The Sun. — London, England, 1864-05-18 00:00:00

THE WAR IN DENMARK, CE:voni the . limes Special Correspondent with the Allied Armies.) HAMBtRG, May 13. I have passed the last week in wandering over the old familiar ground, the scene of German successes and Danish disasters, noting changes, looking in upon a few old acquaintances, meeting many others by the roadside. When I speak of old acquaintances I am reminded that, with scanty exceptions, all those I now know in Jutland and the Duchies have been-made since I first crossed the Eider on the Ist of February last. But acquaintanceship ripens fast amid the shifts and vicissitudes of a campaign, just as a short span of time fall of incident and variety appears to one, at a retrospective glance, like a much longer period. I can hardly realise to myself that it is little more than three months since the passage of the Eider, the attack on Missunde, the evacuation of the Dannewerk, the stubborn rearguard fight at Oversee, and my own first arrival at Flensburg, which I left last night, after repeatedly revisiting it, perhaps never to return hither. Notwithstand ing the asperity of its climate, the keenness of its winds, the roughness of its pavements, and the bad ness of its inns, Flensburg, beautifully situated among woods at the extremity of its fiord, is de cidedly the most endurable place I have seen in Schleswig; and when one ran down to it from fur ther north, and especially from small overcrowded villages like Gravenstein and Schleswig, where everything has been eaten up as by a passage of lo custs, and soiled and degraded by the throng of sol diery, it seemed quite a l u xurious city. Within six hours' rail of Hamburg it ought to be able to draw abundant supplies hence ; but, nevertheiess, it has more than once been difficult to purchase the com monest necessaries of life in its exhausted shops. In Sundewitt and Broackerland things are still worse, and there seems a general wish among the military to get away from a country which they have so completely drained, and where there is so little probability of further fighting. I have met with many officers already going south on leave of absence, and doubtless there will be many urgent private affairs to settle during the armistice. Cer tainly nothing can be more wearisome than inaction in such resourceless, uncomfortable lands as Schles wig and Jutland. The Crown Prince of Prussia, who, although holding no command, has been con stantly at the headquarters of the army since the commencement of the campaign, has taken advan tage of the suspension of hostilities to come down to Hamburg and meet Princess Victoria, who arrived here at half-past 5 this morning, and took up the quarters previously prepared for her at the Hotel de l'Europe,the Clarendon of Homburg, and one of the very best of continental inns. Her Royal Highness is attended by the Countess Portales, Count Furs• tenstein, and Dr. Wegner. Prince Frederick William came a few hours later, with th© young Prince of Hohenzollern and two aides-de-camp. It was thought the Crown Prince and Princess would go on to Flensburg and visit the battle fields of Schleswig, but I believe the idea has been nearly if not quite abandoned. And, indeed, at the present time the discomforts of such an excursion must out weigh the gratification, at least for a lady. Very little remains to be seen there where the most notable actions of the campaigns occurred. Not satisfied with conquest and capture, the allies have been zealous in the works of destruction. Of the fortifications and defensive works they have taken from the Danes, the site, of course, remains, but of the superstructure little vestige in most instances. The Prussians seem possessed by the very demon of levelling, with his auxiliary imps, pick and powder. It was a good many weeks since I had passed the Dannewerk by daylight, until the other day, and, but for previous knowledge, I should have had difficulty in discover ing where the great bulwark, the mountain which proved so naeuseiike when the critical moment arrived, had reared its much vaunted defences. As for Duppel heights, so recently crowned by ten forte and a formidable line of fortifications, they bid fair soon to look as peaceful as Brighton Downs. I had not thought to revisit them, but was induced to drive over from Flensburg on Wednes3ay, partly to ascertain what foundation there was for the ru mours which reached me at Haderaleben of fighting on the shores of Alsen Sund. I soon ascertained that there were scarcely any grounds for the reports in question. 'There had been no heavy cannonade at Sandberg or anywhere else; since the 18th of April only a few occasional shots. The Prussians, I was informed, had threatened to destroy Sonder borg if the Danes fired ; and it must be owned that, under all the circumstances, such fire would have been a most unprofitable waste of ammunition, if not of human life. I walked through part of the foremost parallel and down to the stump of Duppel mill, across Fort 4, of which few vestiges remain. There are some slight remains of the ditch, but the extent to which the earthworks have been demo lished may be judged of by the fact that the masoary of the magazine, which was deep down in the redoubts, now rises above the level of the ground, and is the most prominent object on the patch of earth where Fort 4 stood. The other forts had undergone the same fate, or were in process of doing so. Nos. 9 and 1.9 were said to be still tolerably entire, but the sound of mines exploding in that direction indicated that they were un likely long to remain so. The armistice will have put a stop to this destruction, and will have de prived the very considerable number of troops still stationed in Sundewitt of the means of pass ing their time in wholesome, if not in very pro fitable labour. I saw several email clusters of tents ; at Azbull, where the park of siege artillery used to be, and where a large quantity of shot and shell and other war material is still collected, are come large wooden huts; but the quartering of troops still weighs heavily on the inhabitants. It would be far better for the army, and only fair to the Sehleswigers, now that winter has at last disappeared, to camp the m en , i nstead of cramming them into close houses and cottages, Possibly it is intended to do so. At the p resent ' moment, as I found by inquiry of the inhabita n t s , the pressure on the population is as great as it ever has been during the war, and at Gravenstein the poor people are almost turned out of their houses. A little more, and they would have to bivouac in the streets in order that their military lodgers might be accommodated. On all sides and by all classes in Schleswig I heard the hardship of the billeting system bitterly complained of. To persons having means, and who will not submit to th e nu i sance o f soldiers quartered i n their houses, it is equivalent to a very large tax in money, since they have to pay lodgings for the men elsewhere. To the heavily for lodgin poorer classes it is a still greater hardship, for their small dwellings are turned upside down, their beds are appropriated, their wives are expected to cook for the officers quartered on them, their houses, in short, are converted into barracks, and they are fortunate if a single room be left to their undivided occupation. The requisitions for horses and car riages are likewis e very severe, so mach so that not a few private gentlemen have sold their horses to escape them. It is not pleasant to receive a message that your carriage, which you perhaps needed for your own use the next day, or your horses, which may only just have come off hard work, are to at tend at such a place at midnight or daybreak to convey a party of officers, or a prince or a general, to a town 20 miles distant. Cases of this kind are of daily occurrence, and if the demand is not com plied with the penalties are extremely heavy. The military powers make their demands on the local authorities, and as these latter are by this time all German, and in many cases red-hot Schleswig- Holsteiners, they of course find a pleasure in throwing the chief burden of the requisitions on persons krowu or supposed to be friendly to th e Danish Gov e rnment. • No compensation whatever is given to the proprietors of the vehicles thus pressed into the service. Persons who have carriages and horses by which they set store, hire others when they can, but this is often impossible. It would be difficult to compensate such persons for the damage frequently done to their cattle and car riages. Al for the carts of various kinds which have been pressed for the transport of stores and rations, and which remain permanently away from their homes, the system is to provide stabling and earn for the horses and a soldier's rations for the driver, bat the latter ges no ct!'er wage nor the owner any compensation. Neither is there any allowance to tha people of Schleswig for the sol diers quartered on them. I make no reference to Jutland, because we know that there another sys tem is adopted, and it is treated as a conquered country, while in Schleswig the population is sup posed to be in great measure German in sentiment and aspirations —even many of its inhabitants who speak only Danish—and the allies have come in some sort to relieve the land from a foreign yoke. From various persons who have had Prussian sol diers repeatedly quartered on them, I learn that they were invariably required by the terms of the billeting paper to supply them with food for the first day, on the ground that immediately on coming off the march it is difficult for the regular rations to be served out and cooked. I have not been able to ascertain that the Austrians act upon the same system, and if they do it is certainly by a rare ex ception, not as a rule. Perhaps this differenee nay have contributed to the popularity of the Austrians, who, in some way or other, have certainly managed to ingratiate themselves with the population they have lately dwelt amongst. I find a few memoranda from Fredericia which I had not time to avail of in my letter from that place. As already mentioned, the preparations for defence were far more complete than those at Duppel, but the intrenched camp was a weak point. It had little protection for the troops, which would have been hardly dealt with by such a fire as was kept up on Duppel. There were many wooden barracks, but hardly anything casemated. Great labour had been expended upon it; the palisades in the ditch were thickly and firmly planted ; there were chevaux de frise of wood and iron, trous de loup, and other contrivances to harass or impede assailants. In short, the whole place was so well and carefully prepared for defence as to prove that the one really essential thing for holding a fortified position is equality in respect of artillery. From Danish sources I learn that the largest number of men in Fredericia at any time during the war did not exceed 14,000 men, and that on the 18th of April, when Duppel was taken, there were not more than 10,000. At a short distance from Fredericia, outside the Prince's-gate, stands the monument that was raised to General Olaf Rye, who fell at the head of his division in the famous sortie made from the fortress on the 6th of Jnly, 1819, when the Germans were utterly discomfited and driven away. It is an imitation of the old tombs of the Scandinavian Vikings, a large stone resting on several smaller ones, upon a mound of regular form. The inscrip tion is brief, and confined to the facts above stated. The Danes do not seem addicted to bombast in their records of brave deeds and signal victories. Wit ness the mere date on the base of the statue:of the Tappere Land Soldat. General Gabler z was invited to be present at the assault of Duppel forts, but he either declined, or was prevented by circumstances with which I am unacquainted, witnessing the crowning action of the campaign. The Hotel de l'Europe has to-day been a point of no small attraction to the Hamburgers, very few of whom have passed it without rais ing their eyes to the windows of the first floor, in hopes of getting a glimpse of the Royalists there lodged. From the roof of the house, the largest in this city, were triple banners, the arms of Hamburg, the Eagle, which is just now winging so unusually daring a flight, and the Black•Red-Gold of that united Germany of which sanguine enthusiasts dream, and practical politicians despair. Up to sunset this evening the Blue-White- Red adopted by the partisans of an independent Schleswig-Holstein had not made its appearance beside the others, notwithstanding that Prince Fre derick of Auguitenburg arrived in Hamburg this afternoon and took up his quarters in that hotel. Presentation to Lord Houghton at Pontefract, Yesterday, Lord Houghton met a number of his late constituents at the Town-hall, Pontefract, when a superb silver salver was presented to him in re cognition of his former services as member for the borough. The Mayor (Mr. John Moxon) presented the gift, and read the inscription as follows : " Presented to the Right Hon. Richard Monckton Milnes, first Baron Houghton, by many of his friends, to mark their appreciation of the manner in which, for twenty-five successive years, he repre sented in Parliament the ancient borough of Ponte fract, after which, in recognition of long and emi nent services, he was elevated by her Most Gracious Majesty to the Upper House, carrying with him the good wishes of the whole constituency, to whom he had endeared himself by urbanity, kindness, and generosity, as well as by constant solicitude for their privileges. Pontefract, May, A.D. 1864." _ _ Lord HOUGHTON returned thanks, saying that often it had been his lot to address his constituents, and often his pleasure to receive from them marks of approbation in the solid manner of being re turned as a representative in Parliament, but he could not say that on any occasion he had received any testimony of their confidence with greater plea sure than the present. At the same time he was bound to say there were many feelings which beset his mind in looking back to so large a period of his life which tended to give to the present meeting a certain solemnity which had been absent on former occasions. Though he hoped he should often meet them again, this event was, as it were, the official close of a large portion of his official life. It closed in the most kind and gracious manner, on the part of the constituency, 1 -period of his life spent in a great degree in tht.! service. He did not know what he could say upon such an occasion, except, perhaps, that he might sketch out feebly some of the circumstances which had marked his connection with the borough. It was no rhetorical fiction to say that the relation between himself and the borough had formed the most important portion of his life, and that but for the existence of those rela tions between bis family and the borough which at one time events threatened very much to dissever— that bat for the renewal of that connection, he did not think it would have been possible for him to pursue in public lire a career under such favourable circumstances as that which they had given him. (Applause.) Every man who had come to the time of life at which he had arrived should know pretty well what his own character was ; and he knew he did not posses s those gifts and talents which would, in battling the course of public life, as connected with large constituencies, greatly recommended him to their favour. He knew he had not those natural gifts at his command which enabled a man to sway crowds and to hold dominion over the minds of multitudes of men, and therefore, although, pro bably, if he had nothing to do with Pontefract he might have come into Parliament for some large constituency, he did not think he should have re mained their representative for anything like the period for which he had retained the representation of Pontefract. His main difficulty always was in believing his own side to be entirely in the right, and other people entirely in the wrong. It had been said of some lawyers— suc h , for instance, as Lo r d Denman and Lord Tru ro — that for a fee of two or five guineas they really did bring themselves to think their sides respectively were absolutely in the right, and the other side absolutely in the wrong. Now, he never had that faculty, and, whatever might have been the disadvantage to him. self or his friends, he never had been able to throw himself into that full partisanship which in a coun try like this was, perhaps, almost essential er t e ot r h e e , pro m in e nt success of any public man. Tl , fo he was thankful that his connexion with Pontefract had been such as had enabled him to preserve their confidence, while at the same time it had enabled him to act with so much personal independence. That private independence, he was very thankful to say, had carried with it some advantages. He cuuld not forget that period in the political history of his time when Sir It. Peel threw the whole of his followers into a position in which they were com pelled to determine whether they would remain in a condition of things which was then considered rather going backward than forward in the world, or would they ally themselves with men who up to that time had been considered their political oppo nents. After die deliberation ho (Lord Houghton) I ventured to take the latter course. He had never regretted having done so, because he believed it was politically the right course. (Applause.) Never theless, he was also conscious that there were cir cumstances connected with the conduct of Sir R. Peel at that time which threw an aspect, he would not say of bad faith, but at least of dubious conduct over a large portion of his party. Of that states man he would never speak but with respect, for he had always shown him signal private kind ness; but he himself would have been the last man to acknowledge that the disunion of the Con servative party during his administration, although he considered it necessary for the good of his country, was unfortunately con nected with most painful and disadvantageous circumstances to that party itself. With reference to that demonstration made by a portion of the country on the question of religious liberty—a ques tion which had now almest entirely died away—it was one on which he was conscientiously obliged by a large portion of his constituents. At the succeed ing election they showed that those circumstances had operated on their minds, and a large portion of them withdrew from him that confidence which they had given him, and he was returned to Par liament by a very small majority. Looking back upon those times, he could only say that he believed in the conduct he pursued he was in the right; and he believed many of his constituents were right in the conduct which they pursued. He believed the position, on the whole, was not one discreditable to either party; and if he found new friends in the political turn of things to which he then attached himself, he, nevertheless, retained the private friendship even of those whose political confidence for a time he had lost. (Applause.) Therefore, he thought he might say the independence the people of Pontefract had enabled him to exercise had not been injurious either to the borough or to his own character. (Hear.) He thought it was an advantage in the mixed system of society in which we lived that there should be smaller constituencies, which enabled a man of his temperament and habits to take that part in public life which otherwise he might not do. They would see by the contemplation of foreign countries that it was the great object to get as many persons of independent thought and inde pendent means as they could to interest themselves in politics. It did not matter whether they were country gentlemen, or manufacturers, or whatever course of life or position in society they belonged to; but it would be a very disadvantageous thing if there were no means in the Constitution by which such persons should take an interest in poli tical life. It was seen that among us there was growing strongly this tendency. Country gentle men ware - not now so 'willing as they were 50 or 100 years ago to come forward and seek to become members of Parliament. In the large towns come mercial men, who were engaged in active business, and making a good deal of money, thought twice, and very often abandoned the thought altogether, before they gave up their profitable occupations and business for the honour of a seat in the House of Commons, where at least they could make no money, and very often lost any reputation they had got. (Laughter.) Country gentlemen, who were accustomed to be treated with some deference by the people around them, shrank frum going into an assembly in which when they got up to speak some very rough member immediately called out " Oh, oh ! ' and where if he attempted any kind of joke, which would be all very well in his own house, he would very probably be coughed at and even hooted down. (Laughter.) Therefore it would be seen that small constituencies had political uses, and though he called himself in the strongest sense a Liberal statesman, nevertheless he had always fell that the existence of such boroughs was not only not injurious to the working of the Constitution, but most beneficial to it, and most useful to our social welfare. (Hear, hear.) He looked back to the time when he first addressed them in that hall, and he could not but be conscious, as all would be conscious, that in that more than a quarter of a century many serious events had happened. We had come to think that after the great Peace of 1815 Europe at last had got into a condition of comparative repose, and that there were going to be very few changes either in the arrangement of States or in the condition of society. That hope or expectation was very much dispersed by the French Revolution of 1830, and by the subsequent agita tation in England which produced the Reform Bills of 1831 end 1832. When he came into Parliament in 1837 a young Queen had just ascended the throne—a bright, lively, and intelligent girl, only made serious by the sense of the duties and rospon sibiiies of her peculiar position. That lively girl was now a desolate widow, who passed only on Saturday on her way from the tumult of London to the retirement of Scotland, and on whom the great calamity she had suffered weighed so heavily that she was utterly unable to throw it off sufficiently to resume the position in which she formerly showed herself so continually to the frequent delight of the people. (Applause.) We could only hope that those consolations which the high nature, the piety, and the virtuous character of our Sovereign so fully deserved might, in the course of time, be poured upon her, so that she might remember the calamity she had undergone was one of those solemn dispen sations of life to which all are subject—which are common to the throne and to the cottage, and which demand that resignation before the will of Almighty God which is equally due from the highest and the lowest of mankind. (Applause.) In looking back to that distance it was impossible for him not to remember the many forms of intelligence, youth, power, and strength with which he was familiar in his early days in Parliament, but which in the course of that time, though that of his own contemporaries, had passed away from among them, though not en tirely from their memory ; he could not forget that the men whom he should have expected to meet in the House of Lords, to which the favour of her Ma jesty had called him, would have been Lord Herbert, Lord Canning, Lord Dalhousie, Lord Elgin—men who had fallen in the service of their country as truly as if they had been shot down by the enemy's cannon in the battlefield. (Applause.) He also could not forget the name of one who was suffering at that mo ment under what he feared must be a mortal malady, the LordaLieutenant of the neighbouring county of Nottingham, the Duke of Newcastle, a nobleman to whose good sense and judgment this country had looked forward as likely to produce a great states man in future times, when those old ones we now had should have passed away. Of course there were brighter sides to this picture. There was a bright side to his old friend Lord Palmerston—who when he entered public life was past the maturity of ordinary years, and who in his bright and intel ligent old age governed this country with signal prudence and good sense, holding the balance be tween contending parties, acting fairly and justly by each, doing his duty to the past recollections of our Constitution and the future hopes of the nation. (Applause.) Now, so much for the past. A word for the future, In those times to which ho had alluded we had undergone important commercial changes, and it was a peculiarity of this country that, although changes of that kind might be un willingly received at first, yet, nevertheless, in a short time even those persons who suffered from the change felt that there was a certain necessity for them, and would hardly wish to return to the former position. Such had been the case with regard to the great question of the repeal of the corn laws. It was perfectly true that the anticipation of Sir R. Peel, when be said he believed the average price of wheat would be 563. per quarter, had come very short, indeed, of the facts of the case. (A laugh.) They all knew that as farmers, and still he did not believe there was a man among them who would have wished that the old system had been in vogue last year when all the great commercial classes of Lancashire were thrown out of work by the American calamity, and were unable to earn their bread by the ordinary means. He did not suppose there 'was one of them who would think it would have been safe for one of those Lancashire artisans to be able to say, " you put an artificial price on the bread we are con suming; there are class interests which prevent us frommaking the most of the littl e pitt ance we h ave, andragging on life under these sad circumstances as well as we might do." He did not think there was any one of the strongest supporters of the old cor n laws who could say society would have been safe if those two thoughts could have come together THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 18, 1864 in the head of the Lancashire operative. (Hear.) Although no doubt certain advantages which were expected to be reaped by that measure had not come ahout, and although those connected with the agri cultural interest had not such prosperity as they might have had, still it was impossible for them not to feel that they did derive some advantage from the continued prosperity of the great contiguous towns ; and although they might provide the people's bread cheaper, yet they found some advantage in selling them their beef and mutton. (Hear, hear.) These commercial changes had had a great develop ment under the wise and courageous administration of Mr. Gladstone. The commercial treaty with France had opened out a great prospect of pros perity to this country, the future of w hi c h h e thought we were authorised to judge of when we see that, even with that great calamity which had happened through the entire stoppage of our American trade, nevertheless our revenue sustains itself in full vigour ; and in these times, when all the world besides is getting into debt, we can hold up the flag and say," Here is a surplus." (Applause.) As to political changes, there were few to speak of, because mainly there had been a certain degree of contentment as to the present distribution of the which had inclined y t , e) be enthusiastically n po o li l t a i r c g a e l p b o od w y er of of tn th e e p c e o n u r n i t e r interested in any great change, The two political parties in the House of Comm ons were placed i n a position now in which neither could say one word against the other upon this matter. Each had had a Reform Bill, and each had entirely failed. There fore, so far as that went, they were quite on q a a p e s a t r i , o n and in th w e h f a u t t e u v r e e r m w us a t s to happen on that happe n upon a clear, should hold in that assembly of w h ic h h e was now thea ne p w alt anclp languagesitive b wahsiicsh. Lie (L or d H oug ht on ) he had held in that room —namely, that, without determining precisely how any change in the representation of the country should take place, h, did think it would be most dangerous for any portion of the people of this coun try to think that they were absolutely and positively excluded for ever from any participation in the working of the Constitution. The great point was to keep the doors of the Constitution open to the people. The regulation as to how they were to en ter it and what circumstances were to debar them from it were matters of judgment on the one side and of will on the other. Let it be clearly and once understood that it was neither the interest nor the desire of any class in this country to prevent the admission within the pale of the:Constitution of any body of men who combine an earnest desire to pos sess that privilege with a determination to exercise it honestly end independently—let that 011C3 be clearly understood, and there was an end to all dan ger on the question of reform. (Hear.) Let there be no pcsitiveexclusion ; let it not be said that such a man ehoulc never come within the pale of the Constitution ; but let me say—and he, for one, did say—that the suffrage was not a natural right to which every man was born, that the suffrage was not a privilege which was to be conferred arbitrarily and accidentally, but it was a solemn duty which the men of this country were called upon to perform; and if their fer.ow-citizens believed they could per form that duty faithfully, honestly, and indepen dently, then, and then only, had they a right to de mand and to receive it. (Applause.) The noble lord then referred to the part he had taken in the educa tion question and also as to the reformation of crimi nal offenders and the proposed abolition of capital punishment. lie concluded by saying that, so far as he could see the future of England would not be dimmed or obscured by any serious political diffi culties, There were not among us any of those questions of difference of race and difference of religion which in Denmark and in Poland were causing so much calamity. Certainly the Irish question had been a grave one, and was hardly yet settled ; but the tendency was all right in that way. The tendency on the part of England was to do everything which could be done compatible with the security of the empire for the full development and advantage of Ireland, without distinction of race or creed. (Cheers.) Therefore, with such great social advantages and with what he trusted would he the application given to what he hr,d said with respect to the political position of the people, drawing no distinction of class, but combining one with the other—the gentry with the tradesman, the tradesman with the man he employs—all bound together by one chain of mutual advantage and mutual interest, he feared nothing tor the future of England. (Applause.) Liverpool and the Cotton Trade of the Levant, In an article in the French Protectionist organ, it lltoni teur buil/stria, headed " Marseilles dethroned by Liverpoo in the Levant trade," bitter complaints are made of the low freights of English ships, by which the carrying trade is completely taken out of the hands of French owners. It was thought that when, in consequence of the American war, European manufacturers were obliged to seek fur a larger supply of cotton from Turkey and Egypt, the greater part would be transported by French ships to Marseilles. It was so in 1862, but since then things have changed, and it is for the greater part by English vessels that the cotton of the Levant is brought to Europe, and it is at Liverpool that it is deposited. Levant exporters and many houses at Marseilles freight at Alexandria and in England English steamers, They load them with cotton, and send them not to Marseilles, but to Liverpool—first, because freight is lower for Liverpool than for Marseilles; and, secondly, be cause the cotton market has less resources at Marseilles than at Liverpool, Such is the invading power of the British, the eur observes with simple candour, that Liverpool will this year receive two-thirds of the cotton horn the Levant, which it was an utter stranger to a year or two ago, If things go on in this way Marseilles, in s pi te o f its geogra phical position will soon get no cotton but what Liverpool vouch safes to leave it. In order to prove how serious the evil is, the Moniteur quotes letters from Syrian to Marseilles mer chants. The first is dated the 30th of January, and runs thus :—" I have not been able to put on board the last steamer the cotton which I had in store, and as it is very difficult to load the steamers of the Messageries Imperial") as they often refuse cargoes, and as, on t h e ot h er hand, the news of the fall up to the 23d inst. h as reac hed me, I h ave decided on sending it to Liverpool, on board an English steamer, for a very reasonable freight. I must tell you, for your guidance, that many persons have done like me, and, as we receive every month at least four English ships which do not depend on the postal service, and as wish them merchandise is not exposed to be sent about at great risk and expense from the shore to the ship and from the ship to the shore during the night and during the winter, it necessarily follows that a gre a t q uantity of cotton will actually pass Marseilles. I shall continue sending to you, bnt my merchandise will not be so frequent nor so regular as it has bee n , an d to l eave it h ere is imprudent, if pur chase be now stopped." Another Writes from Sy r i a on the 31 of February : —"I shall probally h ave t o sen d you a b ou t 59 bales , which will be ready on th e coas t b etween C ypr us and N aplou sim—l say probably, b ecause it i s too m uch for one's patience to attempt sending by th e M essage ries Imperiales. I have implored like a beggar; it is intolerable, and I have more resources and regularity in tending to Liverpool. I fully o e u s s g i m intended consignin g severa l ca rgoes to y ou, but a h g e I r e ihuatp gain erial it. is impossible. am 3 with the 1 inutshtagtivae great quantity th quantity of cotto n w ill go t o England." bymight it ,f opinion Again, from th e same pl ace on March 5 Since my last of the 2d i ns t an t we h ave n ews from E n g land. Several houses here, a s we ll as m y se lf, are infor med that the S y rian cotton begins to b e i n go od demand, and are led to hope for good prices f or w h a t we sen d. Nees to this effect has stopped on the coast, and particularly at Merzina. We expect three English st eamers h ere, and we shal l send to Liverpool." The Moniteur Industrie' says on this that the company of the Messageries Inoperiales, subsided, in other words, protected, by th e G o vernment, sh ould lower its frei g ht, which is far too high, and enable F rench merc h ants to com pete with England for the Levant trade, which was once almost entirely in French hands, bu t which has now passed out of them. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Consumption, all nervous, bilious, liver, and stomach complaints, fn every stage, are only ag de , but gravated and accelerated by drugs of every description, perfectly curable by Du Barry's he alth restoring Revalonta Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which had been considered hopeless. We quote a few.—Cure No. 62,914, Miss Lange, 18 years of age, cured after the medical men had abandoned all hopes of her recoory from the last stage of pulmonary consumption, with fearful cough, expectoration, exhaustion, spiting of bloc:A perspirations, hollow cheeks, emaciated to a skeleton. She is now, thank God, a perfectly healthy, bloomi ng , fl es hy Lange, Commiss a i re de Police. Cure, No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Friwley Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness.—Cure, No. 47,121. Mi ss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous faxcies.—Cure, N o. 54,816. The Rev. James T. Caml,,bell, Fakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion and t orp idit y o f the liver, which had res i sted all medical treatment. In tins, llb, 2s 9d; 21b, 4s 6d; 515, 11$; ; 121 b, 225; 241 b, 40 s . B arr y du Barry and C o . , No. 77 , Regent-street, London ; also Fortnum and Mason; and all grocers and chemists in every town ()tithe United Kingdom, Mr. Stansfeld, M,P,, at Halifax, HALIFAX, May 17. This afternoon a 7ery large meeting, at which about 8,000 or 10,000 people were pi•esent, *as held in the Mann facturers' Piece Hall; Halifax, when a piece of plate, value about 300 guineas, was given to Mr. Stansfeld by his con stituents, as a token of appreciation of his past services, and as a mark of confidence reposed in him by his political friends. The testimonial consists of a magnificent candela brum, holding 16 candles; the pillar is beautifully deco rated with foliage. Around the base of the pillar are four shields; one bears the arms of the Halifax corporation, another is intended for the arms of the Stansfeld family, the third for a crest and motto, and the fourth bears the following inscription :—" Presented at the Piece Hall, Halifax, on Whit-Tuesday, 1864, to James Stansfeld, ,jun., Esq., M.P. for that borough, as an expression of the esteem and confidence with which ho is regarded by his consti tuents." Mr. Stansfeld and his supporters met at the White Swan Hotel at half-past two o'clock, and walked in procession to the Piece Hall a little before three o'clock. There were two bands of music in the procession. The town had a very animated appearance, and many of the shops were closed. Mr. John Crossley, the chairman of the Presentation Com mittee, presided. . . Mr. CROSSLEY having made the presentation in the name of his townsmen, Mr. STA.NSFELD stood forward and said it was barely a year since he addressed them from that very spot. He sought then to ask their approval of a step which he had ventured to take, he having then just joined her Majesty's present Administration, He now came before them again —he was going to say to ask their confirmation of another step, but that vast assembly and that testimonial were in themselves a complete justification of the course he had latterly taken. (Cheers.) He did not come before them to utter any unmanly complaint of usage to which he might have been subjected, or to sacrifices which he had to make.; but he freely confessed that he perceived the necessity and felt the duty of relinquishing with both anxiety and regret the post which he had held for so short a time. To that post he had given himself with singleness of purpose, and with no stint of time and labour. In the midst ef 'he attack of which he had been the Object, he was able to show to the House of Commons and the country that the accounts of the numerous and vast ship-building and ship-repairing establishments had been placed on a footing which would bear comparison with any private firm. (Cheers.) He said provision had been made for the introduction of certain modifications in the organisation and supervision of labour in her Majesty's dockyards calculated to enable them to compete on fair terms with the private ship-building estab lishments of this country. All these arrangements required not merely to be laid down on paper, but constant watching and care, and a certain length of time for development, and therefore they would understand him when he said that it was with both regret and anxiety that he found his work so suddenly brought to a close. Mr. Stansfeld then expressed his pleasure that ho had been succeeded in his office by Mr. Childers, in whom he had the greatest confidence on the score of his experience and his sympathy with Mr. Stansfeld's views on Admiralty matters. With reference to the matter which had that day called them to gether,he would say that all who knew him (Mr. Stansfeld) would be aware that for many long years he had shown a deep interest in the cause of Italian unity and independence. (Cheers) To-day all England held that faith, but he had held it when it was not so common as now. He would tell them what had been mainly the cause of the earlier faith. It was due, above everything else, to the personal influence of one man whom he happened years ago to know. Need he name that man? He meant Joseph Mazzini. (Cheers.) But that man had had an unexceptional nature. Others might have done the work of statesman, others the work of war riors, but his had been the precursor's work ; he had instilled into the minds of his countrymen the idea which was to be the faith, and the faith which was to overcome all obstacles in the way of the unity of a divided country. Mr. Stansfeld then called attention to the eulogistic manner in which General Garibaldi had recently spoken of M. Mazzini. They all knew of what Mazzini had been accused. (He (Mr. Stansfeld) knew M. Mazzini to be incapable of such a crime. (Great cheering.) He asked them to put themselves in his place—he asked them, if ho had been so base and cowardly as to deny the friendship of long years, would they have deserted him? (Cries of "No, no.") Neither would he— (cheers)—and, therefore, he appeared before them that day. Now, he wished to do justice to what he thought preju• dice when it was honestly entertained. He knew that there was an immense prejudice against Mazzini in this country, but ho would say to them hesitate in your judgment, As to your great Italian patriot, attach some weight to his testimony, for he had given some pledges of the sincerity of the convictions which he entertained respecting him for having defended Mazzini. He had become an object of attack. He begged to refer to the debates in the house of Commons on this question, on the first night on which he did that which he felt to be his first and nearest duty. lie defended an absent and wrongly accused man. Some ques tions wore put as to his implication in the supposed design, but the House of Commons felt it was an unworthy pro ceeding to endeavour to extract evidence which might inju riously affect a man possibly to be tried for his life at a foreign Court. (uheers.) The House of Commons told him not to answer, He was not thinking of himself—he was thinking of the man whom ho was defending , there fore he did not answer ; but in a few days there came a change over " the spirit of the dream." Some chance seemed to open to political parties sittlng on what is called the "shady" side of the house, and the motion was brought forward which was intended to condemn hi 2. and force the Ministers to throw him over, or suffer loss for refue.itig to de sert him. Then he did answer, and after he had spoken, the Prime Minister, with the filelity to colleagues and subor • dinates which had ever distinguished him, and with a gal lantry which was inbred in his very nature, came to his de fence, and said that his explanation was perfectly satisfac tory. (Cheers.) Then there was a friend of his who also came to his rescue (Mr. Forster)—and besides him there was a speech, the memory of which would never pass from his mind, from Mr. J. Bright, which was simply and abso lutely perfect in its eloquence and in its truth. Well, that evening came to a close, and indeed in a narrow majority against the hostile resolution—but his friends on the shady side, and one or two on the sunny side who seemed to pre fer the shade, had not yet done. On the night before the Easter vacation Lord Elcho asked the Prime Minister if he had tendered his resignation. The Premier then came forward and said the resignation had been tendered, but that he did not think necessary to accept it—he had refused to accept it—and had asked him to reconsider his decision. (Three cheers were hero given for Lord Palmerston.) So this second act is the drama passed over, and many friends told him that his troubles were now at an end—(laughter)—but ho did not think so ; he knew too well the nature of some of his opponents; he knew too well the state of parties, and the party object in view. Now the Prime Minister having refused his resig nation, the question remained entirely in his own hands. fie determined to deal with the question himself accoiding to his sense of what was necessary and right. He knew that the object was to wound a Minister who had refused to de sert him. He knew something of the state of parties and the chances of success. He asked no counsel, but as to facts made up his mind. Before the Easter holidays had elapsed he announced from his old seat below the gangway the facts of his resignation. Then came a few more words from the Prime Minister—words so full of generous appreciation, and more than appreciation, of his services, that they could never pass from his memory ; and then came " Why ?"—then came a silence—(laughter) —a n d a pause and a wonder. He had challenged inquiry and discussion no one took up his glove. lie had now told them the tale—ha left to others to point the moral. (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Stansfeld then proceeded to advert briefly on the leading foreign and home questions in politics, and finished by thanking his fellow townsmen for the mark which they had that day given him of their confidence and esteem. Mr. Forster, M.P., also addressed the meeting. HEALTH OP THE METROPOLIS. (From. tlte Registrar• General's Weekly Report.) In the last three weeks the mortality has undergone hardly any fluctuation ; and in that which ended last Sa. turday the deaths were 1,306. The deaths of persons under 20 years of age were 630 in the second week in May, which is 129 less than they were in the second week of April ; and those of persons at sixty years and upwards were 240, and showed a decrease of 55. The average number of deaths in the nineteenth week of ten years 1854.63 is, with a correction for increase of popu lation, 1,283; and the present return is therefore rather in excess of the number estimated for the second week in May. Both bronchitis and pneumonia continue to decline; 105 deaths are referred to the former, and Cl to the latter. The corrected averages for those diseases are respectively 99 and 80. Fhthisis, from which 170 deaths are returned, exhibits an average rate of mortality. Fifty children died of meaales, 5 of whom were in the sub-district of Hackney. Measles, scarlatina, whooping cough, and typhus produced nearly equal amounts of mor tality, and no zymotic disease predominated in the week. Scarlatina was fatal in 51 cases, and 4 of these occurred in Haggerstone East, and 4 in Limehouso. Six deaths were caused by horses or vehicles in the streets. A boy was suffocated by the fumes of a brick-kiln• A man died, after 12 days' illness, of idiopathic tetanus. A charwoman, aged 73 years, died on the 27th ult., at 14, New-street, Bethnal-green, from bronchitis, accelerated by want of food. Last week the births of 963 boys and 973 girls, in all 1,936 children, were registered in London. In the ten corresponding weeks of the years 1854-63 the average number (corrected) was 1,964. Persons who have been in the habit of paying weekly as burrowers of Sewing Machines will do well to apply at once and become members of Messrs. Watts and Co.'s Sewing Machine Clubs. By so doing they will not only s a v e th e money they now fooli s hl y throw away, but at the same time secure to themselves the possession of one of the best and most celebrated sewing machines in the world. Every in formation given on application; or by letter addressed, with a stamped envelope, to Messrs. Watts and Co., 12, Beaufort buildings, Strand, London, W.C., where men rs are en rolled daily between 10 and 4 ; Saturdays, 10 aria SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—The strange events of the Danish war aro reviving some of the oldest questions of history. Every schoolboy learns, or used to learn, that when Saxon England etas invaded by the Danes, Danes and Saxons could understand cash other's speech and talk together as if they had been one eteople. If, again, the young pupil had the precocity to con sult a map and see where these people came from, he would find that the country from which the Saxons came was that which is now called Denmark, and that Angles and Jutes derived their descent from Schleswig and Jutland. So, when our correspondent now writes that the Danes, after ages of antagonism consummated by a cruel war, are regarding the Ger mans with little and are, indeed, attracted towards them rather than towards. Sweden and Norway, we can understand the sentiment, unex pected though it be. Still, though there may be no irreconcilable enmity between these races, the division has been so long and so well established that " Denmark for the Danes" is a natural cry, and it is the cry which now prevails at Copenhagen. The Danes demand a kingdom and country of their own, be it small or large. Europe in Conference may "rectify" the frontiers of their territory, but they claim that the line of demarcation, wherever it may run, shall be clear, distinct, and impassable. It must be a line beyond which no German can claim a footing. If the ancient landmark of the empire is to be moved northwards, let the movement be final. Such are the views now prevailing in the Danish capital, and they certainly express a justifiable po licy even if they rest upon doubtful speculations. This position of the case shows the almost incon ceivable insignificance of the alleged cause of war. The ancient frontier of Denmark was the river Eider, ' one of the clearest and most natural boundaries that could be well imagined. North of this stream the soil was Danish, south of it German. But the province immediately south of the Eider, though a German Duchy,- pertained to the Kings of Den mark, who were Dukes of Holstein. The footing thus possessed by Denmark in Germany was not much calculated to benefit the former State, but it might have produced little disadvantage had it not been for an extraordinary and unaccountable de vice adopted some centuries ago. Somebody con ceived the idea that Schleswig, which was a Duchy, though Danish, should be joined in poli tical wedlock with the German Duchy of Holstein, and that the union should be declared indis soluble to the end of time. That preposterous claim on behalf of an obscure transaction of conve nience has been made the foundation of a great European difficulty. It lies at the bottom of the Danish war, and of the intrigues which led to it. It enabled German professors to compile a case for enriching Germany at the expense of Denmark. If the question bad only concerned the disposal of Holstein, we should never have heard of the present embarrassments. Denmark would have let Holstein go, and Germany would have hardly cared to pick it up. But the addition of Schleswig to Holstein made the whole worth having, and so the Germans, knowing that Holstein was their own, elaborately paraded its union with Schleswig as a sacred work which no human power could undo. In reality the transaction was just as reversible as any other politi cal arrangement. Scores of "unions" have been simi larly invested with " perpetuity," to be dissolved at the next peace or the next treaty ; but the learned professors of Germany have loudly maintained that, though the whole face of Europe might be changed, the union of Danish Schleswig with German Holstein must remain intact. So the Germanic Confederation took under its care not only the Germans of Hol stein, but the Germanised Danes of the Schleswig border, and when it was found that some of these had been sent to school to learn, not German, but Danish, there arose the clamour which, owing to the opportunities of a disputed succession, has now culminated in war. The sole charge against Den mark is that in a portion of her territories where two races touched she was disposed to favour the establishment of her own. There is not a State in Europe where the same instinct of Government has not operated in precisely the same way. But now, to complete the hollowness and absurdity of the whole cause, it is probable enough that a war based upon the eternal union of Schleswig and Holstein may be finished by separating one from the other. If the claims of nationality are to regulate terri torial adjustments, these claims must at length put an end to the connection worshipped as indissoluble, for though it is quite certain that " Schleswig-Holstein " is not purely Danish, it is no less so that it is not purely German. Somewhere or other, at some point of your journey as you advance northwards from the banks of the Elbe towards the borders of Jutland, you will come to a country where the people are thorough Danes, and where everything is Danish. To bring this coun try under the sway of a German Power would be to practice for the benefit of Germany the same policy which has been stigmatised as so intolerable when practised for the benefit of Denmark. The grievances of the people of Holstein, which Germans have com bined to denounce, would then become the grievances of the people of Schleswig. Here the Geramns will be in a dilemma. Their case, such as it is, rests on two claims—first, that Schleswir , and Holstein from one State, indivisible by mortal authority ; and, next, tnat a German population must be protected from the Government of an alien race. But, as a Danish copulation is equally entitled to protection of t he :ame kind, it will become absolutely im possible to maintain the indivisibility of a State I inhabited by two distinct races. One of the two things must be gk ven up. If the old decree of ter ritorial union is to go : -ern, the theory of nationali if nationality is to h ave ties must be surrendered; the preference, the Duchies ne ust be cut in two by a line dividing Danes from GermaelEh and, as the re suit of a war for Schleswig-Holeteien , Schleswig- Holstein will cease to be. No doubt, the Germans, who would never hear of such a thing as Schles wig's carrying Holstein with it despite its popula tion of Germane, would be perfectly ready to se ee Holstein carry Schleswig with it despite its popu lation of Danes. That is a natural view to be taken by a nation of 40 millions when contending with a nation of two millions, but it will be hard to sus tain such an argument in a conference of Powers charged with impartial mediation. Hitherto Den mark has eked out a somewhat scanty dominion by a footing on Germanic territory, but she now appears convinced of the error of the system. It has cost her the present war. True, she did no more than has naturally and necessarily been done everywhere and by all Governments alike under similar conditions. She only tried to perfect the tenure of an outlying domain by assimilating it to the body of the monarchy ; but this process, which has gone on everywhere, went on in this case under the eyes of the populous and powerful nation from which the debatable fragment had been clipped, and the Germans not only took it to heart, but turned the attempt against their rivals. Denmark now sees that this chance of aggrandisement was dearly pur chased by the hold it gave to Germany on Danish affairs. The Danes in losing the outlying domain would fain be rid of the danger it induced, Ali they now say is, "Draw the line beyond which Germany shall not step. Draw it where you will, or where you must, but draw it so that all within the line is. ours." Denmark for the Danes, and the Danes for Denmark—those are the claims now advanced at Copenhagen. Twelve months two the Danes wanted a little more than this, but the game, though played safely enough elsewhere, is n't,:e"gerous when played against an over powering neighbour, They must forego their chance of getting a bit of ertne2 v ; it . remains to be seen what Germany foregoes in -doh...ling with Germany. alarmed ap- POST.--The shipowners of Liverpool, parently at the success and impunity with ..hich the Alabama has destroyed the commerce of the Fede:ale are desirous of preventing other vessels from leaving , our ports for the purpose of taking part in contests in which this country is not engaged. Nearly a twelvemonth ago they presented a memorial to Earl Russell on the subject, and they have very recently addressed themselves in nearly the same terms to the House of Commons. The Liverpool shipowners state in their petition that " they view with dismay the probable future con sequences of a state of affairs which permits a foreign belligerent to construct and send to sea from British ports vessels of war, in contraven tion of the provisions of the existing law." Tney add further, " That the immediate effect of placing at the disposal of that foreign belligerent a very , small number of steam cruisers has been to pt,:ra ly se the mercantile marine of a powerful mari time and naval nation, inflicting within a few months losses, direct and indirect, on its ship-owning and mercantile interests which years of peace may p ro ve inadequate to retrieve." They further state that they cannot suut their eyes to the fact that the precedent thus unhappily established may be turned against ourselves even by the most insigni ficant naval Power with which we may in future happen to be at war. Finally, with the view of putting a stop to these evils, b o th presen t and contingent, they urge upon the Legislature the expediency of rendering the Foreign Enlistment Act more stringent than it now is. Since this recommendation of the Liverpool shipowners was first made to Earl Russell a twelvemonth ago, the trial of the Al exan d r i a has taken place. Toe rem sult of the mu ltif ar i ous procee di ngs in that much litigated case has been to render the constrution of the Foreign Enlistment Act more doubtful than ever. But the controversy as to its true meaning and intent will be speedily revived. Ie the case of the steam rams seized in the Mersey, and in the case of the Rappahannock, the construction of the Act in question will agian afford boundless field for discussion. We sincerely trust that in these cases the questions in dispute will be fairly raised, and definitively settled. It will be a serious re preach to the administration of the law if these, cases "go off"—as the lawyers express it—upon. mere technical points like that of the Alexandra.. In such an event the Liverpool shipowners will_ have excellent ground for contending that the law ought to be amended. At present, those who main tain that the Foreign Enlistment Act is inefficient for the purpose for which it was passed are prema tare in their conclusions. The case of the Alexandra,. was exceptional. We must await in patience the: result of the trials which are now in progress, before, a final opinion can be pronounced upon it. We need not, however, be surprised that the proceedings of the Alabama, and of her sister cruisers, the Florida and the Georgia, are watched by the ship owners of Liverpool both with interest and alarm. The immediate results of the appearance of those formidable vessels upon the high seas have been to, raise most materially the rates of insurance upon Federal vessels, and consequently to diminish the demand for Federal shipping. To avoid the risk of capture a large portion of the carrying trade has, thus been transferred to British bottoms. The escape of the Alabama, in short, has immensely in creased the profits of the Liverpool shipowners. They were never, we believe, in a more prosperous condition than at the present time. But while they are busily reaping the fruits of what they appear to consider our fraudulent neutrality, they tremble for the future. War is no longer considered by the commercial classes as an impossibility. Recent events in Europe, as well as in America, have rudely dispelled Mr. Cobden's dream of universal peace; ; and the shipowners of Liverpool are considering what is to become of their property should we mi -1 happily become involved in war and innumerable; Alabamas issue from neutral ports to prey upon British commerce throughout the world. Suppose that circumstances obliged us to espouse the cause of Denmark against her ruthless enemies, would not the German States hasten to follow the bad ex ample set them by the Confederates, and at which the inefficiency of our law obliges us to connive ? Some petty principality which boasts of a stand ing army of five hundred men, but not of a single foot of sea coast, might fit out cruisers in neutral ports to burn, sink, and destroy the commerce of Great Britain ; and the enormous amount of damage which may be done in a very short time, even by a single vessel, we know from the history of the Alabama. Such are the contingencies which the Liverpool shipowners seek to prevent by inducing the Legislature to take some more effective means than it does at present to preserve our neutrality. No one can find fault with these gentlemen for the views expressed in their petition. Their object is a legitimate one, namely, to protect their trade from interruption in time of war, and their interest is also the interest of the nation. Washington first perceived that it would be impossible in modern times to preserve the neutrality o f States in time of war without some special legislation respecting shipping. He saw that France was preparing to turn the ports of the United States into arsenals for the equipment of her cruisers, and that if such a state of things remained unchecked a renewal of the war with England was inevitable. In spite, there fore, of much obloquy and oppositicm, he induced Congress to adopt a measure prohibitiisfi• the fitting out of armed vessels for the service of belligerent Powers, and posterity will applaud the wisdom as well as the courage of that great man in preferring the permanent interests of his country t o present popularity. We have followed the wissl example of Washington in passing the Foreign Et }listment Act ; and if it can be satisfactorily shown that its provisions are not sufficiently precise and st ringent it ought to be amended. It is for the interest of this country and of all countries that we should hold the balance equally and fairly between belli• gerent States; and if this can only be dor to by a further alteration of the law, the ahipow tiers of Liverpool are justified in making their pre& ant de. mend. Before we arrive at this conclusion,, how er, we must see the result of the cases and sr the Foreign Enlistment Act which still remain to be tried. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL-TUESDAY. There was a small attendance both of town and coun try dealers at market to-day. Wheat met with a slow salt, at prices tending downwards. Flour quite neglected. 0 ats unaltered, and oatmeal slow, 6d cheaper. In Indian corn there was a limited business, at 28d for mixed. Egypti, tn beans steady is price, but very little business was done. SHEFFIELD-TUESDAY. At our market today there was about the usual shos v of wheat, with an inactive business doing at is to 2s rt I duction on last week's rates. Oats scarce, and beans we're in request. Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels...lss Od to 16s Od White 5 f , ... 17s Od to 18s Od New red ~.16s Od to 16s Od New white „ 1, ....17s Od •Lo 18s Oct Beam ) t , , ... lOs Gd to 17 s Od Peas, per qr Grinding barley, per qr 298 Od to 30s 04 Malting ditto, ~ 32s Od to 35s Od Oats 9, l9a Od to 24s LA Flour, Is 4d to is 8d per 14 lb. LEEDS—TUESDAY. Wheat sells slowly, and is decline does not induce buyers to operate. Averat;cs—May 16—Wheat 39s Old per qr. —Barley 32a 7d -- - —Oats - - —Beans 37s 34d —P eas ..31s 2id MARKET HARE() ROUGII-TUESDAy. White wheat, 40s to 445; red, 38s to 40s per 36 stone. Malting barley at 33s to 35s per qr.; grinding, 26s to 28a per 30 st, Oats, old, 23s to 265; naw, 20s to 22s per 30 st. ; beans, 34s to 425, per qr. MELTON MOWBRAY TUESDAY'. The following were the currencies :--New white wheat, 41s Od to 45s Od ; new red, 37s Od to 40s per 36 stone ; beans, 41s to 43s for old ; new sorts, 36s to 39s per 38 st. ; barley, 30s to 34s for malting, and 28s to 30s per qr. for grinding; new oats, 19s to 23s Od per 24 stone; old, 24s to 275. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS D Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton....... May 19. via Marseilles „ .May 13. Lirazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. .. June 5. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. May 29. Cldna, Penang, and Singapore, via Southanipton.May 19. via Marseilles ...May 27. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton. „May 19. vi a Masei .... May 27. India (Bombay), via Southampton .. May 27. via Marseilles May 21. Portugal.... Malta, Egypt, and Men, via Southampton May 19. via Marseilles ...... May 21. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... May 19 by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. May W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe.. June 10.. Bahamas, via New York June 2. Mexico .. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, I may 14. California. and British Columbia. [AsvEunsEKENT.] Holloway's Ointment. -- Painless Cures.—Sores, wounds, ulcerations, and other diseases affecting the skin are amendable by this cooling and healing unguent. it has called forth the loudest praises from per sons who had antlered for years from bad legs, abscesses, and chronic ulcers, after every hope of cure had long passed away. None but those who have experienced the soothing effect of this ointment can form an idea of the comfort it, bestows by restraining inflammation and allaying pain. Whenever this ointment has been once used it has estab lished its own worth, and has again been eagerly sought for as the readiest and safest remedy for all ulcerous complaints. In neuralgia rheumatism, and the gout, the same applica tion, properly used, gives wonderful relief. Births. I-lEtscu.—On Whit-Sunday, at 1, Binfield-road, the was of G. W. Heisch, Esq., of a son. HEDGER.—On the 15th inst., at Shepherd's-bush, Mrs. F; Hedger, of a daughter. VERNON.—On the 15th inst., at 37, Montagu -square, the Hon. Mrs. Gowran Vernon, of a daughter. WILLIAMS.—On the 14th inst., at Ashchurch Parsonage, Gloucestershire, the wife of the Rev. C. N. Williams, of a daughter, Marriages. CRIDLAND—MORRIS.—On the 16th inst., at St. George's• Hanover-square, Henry Cridland, Esq., to Caroline Locke, widow of the late Frederick John Morris, Esq.. Bengal C.S., and only surviving daughter of the late Bonamy Dobree, Eeq., of Broad Sanctuary, Governor of the Bank of England. Hoßsk - oßD—KEnsitA.w.—On the 14th inst., at Saint Andrew's, Holborn, James Horaford, Esq., of Bedford, to Jessy, s t , eond daughter of the late Mr, J. Kershaw, of 13iggleswads, Deaths. AsTELL.—On the 15th inst., at Southwick-crescent, Lon-. don, the late Colonel Richard William Astell, Grenadier Guards, aged 60. BURNETT.—On the 14th inst., at Edinburgh, Captain Burnett, of Monboddo, Kincardineshire. DEWSNA.P.—On the 16th inst., at Grove Hall, Stockwell , Surrey, Thomas Dewsnap, Esq., late of Sheffield, aged SO. DOWNES.—On the IGth inst., at Upper Holloway, John , Downes, M.A., aged 36. OAKES,—On the 16th inst., Charles Henry Oakes, Esq. , youngest son of the late Lieut.-General Sir Henry Oaken, Bart,, aged 53. SAGE the 17th inst., at 10, Northumberland-terrac e Regent's-park, Edward S age , 11q., formerly of Roden Lodge, Essex, aged 67. London: Prin:ed and Prbllehed by WILLIAM ANDRE W S of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at ME Surf Office No• Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, n the CounlY of Middlooex.--weduesday, May 18,1861. I