25f 20c "dis Do 6 p er C en . Anglo-French Ditto Scrip, £23 paid Moorish Imperial 5 per Cent New Granada • Do 2 per Cont. Do Deterred Do Land Warrants (Hectares) — Peruvian 41 per Cent. .. hi() 3 per Cent. (Uribarren)... — Do 41 per Cent., 1862 Do Account Portuguese 3 per Cent., 1853 Do Account Do 3 per Cent., 1856, '7, '9, '6O, 62,'3 471 Do Account Do 1863 Scrip, £4O paid Russian 5 per Cent., 1822, £ St — Do 41 per Cent., 1850 o 3 3 Der Cent 1859 • Do 5 per Cent, 1862 875 8 Do A.nglo-Dutch Do Scrip, £3O paid man a per Cent ... ... • ... 831 o Account Spanish 3 per Cent Do Acc ount Do New Deferred Do Account Do l'azisave Spanish Cert. of Coup not funded -- 8 00 ilcaount ..... ',,irish, 4 per Cent . leu r :. B criP, £6O paid PIA ish 6 _ . .1) . c per Cent. 1854 3)?,,a. count .............. . o v ,,u, Per Cent. 1858 -, u _ „, court ...... — ' --10 t) Loud _— Arc o an 1862 1M 6 Per 0 8 Do Do o a t. Dol3onds.. Do Guara t t, ed 1863 Venezuela 3 , 4 Per c.u per Cent. lOl Do Account ........ Do 6 per Cent., 1 862 , .••... Do Account Do 6 per Cent, itie l Do li per Cent Di.c-iclends on t 115 at:v.io. . F . 10 .- T - 1 : 13..S : - payalne Florins Lonl On Austrian, 5 per Cent.. E Belgian 45 pa Cent., Ea. 26f — Do Account . ......... Dutch 21 per Cent., Ex. 12 Gnu. Do 4 per Cent. Certificates Italia; 5 par Cent., 1851, Ex. 2:5 f z :: - “acs — no Account ............. 6.„5 Peruvian Dollar Bonds, 41 per C t-Ez. 4s. 4 T \lra Pielmontese, 5 per Cent., Ex. 25f... -... O CLOOIi.. Cenals Money ~ Du A . .cOtMt, ,tootl.gttlfelf alit BRITISH POSSESSIONS. Closing liar_ dallways Paid. Price. Business duu 100 Itlantic ,11L St Lawrence all 59 61 Itom.,Baroda&.Centlnulug lOl5 1025 1025 Gu. 5 per cent... 20 Do. New . 20 Do. E. Shares.. .06 BuLalo and Lase Huron all 55 6 10 Do. Preference 00 Buffalo,BrantAGoarich 10 77 82 6 p. at. bds. A. 1,1S7:: a Do. do. July 1,187. Ji( 77 8 0 0 do. Juu. 1,1, 10( 77 82 (Jleutta.a.6.l.;astri. ,1, 100 95 RO st .3apeTown & Dock San 100 98 100 .tuck Naatn. Bengal gu. sp. 10u tO4 106 .teck East Indian. gu. sp. u. to' 1021 135 1021 20 Do. do. (4 Ext..- 15 5 20 Do. do. II do. stook Grand frank of Canada tot 20 21 100 Do. Ist Pro'. Bond , ,tl! 72 71 100 Do. ao. deferred.- all 64 (14 100 Do. 2d l'rel. Bonds all 66 68 100 Do. do. deferred all 55 57 100 Do. 3d P. cf. stock 100 Do. do. deferred all 43 15 LOG Do. 4th Pref. stock all 29 31 10 0 Do. do. deferred all 28 3) itook Gt.lndlaPenns.gua.sp.c 100 102 103 2 0 Do. New gua. sp. 12 54 p - Do. January, 1862 .. - - stook Gt. South.of India (Lim g uaranteed 5 per cent. too 101 tc 3 20i Gt . W . ol Canada Sharer all 10 100 20 Do. New . 100 Do. 6 p.o. '73 with't opt. all 89 01 100 Do. 54 p. o. do. '77.8.. . all 82 61 10 Indian Branch Limited 2 5 d fp stook Madras guar., sp. 0... 100 .1005 1015 stock Do. p. o. Extension 100 95 07 stock Do. is do .... 100 is) 04 • 20, Do. Fifth Extension. 2 - - 4 t o es 11Ielb.Corp. ap. o. Bnd'. too - nelb. Ilobson's Bay. all 57 59 100 Do. 7p. c. Mortg. Bds. all - - 20 New Bt ar,swiok Canda Claes A. an ci B ... all 3 6 N. Itl.C'da6 pa Ist pt iyiE 100 82 84 stock Scinde (100 1015 101 stock l Do. Delhi,. Do. do 'a z 1 2 pr 5p ' at Do. Punjaub ' all ,001 1015 I Do. Do. I t,t - s Do. r.ndus.St. J l ( 10t: 94 96 , • 'OLONIAL GOVERNMENT SECURITIES. p.c.J a. ,t, , ,Jui4 l - 1877-81 . let 100 102 101 - Do. ap. e. Feb. dt Aug., 100 102 104 - D 0.6 p. c.Mar. ,tt Sept. , 100 ,102 IC4 - Do. fp. c. Jan.&July. 10k +B9 01 89 - Do. 5 Inscribed stock 100 89 01 o.llopc. op 0,1873 100 104 106 Do.Ap & Oot. 1880 100 107 109 - - •• Do. 18111 100 110 .11 - Do. Jan. & July, 1891.. 10) 107 109 - Ceylon, N0v.1878, 0p t 10, 111 113 - •Mauritius 5 per cent LOU 101 106 - Gov. 8 per cent.. 130 156 109 -- N.ll.Gov. 6 p.u.Ja.&Jul) lot i(0 1(2 - LK). 6p. & Oct. 10 , - - - N. S.W. G ov. 6 p /8 101 995 1005 - , Dv. sp. c.,18 / to 1 100 996 1000 975 - I Do. d0.,i888 &upwds 100 991 ICOI - New Zealand O p cent. 100 10) ill - !Nova Scotia Gov. 6p. c - ; sterling, 1875 lilt: 01 103 - 1 9ueensland Gcv. 6p. a 100 103 10 - Fd.Aus G6p.0.1876.& up lOO 105 108 Vio.Go9. 6 p.c. Ja.4cJuly 100 - - - Do. to .5 me. A nAzOot.... 100 1095 1105 1105 _ _ SHARE MARKETS—This day. itarel ttailway6. Paid.. 3.14. et at st 50 1 1 20 1 and Str. Val. ilythe and Tyne. tost,,Sleat.,and AlidAJo 3ristol and Exeter Caledonian 8 So 8f 9i 85 BT 1101 1201 9 ; 7 Ork and Bandon.... 6i 7 . II D o A (A vets no (111. D o 'Il tl Cpc.p an.has been paid to B. Dublin ,IL Belfast June. ')un.,Perth,&Ab. June. Edinburgh & Glasgow. diasg. and S. Wester', , 3reatEastern, Ord. stk Ditto A stock 35 37 16 17 89 91 104 1t 6 9i Ditto East Anglian at GreatNorthot Scotland , Treat Northern Do A stook Do El do it. S. an I W. of Ire/an Great Western Do Str Val gua. stock Lancashire & Yorkshia London and Blackwall Lon., Bright.,& S. Coast Lon., Chat., and Dover Lon. & North Western'' Lan. & Scr.th Western Man., Shef., & Lincoln. Maryport and Carlisle. Do shares • 1 Metropolitan . . Midland Do NewUo • Panaing. & Derby Gt. W. of Ireland Do. shares Mid Kent .. . Do Cray Line North British Edin., Perth, & Dundee Nth. Eastern—Berwiu. Do, G.N.E. purohast• Do Leeds Do York Do Carlisle North London Do New North Staffordshire 3. and S. W. Junction Scottish Central . Scot N. E.; Aber. stock Do Scot. Mid. stock Shrews. and Welehpoo; Shropshire Union South South Eastern ,South Wales S. York. and River Dun staines, Wok.,andWok Btookton Lc Dar lingto,, Do New, 1886 Gaff Vale Do B Do C Ulster Do Do Vale of Neath Victoria sta. and Pim.. Waterford dr, Kilkenny West Cornwall. VV. Hartlepool Har.&R. West Midland -07,0Qta l'4ewport Do Hereford 7 8 13 133 150 151 12S , 3!. CO 9: eBl 68 1131 11' 67 C 9 10: 104 91 43 1131 1141, 976 , 9861 59 COI 1114 312 1331 f33f 103 1( 5 63 65 24 'ts IC5i IcW4 61 6! 94 95 126 129 16 26 ni lot 11* 121 130 36 38 56 47 35 E 7 92i 93 104 106 8 9 864 374 9i 10 , 74 84 r 165 .70 6 7 3 4 p 106} ORDINARY SHARES AND STOeIiS. Clo3ing Busine> , Price. I done, i9}3}~ GSI t 116,6 6 1026 4 li4} 14 18 76 6O '152 1i 2i 1 2 lat 1111 i 12 Ili 135 41 5i 107 110 35 37 BRTTIS c E s. Consol. Gold 1 4 id - 1 ilitord Amalgamated ' 30 32 - ()even G. Con.,„"ravist , 1 505 675 - East Bassett (I Hogan ) 30 65 67 - Clogau Gold Ltd lEast Caradon ...... 1..14.0 29 30 ',;ast Carn Brea... 7l 71 16. ViT'lßusoel(Tavlstk.) 8.13.0 3/ 41 Gam.&St.Aubyn(Gwen '.,81 7 9 Great South Tolgus 17e 21 vf Wheel Vor (Helston 40 29 31 !rirenville . 74 74 I lier:APs-Foo 4 •... 8.12 58 4U 1 •if ingston Downs 4.18.0 3 1 41 - Lady Bertha - 1741argaret (Gny Le.lant 94 8 10 ,llarke Valley.. 4 !Ilyndy Iron Ore (Lim 24 11 I New Setun l9f 75 85 orth Downs 24 13 2 Basset(lllo_fao 3.1.0 11 2 \orth Wheal Croity . 2.6.9 43 41 ' l'sr Consols(SL Blaze) 20 *rovidenee(Cny Lelnt. 10 O. 39 41 outhCaradon(St.Cleel Li 455 475 Carn Brea (Illogan) — Fran. (Illogv.ik 1 . 5.1.=.9 50 55 !Stray Park !30.17.6 29 31 C..inarSilv.& Lead llin. i - Croft 4 171 181 West Basset (111ozan), ll 94 103 1V radon (Liskeard) 5 16 18 West Beton Wheal Basset (lllogan)1 51 90 85 Wheal Buller(ltedruth)l 10 27 29 ‘Vheal Kitty (I.T.Lelant)i 2.0.6 WhealLud. ott I 3.5.8 11 21 Wheal slaryAnnijden )! 8 14 16 Wheal Beton I 581 220 230 Wheal Treiawney (Lis )1 7 19 21 I Wheal Union I 3.17 11 2 PREFERENCE §LIARES. treat Eastern, E. Counties, Ext. No. 1, Ditto. 6 per cent pf., 12:1 (}rent orthern. 6 per cent., red. at 10 per cent. pm.. 113; 14 Ot.Western, Wt. Midland, Oxford, IA guaranteed stock, 126 k North Staffordshire. 22 , PREFERENCE SHARES AND STOCKS. Great Eastern 5 per cent. pf., 101 Ditto, 41 per cent., 00i FOREIGN RAILWAYS, Great Luxembourg . , 10j Turin and 6ay.na, West Flanders, 71 FOUEIGN MINES. Cape Capper, lira., - I.of I BANKS. Alliance aim.). 65 4 j Australasia, - Ditto, new, Bank of utago, liin., 41. City, 145 Consolidated Bank, Urn., 12 11; Continental, Jim., i 66 European Bank, lim. 14: Hindustan, t,hina, and' Japan (lim.), Ditto, new, 8 Isanerial Bank of India, China, and Japan, link, 6 Imperial Ottoman, 181 6 Land Mortgage Bank of India, lim., 51 London B nk of Mexico and S. America, lim., 6; I London Chartered Bank of Australia, 211 London and County, 71 London Joint Stock, 471 8 Merchant Bank, lim., Izl Mercantile and Exchaw;-e. Hm., 19; ; National dank of Ireland. Litto, new, 41i Union of Australia, 57 Ditto, new, 51 MISCELLANEOUS. A.ustralian. Agricultural, 21 Berlin Water IVorks, Um., 9/ Crystal Palace, 321 Egyotian Coin. and Trading, Bin., "41 English and Scottish Marine, lira., Ein..ncial Discount, Urn., 51 Gen. Credit and Finance of London, Dm., 7 Hudson's Bay, 76 Impart 1 and Mercantile Credit A sso., lira., ; International Financial 'ociety, lira., 101 10/ Joint Stock Discount, Um., 71 Land Securities, Lm ., 4g London Financial Association, 1im.,2271 8 M dras Irr gation and Canal, Ditto, (all), 2.) 1O National Discount Company, 151 * Ocarn At &rine (Insurance). 211 Qua:ad?, Land, Rail, and Mning, Ern., ti Societe Fin f , cierc d' Egypte, lira. B * Thames and Mersey Marine (Insurance), Urn., 7* * Universal Insurance, urn., s ROYAL NAVAL RESERVE.—By a return issued yesterday it appears that the number of seamen enrolled in the Royal Naval Rcserva down to March 31st last was 17,300, discharged 401, died 639, and entered the Royal Navy 300—leaving a net number of 15,473 men still on the books. Two of the dismissed men had entered the Con federate naval zetvice, TIIE SUN, LONDON', TUESDAY EVENING; JULY 5, 1864. scarcely a throne that was not subverted. The King of Denmark, in his character of a sovereign prince of Ger many, was affected by that great movement. The popula tion of Germany, under the influence of the very peculiar excitement of that time, were impelled to redress the grie vances, as they alleged, of their fellow countrymen in the dominions of the King of Denmark, and who were, of course, his subjects. The Duchies of Holstein and Schles wig were invaded, A cruel war was excited by ambitious princes in that country, under circumstances with which we have become familiar. 'Ultimately, I believe, the whole of the Continental dominions of the King of Denmark were occupied by Austrian and Prussian armies. In 1851 tran quillity had been restored to Europe, and especially to Germany, and the troops of Au-aria ultimately quitted the dominions of the King of Denmark. That they quitted them in conseqlence of the military prowess of the Danes, though it was far from inconsider able, I will not pretend to say, but they quitted them under certain conditions, and under the influence of Russia, which was as that time irresistible in Germany. The conditions under which they quitted Denmark were con cluded by the King of Denmark and the Courts of Berlin and Vienna; and under those conditions the King of Denmark entered into certain arrangements, with a view to remedy the abuses complained of; but he never performed or accomplished the engagements thus entered into— partly, I have no doubt, from negligence, because we know it is not the habit of mankind to perform disagree able duties when the pressure is withdrawn, and partly, I have no doubt, from the peculiar character of the engage ments themselves. That was in the year 1851. In the year 1852, tranquillity being entirely restored, the treaty which regulated the succession was negotiated. In that treaty there was not the slightest reference to the engagements which the King of Denmark had entered into with the German Powers. It was a municipal, a domestic, or as we now call it, a Federal, and not an international, ques tion. Notwithstanding that it really related only to the King of Denmark and the Diet of Germany, once more it attracted the attention of the Government of England and the Ministers of the great Powers generally, who were the signataries of the treaty of 1852. For some time after the treaty of 1852 little was heard of the Federal question and controversy between the Diet and Denmark. After this exertion and exhaustion the question slumbered, but did not die. Occasionally it gave evidence of vitality ; and not long after the accession of the present Government to office the controversy between the Diet and the King of Denmark gave evidence of very great activity and life. Her Majesty's Ministers thought it their duty to interfere in that contro versy. Wheth,g they were wise in taking that course of conduct the house can decide as well as myself, I confess my own impression is, and always has been, that it would have been much better to have left the Federal question between the King and the Diet to have worked itself out. But her Majesty's Ministers were of opinion—and no doubt there is much to be said in favour of that opinion —that, inasmuch as the question, though a Federal question, was one which probably, in its execution, might lead to abuse which would make it an international one, it would be wiser and better to interfere by anticipation, and prevent, if possible, that Federal execution ever taking place. The consequence of that extreme activity on the part of her Majesty's Ministers is a mass of correspondence which has been placed upon our table, with which many gentle men may have some acquaintance, though they may have been attracted and absorbed by the interest of more modern correspondence which has within this year been presented to the house. I should riot be doing justice to the Secretary of State if I did not bear testimony to the un wearied perseverance and extreme ingenuity with which he conducted that correspondence. The noble lord found in that business, no doubt, a subject Which is genial to his nature, viz , the opportunity of drawing up a constitution for the Government of communities. (Laughter.) The Secretary of State is almost as celebrated as a statesman who flourished .at the end of the lest century for that ability. I will not quarrel or criticise any of the lucubra tions of the noble lord et that time. I think his laborers are well described in a passage I observed in one of the de epatches of a distinguished Swedish statesman—l think the present Prime Minister—who, when he was called upon to cousiiier a scheme of the English Government for the ad ministration of Schleswig, which entered into minute de tails, and with that power and prolixity which only could have been acquired by a constitutional Minister who has long served an apprenticeship in the House of Commons, said—" Generally speaking, the monarchs of Europe find it difficult to manage one Parliament ; but I observe, to my surprise, that Lord Russell is of opinion that the King of Denmark will be able to manage four." (Laughter.) The only observation which I shall make upon that folio volume of 300 or 400 pages which is on the table, and which relates to the affairs of Schleswig and Holstein, is this— that I observe that the other Powers of Europe, who were equally interested in the matter, and equally bound as Biz nataries of the treaty of 1852 to interfere is required—do not interfere as the English Government interfere. That they disapprove of the course taken I by no means 'wish to maintain. W'nen we make a suggestion upon the subject they receive it with cold politeness. They have no objec tion to the course e hich we announce we are going to take, but they confine themselves, with scarcely an exception, to that conduct on their part. The noble lord tolliews a aifferent course; but it is really unnecessary for me to dwell on this part ot the eubject. We may dismiss it from our mind. I have only touched upon it 'to com plete the picture which I am bound to lay before the house, in consequence of the events which very speedily occurred. All this correspondence—this elaborate, and I will venture to say, not using the term offensively, but accurately—this pragmatical cerrespondence—(a laugh)—was conducted in the perfect ignorance of the people of this country, who felt very little interest in this subject. I may say, even in Eu. rope, where affairs of d plouaacy always excite more atten tion, little effect was ever produced. This correspondence, however, culminated in a celebrated despatch, which ap peared in the autumn of 1862. Then, for the first time, a very great effect was produced in Europe generally, and certainly in Germany and France, and some interest began to be excited in Es:gland. Tne effect of the noble lord's management of these transactions had been this. It had en couraged—l will not now step to inquire whether it was eiethwmearesans should be taken intentional or not--but it is a tact that it had encouraged the spread of the views of what is called the German party in had been the effect of the noble lord's but especially of this despatch of the a gth o ein t s u e m reao n lni o nt f 7l:Bl:f d e2r . le'n ß ili u es l something shortly and in consequence occurred which renewed that impression. Germany being almost agitated on the subject, and England at last having her attention called to the case in 1863, which began to pro titotmuhohb gee: still tr t iti a o nl poluiaonn thatt obtaining nte e hslyt g re e r go i e m r e e u y nt oehjs.rfeeh generally disquietudetul u sy b l z wn i cbditeah whichnei hat madeessppt and gentlemen of this house beginning to disquietude, directed to the subject, and the state of d h u av ce e affairs shortly before the prorogation of Parliament amount- A t i to j u es g t h y t , : G ec o e v ss e a rn ry . Majesty's Government a declaration of some means in this country by ap peal was not made in any party spirit, or in any way ect to Denmark, That by both sides brought before the house. It wee ani mated by that disciplined arrangement with which queer. atitotnhseaerned of the session, when few were lett, and when the answer of her M woeLy_ , Ministers could not at all affect the position of parties, theue,h it might be of inesti mable influents and importance upon the opinions of Europe and on the course of events. (Hear.) That matter was brought forward by my hon. friend (Mr S, Fitzgerald), who always speaks on t h ose subjects with the authority of one who know s wha t he is saying. (A laugh.) A commu• nicetion was m ade to t he First Minister on the subject, and it was underst ood on t his side of the house, irom a previous declaration of t he nobl e lord, and from our experience of his career generally, that i t was not an appeal which would be disagreeable to hire, or which would be an occasion which he would have a n y desi re to escape. The noble lord wes not taken by surprise. He himself fixed the moment—it was a morning sitting—when he w ou ld come down an d exp l a i ne d the views of her Majesty's Government. I am bound to say the noble lord on that occasion spoke with that perspicuity and complete detail in whi c h upon diplomatic subjects we acknowledge him to be Perfect master. The noble lord entered into the qu estion ) and gave to the house, who knew little about'it, a pop ular b ut accurate account of the whole question. H e described the con st i tution o f t h e Di e t, an d elso, tor the that time, what a Federal execution was, He hisin was a little unhapearProphecies of what would hap pen with regard to the Federal execution. It is the only mistake which t h e noble lord made. He said he did not think there would be Federal execution; and if there were, he thought we might be . p e rfectly easy that it would not lead to any disturbance in Europ e . Th e no bl e l or d d escr ib e d the position of Holstein as a German duchy of which the King of Denmark was the sovereign prince, and by that means a member of the Diet and subject to the laws of the Diet. He showed that the Duchy y of Schleswig was not a German duchy, and the moment that Schleswig was inter fered with an international consideration would arise. (Hear.) He told us, in a re-assuring spirit, that his views upon our relations with Dsnenark were the same as they had always been. I will read an extract from the noble lord's speech, not because it is not familiar to the house, but be cause upon occasions l ike this we should refer to documents, that we may not be accused afterwards of having coloured or garbled statements. The noble lord's concluding observations wore—" We are asked what is tlos policy and course of her Majesty's Government with respect to this dispute. We concur entirely with the hon. gentleman (Fiteg,erald), and I am satisfied with a ll reasona bl e men i n Europe, including these inFrance and Russia, in desiring that she independence ann integrity and the rights of Den mark may be maintained. We are convinced—l am con vinced, at least—that if any violent attempt were made to overthrow those rights , or interfere with that indepen dence, thoso who toads the attempt would find in the result that it would not be Danmark alone with which they would have to contend." (Cheers.) Now that is a clear, manly, statesmanlike declaration of policy. It was not a hurried or hasty expression, upon a subject of that importance, of that character—on which the noble lord never makes hasty declarations, He is a master of his subject, and he could not be taken by surprise ; but on that occasion there was not a chance of his being taken by surprise. The occasion was arranged beforehand, and the noble lord was perfectly informed of our object. Ho sympathised with that otject, of soothing the disquieted mind of Europe, and he knew he could not arrive at such a doiralle result more happily than by a frank exposition of the policy of the Government. It is my business to-night tc vindicate the noble lord, who has treated this declaration as one used only to amuse the House of Commons. lam here to prove the sincerity of that de claration—(hear)—beeause we have now on oar table re cently and long since this speech was delivered, the diplo matic correspondence which was then pursued by her Majesty's Government on this subject. The right hon. gentleman then proceeded to quote from despatches written by Earl Russell to our ministers in Berlin and Vienna, stating that if Germany persisted in confounding Schles wig wit 'a Holstein, the other Powers of Europe might con found Holstein with Schleswig. That reassuring state ment of the noble lord was, I thiple. a wise and judicious policy at that time, because he knew that then France was perfectly ready to co-operate with him in any measure which ho thought proper to pursue, with respect to these transactions between Denmark and Germany; nay, not only that Franca was ready, but that she had spontaneously offered to act with us in any manner which we liked. The right hon, gentleman quoted a de spatch from Lord Cowley in support of this assertion, in which M. Drouyn de Lhuys expressed himself as desirous of acting in concert with us in this matter. He then went on to inquire how this change of feeling on the part of France had been brought about. For when in September Earl Russell had reminded the French Government of their offer, and requested them to act in concert with us in event of matters in Denmark requiring intervention, the applica tion had bees first coldly received, and finally refused. He then went on to say, I stop now to inquire what has caused this change in the relations between the two courts. Why was France, who at the end of the session was so cordial and ready to co-operate with us, at the end of two or three short months entirely changed? At the commencement of last year an insurrection broke out in Poland. Unhappily, in surrections in Poland are not unprecedented. This insur rection was extensive and menacing, but there have been insurrections in Poland before quite as extensive and far more menacing—the insurrection of 1831, for example. For at that time the Poles possessed a national army, second to none for valour and discipline. Well, sir, the question of Polish insurrection in 1831 was deeply considered by the Government of that day. They went thoroughly into the matter, and felt the soundings of that question. It was in vestigated and maturely considered, and the Government of that day—the Government of William the Fourth—arrived at these two conclusions, that it was not expedient for Eng land to go to war to restore Poland; and, secendly, that if England was not prepared to go to war, any interference of another kind would only aggravate the calamities of that fated nation. (Hear, hear.) These were the conclusions at which the Government of Lord Grey arrived, and they were announced to Parliament. This is a question which the English Government has had more than one opportu nity to consider, and on every occasion they have considered it deeply and completely like men. The Polish question occurred again in 1855, when a conference was sitting at Vienna, in the midst of the Russian war. Again, her Majesty's Government—the Government of the Queen—had to consider the question. It was then considered under the most favourable circumstances to Poland ; for we were at war with Russia. But, after performing all the duties of a responsible Ministry under such circumstances, her Majes ty's Government arrived at these conclusions—that it was not only not expedient for England to go to war to restore Poland, but it was not even expedient to prolong war for that purpose. And squally they arrived at the second con clusion, that any interference on our part, without action, would not be just to the Poles, and must tend to increase their difficulties. Thus this very question of Poland has in the present century, within the last 34 years only, been twice considered by two Governments ; and therefore when I remind the house that when it was considered by the Cabinet of Lord Grey in 1831, the individual who filled the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and who of course greatly guided the opinion of his colleagues upon such a question, was the present First Minister—and when I also remind the house that the plenipotentiary at the Conference a' Vienna, to whom and upon whose responsibility in a great degree the decision was then arrived at, was the pre sent Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs—l think Eng land had a right, when the great difficulty of last year arose with respect to Poland, to congratulate herself that in a situation of such difficulty, at an emergency when a mis take might produce incalculable evils, its fortunes were re guleted not only by two men of great abilities and experi ence, but by statesmen who upon this subject possessed a peculiar experience, who had thoroughly entered into the question, who knew all its issues and the contingencies that possibly might occur in its management, and who, on the two occasions when it was submitted to the decision of England had been the guiding Ministers in the wise decision which was then arrived at. Now, sir, I must remind the house that what is called the Polish question occupies a dif ferent position in France to what it does in England. I will not admit that in deep sympathy for the Poles the French are superior to the English. I believe lam only stating accu rately the feeling of this cmu try when I say that among people of all classes there is no event which they look back I to with more regret than the partition of Poland. (Hear.) It is universally considered and acknowledged by them as one of the darkest, it not the darkest, page in the history of the 18th century. (dear, hear.) But in France the Polish question is not one which merely interests tee sentiment of the millions. It is a political question, and a question of the highest class in France. It is a question which inte rests ministers, and cabinets, and princes. There is a be lief in France which has made the restoration of Poland a traditionary policy in that country, namely, that that re storation would tend to add to the power and the glory of France. In France it is also a practical question, because there are men now alive who can remember when the eagles tt France floated over the ancient capital of Poland. But I think that their feelings of pride must be dashed with a sentiment of remorse, if they really value so much the re storation cf Poland, when they remember the opportunity they then lost. Then the house must recollect that when an insurrection occurs in Poland, it is a different affair in Francs to what it is in England. It is not an affair that merely interests those who frequent the cafes and casinos, but it at once strikes into the secrets of cabinets and prin ces. Well, Sir, the ruler of France, a sagacious prince and a lover of peace, as the Secretary of State has just informed us, was perfectly alive, of course, to the great issues in volved in what is called the Polish question. But France knew very well that England had twice had an opportunity of considering this question in the completest manner, and had arrived at a settled policy, and, with characteristic cau tion, the Emperor eitercieed great reserve, and held out but little encouragement to the representatives of Polish feeling. He knew well that in 1855 he, then being our ally, had urged this question upon the English Government, and that under the most favourable circumstances for life restoration of Poland ; and he knew that we had then adhered to our traditionary policy, which was neither to go to war nor to pursue a war, and therefore the Emperor ot France and the French Government generally exhibited a very great reserve on the subject. But what, in a short time was the astenieh ment of the Emperor, when he found the English Govern ment embrecing the cause of Poland with an extraordinary fervour ? The noble lord the Secretary of State, and the noble lord the First Minister, but especially the Secretary or State, announced their policy as if it were a policy new I oto the cosideration of statesmen, and about to lead to im wense results. The noble lord the Secretary of State sent 4 copy ot his despatch to all the Courts of Europe who were signataries to the Treaty of Vienna—from the King of Portugal down to the King of Sweden—calling Russia to account for the position of affairs in Poland. We know very well that for three months Europe believed there was to be a general war on a great scale, of which the restoration of Poland was to be one of the leading objects. Is it at all surprising that the Government of France and the French people should have responded to such stimulating proposals? (Hear, hear.) It was not only natural--it was inevitable. We know the noble lord (Earl Russell) fooled them to the top of their bent. The House recollected the noble lord's six propositions, to which he called the attention of the Emperor of Russia in the most peremptory manner. The House remembers the closing scene, when it was arranged that the ambassadors of France, Austria, and England should on the very same day appear at tho hotel of the Minister of Russia, and should present notes of the most cordial tone, ending with three identic paragraphs, to show the agreement of the three Powers. It was generally be lieved there was to be a general war, and that France, Austria, and England would unite to restore Poland. The house remembered the reply cf Russia—that the Russian Minister replied to all this with haughty sarcasm and with indignation which deigned to be ironical. Well, Sir, there was only one step to take, according to the view of the French Government, and that was action. They appealed to that England which had itself excited agitation on the subject and raised expectations; but England recurred to the traditionary policy of this country, and confessed it was a momentary indiscretion that had animated their counsel, and that they never meant anything more than words. (Op position cheers.) A month afterwards they sent a despatch ; but this did not alter the position of the French Emperor and the French Government. He had been induced by us to make promises which he could not fulfil. He was placed in a false position to the people of Poland and the people of France, and therefore I am not surprised that when the Sec retary of State was a little alarmed at the progress of affairs in Germany, he thought it discreet to reconnoitre his posi tion ; and that in September he should have been received at Paris with coldness, and that ultimately his despatch was answered in this manner : Mr Grey, writing to Lord Rus sell, said, on 18th September, 1803, " The second mode of proceeding suggested by your lordship, viz , 'to remind Austria, Prussia, and the German Diet, that any acts on their part tailing to weaken the integrity and independence of Denmark would be at variance with the treaty of May 8, 1852,' would be, according to the opinion of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, in a great measure analogous to the course pursued by Great Britain and France on the Polish question. (Laughter.) He frankly avowed that he should so speak to the Emperor as to place France in the same position with reference to Germany as she had been placed in with regard to Russia. The formal notes addressed by the three Powers to Russia had received an answer which literally meant no thing, and the position in which those three great Powers were now placed was anything tut dignified ; and if Eng laud and France were to address such a reminder as that proposed to Austria, Pi ustia, and the Get emu Confedera tion, they inuct be lrepared to go !urr.oer, and to es:opt a course of action more in accordance with the dignity of two great Powers than they were now &log in the Polish ques- IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OP LORDS—Last Evening, The LORD CHAVCELLOA took his seat on the woolsack at the usual hour. NOTICE OF A MOTION OF WANT OF CONFI- DENCE. The Earl of MALMESBURY gave notice that on Fri day next he should move, in reference to the termination of the Conference, a resolution which he would read. The noble earl then stated the terms of his resolution, the words of which were similar to those employed by Mr. Disraeli in his motion in the House of Commons. THE DLNO-GERMAN WAR. Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE said that to morrow, before the orders of the day were commenced, he should ask a question of Earl Russell respecting the correspondence which was published in the illorniKg Post of Saturday last relating to the Conference. He would state to-morrow his reasons for believing the documents more likely to be genuine than was generally supposed. Earl RUSSELL, in reference to the genuineness of the correspondence, was understood to say that it was denied by Prussia only. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. Viscount CLANCARTY roso to call the attention of the house to the petitions that have beon presented against the alterations recently made by the Board of National Education in Ireland in their rules with regard to the grants to conventual schools, and asked whether it was the inten tion of her Majesty's Government to sanction them. Lord GRANVILLE defended the change, contending that no valid objection could ba made to it, while Lho pro gress of education was assisted by the measure. Their lordships adjourned at 25 minutes to 8. HOUSE OF COMMONS--Last Evening, The L'PEAKER took the chair at tour o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Furness and Gas Water and the Scots Episcopal Funds Bills were read a third time and passed. NEW WRIT. On the motion of Colonel TAYLOR a writ was ordered to issue for the election of a member for the East Riding of Gloucestershire, in the room of Sir W, Codrington, de ceased. THE GREAT GAOL AT CALCUTTA. Mr LESLIE asked the Secretary of State for India, whether there was any foundation for the statements con tained in the letter of the Indian correspondent in the Times, which appeared in that paper on Friday last, regarding the condition of the great gaol at Calcutta, " that it is a den of iniquity, a sink of filth; that no one could inform the President of the Sanitary Commission how many pri soners died in the gaol; that the medical attendant could not say fur certain what the mortality was; and that some prisoners have been murdered by the native gaolers in the attempt to extort bribes from them and their friends." And, whether her Majesty's Government would consent to lay upon the table of the house the report of Mr Strachey, the President of the Sanitary Commission, on the subject of the Calcutta and other Indian prisons. Sir C. WOOD said he had received no information on the subject. THE DANO-GEItMAN QUESTION, Lord PALMERSTON said that he had received a communication from the Prussian Ambassador to the effect that the correspondence which was published in the papers on this subject was a pure invention. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Under the circumstances, he had no statement to make to the house at present. Mr DISRAELI, who was received with loud cheery, rose to move the following :—" That an humble address be pre sented to her Majesty for directing the correspondence on Denmark and Germany, and the protocols of the Confer ence recently held in London, to be laid before Parliament; to assure het Majesty that we have heard with deep con cern that the sittings of that Conference have been brought to a close without accomplishing the important purposes for which it was cunvened ; to express to her Majesty our great regret that, while the course pursued by her Majesey's Government has failed to maintain their avowed policy of upholding the integrity and independence of Denmark, it has lowered the just influence of this country in the coun sels of Europe, and thereby diminished the securities for peace." The right hon. gentleman said—Mr. Speaker—Sir, the longest and most disastrous wars of modern Europe have been wars of succession. The Thirty Years' War was a war of succession. It arose from a dispute respecting the inheritance to a duchy in the north of Europe, not very dis tant from that duchy of Holstein which now engages the attention of Europe. Sir, there are two causes that occa sion wars which originate from a disputed succession to become usually of a prolonged and obstinate character. They arise first from internal discord, and in the second place from foreign ambition, Sometimes a domestic party, under these circumstances, has an understanding with a foreign potentate; while again the ambition of that foreign potentate excites the distrust, and sometimes the envy of brother Powers, and the consequence is that, generally speaking, these dissensions thus created tend to prolonged and complicated struggles. Sir, I apprehend—and, indeed, I have not a doubt of it—that it was in contemplation of the possibility of such circumstances occurring in our time that the statesmen of Europe, some 13 years ago or so— knowing it was probable that the Royal line of Denmark would cease, and shut upon the death of the then king, his dominions would be divided, and that in all probability dis putes as to the succession would occur—l say I have no doubt it was because they wet e duly aware of these con. tingencies that the statesmen of Europe gave their best con sideration to avert, if possible, such calamities to Europe. Sit, in these days it is not possible, fortunately, that the Powers of Europe should act under such circumstances as they might have done 100 years ago. Then they would have met in conclave, and would have decided under what arrangements the internal government of an independent kingdom, in the position of affairs to which I have ad verted, should be conducted ; and it is possible that evil might have been prevented, or it might have resulted ultimately in foreign wars. But although the Powers of the present day very properly do not act in that manner, they said to the King of Denmark, If you and your people among yourselves cm make arrangements, in the contingency of your death without issue, which may put an end to all internal discord, we at least will do this : we will in your lifetime recognise the settlement thus wide, and, so far as the influence of the great Powers can be exer cised, we will at least guard you from one of the great causes which in cases of disputed succession have led to long wars in Europe. We will guard Denmark from the consequences of foreign interference, foreign ambition,and foreign aggres sion. Tnat is, I believe, a correct account of that cele brated treaty of May, 1852, of which we heard so much, and of which some descriptions are given which, in my opinion, are utterly unauthorised and unfounded. Sir, there can be no doubt that the purpose of that treaty was one entitled to the respect of the communities of Europe. The language of that treaty is simple, and expresses its purpose. The Powers which concluded that treaty announced that they concluded it not from their own will or arbitrary impulse, but at the instigation of his Danish Majesty, in order to give to the arrangements relative to the order of succession an additional pledge of stability by an act of European re cognition—and if hon. gentlemen will look at that treaty —and I do not doubt many of them are familiar with it— they will find that the first article recites the efforts of the King of Denmark to make the necessary arrangements with the principal states and personages of his kingdom, in order to effect the necessary al terationa in the lex reqta, and ending with an appeal to the Powers of Europe that, he having settled internal difficulties, they would, by their recognition of the settlement, protect him from the risk of external dan ger. Under that treaty England incurred no legal responsi bility. England entered into no engagement other than that which was entered into by France or by Russia. If, indeed, I were to dwell upon moral obligations—which I think are too, dangerous a theme to introduce into debates of this kind— I might say that the moral obligations which France, of example, had incurred towards Denmark, were of no or dinary character—that Denmark had been the ally of France in that severe struggle which formed a most consi derable portion of modern history, and had proved herselt a moat valuable and a most faithful ally. Even at St Helena, when contemplating his marvellous career, and meditating over the past, the first Emperor, and founder of the dynasty which now governs France, said the Kings of Denmark and Saxony were the only sovereigns who were faithful to him in his extreme adversity. Whereas if we look to our moral obligations to Denmark, certainly they do not unite us to that country, because we found in Denmark, in the same struggle, a persevering and gallant foe. Therefore, as far as moral obligations are concerned, while there is none on our part, there is a sense of gratitude which might have influ enced the counsels of France. But in the treaty, and look , ing to the treaty, there is no legal obligation incurred by England to Denmark which was not equally incurred by Russia and France. (Hear, hear.) Now the question which J would first ask the house is this—How is it, under these circumstances, that the position of France relative to Den mark is ono se free from embarrassment—one might say so dignified—(hear, hoar, and a laugh)—that it has recently received a tribute to its demeanour and unimpeachable con duct in this respect from her Majesty's Secretary of Stet::— (hear, hear)—while the position of England, under the same obligations contained in the same treaty with relation to Denmark, is one, all will admit, of infinite embarrassment —(hear, hear)—and I am afraid of terrible mortification. tHear, hear.) That is the first question I will put to the house, and which I think ought to receive a satisfactory answer among other questions to alight, and I think the first answer that occurs to me, the logical inference from the circumstances is this, that the affairs of this country, with respect to our obligations under this treaty, must have been very much mismanaged to have produced conse quences so different from the relations of another Power which cecupies in that treaty a similar and identical position. The house is well aware that the dominions of the King of Denmark have been occupied by Aus trian and by Prussian armies: in former times. In 1818, when the great European insurrection took place, there was no position of Europe that was more influenced by it than Germany. There is scarcely a political constitu• thin in Germany that wse net changed at that peeled, and tion. Franca was not, his excellency said, indifferent to the maintenance of the integrity and independence of Denmark and it was not from any indifference that he disapproved of your lordship's suggestion. (Opposition cheers.) Well, sir, that was the intention of the noble lord with respect to the change in the relations between England and France. That was significant. (Opposition cheers.) I think it was ono which the noble lord ought to have duly weighed, when he remembered the position which this country occu pied with regard to Denmark—that It was a position under the treaty which did not bind us to interfere more than France itself; and, conscious at the same time that any co operation from Russia for the same cause, though by dif ferent means, could hardly be counted upon, I should have said thot a prudent Government would have well consi dered their position, and would not have taken any ceurse which committed them to any decided line of action. But, so far as I can judge from the correspondence before us, that was n.et the tone taken by her Majesty's Government, because we have ‘x.trects from the correspondence of the Secretary of Stute, with the Swedish Minister, the Diet of Frankfort, and Lord Bloomfield—all written in one fort night which elapsed alter the receipt of that despatch of Mr Grey which notified the change in the feeling of the French Government. It is highly instructive, and we shall see what eff,ct it produced on the policy of her Majesty's Government, Immediately after the receipt of that despatch the Secretary writes to the Swedish. Minister in the follow. ing terms :—" Her Majesty's Government set the highest value on the independence and integrity of Denmark. . . . Her Majesty's Government will be ready to remind Aus tria and Prussia of their treaty obligations to respect the integrity and independence of Denmark." Now this is to Sir A. Malet, the Minister at Frankfort, on Sept 29, that is, nine or ten days after the receipt of the French de spatch. " Her Majesty's Government, by the Treaty of London of May 8, 1852, is bound to respect the integrity and independence of Denmark. The Emperor cf Austria and the King of Prussia have taken the same engagement. Her Majesty could not see with indifference a military occupation of Holstein, which is only to cease upon terms injuriously affecting the constitution of the whole Danish monarchy. Her Majesty's Government could not recog. nise this military occupation as a legitimate exercise of the powers of the Confederation, or admit that it could pro- perly be called a Federal Execution. Her Majesty's Go vernment could not be indifferent to the bearing of such an act on Denmark and upon European interests. Her Ma jesty's Government, therefore, earnestly entreat the German Diet to pause, and to submit the question in dispute between Germany and Denmark to the mediation of other Powers unconcerned in the controversy, but deeply concerned in the maintenance of the peace of Europe and the independence of Donmark," (Opposition cheers.) My object in reading these despatches is to show that, after the first intimation of a change of opinion in France, the sincere policy of the Go vernment was not modified. (Cheers.) The Secretary of State, on the 30th of Stptember, 1863, writes thus to Lord Bloomfield, at Vienna :—" Her Majesty's Government trust that no act of Federal execution to which Austria may be a party, and no act of war against Denmark on the ground of the affairs of Schleswig, will be allowed to clash with this primary and essential treaty obligation. Her Majesty's Government, indeed, entertain a full confidence that the Government of Austria is as deeply Impressed as her Ma. jesty's Government with the conviction that the indepen dence and integrity of Denmark form an essential element in the balance of power in Europe." And now I have brought the case to the end of September, and I hope the house has clearly understood the course of circumstances. There is nothing in the month of October to call for remark at this moment; but we now arrive at the month of Novem ber, and approach a very important and critical state of affairs. The month of November was remarkable for a re currence of two great events, which completely changed the character, and immensely affected the aspect, of the whole relations between Denmark and Germany, and which may bave produced consequences that only can be felt when one sees the end of it. Early in November the Emperor of the French proposed a European Congress. His position, as he himself described it, was a very painful ono from various causes. He therefore proposed a congress. When Parlia ment met on the 4th of February I gave my opinion as to the propriety of her Majesty's Government refusing to be a party to that congress. As a general principle I think that a Congress should precede action, If you wish any:happyand permanent results from a Congress, it should rather callow the great efforts of nations, and, when they are somewhat exhausted, give them an honourable relief• And, sir, I did not think it my duty to conceal my opinion when her Majesty's Government had felt it their duty to refuse a proposal of that character. But lam bound to say that, had I been aware of what has been communicated by these papers—had I been aware, when I spoke on Feb. 4, that only a week before the Parliament met—only a week before we were assured by the speech from the throne that her Majesty was continuing to carry on negotiations in the interests of peace—that her Majesty's Government had made a proposal to the Government of France which must, if accepted, inevitably have produced a great and enduring European war—l am bound to say I should have given my approbation in terms much more cautious. But, whatever difference of opinion there may be as to the propriety or iwprnpriety of her Majesty's Government not acceding to the Congress, I thine there was not then, and I am sure there is not now, a second opinion as to the mode and man ner in which that refusal was conveyed. (Opposition cheers.) The noble lord, when he vindicated that curt, and, as I con ceive, most offensive reply, dilated on the straightforward ness of British Ministers, the candour of their language, and the clearness with which they were determined to con vey their meaning. I wish that that straightforward lan guage and that spirit had dictated same of the despatches and declarations made to Denmark. (Opposition cheers.) It is a great pity we did not have a little of that rude frank ness when the fortunes of that ancient kingdom were at stake. But there was another great event happened, let me remind the house, in the month of November. The King of Denmark died, and the death of the King of Denmark entirely changed the character of the question, both as regards Germany and Denmark, and es regards this country and Germany. The question had been a Federal question before, when the noble lord in his de spatches threatened to have recourse to arms ; but, after the death of the King of Denmark, it became an inter national question, because the controversy was with the Diet of Germany, which had not recognised the change in the succession to the various dominions and states of the King. It was an international question of magnitude and of a menacing character, and it was under these circumstances, and when the question became European, and immensely magnified and multiplied, that the offer of a Congress was made on the sth of November. The King of Denmark died o n the 16th November; and on the 27th of the same month England declined to accept the invitation to the Congress It was, therefore, with the complete knowledge of the in creased risk, and the increased dimensions of what was at stake, that the noble lord sent that refusal to the Emperor of the French. (Opposition cheers,) It became her Majesty's Government at this moment to consider seriously their po sition. "With the Congress offered, with the death of the King, it is my duty to remind the house of the manner in which the Secretary of State addressed Europe. Neither of these events appeared to have modified his tone. On Nov. 19th, the King having died, the Secretary of State wrote to Sir A, Menem On the 20th he wrote letters of menace to the Governments of Sexony and Wurtemburg, setting forth that, as a matter of course, they would recognise the King of Denmark as the heir to all the States which were comprised in the Treaty of 1852, and which were held under the sceptre of the late King. On the 23d November, four days before Lord Russell refused the invitation to the Congress, he wrote—" Her Majesty's Government expects that all the Powers who signed the treaty of 1852 will acknowledge King Christian as the King ot Denmark ; and if the troops ot the Confederation entered Holstein, the Powers who signed the treaty of 1852 would have a right of interfering." (Hear, hear.) On the 30th of November he wrote again to Sir A. Paget, proposing she sole mediation of England. He wrote another letter to Sir A. Buchanan, saying that he would leave to Germany the responsibility of raising a ge neral war in Europe, which the Diet appeared bent on pro voking. That was the tone which her Majesty's Govern ment, after due consideration, atter refusing the Congress, after the death of the King of Denmark, which changed the Federal question into an international question—that was the menacing tone which her Majesty's Ministers adopted towards every Court of Germany, (Opposition cheers.) Now, after the death of the King of Denmark, it became her Majesty's Ministers, instead of following that course, to have maturely considered their position. There were two courses open to them, both equally intelligible and equally honourable. It was open to them, after the death of the King, to have acted as France did—France, that occupied a position in this matter so dignified and satisfactory that she has received the compliments of our batted Minister. (Cheers and laughter.) It was open to the Government to have adopted the same course as the other neutral Powers, and that course was frankly announced to the English Minister by the Minister of France. On Dec. General Fleury stated to Lord Wodehouse, in Copenhagen, that the only instruction which he had received from the Emperor wet, not to take part in any negotiations there, but that he was to tell the Danish Government explicitly that it Den mark became involved in war with Germany, France ! would not come to her assistance. (Cheers.) I say th at it' England had adopted that course it would have been inter- ligible and honourable. (Cheers.) We were not bound b y the Treaty of 1852 to go to the assistance of Denmark she became involved in war with Germany. No one over f pre tends. that we were. (Hear, hear.) As a wetter of high policy, much as we may regret any distnrbanfce o. th e to policy o this un . try riterial arrangements of Europe, the peace, there . were no high being one of tranquillity and expense of a great considerations of policy which would justify England in going to war, and incurring the Euro pean war without allies that we could have counted upsn. (Hear, hear.) There was a nother I course equally intelligi ble and equally honou rable. But am bound to say that 1 would have recommended this country to take the same course as France adopted. If the noble lord and his col leagues aro of o pinion that the balance of power was by quarrel betwee n D enmar k an d G erman y, they en dangered were pe rfectly justified is threatening Germany, an d taking upon them the general management of the t erfectlY affairs, of Denmark; but they were bound, if war did ta1,.5 place, to support: Denmark. (Opposition cheers ) Instead of that, they invented a process ot conduct which 1 hope le not enEily to be eman3pled in the history cf this country, and which I can only descri be in one sentence as G ne of menaces which were never actor nplished, and of promise's which were never fulfilled. (Chee rs.) With all their difficulties, they never hesitated in thedir line. I must do them the justice to say, that as far as tine semblance of menace was concerned, there never were more spirited and independent Ministers. (Opposition cheers and laughter.) Let us indulge them, at least for a moment, with the enjoyment of the phantom of proud courage. (Laughter.) What did they do P They.eent a special envoy to Denmark to explain and enforce their policy, and to arrange everything. He was rent there ostensibly to congratu late the new King upon his accession, but it was avowed that his mission went further than this, and was of far greater importance. I will not read eel the instructions which were given to him, but will merely read the concluding sentence, which sums up the whole. It is this : " The result y. to are to arrive at is the fulfilment of the treaty of 1852, arid of the engagements entered into by Prussia, Austria, and. Denmark." Lord Wodehouse there fore, could not be at fault with respect to what he was to do. He was a man of some experience; he held a subordinate but still important positeen in the administration oe foreign affairs; he had been ambassador to a foreeen court, and b e fore he went to Denmark he made a speech of a very de cided character in favour of that country. I have nothing therefore to say against the appoint ment, which was a very important one. What was the conduct of the Secretary of State while Lord Wodehouse was going to carry out his instructions ? Did the Secretary of State falter in his tone ? It was about this time that the famous letter, the great diplomatic reprimand, was sent to Sir A. Mallet for having talked of the protocol of 1852, instead of the treaty of 1852. This was the time when all the ambassadors of Europe who talked of the protocol of 1852 were to be stopped short, and who, however ele vated their position, and however great their powers of logic, were to be pulled down directly for this great diplo matic lapsus. (Laughter and cheers.) Oct the 17th of December the noble lord, in a letter to Sir A. Buchanan, said that any departure from the treaty of 1552 would be inconsistent with good faith ; and on the 22d the Govern ments of Wurtemburg,Hanover, and Saxony were told that if they carried out the Federal execution the most serious consequences would ensue. (Hear, bear, from the Ministerial aide.) I want to know what hon, gentleman mean by cheering the language of that despatch ! Why, the smallest power in Europe would feel itself obliged to resist a demand made in each language. When you employed language of that kind in despatches which were usually mild in their tone, what interpretation was to be put upon it but that yon meant to go to war P (Opposition cheers.) This was the state of things after the King's death, after we became ac quainted with the policy of France, after the French Minister informed Denmark that if she became involved in war with Germany, France would not come to her assistance. Not withstanding these threats and repeated menaces, the Fede ral execution took place. (Hear, hear.) That is not evidence of jest influence in the councils of Europe. (Cheers.) But what course did the Government pursue under these cir cumstances? Why they went again to France, and after all that happened they tried the expedient of supplicating her for assistance. On the 27th of December Federal exe cution took place; and on the 28th they made application to the French Government, on which occasion Lord Cowley in humble accents said that her Majesty's Government were sincerely anxious to act with the Imperial Government in this question. (Hear, hear.) To be sure they were sincerely anxious to do so. (Laughter.) To this lowly supplication a curt reply was given by the French Government ; but not withstanding this, the Secretary of State in 24 hcurs after wrote the most furious despatch he had ever written. It is' necessary to call attention to the contrast between the menaces directed against Germany, and those held towards Denmark. The first great object after the King's death was to induce Denmark to revoke the patent of November relative to the constitution of Holstein. Her Majesty's Government instructed Sir A. Peget to commu nicate with M. Hall, the Danish Prime edinister, on the subject. In the course of the interview Sir A. Paget warned the Minister of the dangers which would ensue if the patent of November was not withdrawn. In conse quence of that warning he gave up his opinions and the patent. What is the interpretation which, in private life, we would put on language like that? You would suppose that if you acted upon it you would bo involved in respon sibility. (Hear, hear.) We come now to this execution iu Holstein, and, literally speaking, the Federal execution was a legal act, and Denmark could not resist it. But, from the manner in which it was announced to be carried into effect, and in consequence of the pretensions connected with it, the Danes were of opinion that it would have been better at once to resist the execution. Well, her Majesty's Minis ters. actuated by the best motives, wanted the Daaish Go vernment to submit. What was their language ? Sir Alexander Paget replied to the Danish Minister "that Denmark would at all events have a better chance of secur ing the assistance of the Powers it the execution were not resisted." (Hoar. hear.) 1 ask any candid man what would be his interpretation of that language? (Hear. hear.) On the 12th Earl Russell himself tells the Danish Minister in London that there is no connection between the engagements of Denmark and Germany and the engage_ meats with the German Powers in 1852. Of course, such a declaration by the English Minister in the metropolis must have had the greatest effect upon the Federal policy, and so the Danes submitted. But having revoked the patent—having submitted to the execution—there was then a new demand upon them—•a demand for the repeal of the whole constitution. I want to place clearly before the house the position of Denmark with respect to the much-talked-of constitution. There had been in the preceding year a par liamentary reform bill carried in Denmark, but the King had died before giving his assent to it, although he would have most willingly done so. The instant the new king ac ceded to the throne this parliamentaryreform bill was brought to him. Great excitement prevailed upon the subject, and the King was placed in a most difficult position. Now, observe this—England, who was intrusive and pragmatical in the counsels she gave—who never allowed Denmark to do anything without her advice, and who was always sug gesting and prompting, hung back when the question came to be whether the new King should give his assent to the reform bill.; England was selfishly silent—she would not incur responsibility—the excitement was great, and the Kiug gave his assent to the bill. Bat understand, at that moment it was not at all impossible, if her Majesty's Go. vernment had written a despatch to Copenhagen, which the King might have put before his council, and had ex pressed the wish of an ally who was then looked upon by Denmark with the utmost feeling of confidence and with the utmost hope, especially after France had declared she would not assist her—if England had put forward this de spatch, begging as a favour that the King would not give his assent to the new constitution for a brief space—say for six weeks—in order to assist England to carry on her nego tiations with the German Powers, I cannot doubt but that the King would have avoided that act, which was most in jurious to his fortunes. However, the instant he assented to the bill, the English Government began to write de spatches, calling upon him to revoke it. But could ho revoke it ? The King of Danmark was a really constitu tional king ; he could have only put an and to the constitu tion by force, by a coup d'etat, and he was not in a position to do that. But I sincerely believe that, even it he were in the position, he would have had no inclination to perpetrate such an act of enormity. (Hear, hear.) 'Well, what was the other course open to him ? Tee only other constitutional c 'terse he could have had recourse to was to call together a new Parliament and propose that they should revoke the constitution. Now see what would have been the state of affairs if, after our Reform Bill had pasted in 1e32 and the new elections had taken place, Lord Alt harp came down to this;house and called upon the new Parliament to revoke the Reform Bill and to give him leave to in troduce a bill for that purpose. It would be asking for that which was utterly impossible. And let me call attention to the manner in which this request was made. First of all, the Secretary of state writes to Lord Wodee house, who was then at Copenhagen formally arranging the sk, observations repeal of the constitution. The right hon. gentleman then for quoted the despatches of Lord Wodehouse, and of Sir A. Paget, describing the efforts which they had made with M Hall, the Danish Minister, to induce the Danish eloverne meat to listen to the advice of the English :m anda 1 l that r if the Government,dive mat ters and not to put forward extreme pretension ters to extremities. Now what are the conoltno.ns to bo The special envoy drawn from this language ? (Heart) e ny on herer Germany 1:0 who two N D7 e r a r i n t n e i m sl en G " t Governm ent u e w m s a t m s I m e e n a y v t e d re u D j t e y e a n t t e m o d a d o r u ec k r l t ar o ad e e v ni her own responsibility." (Cheers.) 1 iear.) s n e t e er w p ha ret t a h ti a o p n p s e t n o ed b . e p l u t t u sr p a o s n iro t . h: o s s e ,i was the author of the constitution, to put en end to it ; he resigned, and a new Government was formed, and a Parlia ment was called under the new constitution in order to pass an Act to terminate i ts own existence. Ire January Sir A. Paget says, and there Is some n ai ee t e i n t h e o b servat i on, that "they -- had the cons o l a ti on o f k now i ng t h a t th ey had acted on the advice of their best friend, and that the responsibility of war now rests entirely with Germany." (Laughter.) Now I have given three of the great subjects in wh i c h the representations of England induced Denmark to take a course against her convictions, and, as the Danes believed, against their policy. The plot begins to thicken. Notwithstanding the termination of the patent of Holstein — notwithstanding the Federal execution—notwithstanding the repeal of the constitution, more is wanted, and Schles wig is about to be invaded. Affairs become now most cri tical. Ne sooner was this known than a very haughty menace was sent to Austria, Austria was threatened that if Schleswig was invaded the consequences would be ear- ous—(a laugh)—the question would cease to be p urel y On German. and would become of European import ance. the 4th January Lord Russell writes to Mr Murray at th 3 Court of Saxony, that the most serious consequences are to 9th he writes again to Dresden that the l ine taken by Saxony be apprehended if Germany invaded Schleswig—andonthe destroys all confidence in the diplomatic relations with Saxony. (Hear, hear.) On the 18th ho writes to Lord Bloomfield in the same tone, and, referring to the experience of Russia in regard to the Crimean war, points out how the consequences of demanding material guarantees from Den mark may recoil upon Germany. Well, notwithstanding the invasion. of Schleswig takes place, these 7 i d lem w n h7 t a i r s n t i e la r nd net .11. , .t Govrsrnmen: P They Lion leme e ee ).....ijeey propose a joint declaration answered the hurry ineain to Paris — (cheers and laughter p n tohfetohap;:i.oein: t kierintzt l'uvreres W ell, that despatch was ns, on 01. CII . ady agu L. ies tel, of ing nd his for ere for bed ps, the ilea red the Let i~.en air. th the 3 WI no t d t°