The Sun. — London, England, 1838-03-15 00:00:00

once to put an end to.--(Cheers.) Then it was said that a solemn compact had been entered into—that might be so, but he could not pay much respect to the obligation of that con,- pact.--( Cheers.) It appeared to him that such a compact was invalid on the ground that it rested on the violation of the rights of humanity, which no man or set of men were en titled to take away.--( Cheers.) Suppose that a compact had been formed by which some individuals, more or less nu merous, were to surrender their lives, would such a compact, he would ask, be obligatory?—( Cheers.) He should think not.—(Cheers.) What, therefore, was the result ? Why, that men who were not entitled to give away their own lives, • were not at liberty to give away the liberty of others.—( Cheers. ) Lord BROUGHAM—The lives and liberties of others. The Rev. DAVID KING—The lives and liberties of others. If the consent of all parties had been obtained to this compact, the thing would have been different. The sanction, however, of all parties, had not been obtained ; it was true the sanction of the planter had been procured, but at a most dear rate. It was true that the sanction of tile British Legis lature had been obtained, but at a very late period ; but the most important sanction of all had not been obtained, namely, that of the slaves themselves.—( Cheers.) The Ministers were now disposed to do something—they were disposed ap parently to do not a little on behalf of the slaves. He would ask on what ground was this to be done ? If the planters had e performed their part as assigned to them by the Act of Eman cipation, would the Ministry have thought of interfering at all, and of enacting new arrangements in relation to that course ? He thought not. Then the interference rested on the supposition that the planter had been unfaithful to their trust —they had broken the conditions embodied in that resolution of Parliament. If so, then he thought that, on the same policy on which her Majesty's Ministers were prepared and disposed to do this much—on that very same footing, they would be esnitled to do much more--(Cheers)—to do all—to break every bond, and let the oppressed go free. (Cheers.) Why trifle with every great and good interest—why constantly mince snatters—why do everything by halves, and therefore do no thing effectually ?—( Cheers.) Why contrive so efficiently in every case to extinguish the national interest—to destroy even good measures by some restriction or qualification, which not only extinguishes ardour, but arouses general opposition? Oh! let them at least have one measure—one great measure, vossessing all the simplicity of truth—all the amplitude of ' • Justice—all the promptitude of mercy ; and if they were only ..to have one such measure, let it be for the emancipation of the slaves—(Great cheering)—and he was much mistaken if this measure would not preserve the remaining popularity of , the Ministry, and probably recover much that had been lost —(Cheers)—if it would not be regarded as one of the great :acts of that charity which kid.ed a multitude of sins.—( Loud ,cheering.) The other ground on which the abolition of apprenticeship was opposed was, that it would expire of itself. He acknowledged that this was an important consi deration, and that when they were so doubtful whether it could be accomplished otherwise, it was a cause of satisfaction that it must come to its termination. But while this was a ground 'of satisfaction, he could not regard it as any excuse of apathy or of neglect. Two years ! what iniquity might not be per petrated—what suffering might not be endured in a single Isour l—and if they extended that through two years, and over a large community, the amount of wrong and the amount of misery might be wholly incalculable.—( Cheers.) He • would ask these objectors if they were prepared to take the personal responsibility of all this injustice and all this suffering ?—( Hear, hear.) If they were and yet stood apart from this proceeding, they must take it—that to forbear is to inflict, the principle of Scripture being, " If thou forbearest to deliver him that is given over to death,—if thou sayest behold I knew it not, doth not he that kreoweth the act sonsider it,—he that keepeth that act doth he not know it, and shall he not render to every man according to his works." Two years Was it thus that the God of all dealt even with his offending creatures.—( Hear, hear. ) laid he, with whom a thousand years was as one day, and one day as a thousand years—did he ever say that a period of two years was of no consequence, and therefore let them ren.ain thus long the slaves of sin, and condemnation, and wretchedness? No. His address to his creatures was that which it became them to adopt, and apply in relation to their :fellow-subjects, " Behold, now is the accepted time—( Cheers) —behold, now is the day of salvation."—( Continued cheers. ) • 'Two years 1 How many of them would expire before that time, and would be in possession of that liberty for which they would not be indebted to the people of this country—in that house " where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest"—(Loud cheers) —and the slave is free 3 from his master.—( Continued cheering.) Two years Would the Ministry take their place, and bear it so long? .No ; and where, then, was the rule—" whatsoever you would that men should do unto you, do even so unto them, for this is the law of the prophets."—( Cheers.) Would the people bear it even in relation to their fellow-countrymen—would they hear of such cruelties perpetrated upon Englismen, or Irishmen, or Scotchmen, and permit it to exist? No. A :single Act of it would rouse in one day a national and irre ressible resistence—(Cheers)—and why then were the West Indies exempted ? why was the wrong to be permitted there that was not tolerated here ? Just becouse uncon sciously to ourselves we were personally and actually che vishing still the spirit of oppression—because they had not :yet learned to call the negro man and to give him the rights sof humanity.—( Loud cheers.) Those who contended that the period was short seemed to be of opinion, that when the consummation was at an end, it would then be of no conse 'pence whether it was reached sooner or later. He appre ' nended this was a great mistake. Wag it not of the very highest consequence, when the slaves were possessed of h ' berty, that they should ever cherish in connection with ,it feelings of deep and unfeigned gratitude to this , 'country for the boon that had been conferred up on them, ' .But would it be so if the people of this country stood by and witnessed these sufferings, and said let the system expire of itself? No. This would undo, in their conviction and feel ' ing, much of what had already been done—it would cause them to view even our past kindness with suspicion, distrust, • and with a gratitude qualified by all these adverse elements. ' __(Hear, hear.) Whereas if having interfered once, they interfered again—if the national voice that cried "No slavery," and slavery expired should lift itself again, aad cry "No apprenticeship," and that apprenticeship like it should cease—then these negroes would ever cherish a gratitude as decided as our friendship had been distinguished.—( Cheers.) But he looked not merely to the ; gratitude of the negroes ; he looked to the moral effect on Europe and on the world. He acknowledged indeed, that apprenticeship was distinguishable from slavery—that a period of two years was not to be compared with undefinably pro longed bondage. • But he contended, that if they put down what was not so very gross in its national character, then the triumph of enlightened benevolence would be more signal and effective, and all the world would see and acknowledge that the British public were not to be deceived by names ; that they were not to be satisfied with palliations ; and that nothing would content them but the unqualified triumph of truth and righteousness. He would observe in a word, and .finally that it became them, irrespective alike of circumstances sand seasons, to promote as they were doing this day, the great cause of liberty—liberty, often hated, never hateful—charge it not with profligacy—true liberty was not licentious—charge it not with purposes of aggran dizement—true liberty was not ambitious—charge it not with a design to overthrow well constituted authority— , liberty was not reckless or revolutionary.—(Great cheer. ing.) True liberty was pure, disinterested, and peaceful— it comprehended in its benevolence, not the negroes only, ttt their masters ; it inflicted injuries on none—benefits upon eati.. Promote the cause of liberty, and they were promoting the cause of humanity ; for every nation that was enslaved was cursed.—(Cheers.) Promote the interests of liberty, and they promoted the interests of religion ; for a summary ,of its blessings was—" The glorious liberty of the children of t,God." Promote the interests of liberty and they were co operating with the Lord of Glory, for He came to " Break the yoke and to set the prisoner free." Promote the interests of liberty and they would anticipate the beatitudes of a better world, where there are no slaves—but all are kings and priests unto God, and where there is nothing that hurteth or de . etroyeth in all God's holy mountain. The Reverend Gentle-, man resumed his scat amidst loud cheering. Mr. J. STURGE rose to support the resolution, but before doing .• so, said it might be interesting to the meeting to be informed that' in consequence of the lamented illness of that steady friend to:, the cause of abolition, Sir E. Wilmot, they were apprehensive; that he would not be able to bring forward his motion for the extinction of negro apprenticeship on the 27th instant, the day for which it was fixed.—( Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, Sir G. Strickland, the Member for that County illustrious for once having been b represented by the illustrious Chairman—(Lou d cheering)—e was sure he need not say that the country did honour to the ro an , and the man to the country. Sir G. Strickland would give notice this evening for a motion on the 29th to that effect in his own Mame, if Sir E. Wilmot should be unable to bring it forward on the 27th ; but if he should be able to do so, Sir G. Strick_ and would then second him. He ( Mr. S.) was desirous that all the friends of the negroes in the House should have an op ' Ptertunity of recording before the world, that they sincerely and honestly are the real friends of the negroes.—( Cheers.) It had been suggested to him to allude to the question of appren ' ticesh;e, as involving all the essential evils of slavery, as man • opprerty in his fello-man• It not only did so, but the Chairmau 4 would bear him t out in . saying that it was the first li me slavery was legalized by law.—( An individual near the speaker intimated to him that be should have said Nob. e eehairnian.) Lord BRotsoitA.m.—No. I wish you could say the contrary. 1 had rather been in the House of Commons.—( Laughter and cheers.) Mr. STURGE then proceeded to state that he had been pre sent when several negroes had been valued. One negro was Naked at 1221 10s., another at 2091., and another at 352/ , :and was remaining in bondage when lie (Mr. S.) saw him.— (Hear, hear.) He was speaking of the currency, which was 12 sterling. He mentioned these facts to remove any doubt • :as to the fact of the apprentices being held as property ; and , "le revolti ng , f eature connected with it was, that not only the physical strength, but the moral qualities of this man, were /a lucd under this system : and he was obliged to give a ' Piece in prop or ti on t o his excellent qualities.—( Hear, hear.) ,He wish e d to re f er to a c i r cumstance which Dr. Beaumont alluded to. He was confident that the Doctor was as einceeely desirous for the immediate and total abolition of the . !tppresiticeship system as he (Mr. S.) was—( Hear, bear)— , , this: subject was taker, u p upon principles of eternal jus : and could admit of no compromise.—( Much cheering.) he Doctor had said that they would take p art b y the p re s e n t Bill, or they could not take the se hole.—( Cries of " No, no.") F II . I ' l3 ( Mr. S.) own part, he coul d not believe t h at this Bill could be patched up to be in any way satisfactory, and - t hatthe object of any patching up of the subject w as merely to lull the kindly sympathies of the People, wh ereas t h e on l y h o pe of the friends of this cause was • 111 the sousing of the voice o f the public ; and happy he was to find that it was now so universally lifted up.--( Cheers.) 11 they could not get rid of the apprenticeship clause, the Bill now before the House v., mild be a complete mockery to the poet negro, and an insult to the people of England.—( Cheers. ) The Noble Chairman had taken into the House the night before last about 150 petitions, which on that occasion he had refrained from presenting, and it was reported that he had stated the petitions did not go against the principle of the Bill, but he was perfectly satisfied that no one could be more anxious than the Noble Lord for the abolition of the Appren- ticeship system. Lord BROUGHAM said that that was a very easy mistake for any one to fall into who had not had the opportunity of dis tinctly hearing him. There were about 200 of the petitions, and he said he should present them to-night. lie could not have said they were against the Bill, because they went upon quite a different ground—they went upon the real high ground of a total emancipation.—(Much cheering.) They passed over the Bill with silence, and he might say contempt.--( Re newed cheering.) The Bill before the 'louse was merely a string of palliatives.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. STURGE said that as he had used strong language in reference to this Bill, he must be . allowed to recur to the former Bill. One of the friends of the cause, whose state of health unfortunately prevented his attendance to-day— Zachariah Macauley—had said, " Don't be uneasy about this appren- ticeship system, became they went be able to work it for six months." He (Mr. S.) had seen a physician, from the West Indies, who told him _ _ _ • :hat it could not have been worked fur an hour, but that they had broken the law to work it.—{Hear, hear.) They could not be forgetful of the twenty millions which had been paid in hard cash, nor of. the one hundred and fifty magistrates, who had been sent out at an enormous expense to work the system, nor of the ships and soldiers that were kept there to enforce the law. He had been told that the free. blacks, or the Hayti blacks were idle people, He had gone to a broker, and got a sample of Hayti Coffee, at 425. per cwt. at the very time of which we were paying to the people to whom we gave the twenty millions, 955. for such Coffee.—(Hear.) He had had a conversation with the Marquis of Sligo, who, though a West Indian planter, had honestly endeavoured to carry the Act into effect whilst he was there; bet feeling that he could not detail that pri vate conversation, he had written to the Noble Marquis, and had re. ceived a note from him, the contents of which he should communicate to the meeting. The Noble Marquis stated that he had sent home a report of thirty cases of females flogged, the particulars of which would be seen in the House of Lords' Paper, '232. It was proved, in more instances than one, that those floggings were by the order of Mr. Charles Gordon, a magistrate, who the Noble Marquis would not allow afterwards to qualify for the office of magistrate, but that he had since become a magistrate; and that he, the Noble Marquis had mentioned the circumstance at the Colonial office, and whether Mr. Gordon's name had been struck out or not, he did not know, All this he (Mr. S.) was at liberty to communicate to the meet. ing. When he was in Jamaica in February last year, he had visited among the workhouses the workhouse of St. Ann's, and upon looking at the Magistrates visiting book, he found that the last visit of the Magis trates had been in the October before, and that during the whole of those four months, all the horrors which had been described in 'Williams' pamphlet, which had before been alluded to, had been going forward. He had himself seen the stipendiary Magistrate intoxicated in the streets, and the whips were in the hands of the condemned convicts, who flogged the cases in the workhouses just as they pleased.—(Cries of " Shame, shame," from all parts of the meeting.) The boy Williams, was the young man whom he had brought over himself, and convinced of the truth of the statement which he had made in England, as he (Mr. S.) was under examination before a Committee of the House of Com -- If that was the case it was the worse for the Government, as it showed they were deluding the people of England.—( Cheers.) If the friends of 'he negro found the system worked badly—if the negroes themselves were equally convinced on that point—if their best friends were con vinced that it was slavery under another name, then they were en. titled to call for a repeal of that clause of the Act.—(Loud cheers_) He said, let it be on the Ist of August, 1838, if not before. And why ? Ist, Because it was the negroes right, and it would be far easier to effect the entire extinction of the negroes in all the Colonies, than to carry out the provisions of the Bill before Parliament, or even to make the at. tempt to brieg that Bill into operation.—(Hear.) He knew not what amount of industry, or money, or number of agents it would require, in order that the provisions of that Bill might be even applied ; but this he knew, it wanted no money, it wanted no men, not even a statesman as an honest man and a Christian, to bring forward a measure that should break the yoke on the first of August, 1838.—(Hear, hear.) They wanted no extra troops—they could do without them in Antigua, and instead of being defended there by British bayonets, there was a proposition to bring home the British troops, and to leave that island to be defended by the valour, by the loyalty, by the gratitude, and the piety of emancipated negroes. They asked it on that day, because on that day the non-Priedials would go out, or some of them would go out, .hey asked it, because many of them had been deprived of their free. dom. Would Lord Glenelg revive the classifications ? He wondered how his Lordship meant to effect it. Had he ever heard the story of belling the cat?—(Laughter.) Their Noble Chairman knew, that in some of the islands there were no classification lists to be revised.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It would be impossible for Lord Glenelg with all his industry—with all his wakefulness—(Laughter)— .t would be impossible for Lord Glenelg—lynx-eyed though he might be to discover who were the negroes that, on the 31st of August, 1834, belonged to the prmdial class and the non-prmdial class. — (Cheering.) What a sinful mockery it was, that on the Ist of August, 1838, some should go out from the mere fact that they had been domestics —simply oecause they had known nothing of the rigours of the ease-piece —be cause they had not been scorched and blistered under the rays of a vertical sun in the open air—because it had been the lot of some of them to cleats houses, some of them to dress their mistresses, and some of them to watch the changing countenances of their masters. Why should they go out because of these things ? Were they mole educated? They were less educated. Were they more moral ? They were less moral. The negroes would tell them that of the two classes the field negroes—the agricultural peasantry—were more prepared for freedom than the domestics. The domestic lived in the cities, and were contaminated; but the poor negro who toiled in the field all day retired at night to his hut, and was glad to avail himself of the Sabbath day, for the purpose of seeking in the sanctuary, either in that hal lowed face, which, belonging to the establishment of this country, was open to him, and where he heard every Sunday those beautiful words put up beibre God—" That It may please Him to take pity on all psi. soners and captives"—(Cheers)—or he proceeded to the more modest, but not less holy nor beneficial sanctuary of the sectarian, the I)is_ senter, the Wesleyan, with all his energy, and fervour, and faith—or the Moravian, with all his unostentatious labour, and sacrifice, and toil—or to the many of the other asylums for the spiritual enslaved, where he was promoted from rags on earth to robes in heaven—from a tattered parchment of earthly freedom here, to an unperishable title to rest and liberty hereafter—from the frown of a tyrant on earth, to the smile of a father in heaven—and from all that was wretched, vile. demoralizing, and afflictive on earth, to all that was just, and pure, and beatific, in those regions of bliss, where the slave would be—even as Isis master.—(Loud cheering.) Why should the non-prwdial go out, and the prxdial remain in ? He asked again, had they not purchased that liberty ?—(Cheers.) Was there no danger of delay ? He would contend that the negro had been injured principally for this reason, that he was the mild, the docile, the gentle, and the forbearing being that my Lord Glenelg had at last admitted him to be. If not, the air would have wrestled with spears; or if he could not have got spears, the very instruments with which lie cut the fruit of his in dustry on his mountain ground, would have served him to wreak on the head of his tyrant that vengeance which in any bosom would have been engendered by the dreadful miseries he was called on to endure—was there no danger now that the negro was becoming en lightened and fully aware of the intentions of the people of England ? fhe negro, had been taught to look from the tyrant master and the pliant manufacturer—from the Custus and the Assembly—from the Go vernor, and even from the Cabinet and Parliament, to the humanity, generosity, friendship, and Christian zeal of the British people. When they found that they were kept in bondage two years longer in despite of their payments and their prayers, they might do that for which men had been lauded and immortalised in all ages. — (Cheers.) They might learn the lesson that had been taught them all over Europe, and which had been successfully practised on the shores of the United States of America; and they might say, "if Lord Glenelg thinks we have a right to freedom—that we are fit Mr liberty—if he knows that we can work for wages and do so, I think we ought to take him at hls word, and we will be free, and throw the onus probandi on him of proving that we are not tit for freedom."—(Vehement cheering.) They now asked that the negro might go out in 1838, and they asked it with a full knowledge of the feelings of the people of that country. He was sorry that the Mi nister of the day had been, so far as his acts declared his knowledge, guided by so exceedingly limited an acquaintance with the feeling out of doors.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the present Ministers were somewhat at sea upon the question—they were reckoning without their host—they were taking too much for granted, and they were stretch ing a little too far in estimating the gullibility and plausibility of the people of that country.—(Much cheering.) Once robbed, it was likely that a man would be cautious for the future, and he did believe that that Bill would be scouted, as he thought it ought to be, from one end of the kingdom to the other.—(Cheers.) When he said scouted, let him not be understood as meaning that it should be so treated when it became the law of the land : but he believed it never would be carried.—(Cheers.) He honestly believed that it would not answer the purpose; but if even everything it promised could be per fected, it would not perform what truth and justice demanded.—(Ap plause.) The negroes being prepared for freedom, it was for that meet ing to do its duty—let them by those peaeeful but determined energies they possessed, by putting them forth wisely and prudently, see if they could not get what they wanted. Let them do itquickly_let them not de lay. He believed the country was with them, and he spoke from actual observations.—(Hear, hear.) He knew that the religion of that land was on their side.—(Cheers.) He knew that the moral feeling of the land was on their side.—(Renewed sheers.) He knew that the genius of Great Britain at large was on their side ; he knew that from the starving peasant, who treads the quivering bog of Ireland—from the Scottish peasant free, robust and happy in his own mountain glens, worshipping his God, where his fathers fought and bled and died for freedom—from the miner of Cornwall and the collier of Newcastle, and the weaver of Huddersfield and Bradford to the pea sant of Sussex and Devonshire—from every quarter, including the people of that vast metropolis who had poured cut in thousands both yesterday and to-day, filling the vast area of that building, and sending hundreds away disappointed, that all were with them,—(Loud and protracted cheering.) He had said that he knew the genius of the land was with them, and nothing but a determination of the Government and Parliament to make that Bill the law of the land, would be able to carry it into actual accomplishment and working. H e would repeat, then, it remained for them to do their duty. They had appealed to both Houses of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) They had poured in their petitions almost without number, and no one knew that better than the Noble Lord who presided.—(Much cheering.) a td Ladies r f o t n h s e o l f a n o d r h e a . d t a ß p r p i r t o a i 7 l, h 6 e d 3o h , e o r oo Majesty g e s t Q r o u n e g e M in e and he e s was sure they would admit, and stronger in purpose and moral power (Much cheeringl—had approached the presence of their gracious and youthful Queen, nor would, he believed that appeal from woman to woman on behalf of woman, be in vain.—(Loud cheers.) Where the ladies had led the way they might safely follow, and if the ladies had been up to the Throne there was no reason why the gentlemen should not go up to the Throne also—(Loud cheers)—and that brought him to speak of the resolution he held in his hand, and on which he should say but one word. It was with reference to the appointmedt by that meeting of a deputation to present an Address to her Majesty the Queen, praying her Majesty to bestow a prompt and gracious consideration on the condition of her negro subjects, and to exercise her Royal prerogative in favour of a measure of complete emancipation on the Ist of August, 1838.—(Much cheering.) H e perceived that they agreed to the measure, and he knew that they liked the men who were appointed to carry the measure into execu. tion.—(Hear, hear.) He knew they would have no serious objection to Lord Brougham. (The meeting here responded with three distinct rounds of applause, and the Noble and Learned Lord took off his hat and bowed repeatedly.)___ He repeated that they would entertain no serious objections to the resolutions in which the Learned and Noble Lord was respectfully and earnestly requested to marshal the deputation into the presence of Royalty.—(Renewed cheering.) Neither would they object, after Lord Brougham, that Captain Harward, R.N., who, with distinguished ability and impartiality, presided over all the sittings of the delegates in November last, should be the second.—(Cheers.) The third gentle man was one who was equally entitled to their esteem, their gratitude and their confidence, whose name had become a synonynae for all that was lofty in principle and generous in feeling, and upright in conduct—he meant Joseph Sturge of Birmingham—(Loud cheers) — and lastly, a gentleman who was not unknown to their Noble Chairman, who had stood forward through years past, and even lately before thousands in the Cloth-hall of Leeds, than which there was not a town or city in the empire more attached to the cause of the injured negro—with equal alacrity they would say, that the Rev. T. Scales of Leeds should be the fourth person named.—(Cheers.) He had done, except that he congratulated the meeting, that he congratu lated the country, and that he congratulated the bleeding and festered slaves throughout the world upon the appearance of the Noble Lord there on the two days that had passed, but especially when he recol lected that when that country was comparatively supine, when they looked around to the House of Commons, and to the House of Lords with something like a feeling of despon dency, doubting whether there were any, either willing, or being willing having strength t nough for the task, or having the strength the mons, he had sent a copy of the statement to every Member of the Committee, and he was happy to find that the Government had now directed an inquiry into the subject. Williams stated in his pamphlet that all the women not able to dance were flogged most dreadfully, particularly all the women from Hayti field. There were twenty-one women to one man, and there were only three of the twenty-one women able to work in the fields, as all the rest were in the hospital from the effects of the whip and the mill.—(Cries of "Shame, shame.") Now there was nothing for which the people of this country were more anxious than that women should not be flogged. There was nothing which they so positively insisted upon obtaining for their money as its abolition.—(Hear, hear.) But they had heard Williams's statement, and that statement had been confirmed in ex press terms by the Report of the Commissioners, who said that it had received few and unimportant contradictions, but that all its material allegations were supported by a chain of unbroken an convincing tea. timony.—(Hear, hear.) The Rev. Gentleman then read several extracts upon letters recently received from Jamaica, to show that the opinion very generally prevailed in that island that much danger was to be apprehended if the negroes were not fully emancipated by the let of August, 1838. No violence was to be apprehended from the Christian negroes, but much was to be feared from the disappointment of those who were not restrained by Christian principles. He asked the meeting would the people of England allow this country to be held up as a laughing stock to the world, and their sable brethren to be cheated of their liberty ? It was a noble act of the British people to wash their hands of the blood of their brethren.—(Hear, hear) Would they now allow the great experiment to be marred by those who were paupers on their bounty, and who had violated all the provisions of the Emancipation Act, which if it had been based on the principles of jus tice upon which it was demanded, would have put an end before now to that accursed system which had desolated fur ages some of the finest portions of the habitable globe. Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON (who was announced by the Secretary as a distinguished anti-slavery advocate, and one who had laboured in the cause in very great suffering and peril) said it was highly important that they should undestand very distinctly the ground on which they were assembled within those walls. The impression should not go abroad that they were there to discuss details, but to enunciate and reiterate principles.—(Hear, hear.) It will be necessary to show the injustice of the Bill now before the House, of which the Noble and Learned Lord'in the chair was so pre-eminent and distinguished an ornament. It might be necessary to save this great empire from delusion, and from once more placing its head in the lap of expediency, and being shorn of its strength—otherwise they would not condescend to look at the Bill at all—they would throw it overboard—they would leave it to be carried into effect by those who begot the measure.—(Hear, hear.) He feared that the rock upon which they were in danger of splitting, was their being hoodwinked as to the real character of the measure now before Parliament. He did not know how to comprehend the temerity of those who, after a whole nation had been praying for liberty, and after that liberty had been purchased, after an Act of Parliament had been passed, settling the contract price to be paid, and the value to be received—after that Act had been brought into operation and had signally failed, he could not compre hend how the same parties came before the public again, after they had shown their impotence, and ask to be again entrusted with the charge. The prayer of the United Kingdom was for freedom, immediate, en tire, unconditional, and universal.—(Cheers.) The promise of the Minister was to that effect. Lord Stanley declared he purposed that from the day when this Act should come into operation, the ne groes should be placed in a condition to enjoy all the rights and pri vileges of freemen, with this restriction only, that for a certain number of hours each day he should be called upon, under a oon tract, to labonr for his former owner, now his employer only.— (Cheers.) The Act itself guaranteed that from and artier the Ist of August, 1834, all the negroes in the British colonies should be dis charged from all manner of slavery, and should be absolutely and fur ever free.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheering.) Now after the working of the system had been exposed—after the friends of the negro had brought forward witnesses, many, and veracious, to bear testimony on the subject—after the Government had been compelled to admit everything that had been alleged and more than had been alleged, as to the system, were the negroes again to be mocked, and the principles of this holy cause compromised, by consenting to a measure which proposed no more than had been ori ginally proposed, and which was to be committed for execution (to a very great extent) to the very parties who had combined most systemati cally and energetically to frustrate the intentions of the former Act. " We scorn that Bill," continued Mr. Thompson. "it is not the na tion's Bill."—(Loud cheers.) We are told the Negro has a right to freedom. Lord Glenelg says so—a Minister of the Crown—a cautious man—a reluctant, and therefore more valuable witness. —(Laughter, and Hear, hear.) Why, then, my Lord Glenelg, do you not set him at iberty ?—(Loud cheering.) Is he unfit for freedom ? Would he abuse his liberty ? Would he run riot, and his first acts be those of spoilation ? Nothing of the sort. My Lord Glenelg says the negro is docile, forbearing, industrious, grateful, and pious— why, then, my Lord Glenelg, why not set him at liberty ?—(Loud cheer ing.) You acknowledge he is docile—more than his master is —(Loud cheers)—grateful—again he is superior to his master—to 20,000,0001. relieved, and nothing given, to wit—(Loud cheers) —pious—which you cannot say of most of his masters ; witness smoking chapels, and the ashes of the immolated Smith—(Hear, hear, hear)—the advocate of whose cause and character is before you—(This allu sion to Lord Brougham was followed by tremendous cheers.) Oh ! my Lord, it is well to do a noble act—it is but justice to receive a nation's gratitude.—(Renewed cheering.) Why then, my Lord Glenelg, why not set the negro at liberty?—(Loud cheers.) Dare you withhold it? — (Tremendous cheers.) The negro is willing to work for wages ; he is, you admit, qualified for freedom ; why not set him at liberty ? (Loud and continued cheering.) Does not a people whose hearts are throbbing through every pulse on behalf of the negro, encourage you, may constrain you to do it.—(Great cheering.) Do not the 750,000 themselves appeal to you from their chains and blood to do it?—(Renewed cheering.) Do not considerations of palipical economy urge you to do it ? See you not that it is the wisest emitse ? See you not that it is the safest course ? See you not it is the cheapest course ? See you not it is the path of honour—the path of glory—the path of immortality ? Sec you not it is the path straight to a people's hearts—deep to their confidence ? See you not it is the way to gather tee those suffrages which used to-day to abolish slavery, may to-morrow be employed in a work equally noble and benevolent.—(Loud cheering.) Why then it might be asked, do you not, my Lord Glenelg, set the negro at liberty ? His Lordship pauses, retires from the table, goes back to his seat, advances, folds his arms.—(Laughter.) At last he says—Tile interest of the Planters must be consulted.—(Cheers.) He challenged the multitude before him to produce any other argument for the course that had been adopted on the present question in the House of Lords on behalf of the postponement of that great measure. of justice and mercy. The interest of the planter, said my Lord Glenelg, many of whom adorned the House of Lords—(Cheers)—he (Mr. Thompson) thought they did not adorn upon this subject—(Con. tinued cheering.) He liked not to see men with reverend on their brow, and lawn on their sleeves, stand forward as the assertors of the right of property in their fellow-men.—(Cheers.) The interest of the planter must be consulted, said the Duke of Wellington.—(Cheers.) Had not their interest been consulted from time immemorial ? (Cheers.) Were not their interests consulted when they first got grants of land, and when they obtained their charters ? Was not their interest consulted when the best and proudest of British blood was sent to those islands to protect them.—(Cheers.) Were not their interests consulted when the country consented to give them twenty millions of money, when they consented to give the wrong doer so large a sum.—(Cheers.) The planter had been given that large sum, and not a penny had been given to the poor negro. The planter had been made suddenly rich, but n o t a pound had been given for the relief of the diseased, th e sick, or the distressed wi dow.— (Cheers.) Why, he would as k , under such circumstances, were the claims for mercy and the demands for justice to be set at nought because of the interests of the planters.—(Cheers ) Such a course was an insult to the nation, and would it after th a t t a k e th e Bill ? (Cries of " No, no!" one gentle men stating " You can't help it.") They stood there to assert their former principles, and therefore they could not take the Bill.—(Cheers.) A gentleman in the meeting had said they could not help taking it ; he 'begged to differ with him—(Cheers)—and he would fearlessly assert that the people of England would not take that Bill. — (Cheers.) It would be the Bill of Lord Glenelg and a majority of the House of Lords—it would be the Bill of Sir G. Grey and a majority of the glale l . — (Great cheering,) Would that Bill put ollfotuhsee opleoCpollenmofonEs,nif he could get O n e —b ut i t wou ld min t be the Bill down organization ? Nothing of the kind.—(Cheers.) Were the people of England to be gagged by such a Bill? Nothing of the kind. — (Cheers.) 'File people of England, the real lovers of their country, would continue to oppose that which was diametrically opposite to the rights of mankind everywhere, ate! at variance with the constitution of the land in which they lived.—(Cheers.) What was it that was asked ? The freedom of the negro. That freedom was the property of the people of Great Britain.—(Cheers.) They had paid the ransom -money. —(Cheers ) Th e planter was therefore out of court—(Cheers) — h e That money had been given for — tn ( t C on e t e h rs C ) principle that that freedom should the had f n r e r d i o g i h n t o t f () not be delayed, while at home they were discussing the interests of the t b h e e h n e c a g r i t planter.—(Cheers ) There had, perhaps, been a consideration that the twelve years which had been first named, and the six years which had been subsequently determined on,_ should go to the planter.—(Cheers.) tune—he congratulated that great meeting, the country, and the world, on the appearance, foremost and mightiest in that cause, of the Noble and Learned Lord, who now presided.—(Loud cheers.) Ills Lordship had there a sample of the whole country. As he had been received there that day and yesterday, so would he be received in every part of the country. His Lordship's speeches upon the subject had enlightened districts which hitherto had been in darkness. His Lordship's magnificent and matchless speeches in the House of Lords.—(L oud cheers, for some moments.) Those speeches had been sent forth to en courage the hearts of the friends of the negroes, and to strike terror into the hearts of those who put their feet upon the necks of their fellow men. His Lordship had done well ; and might He, who alone could cause the success of any efforts, enable his Lordship to bring his labours to a peace ful, speedy, and happy termination!—(Cries of Hear, hear, hear.) Il i ' Lordship had the hearts of the country with him, and he would have the hearts of their children's children if his constancy remained unshaken, and by the blessing of the Lord, he was enabled to go through with the good work, and bring it to a final conclusion.—(Cheers.) 'lf it was fated that he should die soon, he had earned for himself a title to be named amongst those few imperishable names that were born neve r to die.—(Cheers.) He moved the resolution with pleasure, an d he called upon all present to stand fast by their principles, which w ere those of truth and justice. He believed, that at present the condition of the negro was as bad as it had ever been, and in many respects worse, b ut they wero to remember that it was when the day was darkest—when " the heart wa sadest—when the straw was taken from the people—it w' then that abright light s hone, a nd God was seen looking out from heaven , and striking down the tyrant of Egypt, and made him let th e captive go free. The s a me God lived now to be invoked; his pow er was unfailing, and he is Omnipotence; to hint let us present o ur prayers, that he may bring about the happy day when the !legit; shall be free.—( Loud cheers.) 'JOSEPH PEASE, Esq. M.P., rose with the greatest pleasure to sec ond the motion, approving, as he did, most highly, of every effort which was made, from the lowest of our fellow subjects to the Princess upon the throne. that they were determined and rasolute to remove the foul blot of Slavery from our country's name. He had yesterday met with a most agreeable disappointment — he was but a few moments behind the time appointed for the as semblifig of the meeting, yet he found it impossible to make his way through the crowded entrances to the Hall. He fe lt that no credit was due to him for his attendance On that meeting, for it was as much as his situation, as representative for the county of Durham, was worth had he shown any reluctance to assist all in his power on a question like the present.—(Ch eers and laughter.) Ile knew that Mr. Thomson, the eloquent and active friend of the negro, had been in that county, whew he had not contented himself with holding public meetings, but he went from house to house, where by his energy and his pleading he had prevailed over many, and had succeeded in arousing their attention to the sufferings of the negro population.—(Cheers.) He was glad, and was proud of the honour of belonging to that county, for in it there had always been found a portion of those who had assisted the Clarksons and the Granvilles in keeping the subject of THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 15. 1838 negro slavery constantly alive in the minds of the people. He had never had the opportunity of presenting petitions so nume rously signed on any subject from his own country, as he had had on this.—(Hear.) He was happy also to be able to state that the petitions he had presented did not recognise the Bill before the House. They recognised only the unalterable principle which had been so manfully advocated this day.--(Cheers.) So far as he was able to pledge himself he was prepared to say that Bill could not be accepted, inasmuch as they had a right to do what they were pre pared to do, namely, to demand that this year the apprenticeship system should tenninate.—(Much cheering.) He was surprised last year on hearing a Member for the County in which they now were, say, Members would be much better engaged in bringing this matter be fore the House of Commons, than in meeting large bodies of the people, to speak against the Planters. He had no confidence in that House, unpropelled by the people.--(Much cheering.) Their mighty energies must be exerted, their feelings must be conveyed, their virtues, if possible, must be transported into that House, before the effects they anticipated could be realized. He could make many apologies for the persons engaged in Parliament. He craved apology for himself The multitude of matters there, and the round of engagements they had prevented them from entering into those views which others might pon der over with their children, at their firesides—(Cries of " No, no")—but the principles of eternal justice remained the same—(Loud cries of Hear, hear, hear)—nay, commerce, morality, and all that is holy, joined in the imperative call.—(Cheers.) He had great pleasure in seconding the motion that the meeting should approach the throne of our Sovereign and urge upon her that her mighty influence should be exerted with theirs in accomplishing the great object in which they were so nobly, so laudably, and he trusted, so successfully engaged in.— (Cheers.) The Noble CUAIRNIAN then put it to the meeting that a resolution agreeing to an address to this effect should be presented to her Ma jesty, and that Lord Brougham and three others should be respectfully requested to present it. The resolution was agreed to unanimously. The Rev. Mr. Scales then read the terms of the address to the meeting. The Rev. W. BEVAN, of Liverpool, in rising to move the next reso lution, wished to address himself to one part of the question, which had struck him forcibly. It was said they were not justified in going to her Majesty with petitions or memorials on the subject, because they were asking fir !hat which was a breach of a solemn compact.—(Hear.) It was not for him to inquire into the details of that compact—bad, base, iniquitous as they had been, and unjust and oppressive as their operation had been. It would be his object briefly to show that every charge alleged against the abolitionists, for the course they had determined to adopt, was a charge lying at the door of the colonists themselves, by the admissions of Lord Glenelg. It was not the abolitionists who had broken the contract, but the colonists, as was demonstrated by the Parliamentary evidences, for Lord Glenelg said it was admitted on all sides that it had been broken. Passing by the inunence mass of evidence which had been brought before this meet ing by the illustrious advocate of the cause of the negro in the land where freedom seemed to hare played the harlot with slavery, and where it endangered a man's life to speak en the subject—(Great cheer ing)—dismissing this, he would come to the point which Lord Glenelg had admitted that the contract had been broken by those who are the parties with the British nation to its completion—what was the plea on which this contract was asked for, and on which it was entered into ? Was it that the planters might be benefited? The preamble of the Act distinctly declared that it was for the benefit of the negro, and for the specific object of preparing him for a state of freedom.—(Hear, hear.) Now, how was the contract discharged that devolved upon one of the contracting parties by giving up the principle of slavery under another name ; arid if that principle be bad, inconsistent with the Constitution of Britain, and yet more an outrage upon the laws of God, it was worse in its aspect when it came to us under a false guise, and retained its evil essence under the modified and delusive name of apprenticeship.—(Cheers.) But this was the prin ciple, slavery was to be continued for the first time as had been said by the Noble Chairman—continued for six years, in order, that by the con _ iinuance of slavery, the negro might be prepared for freedom. The con tract bad in its principle, was suffered to come into operation, but bad as it was it was made worse in its operation, and those few principles which seemed to be excellent, had been neglected and trampled under foot. This had produced the practical evils of which so much complaint had been made.—(Hear, hoar, and Cheers.) Lord Glenelg had said he would remedy those practical evils, but by the measure he had proposed Lord Glenelg himself would violate the compact. So that if the charge of violation was made against the abolitionists it might be made with equal force against Lord Glenelghimself.—(Cheers.) Then, in another clause of the Act, he found that if it should be proved to the satisfaction of the Governor, that cruelty had been endured under the operation of the apprenticeship system, the Governor should be warranted in declaring absolutely, at once and for ever, the sufferer free. —(Hear.) Now, if that were made retrospective, it would include the majority of all the apprentices, and if the measure were honestly car ried into operation, it would partly effect what the abolitionists de manded. It was also determined that the prerogative of the Co. lonial Assembly should be interfered with—Governors should have a discretionary power, with which they should have nothing to do, for carrying the amended Act into effect. Now, if that Bill was intended to be carried into effect with sincerity, what objection was there to grant at once, in a direct manner, all that the meeting required ? The SECRETARY here stated, that as there were so many disappointed yesterday in hearing the Noble Lord in the Chair, he (Lord B.) had been requested to address the meeting before he retired, and his Lord ship would do so after the next resolution.—(Applause.) The Rev. J. Sirestmax said he would trespass but a few moments on the patience of the meeting, as in the Resolution which he had to pro pose, he would have all the good feelings of the meeting on his side. 'rho Resolution was, " that this meeting in presenting thanks to the Noble and Learned Chairman, for his kindness in taking the Chair, and the ability with which he has pre sided on this occasion, cannot forget his energetic services last ma l s i t i e c r h l y s e o . pmosuucrhe of o f t h h e i s s a p v u e b l li r c a d e l a e n h d a t s h e beets u d i e t ..- oivtusostettiatiti:tenemdapuhtsties: to w revivethat trade in connexion with some of our colonies, and as this meeting is convinced that the extinction of slavery itself is the only means of putting down the Slave Trade, they respectfully, but earnesly call upon the Noble Lord, and all their friends in Parliament, to use their utmost exertions for the extinction of slavery, in whatever modification it may exist." Before he (Mr. S.) re tired, having moved that resolution, lie begged particularly to direct the attention of the meeting to his Lordship's exertions respecting the Coolies of India.—(Cheering.) They thought this was more important than the public seemed to be aware, for he was convinced that the ob ject of it was to revive slavery in a new form.—(Hear.) Rev. Dr. HEUGLI seconded the resolution. A person at the further end of the Hall rose and uttered some words which were inaudible where we sat. Lord BROUGHAM, addressing the individual, said, You must come of by two of them but approved of by all the rest of them. Those men were no longer in the Government in 1836,50 that none remained but those who formerly approved of it—and it was as effectual a Bill to prevent non residence and pluralities in our Church—two great abuses in our Church—(Loud cries of" Hear, hear")—it was as effectual as the Bill I shall present after Easter to the House of Lords for abolishing Negro Apprenticeship on the Ist of August, 183S—(Loud eheers)— which will be an effectual method, and they substituted for toy Bill— when I was out of town, in bad health—they substituted their Plu ralities and Non-residence Bill, which was just as ineffectual, and could do as little good, as their present Bill is, for touching Negro apprenticeship.—(Cries of" Hear, hear.") Nevertheless when I had by the blessing of Providence, recovered my health—(Cheers) — and regained my strength, I was informed the Government was in so dangerous a situation, so perilous, and so near being overturned with a hostile Court, and hostile House of Lords, and a bare scanty majority in the House of Commons, that if I came up to town, which I projected doing, and stated my general support of them, but adde3 the impossibility of my supporting them on those Church mea sures, which they had taken from the Episcopalian Church Commission, and which were not mine—that if I had done that I was assured it would put an end to the Government —(Laughter and cheers) —and therefore, instead of being as usual—(Laughter) — unjust to the Government, I purposely absented myself during the re sidue of that session, that I might not overturn them. Last Session my usual course was taken—l supported them whenever I could.—(Hear.) I opposed them on one measure, and upon none other, namely, their abominable resolutions to coerce the people of Canada.—(Loud cheers.) I warned them that that would lead to rebellion. I showed them how differently they treated Ireland, because Ireland sent over 60 votes to support them, and Canada sent over —no, not one, Great cheering and laughter.) I entered on the Journals of the House my protest, denouncing the measure, with the reasons; and I have since been told, when my prophecy was fulfilled, and rebellion took place —1 have been told by the Government supporters—the very injudicious and truth-despising Government supporters out of doors—none dared to say so in my presence.—(Cheers.) I was told that I belonged to that class of what they called— " Juggling fiends who never spoke before. And cried, I warned you when the event was o'er." —(Hear.) When I had spoken an hour and a half, and entered two pages of protest on the journals, to warn them just twelve calendar months before.—(Great cheering.) As usual;—(Great laughter)-1 was found equally just this Session—l never opposed them till they brought on their Canada Bill to suspend the Constitution, and to send over a very worthy and Noble Friend of mine who used to be a great Reformer and friend of liberty, and to whom it must be vet y painful to go over as a dictator, with a Coercion Bill in his right hand.—(Hear.) I was to stand by, I suppose, and see the negro apprenticeship endure for twelve months longer, and I was to see them continuing the abomi nable African Slave Trade by another name; and under an order in Council.—(Cheers.) My defence of my conduct is, that instead of being unjust I was as just as it was possible for a person to be, and that if I had taken any other course, I should have been unjust to my country and to the poor African Negroes—to the poor Negroes in the West Indies—and, above all, unjust to my own character.—(Hear.) Now then, let us understand cads other. I will never support any set of men because they find it convenient to call themselves a Liberal Mi nistry, and do not do one liberal act. They are only returning now to what they were before. Some of them, at least two or three of them, were Anti-Reformers, all their lives up to 1831. They then found it convenient and necessary all at once to turn round and some of them became almost Radical Reformers. I continued and consorted with them up to the Nov. of 1837, until that day, when they declared the Reform Bill, one certainly in which I had some share in concocting, until they declared that the Bill was a perfect measure, and that they did not intend to alter it in future. I differed with them then, and being by nature of a frank difposition, I stated so in,,l believe, a calm, tempeyate, yet firm, but certainly inoffensive manner. It was them that changed, not me. Now, as to slavery and the slave-trade. They greatly decive themselves if they believe that charges of injustice will have any effect upon my conduct, or ruffle my mind for the twen- tieth part of a second.—(Loud cheers.) I know what a state they have got themselves into by their infatuated conduct.—(Loud and continued laughter.) I know they have chosen to break with the friends of emancipation tgroughout the whole empire. I know they have chosen to give up the constant and most important sup port of the Dissenters—their best friends—(Loud cheers)—and I very much suspect they will not find the support of the Established Church will atone to them for the loss of support of the great body of the Dissenters.—)Loud cheers.) That body who had done so much for sound policy, those men who had conferred such vast benefits on the rising generation should have been so suddenly thrown off by the Government. That men should have so suddenly become intoxicated by the favour of a Court during a continuance only of a few months, really astonishes me; but their conduct during those few months, especially during the present session, proves that they are in the state I have described. To my mind it appears but little short of monomaninaism.—(Loud cheers.) But are we to give up our principles because it pleases the Government to shut their eyes to them ?—(Loud cries of " No, no.") No, we will not; and we will make our voices heard, and the Government as well as the country shall know that we are determined that the fetters of the slave shall be struck off.—(lmmense cheering.) Mr. O'Connell told you yester day that he was a practical man, I venture to enrol myself amongst among practical men, and knowing that there are many men of the Lower House present, I have to make one observation to them, because it goes to the vote, and the successful vote I hope, on the mo. tion to be brought forward by Sir G. Strickland. Nothing I ever heard gave me such heartfelt satisfaction as when I found my worthy friend Sir Geo. Strickland was going to bring forward this motion in the House of Commons. He has been a friend of mine for more than 40 years—man and boy throughout life almost lie has been my most intimate friend He canvassed with me when that greatest honour of my life was con ferred upon me—that honour which I parted from with the most Poignant regret, the honour of representing the hundreds of thousands of Yorkshiremen in the Commons House of Parliament. It pleases me that the honour is still conferred upon my friend Sir George Strickland. Ile is the worthy and able representative of that great community, the West Riding, the very cradle of the abolition question—(Cheers)—and a more proper person, a better quarter from which sti:!h a great motion should come, exists not in either House of Parliament.—(Cheers.) The question is how it it to be the most effectually supported. It was said yesterday we have very little hope in the Lords, and I will say nothing against the Lords here—(Laughter)—because I have an opportunity of speaking my mind to them when we differ in opinion ; and it is more agreeable to me to do that than to attack men behind their backs, when they have no opportunity to defend themselves.—(Cheers and laugh ter.) And I'll tell you one thing about these same Lords who are so much abused and reviled, that I have seen worse things done in the House of Commons than I have ever seen done in the House of Lords.—(Loud cheers.) And lam one of those who am ready to take upon trial the present House of Commons, in the hope that it may prove better than its predecessors ; but I am also one of those who cannot, in anything I have lately perceived in the conduct of that House, but have my mind filled with the greatest possible apprehension. It is better we should not shut our eyes to this. Our having our eyes open, their conduct may prevent the mischief which we dread, and that is the reason I speak it now that I may not be accused of having waited the event, and afterwards branded those who brought it about when I might myself have prevented it. Now the danger, I ap_ prehensl, on the part of the House of Commons, I deem is not so much what I call the Conservative Members, the Opposition side of here—you can't be heard.—Cries of " to the platform.") The person addressed, then came round, and ascended the platform amidst the loud cheers of the audience. He was announced as Mr. EDWARD 9 of Lambeth, and he proceeded to make some suggestions with regard to the use of the eartwhip, stating that the nature of the instrument to be used ought to be described, as well as the number of stripes to be inflicted, or the severity of the punishment might be augmented at pleasure by certain alterations of the whip.— ( Hisses, and cries of " There will be no cart whip.") The Rev. J. SHERMAN then put the resolution, which was carried by acclamation. The whole meeting rose, as with one accord, and cheered the Noble Lord iu the chair with the utmost enthusiasm for some minutes. Lord BROUGIIANI, on rising, was again received with similar applause When the cheering subsided, his Lordship said—l know not how to ex press my grateful sense of the kindness with which you have received me both yesterday and to-day, and for the honour you have done me in this vote of thanks. I labour under some anxiety on the present occasion, for that I was the means, unintentionally on my part, of interrupting one of the most able advocates of the cause—the Rev. Mr. Beaver of Liverpool, whose services in this cause are beyond all value—but the fact is, that I promised to return to my judicial duties at two, and it is now much later (three o'clock). I have been de tained for a great part of this time, as you have been most agreeably, 1 am sure, by that speech of incomparable e l oquenc e and feeling, which my friend Mr. G eorge Th omson p rono unced, and wh ich I have seldo m , if ever, heard excelled in any pl a ce __(Hear, hear and loud cheering.) The gratitude which is expressed in this vote of thanks to me, is much more due to other and more distinguished fellow labourers in the cause (Cries of " No, no")—to Mr. Allen, to Joseph Sturge, to Thomas Clarkson, to the Wilberferces, to the Granville Sharps, the Thornton,. the Romillys—who have passed away from us, and left us to follow, if we can, at a humble distance, in their steps—(Loud cheers) —and to one whose name has been mentioned to-day, who, though ab sent in body, and labouring under severe affliction, is present with us, I a m sure, in spirit — who has ever struggled oh be. half of the negro against a mock emancipation—the half—the half of half emancipation of apprenticeship--(Loud cheers)—l mean Zecha riah Macauley, who, through his whole life, partly in Africa, as Go vernor of Sierra Leone, and partly in the West Indies, has been the champion of freedom. Now, gentlemen, I am about to quit you for the purpose of returning from whence I came, though I am afraid it will be too late, and in doing so I cannot refrain from stating that my time has been more agreeably employed than usual for the two last days.— (Cheers.) Why do I say so ? Why ? because I know that the Go vernment requires to be stimulated, controled, and compelled to this great work.—(Great chering.) Great public meetings like the present are not called together to tell us what we know—the real purpose of these mee tings is to give ve nt to our feelings, and to f o ll ow up t h e pr i nc i p l es which we profess ; but the great primary fact that such meetings have to perform is to declare the will, the sovereign, the paramount, the irres i s tible will—(Cheers) —of the people of England, Scotland, and I re l a nd, that the negroes shall be free—(Cheers)—that will, shew me the man who dare resist—(Tremendous cheering)—that voice, show me the mi n i s ter who dare close his ears to it—(lncreased cheering) —it proceeds in accents of respectful supplication to the Throe,,,'aas (Great cheering.) It is true we have no experience whatever of She character, or of the principles, or of the feelings of this illustrious Prin s , cess who sways our sceptre.—(Great cheering.) We have chosen over these three Kingdoms to give her credit for the possession of every virtue that could :adorn the female character.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I have lived upwards of half a century, and I', partake of that distrust which age is calculated to give.—(Cheers.) My mind, however, is warm to hope, and it may be strengthened by re. flection — (Cheering)—that that illustrious lady, that well-educated. Princess — (Tremendous cheers)—to whose excellent Mother—(Cheers)' —the people of England owe a debt of gratitude, not easily repaid, for having conferred upon her child the greatest of blessings, and upon. the people whom that child is destined, as I hope long to rule, th greatest of blessings that a people can enjoy —viz., a well-educated' person to sway over them.—(Great cheering.) This is the ground of my hope on a subject upon necessity—vse are in utter ignorance, because time has not afforded to that Princess the realize. Lion of these expectations.—(Loud cheers.) But I do say that I hope: that we sh a ll not be disappointed in the Princess th a t now valets . over us. I hope that we shall not be disappointed in the sense in which we have hitherto entertained with respect to Kings, but our hopes will realised, and that the King of Kings will incline the heart of our Prin cess to love mercy and to deal justly to a4l.—(Great cheering.) That however is not what we now ask—we now ask her to say that strict, rigorous justice be done and no more.—(Continued cheering.) We do not ask to receive favour, but we ask of the Princess that rules ,Over us, to give us justice. This great meeting asks that from her not In the language of supplication, but in the language of right.—(Cheers.) It is said that I am unjust towards the Ministry. I see in some remarks made to-day by an able advocate of the cause of emancipation, that I am, as usual, unjust to the Ministry.—(Great cheering.) I am, as usual, one that will not he taken in.—(Cheeriing.) I am, as usual, one that 'will not take promises for performances.—(lncreased cheering.) I am, 'as usual, one that will not take profession for action.--(Vehemen t cheering.) I am, as usual, one that love to see a Ministry show their professions by their good works.—(Loud and long reiterated cheering.) I am as usual—(Laughter)—and I believe I am not singular iv. tlaat .pustom and usage—one who won't be satisfied with people being called , a liberal G overnment if I see th e i r con d uc t illiberal.— -(Cheers.) As usual I—(Great laughter.) Nit hy to be sure.—(Renewed, laughter.) I hope I shall never outlive that usage by half an hour—(C'neers)—for if I do I make myself a prince of all dupes—the very prototype of human folly and gullibility —to take the shadow for the substance--thb word for the deed —the promise for the fulfilment.—(Laughter and cheers.) As usual !—(Great laughter) Why, I did not belong to the. Government 'in 1835, and yet I supported all their measures of that Sisssion, because 1 thought those measures were framed on liberal principles, and con duced to further those principles. I think those who saw the ate of the Municipal Corporation Bill in the House of - Lords, and who night possibly have suspected what other fate it would 'nave had it' it had been left entirely to those Ministers who brought it forward and as sisted it by support—because they left it to me to carry it through that House, which I had great pleasuae in doing, and the next Session I lett the House. They then gave up my measures of reform—they gave up the Pluralities andNon.residellt I3ill r whiel)liad bee4disalproved the House of Commons--they act according to their prin. ciples—(Hear, hear, and great cheering)—and let inc be just to those, I speak of myself only, I may differ—let me be just to those with whom I generally differ on political questions—questions of Reform in Church and State. With respect to the Conservatives in the Lords, never did I see a great party behaving better than they did, the other night on my motion on the subject of the slave trade.—(Loud cheers.) I had the support of Lord Ellenborough in one of the ablest, and honestest, and best-reasoned, as well as the best felt speeehes I ever heard delivered in Parliament.—(Hear.) I had the powerful support of Lord Lyndhurst upon the same question.— (Cheers.) I had the vote of two Right Reverend Prelates.—(Hear.) I had the vote of Lord Wharncliffe, who had been a Cabinet Minister with the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel. Of the three Cabinet colleagues of the Duke of Wellington sitting in the House, all three voted in my minority on that question. The Liberal Peers, with one exception, I think, all voted against me.—(Hear, hear.) The Conservative Peers would not negative my motion—they only voted the previous question, which means, "we don't deny that every word you say is true, but we think it inconvenient to put the question at present"—(Hear)—for which reason I mean to bring it forward again. (Immense cheering.) But how does it happen that in the House of Commons, the place where the people are represented—where such meetings as these are heard to speak by their delegated trustees—where all Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire, Warwickshire, Devonshire, Cum berland, and Durham, have been meeting again and again, and send. ing thousands of petitions upon thousands on the slave trade — how does it happen that all these meetings and all these petitioners, all of whom are represented in the House of Commons, and represented by Liberal Members—(Hear)—have not found one word to employ against this insidious, as the resolution justly calls it—this abominable and despicable attempt to sooth a few planters by the introduction of a worse than African slave trade?—(Cheers.) I am sure that in the old times the House of Commons would not have allowed a day to pass without giving a notice upon the subject; and although I have looked day after day for the last eight weeks since I introduced the subject, not one Liberal Member has risen in his place to give such a notice. — (Hear, hear, hear.) Yet the principles of all these men ore known to be liberal—they are for freedom--they arc against bondage—they detest slavery and the slavedrade.—(Hear, hoax.) They avowed all these things on the hustis k gs, and they canvassed with all these professions and promises wer,m, their lips, when seeking the your votes.—(Cries of " Ilear, he. k r.) It is not six, mails sienke they have all said this, or as sented to tt when, others. 'said IA for them, and yet, when they got into ratkithn?lekkt ttiq , did neAhi:uig. They then said no opportunity has tJC:g4i at\rk'd ‘l4 , of referring to the subject ; it has never been t laSeAght fiAre the House. You are in the House of Lords where yon oats make your motion, and where you address it to three times as many Members of the House of Commons as Members of the House of Lords. That is quite true, and I am happy to say they have had more meetings of the House of Commons than the House of Lords to listen to them.—(Hear, hear.) " But,'' they say, " we know nothing about it in the House of Commons, and you must give us an opportunity of redeeming our pledges." My answer is, I am satisfied, for the present, but Sir G. Stricklalid is in the House of Commons ; he brings forward thequestion on the 29th instant ; here is an opportunity that gives yon; the power of showing whether you really are the honest men you profess to be, and whether or not you are for slavery ay emancipation.—(Veherneet cheering.) Therefore I look to this slay, and I will trust no man hereafter in his professions, if ou that day he is absent from his post.—(Loud cheers.) Why do, I complain of the Liberals and not of the Conserve_ . tives._.(llear., t ae „.. ) It is for this vessels that the Conservatives are very scanty. in their professions—(Hear and laughter)—and don't affect to be. ttte friends of a liberal policy.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) 'Mep do not pretend to be the great liberators of mankind.—(Hear.) I lament that they differ from me—they may be in the wrong and in darkness, but at least they are honest, and don't affect to be better than they are.—(Renewed cheers.) It must almost be recollected that they represent the illiberal party in the community.—(Great laughter and cheers.) What I mean—for I do not use the word in an improper sense—is that those men arc politically honest, for I respect an honest Tory a great deal more than a shuffling Whig.—(Hear and cheers.) They represent tire Tory part of the country, by which they say they represent the Church and Kipg, by which they mean the Clergy rather than the Gospel, and the t:ing rather thaAi the Consititution. — (Cheers.) They do'nt make great oig professions and use high-sounding language about liberty and tt'.e rights of men, bring forward slavery and chains, and cry aloud for, universal, civil, and religious liberty, toasting the progress, of liberty and reform all over the world. They do not do :co—their toasts are of a totally different principle—(Hear, hear) —and their apprehensions are founded upon alarm that Reform should go too fast—my fears of which being that it is apt to go a little too slow, or stand stockstill altogether, or even go a little back--(Cheers.) But that is not their creed—they have a totally dif ferent creed, and thenll say they are:faithfully represented and their opinions accurately expressed by the Conservative body of thu House of Commons.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But that is no: the. case with the Liberal party in the House of Commons.—(Hear, bear.) Do they accurately express the sentiments of the Liberal Corestituency all over the country ?—(Cries of " No, no, no.") I say thw represent a very different sense—a very different opinion—they are the.represen tatives of a totally opposite class. I am soepy to say it. L shall ba called, as usual, unjust—(Loud laughter)—but 'I am rest noiog to say any thing now against the Govenunene—sraite the con trary, for the Government will always be as their supporters enable them to be—rather as their supporters make them be—theyi brag they have a great majority in the House of Commons, ate yet they support the Government in their most illiberal measures.— (Immense cheering.) And what's the reason they support them? That brings me to tell you who they do represent—what class they are the faithful guardians of, ... The meeting then separated at half-past four o'clock. The cheers of the hundreds that greeted his Lordship in proceeding to and entering his carriage in Burleigh-street were meat enthusiastic and flattering. d and what opinions—what "principles" I can hardly call what feeling it is they really do most accurately express. you what they represent—they represent a very stroi which exists which is cloaked under another phrase, means another thing—(Very great cheering)—a fear of all evetatil of the events most to be dreaded—a fear of tne Tories get ting in —(Hear.) Why, that looks very well, but it also means a fear of that event which must precede the Tories getting in, namely, the Whigs getting out.—(lmmense cheering, and much laughter.) That's the real state of the case.—(Hear, hear.) They most • faithfully represent that feeling, and their whole conduct is suited to feeling—(Hear, hear)—and there is no one measure which this Go vernment can propose —that is my conscientious belief—but they will undeceive me if lam wrong on the 29th of March—at present as advised on looking at their past conduct and present proceedings, I have a right to say there is no one measure, be it ever so coercive— be it ever so illiberal, which the Government can propose, that they, or a very great majority of them arc not prepared cheerfully to support, and all from fear of the Tories getting in. (Great cheering throughout the Hall.) But I do not think that the people of this country will be satisfied with such conduct much longer.—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.) If a vote of censure were to be moved for upon the Order in Council, would any liberal Member vote against it.—(Hear, hear.) I call on the liberal Members to bring forward such a motion.(—Hear, hear.) lamin a House where the people have no representative. They are in a House where the people are represented—and as the people from the Lands End to John-o'-Groat's House execrate that Order in Council, as far as they know. I call on some Liberal Member to do his duty to his constituents, and to move a vote of censure on the Order.—(Loud cheering.) If you do not, you are accomplices to the revival of the Slave.trade—you are accomplices to all the felonies, to all the atrocities that may be com mitted under it.—( Cheers.) Attending, as I told you yesterday, the voyage from India to Mauritius, there has been, in two vessels which I named to you, a greater mortality that was ever known in the African Slave trade.—(Hear.) One vessel sailed with a cargo of 240 apprentices, as they are called ; I call them slaves. The other with a cargo of 7e. Now out of the 240 there perished 31, and out of 72, 26 perished—a greater mortality than ever was known under the African slave trade.—(Hear, hear.) Every man who allows that order to stand is an abettor of the African slave trade. —(Cheers.) Let the censure be proposed, and let me see what Liberal Member will vote against it.—(Hear, hear.) I know it will be said that if you censure the Whigs you vote for the Tories —but I never knew the Tories do anything so bad as that order.—(Hear, hear ) and I know that the Tory opposition expressed abhorrence upon reading it. But I am not so unjust to those who passed thatorder, and for whom I have much esteem, as to suppose that they intended to abet felony, and to revive the Slave Trade with their eyes open.—(Hear, and a laugh.) But I believe they were induced, by the representations of a certain Tory merchant of Guiana, who obtained 120,0001. out of the twenty millions' grant for an estate which cost him only 80,000/. I know that lie got 120,000/.,for I saw the papers. I moved for them, and I have theme. He was not satisfied with the bargain, but he must get cheap labour also. and he gets this order to bring over people from India who can live upon a handful of rice and a pinch of pepper daily. Now it was to serve this Tory enemy the Whigs passed this order, that was the course of every feeble Government—that was the rack upon which they always split—counting their enemies. —(Cheers.) I gently whispered to them at this time—l mildly warned them—l told them what it was they were doing-1 told them that if they would revoke their order in Council, they never should hear one word of it from me But instead of listening to me, they did as weak men always do. They were afraid to acknowledge they were in the wrong and they persisted in following the wrong course.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But I dragged the iniquitous order into light.—(Cheers.) I placed it before the public. I showed you what it was—(Cheers)—and now let me see what the Representatives of the people will do. — (Great cheering.) The 29th of this preseut March they will have the opportunity of showing us what they will do. I look forward with anxious expectation to the motion of my friend Sir S. Strickland, and I hope Sir E. Wilmot, who honourably came for. ward to preside at our last meeting, will be alive to bring on his motion which now stands on the notice books for the 27th. Sir G. Strickland will be ready to stand by him and support him. With him I am in constant come munication, and can any day communicate whatever suggestions present themselves to my mind—(Cheers)—and I hope that their joint efforts — and above all, the honest and independent conduct of the liberal party in Parliament, they will accomplssh their object.—(Cheers.) Don't let the Liberal Members think that they may with impunity be absent on that day—don't let any of them so far cover his eyes as to shut them against the risk he runs, if he has a liberal constituency, of never more being returned to that House if he votes against emancipation. —(Loud and continued cheers.( Don't let any one attend to the finesses of Treasury, Secretaries, and Under-Secretaries of State, and: private Secretaries to Cabinet Ministers—don't let them listen to the voice of the charmer, when he charms most wisely—telling them: of the risks of Tories coming in and the perils of Whigs. going out—(Laughter)—of a dull and placeless existence in Oppose. tion—(Loud laughter)—of the hopelessness of ever again being visited by the cheerful gleams of official day—(Loud and renewed laughter)— patronage gone power beyond reach office out of sight—the Court itself all but shut—no little jobs in Downing street—(Roars of laughter)—no small favour to cousins in the country— no petty advantages for kinsmen in town—(Continued laughter)—no honours in prospects—no pensions in reversion—no places to succeed. to—nothing but opposition hereafter should you vote for Sir Get rge or Sir Eardley—never mitd what the meaning of the motion is—disregar all you hear about slavery and emancipation—these are enthusiasts teese are fanatics—these are Methodists—these are Quakers—(O rent laughter end cheering)—they are ignorant of the world—they lire at home and read their books, among others the Bible pothaps— they look to things which, perhaps, they do not much understand—(Laughter)—they will not allow these quiet (easy genteel planters to flog their Negroes—to coin the sweat of their blow, and the labour of their muscle, and the blood of their veins, into eugar, or rum, or gold—they will bring forward this slavery—slavery--slavery—(tre. mendous cheers)—aye—and they will do so (exclaimed his Lordship)— until you stifle their cry by removing the thing.—(Long continued cheering.) Do not then let the voice of these Treasury charmers get into the ears of the liberal adder—(Laughter)—or his constituents will squeeze his parliamentary life out of him so sure as he does not vote for emancipation.—(Laughter and long continued cheering.) I thought it fair to give these gentlemen this candid warning—(Great laughter)—which I have no doubt you think and join with me in deciding towards its destination—(Cheers.) One Haan will be safe, and that is he who is able to face his constituently and say that be has acted up to his professions, but tlie man who nas not done so, will he retire to honoured privacy ? Will he be able to face an honest eonstituency, and say you sent me to discharge my duty—l have done it—l have redeemed the pledge that I gave you— I have performed the promises which 1 made ? Can such a man, I would ask, stand erect, look honest men in the face, and say that be had done his duty ?—(Great cheering)—he returns a disgraced mnan.—(Cheers.) He has broken his pledged faith ; he has forfeited the pledges which he has voluntarily given, he has branded himself with the name of a dishonest man. Why ? Because he has broken the pledges which lie gave, .end by which all honest men are bound. One word more and I have done. I have heard much said of the blessed effects that are likely to result from the passingof this great measure. I have heard, it stated that its effects would relieve from bondage eight or nine hundred thousand of negroes tinder the name of the apprenticeship system. I know that it will do so—myriads of negroes from Africa and Asia are suffering under the effects of the law that now exists. The tor ments they are enduring it is incalculable to state, but it said, that if this great law passes, the example set by England will be followed by the United States. God grant that it may. It is my fervent hope and earnest prayer that the Americans will do an act of justice.— (Loud cheers) I blame the Americans for the very ridiculous resolution which they have passed, for their own violation of commonsense. I blame them for their absurd Resolutions, which prohibit the introduction of all petitions against slavery.—(Hear, Lear, and cheering.) Much as I lament the course pursued by the Americans, I must not close my eyes to what America has done.—(Cheers.) She was the first to abolish the Slave Trade-- she it was that tendered to this country the proposition of making the slave trade piracy. It is said that the Americans will follow the example which we ha►e set them here. I think that time example we set America ought not tobe followed. I will add my blame and my lamentation over the conduct of this country as regards slavery. I think that it becomes us, least of 3111, to say that the Americaes should follow our example in the elec. lition of slavery. We know that in the year 1833 we pretended to abolish the slave trade, and yet in 1838 that trade is not abolished. We take the credit, forsooth, of putting it down about four or five years ago, whereas we only chan , ge its name, or, as Dr. COX most aptly styled it, we have only re-beptised it.—(Great cheering.) Under such circumstances I think it does not become us to censure the Americans. I think the Americans have a good right to say to us, " Good fblks, take the beam out of your own eye, before you remove the mote that is in your brother's eye." We ad mit that you have been befooled out of your money, but you have not given up slavery—you have only changed its appellation. Suppposing that slavery will have been given up after the first of August, 1838, I will not use the pharssaical phrase, and say the Americans, " I am not as other men are."--(Great cheering.) If you want to make the Americans, just make the cause your own. —(Great oheering.) Supposing that you were not in Middlesex. where there is no slavery, but in Jamaica, would you there abolish sla very—certainly not—(Cheering.) Supposing that I had attended a meeting in Jamaica, would the object of that meeting be to abolish Slavery ? No. It would be to increase it.—(Cheers.) 1 still retain my regret of she conduct of the Americans, and 1 hope and trust that I shall live to see the ground of complaint with respect to that country entirely removed, by the slow but certain practtice of the entire extinction of slavery in the Southern States of America. —4Cries of" Hear, hear.") If that portion of America do not their duty, Omit I look to the middle states, and I hope that they will do theirs. I have always been a friend to the Americans. No one has disapproved more than I have of the coercion with respect to their trade, and it was the second act of my life to endeavour to put an end to those Orders of Council which against American independence.—(Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) I should violate my duty to America and likewise to this country if I were to conceal my sorrow at the rentention of negro slavery in that country, but at the same time I must express: confident hope that the time is not far distant when the people• of England will see slavery extinguished and every attempt' to revive the Slave-trade stifled in the birth. The Noble Lora concluded amidst tremendous cheering. Captain Ilsewoun was then called to the chair. The Rev. Mr. BSVAN then resumed, and moved the resolution of petitioning Parliament. The Rev. W. BANTING moved the resolution. He hoped the meeting would receive so mach of the Noble and Learned Lord's address as of a political character as a mere subject of intellectual amusement. He had not the honor or the happiness of coinciding with his Lordship is his political views, but the expressions of sympathy and approbation in their views, came from all quarters, gooduess,righteousness,and truth were of no party.--(Cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried unanimously. The CHAIRMAN then announced the business of the meeting was at an end, and then asked them for their attendance on that import ant occasion. ---- ~., 1,.,=.,--z6,.....T.---- .7 : / c 7.- -- -4 ..-, ; N' erl l ';"',: _-,-, 4 . 1 ;‘,—,,•,\‘. -:•-•;—,) t,,•'''" ) , ; tkrbut -- . 1 , n ~H, il\e.ll : ;',":",,,,,., ', mirl-frr ::-/=--:=:' kii b ar, dk i,,t4 , N./ • _,,. CORN AVERAGES. GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH CORN, For ,the Week ended March 9, 10136, made up from the Returns of the hispectors in. the different Cities and 'Downs in England and "Walei, per Imperial Quarter. Wheat lss. 4d. I I 'Jats Barley 9.35. 6d. [ Rye MPERIAL AGGIMGATE AVERAGES OF THE SIX WEEKS PRECEDING. Wheat sss. 3d. Oats i Barley 2 I Bs. 9d. Rye lis II TIN S OW FOREIGN CORIf• Wheat ..... —,. '',ls. Sd. I O a t s 8ar1ey......... I9s. 1041. Rye Out of the one hundred and fifty towns from which the averages are taken, the highest weekly average of Wheat vias at Guil dford, where it ' was 645. Od., the lowest at Haverfordwest, where it was 465. Od, LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, Msßot 14. We have no alteration to notice since our last. The market is still extremely lively, and the advance obtained yesterday was well sustained, owing to the small quantity of Cotton offering. The total amount of 1 this day's business Is 5,000 baps. 4,440 American Sid. to 81d.; '3OO Egyptian Sjd. to 91d. ; 150 Pernam aid, otd. , 60 Bahia td.; 50 Surat 4til. Total 5,000.