The Sun. — London, England, 1838-05-14 00:00:00

SECOND EDITION SUN OFFICE, Seven o Clock IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The LORD CULNCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at the usual hour. IRISH POOR LAW BILL. Lord MELBOURNE moved that the Irish Poor Law Bill Order of the Day be read, for the purpose of being postponed till Monday next, in consequence of the indisposition of a Noble Duke (Wellington), in whose absence the Government did not wish to bring forward such an important measure.—(Hear.) The Order of the Day for the second reading of the Bill was accord ingly read, and postponed till Monday next. NEGRO SLAVERY. Lord EFFINGHAM presented a petition for the abolition of negro apprenticeship. The Marquis of Dowssntas and a Right Rev. PRELATE presented petitions to the same effect. The Duke ofCLEVELAND presented similar petitions from Durham. EDINBURGH AND GLASGOW RAILWAY BILL Several petitions were presented in favour of this Bill. POOR LAW BILL Lord WFIARNCLIFFE presented petitions for alterations in the Poor Law Amendment Act. CHURCH PROPERTY. The NORLZ Loan also presented a petition praying that any im proved value which might be given to Church property, should be exclusively appropriated to ecclesiastical purposes. IRISH POOR LAW. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY presented a petition from some place in Ireland against the Irish Poor Law Bill, which they submitted might more justly be termed. " A Bill for grinding down the Irish Poor." —( A laugh.) Earl RODEN also presented a petition against the Bill. SLAVERY. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition for the immediate abolition of Negro Apprenticeship. POOR-LAW. The Earl of CANDOR presented a petition praying for Alterations in the New Poor law. Earl STANHOPE presented several petitions from Suffolk and other counties against the Bill. One of these petitions strongly reprobated the new Poor.law. Earl FITZWILLI AM remarked that the petitioners did not explain how, and in what manner the Bill injured them.—(Hear, rear.) Earl STANHOPE said he hadfrequently stated the grounds on which the labouring classes must, and did object to the Bill. Earl STRADBIIOKE observed that the Bill had worked admirably in Suffolk.—(Hear.) He also corrected a statement of the Noble Earl (Stanhope) on a former occasion—that a great landed proprietor in the Mane Union had expressed disgust at the operation of the Bill. Earl STANHOPE said he was not answerable fir the changes of opi nion of that landed proprietor, and he reasserted the substance of the declaration which he had represented that gentleman as having made—of disgust at the operation of the Bill.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Earl also asserted that every person whose signature appeared to the petition, had given full authority for the affixing that signature. Earl FITZ WILLIAM observed that it was unfortunate Noble Lords would testify to the correctness cf petitions which originated in dis tricts with which those Noble Lords had no connection or acquaintance. It was observable that all the signatures of the petition were in the same hand writing.—(Hear.) Earl STANHOPE explained. He made the statement as to the authenticity of the signatures on the testimony of the person from whom Le had received it. The Duke of RICHMOND considered the manufacturing of petitions in this way highly improper, and tending to lower the character of pc_ titions to their Lordships. Lord HOLLAND said a petition purporting to contain the signatures of persons whose signatures it did not in fact bear, that petition was not and could not be regular.--(Hear, hear.) Lord DE' MAN said the difficulty was in ascertaining, whether any signature was Lona fide; if there was one such signature the petition might be received. Alter some further discussion, the question " that the petition be re. ceivrd" was put and negatived. _ _ Earl STANIIOPE presmted a petition from Chichester against the New Poor-law Bill- BEER ACT Lord MELBOURNE presented a petition from the Licensed 1, 7 :c. tualhrs, of some place—the name of whsch we did not catch—praying for an a!teration in the Beer Act. Their Lordships adjourned at Six o'clock. 110 USE OF COMMONS. The SP2AKna took the Chair at Four o'Clock. The Marquis of ELANDFORD took the oaths and his seat as Mcw. ber far the borough of Woodstock. GLOUCESTER ELECTION COMMITTEE. Sir W. HEATHCOTE brought up the repnrt of the Gloucester Elec tion Committee, stating that the Committee had decided that H. 'l'. Hope, Esq., was duly elected, and that neither the petition against the return nor the opposition to it was frivolous or vexatious. NORWICH ELECTION COMMITTEE. _ Mr. WRIGHTSON, the Chairman of the Norwich Election Com mittee, brought up the Repotr of the Commit: e. The Committee had found that the Marquis of Douro was duly elected—that Robert Scarlett, Esq., was not duly elected—but that Smith, E4q., was duly elected —and that neither the reltion nor the opposition to it was frivolous or vexatious. WOODSTOCK ELECTION. Mr. DIVETT presented a petition against the return for the borough of I, Voadstock.—[Great merriment was caused in the House by the pre sentation of this petition, the ;Marquis of Blandford at the moment be ing in the act of seating himself on the front Opposition Bench]. BOLTON AND PRESTON RAILWAY. The Bolton and Preston Railway Bill was read a time and ordered to be committed. RAMSGATE IMPROVEMENT BILL. On the motion of Sir E KNATCEIBULL the Ramsgate Improvement Bill was teed a second time and ordered tobe committed. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND brought up the report of the Bromp ton, Brierley, and Hooton Roberts Road Bill ; the report on the Buck stone and Elland Bridge Road Bill; the report on the Wakefield and Halifax Road Bill; and the report on the Salterhebble Road Bill. On the motion of Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND, Behren's Naturali zation Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed. Sir E. WILMOT presented a petition from Lyrnington, praying to be heard by Counsel against the Gas Fill, Mr. CHRISTOPHER presented apetition frora the Dean and Chapter of Lincoln, against any appropriation of Church property, except for ecclesiastical purpose 3. The Marquis of CHANDOS brought up the report on the Ayles- , bury and Thame Road Bill. SUNDAY TRADING. Mr. HINDLEY presented a petition from the parishes of St. Mar garc-t and St. John's, Westminster, complaining of the disorder that pre vailed in the streets on Sunday mornings, owing to the public-houses being allowed to open at early hours, and praying that the public-houses be prohibited from opening till one o'clock on Sundays. NEGRO SLAVERY. The Hon. Member also presented petitions from As:lion-under-Line and other places, praying for the abolition of negro apprenticeship. Mr. ARCHBOLD prevented petitions to the same effect. IRISH EDUCATION. Mr. LUCAS presented a petition from the county of Monaghan (Ire land), praying for the establishment of schools in which a Scriptural edu cation was adopted. Sir E. PHILLIMORE presented a petition from a place in Kent, praying that the surplus property of the Church should be applied to none but Church purposes. Mr. SMITH presented petitions from Coleraine and Sandhurst, to the same effect. The Honourable Member presented also a petition from the apothecaries of Dublin, praying that their interests may be regarded in the Medical Charities Bill ; and also a petition from the Governors of Sir Patrick Dennis' Hospital against the 4th clause of the same Bill, which they said would infringe upon their rights, by giving the election of Governors to the subscribers at large. OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH. Mr. BAINES presented a petition from a place in York, for the better observance of the Sabbath. Sir WILLIAM HEATFICOTE presented a similar petition, but whence we could not learn. Mr. CHALMERS presented petitions in favour of the reduction of the rate of postage, and against any further endowment to the Church of Scotland, from different parishes in the county of Forfar. Also, a petition from Arbroath against the Corn Laws. Mr. SANFORD presented petitions from Long Sutton, Yeovil!, and several other places in the county of Somerset, praying for the Immediate abolition of the Negro apprenticeship system. Sir E. CODRINGTON presented a petition from Devonport in favour:of a penny-post. Mr. ORD presented a petition from a parish in Northumberland for the immediate abolition of Negro Slavery. Mr. PEASE presented a petition from several places in Lancashire and Somerset, and one from the City of Bath, agreed to at a respectable and influential meeting, signed by the Chairman, praying the House to put an end to the cruel and oppressive system of Apprenticeship. TITHES-IRELAND. Mr. Sergeant JACKSON presented a petition signed by several noble men and gentlemen, lay impropriators of tithe property in Ireland. The petitioners stated that they had incomes arising out of that property to the amount of 26,000/. a-year and upwards, and protesting against such an Invasion of private property as was sought by the resolution of which the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home Department had given notice of for to-night. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from the freemen of Waterford, praying that in any measure of Corporate Reform the House would insert a clause empowering the registered freemen, and those who might become so, to vote for the election of Members cf the Town Council. Mr. HALL presented a petition from Marylebone, in favour of the Westminster Improvement Bill. Lord TEIGNMOUTH presented a petition from the inhabitants of Oxford street, to the same effect. The ATTORNEY-GEN ARA 1.. presented a petition from Edinburgh signed by 1,200 persons in favour of the abolition of the system of Negro Apprenticeship. Also a petition from Tynemouth, complaining that electors who had changed their residences during the year, and oc cupied houses of more value than these which they had left, were thereby disqualified, and praying that the law might be altered. Mr. HO WA RD presented several petitions from Carlisle and other places praying for the abolition of the system of Negro Apprenticeship. Last, not least, (said the Hon. Member), I have to present a petition from the Ladies of Carlisle—(Hear, hear)—signed by 3,8111 persons, for Oa abolition of Negro Apprenticeship. COPYHOLD ENFRANCHISEMENT BILL. An HON. Meiaea presented a petition from the county of Leicester, praying for alterations in the Copyhold Enfranchisement Bill. Mr. PALMER presented petitions from three parishes in Essex, praying that any surplus which might be produced by improvements in Church property be applied to Church purposes. Mr. S. O'BRIEN presented several petitions from infirmaries and other bodies in Limerick, praying fo► a good Medical Charities Bill. Mr. F. FRENCH would take that opportunity of asking when the report of the Committee would be laid on the table of the House, and whether anything would he done this Session. The CHANCELLOR of the EXI4IEQIIEII. was understood to say that the Report was nearly ready, and would soon be presented. Mr. JAMES presented a number of petitions from East and West Cumberland, praying for the immediate abolition of the system of negro apprenticeship. Mr. F. SHA W presented a petition nom the diocese of Limerick against the Irish Tithe Bill. MILITARY COMMISSION. Captain EOLDERO wished to ask the Home Secretary a question relative to the Military Commission. He believed there were Gelleets in that Commission to represent every department of her Majesty's service, both naval and military, except one—the corps of .3taidneets ; and he wished to know whether there was any objection to IsiCoromend to her — m ajesty the appointment of some officer attached to fflßtswrPs en the Commission. Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied that the Master-Gene ral of the *Ordnance, who w as at the head of that department, was on that com mission. TITHES (IRELAND.) Lola JOHN RUSSELL moved the Order of the My for the R o u s e going into Committee on the Tithes (Ireland) Bill. In doing so (said his Lordship) I should net have thought it necessary to say one word—l should have reserved myself for the Com mittee, and it would have been my object to explain, in as full a manner as possible, the resolutions which were about to be proposed, as the groundwork of a measure to be introduced on the subject of tithes, and of the Church in Ireland. I should have done that, endeavouring to state those resolutions in such a manner as both to entitle them to every favourable consideration, and to give room for those who objected to them, to propose any amend. ments which they could lay before the House, to induce the House to modify or alter that measure. I am compelled to take a different course. It has pleased those who are opposed to us to say they will not permit us to go into this measure, and they will not permit that Mem ber of the Government who is entitled to make the proposition to ex plain what that proposition is, but that they will interpose an. other question, and that they will raise a debate, and pro duce a division upon that question before they will allow these resolutions to be considered in Committee. I am, therefore, ready to meet that course in the way in which I think it should be met. I am ready to state now the general purport and intent of the resolutions, be cause I think it would not be fair to the House or fair to ourselves, that theyshould enter into a consideration of that question without these resolutions having been explained to the House, and with regard to the proposition which is to be made by the Honourable Baronet the Mem ber for North Devon, instigated, no doubt, by his diocesan.—(Laughter.) After I have explained the nature of these resolutions I shall then con sider the motion which is to be brought forward, in order to raise discord amongst us—(Cheers)—to produce bitterness, and to prevent a dis passionate settlement of the question of tithes in Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, I shall then consider how far it is conformable or consistent with the professions of those who hold the opinions professed by the Gentlemen opposite.—(Cheers.) Sir, I shall therefore proceed to detail the provisions of the resolutions which I shall have the honour to propose. Upon this occasion, Sir, I think it necessary to notice some opinions of mine with respect to the Church of Ireland, be cause those opinions have been alluded to both here and elsewhere, in a manner whieh showed that they had either been misunderstood or wil fully misrepresented. Sir, the condition of the Chnrch of Ireland I must ever consider a very peculiar one, and that that peculiarity must influence any legislation which takes place upon that subject. Sir, I must consider the mode in which the Established Church in this country stands. It stands upon a ground to which I have ever yielded my willing consent, but at the same time I must place in juxta position to the present condition of that Establishment in Ireland—Sir, among those who have written upon this subject, although his theory is of itself a fanciful one, still I con sider that the best writing on the subject is to be found in the Treatise of Warburton on the Alliance between Church and State. He said that a benefit was conferred upon both parties, and foremost amongst those advantages he places the endowment of the clergy, and that certain elergyrnen should form a part of the supreme Legislature of the Empire. On the other hand, he states that the State derived from the Church this great advantage, that it is a subsidiary force—a subsidiary power that gives a sanction to morality and enforces the precepts of re ligion, and that induces the great mass of the people to subdue those passions, which it is the business of the Civil Magistrate to punish. If we compare this system with the condition of the Church of Ireland, we must see that while there is every condition required by the State complied with by the State, on the other side the Church of Ireland is unable to comply with the other parts of the provision—it cannot enforce among the people of Ireland those doctrines of morality and precepts of religion, because the great majority of the people of Ireland, are unwil ling to receive them from such hands. I will state however the utility of the Church, not upon any abstract authority or less moral doctrine. I will state words represented to have been delivered by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Primate of the Church of England, a few weeks ago. I have found these words stets d by him, and as I quote them, and state my concurrence with them, it must be supposed that I entirely adopt them. He says—What were Churches instituted for? except the good of the people, except for the spiritual welfare and advantage of the great body of the people. The State is instituted for the same pur pose, and those two things could not be separated. The extension of mo rality—the diminution of vice, and the suppression ofcrime, must always stand upon the basis of religion. That being the ground upon which so high an authority a Church is established connected with the State,l say again, however applicable that description can be to England, it can hardly be applied to Ireland, when the ministers of religion, however well inclined to inculcate the suppression of crime, and the diminution of vice—there is that difference of religious faith between them and the great body of the people as will make the inculca tion of such doctrine from their hands totally useless, and in some eases impossible. I may give some examples, though often quoted, for the purpose of showing how little. the clergy of the Church of Ireland will have this influence over the great body o e the people. It appears by the last census that the populatian of that country is upwards of eight millions, of which six millions and a half are Ro man Catholiss, six hundred and fifty thousand Presbyterian, and eight hundred end fifty-two thousand members of the Established Church. The greater part of the members of the Establishment were in one of the ;Our ecclesiastical provinces of Ireland. In the province of Armagh there was more than 500,000 members of the Established Church. and that in the dioceses of Cashel and Derry, where the Roman Ca tholics numbered 3,408,000, the number of Pt otestants altogether were but 150,470. In Cashel the Roman Catholics were 95 per cent. of the whole population. In the diocese of Derry, containing a population of eS,OOO, the me:fleet's of the Established Church are but 1 it per cent of the whole population; yet they are not without endowments. But it appeared likewise, Sir, that there were 41 benefices without single Protestant, and 99 with from 1 to '2O. There were other benefices in which there is a very small number of Protestants— a very small number of members of the Established Church—and a very large number of Roman Catholics. I say, then, give to the :Ministers of the E•tablished Church any benefit you please—give them the credit of the utmost attention to their duties, although in many of these cases there is neither glebe house nor ch urrli —and that must be in the way of their asefulness.Yet I do say the condition of Ireland furnishes a sin gular example of an established church, namely, an example of a church in three parts out of four of which the members of:the Established Church arc in a very small minority, and that the lessons given by those minis. ters cannot reach the hearts or influence the conduct of the great body of the people. Sir, I have partly made this statement, because when I have declared more than once in this House my determination, in any vote tirit I should give, to support the Established Church of Ireland, I have been taunted with not placing that support on the ground of the advantages to be gained in religion by the Church Establishment. It does appear to ma that if we were to consider solely and only the advantages of religion, it might be a very doubtful question how far the present Establishment, in its present form, can conduce to the promotion of that religion. But, Sir, there are other grounds upon which, as I think, it is cur duty to support that Esta blishment.—(Hear.) In the first place, it is not the case which has beers often put by those who are totally hostile to the Church, namely, the case of Scotland, in which upon the revolution you at once gave up your Established Church—you converted that Establishment into one more in accordance with the general feelings of the people—and by that means produced peace and concord in Scotland. S r, in Scotland, not only were the great body of the people of the Pres byterian persuasion, but there was not that difference between them, and any great proportion of the classes holding property, and having instruction and education, which should prevent their harmonious agreement with the Presbyterian form of worship.—(Continued cries of " Hear, hear." , But, in Ireland, not only is there a vast proportion of the property, but also a vast proportion of the learned professions and others, whose importance cannot be denied, who are attached to the Protestant Church, and by whom anything that could be considered as at all tending to overturn the Established Church, must be looked upon as placing them in a state of political inferiority to the rest of their fellow-countrymen.—(Hear, hear.) And beyond this, we have to consider that the fundamental principles, by which the Irish Protestant Church is connected with the Established Church of England.—(Hear, hear.) From this consideration, Sir, I come to the conclusion, that anomalous as the condition of the Irish Church is, and differing as it does from other Established Church, recorded in history, or at present existing in the world.-- (Ministerial cheers.) Any measure which would involve the distrac tion of that Church, would involve an entire breach of the Act of Union, by which the integrity of the empire would be en dangered.—(Tory cheers, and hear, hear.) That Act having passed and having been many years the law of the land, it would be such a rent in the whole Ecclesiastical Constitution of these roalrns to separate the two countries, that I think the Established Church of England would suffer deeply by any such measure.— (Great Tory cheering.) But, Sir, when:l say this, lam obliged again to look to the condition of the Church, with a view to the welfare of the people of Ireland. I may say, Sir, to the people of Ire land :—" It is for your advantage—it is for the advantage of Ireland that the principles of the Union should be maintained, and that you should continue to form part of the United Kingdoms. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Your general advantage would greatly i counterbalance the particular hardship you may comp l a in o f in the nch, tutions of your country." !But I cannot expect that this will be entirely satisfactory to the people of Ireland. It was for that reason that I have earnestly, steadily, and at all times, endeavoured, by some means or other, to conciliate Irish interests, and to involve Irish affections fn objects con nected wit's the Established Church, for the sake of its additional security. It was for this reason that the resolutions which the Hon. Baronet is about to impugn to-night seem to me, while they were cal. cutated to award some satisfaction to the people of Ireland, to show that at least there was one part of the endowment of that Church which should be given for the general welfare and benefit of all classes of the community, without distinction of sect or persuasion.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But measures founded upon that resolution have never met with the concurrence of Parliament, although they tnet with the concurrence of the House. I am now to explain the measure which I think may in a great degree tend to satisfy the people of Ireland, while on the other hand it affords to the Church complete secu rity. In stating this measure, I will state at first that it is totally different from the representations which have been made of it in resolutions and in decisions which have been coma to by various bodies. Many have taken a totally erroneous view of its provi sions, and founded their objections on matters which really did not belonging to the resolution. With regard to the first part of this mea sure I do not wish to say anything, because it has been frequently before the House, and, as I think, has in principle never met with any oppo sition. It is that part which goes to change the present tithe composi tion into a rent-charge, with a certain amount of deduetion. With regard to the amount of deduction—with regard to the pinciple I know not whether there be any difference. The next resolu tion I have to propose contemplates, on the expiration of existing inte rests, the conversion of that rent charge by redemption into a capital which is to be laid out on lands or rent charges, or on such funds as the ec clesiastical Commissioners think best adapted to secure Its investment. The propositions that have been made on this subject by persons sitting on the opposite side of the Il ouse , h ave b een accompanied by other propositions, which, on mature consideration, we could not recom mend to the House. The Noble Lord opposite (Stanley) in 1832, proposed that there should be a redempti on o f the rent charge or tithe composition at 60 years' purchase, he then said that the Clergy, who had had a tithe composition, would be able to buy land at eighteen years' purchase—thus supposing they would gain five-and-a-half per cent., by laying out this capital in land. This is an assumption in which lam prepared to agree. The Honourable Member for Launceston, in 1835, proposed another mode of redemption. He prbposed that the tithe composition should be reduced to seventy-five per cent., and twenty years' purchase given, He proposed not that the deficiency should be made up from the pur chase of land, but that the Perpetuity Fund of the Church Temporali ties should be applied to make up the income of the Clergy. Now, Sir, with regard to that proposition likewise it is out of my power to go along with him, because the whole of these funds, so far from showing a surplus they constantly show a deficiency; and it would be a mere _ _ . .. . delusion upon the Clergy to consider it at all. Well, then, Sir, with re. gard to the state of the Clergy, while I propose a reduction I have to encounter the objection which those who have preceded me in this pro- position endeavoured to obviate, but, In my opinion, not successfully—. in my opinion, there would bo a great diminution, which it was impossibly for us to calculate. I cannot see but that the clergy. men having a sixteen years' purchase would be considerable losers, and therefore I, for one, would not force it upon them. I will therefore propose that the life-interest should be strictly preserved. But if I say that those existing interests shall be preserved by the clergyman continuing to receive the tithe composition, I am con tinuing for a long period the contentions and collision between the clergy and the people which unhappily have already too often taken place.—(Hear, hear.) I propose, therefore, that while there is a security for the future in the redemption of the Tithe, there will be a security to the amount of 70 per cent. by making the State the gua rantee for that sum. So far utile Church is concerned, there can be no reaionable objection to this plan. I propose to reduce the income; but I reduce it less than the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir H. Hardinge) where he proposed to give 1,5001. ; I give 1,600, and I give the security of the State, therefore, Sir, I think no objection can be made to this proposition, either on the ground of pressing hard upon the Clergyman, or reducing him entirely, or of making him LEFT SPEAKING. LIIIIRL--VaIITE V. NEWMAN. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, MA Y 14, 1838 a stipendiary on the State, and depriving him of the recut rity of his endowment. It is for this reason, therefore, tha_ I think that many of these petitions, and among others that of the clergy of Limerick, are founded upon a total misapprehen. sion of the resolutions. They are afraid that they are to be made dependent upon an annual vote of this House, but that will not be the case, for they would be secured by an Act of Parliament, and without another Act of Parliament that income could not be affected. If they considered that it was exposed to any danger, or from any spoliation from the State, I provide even for that— for I provide that the clergyman may claim redemption.—(Hear, hear.) So much for the details of the plan, as it affects the clergy. I come now to that part of it which affects both the Church and the people. Sir, I cannot think that the body of the clergy of Ireland are inimical to the feeling of the people—that they are careless of the sufferings of the people. The people have embibed, and I cannot say unnaturally—they have embibed from their teachers to resist the payment of tithes and were it not that circumstances have been favourable of late to the. general maintenance of tranquillity, we should have seen a continuance of aggravation of those conflicts in which the tithe-payers determined to resist the law, met in vast numbers, came into conflict with the military and with the police, and extended that resistance even till bloodshed was caused. Now, Sir, in what manner does this plan propose to remedy that evil ? It proposes to remedy it in this way—that in future that which shall be asked of the occupier, that which shall be asked, aye, even of the person having the first estate of inheritance, does not immediately or necessarily go to the Church ; that tne motive when the clergyman is secured, first by the payment of the state and afterwards by the possession of property, similar to any other property—the motive is taken away to resist the payment of the rent charge, because that resistance is no prsof of the principle, and the withholding of that payment would not in the result affect the income of the Clergy.--(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It is, therefore, proposed by one of the subsequent resolutions that the payments to be made out of those rent charges should not he payments merely out of: the Consolidated Fund, but it is proposed that it should be in a great measure payments con nected with the Civil Government of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) if there are payments connected with the Civil Government of Ireland it can hardly be expected—no rational man can expect that, so far as the physical resistance is concerned—so far as those dreadful scenes of bloodshed and of massacre are concerned— I say no rational man can possibly expect that the payments will be resisted. I will state a few of the payments it is proposed should be made. It is proposed that the constabulary force should be given at 100,0001. per annum, and the town police at 70,000/. It is proposed that out of those sums, 100,0001. a-year should be secured on the Conso. lidated Fund, to be paid out of the revenue for the purposes of Education Sir, that income, for the present, would be collected by the officers of the Woods and Forests, under the direction of the State, and would be payable like any other sums which are devoted for the purposes of a Civil Government. If it was thought better that it should be made payable to the Treasurer of the country that plan might be adopted. There would likewise be a sum—it was impossible to state positively what it would be-- perhaps about 40,0001., arising from other sources, and in that ease its my opinion that Parliament ought to devote that sum to local charities in Ireland, and I must say the more they can do to extend education, the more they perform their duty towards Ireland, and the more likely they are to have the benefit of order in that country. With respect to this question of education in Ireland, unnecssary as it is for me to en force the advantage of a grant for this purpose I will state that I have looked upon this question of education of all classes in Ireland, proposed as it was by the Noble Lord op posite, and carried into effect with much more success than I had thought possible—l have looked at it as of far deeper importance than education in any other country. I look at it as of so much importance, partly because being a friend to the Eestablished Church, I see in Ireland that we can not have an Established Church. It was stated most fairly by, a Member of the other House of Par liament, that in Ireland you have a Church connected with the State, but not the majority of the people—(Hear, hear.)— . , and that you have a Church connected with the majorities of people but not with the State. Ido not anticipate, however, much, I should think it desirable that the clergy nos connected with the State and the Roman Catholic and Presbyterian clergy should be connected with the State, according to the resolution passed in this House—there was a resolution passed that it was expedient to provide by law for the payment of the Roman Catholic Clergy. I know not whether after he has rescinded one resolution, the Hon. Baronet intends to propose to rescind that.— (Great cheering.) But with regard to any plan or scheme If that kind, whatever any persons may think of its policy, I think no person in the present circumstances of the times—considqng the opinions of the Church of England—considering the :opinions of the Protestant Dissenters, and considering, in the last Waco, the opinions of the Roman Catholic clergy and laity will think that plan likely to affect the object.—(Hear, hear, hsar.) Whether that plan b wise or tint, I say that, by means of education, you may direct in some degree, what I consider to be the effect of not having an Established Church connected with the State. You may have men of education—men cf learning and morality —men able to teach and inculcate the common precepts of religion and morality, with out being exposed to the hostility of any sect or denomination. COMMON PLEAS.-(THIS DAY) This case, the particulars of which have frequently he•n before tl:c pul;fle in the Police Reports, and also in motions in this Court, came on this morning for trial. Mr. Sergeant Wilde, with whom were Mr. Richards, and Mr. Clarkson, conducted the case for the plaintiff; and the d:fendant ap peared for himself. • Mr. Sergeant WILDE stated the case. The plaintiff was a respectab:e solicitor, residing in Gordon-place, Euston-square, and the defendant, Mr. Newman, who is a Barrister, residing in the Temple, was in the year 1836 accepted as a suitor to Miss White, the plaintiff's daughter ; from certain circumstances was induced to put an end to the interview. Subsequently Mr. Newman persisted in forcing his attentions on Miss White, and the letters which he wrote to her and ethers, after the plaintiff's prohibition of her further reception of Mr. Newman as a suitor, contained a decisive language and aspersions upon the character of the plaintiff as well as personal threats, which constituted the libels complained of. Numerous letters addressed by the defendant to Miss Newman were put in ; abounding in the most abusive language respecting her father, and expressions or the most passionate affection towards herself. Those of the most recent date reproached her bitterly with haring broken her oath, and in one passage assured her that she would certainly be damned as a perjuress. It appeared that in June, 1837, Miss White wrote to defendant, saying that in consequence of the bad opi.. non which he entertained of her father and mother she felt that she could never be happy with him, and she regretted that she had been hoduced to renew the acquaintance with him after her father's prohibition. From the date of this letter Miss White never opened the letters afterwards written to her by the defendant, but sent them unopened to her father. A letter addressed to the Rev. A. Williams, Lecturer at St. Pancras Chapel, where plaintiff's family attended, was also put in. It wits in the handwriting of the defendant, but was framed in such terms as to appear to have come from some one ,riendly to Mr. White, and hostile to the defendant. Its purport was, that the opinion and advice of the Rev. Gentleman respecting an oath, by which Mrs. White pledged herself on the Bible to be the wife of Mr. Newman, and no other. Mr. Newman having at the same time taken a similar oath. The letter set forth the circumstances under which the oath was taken, and gave a narrative of the defendant's " whole course of courtship." In 1 83 3, returning from France in a steam-boat, the parties became acquainted, and, some time afterwards, defendant applied to plaintiff to be received as a suitor to Miss White, but he was told that her affections were supposed to be engaged to another. He was received, however, as a visitor and a friend, and in some time, after more than one refusal, he was accepted by Miss White, with her father's approbation. When he came, how ever, to press Mr. White as to what he proposed to give his daugh ter, that gentleman inquired into Mr. Newman's affairs, and not finding that he was in a state of independence, put an end to all nogociations of his daughter's marriage, and forbad Mr. Newman's visits. From this time the correspondence commenced in which the defendant aspersed the plaintiff's character in letters to Ins daughter; and, in consequence of some letters containing violent threats, Miss Newman called at defendant's chambers in the Temple to remonstrate, and having remained there two hours with him, they pledged themselves to each other:with solemn oaths on the bible. This was the case submitted fur the Rev. Gentleman's opinions as to the obligation of the oath, and several passages in Scripture were referred to pro and con. A copy of verses, satirically:embodying the substance of the ci-devant lovers, ac companied this letter. Mr. Newman spoke at great length in his defence, and stated the whole history of his acquaintance with plaintiff's family from first to last. He complained that he had been trifled with, and contended that he had a right to press upon Miss White the obligation of the oath by which she bound herself to him after he had been ac cepted as her future husband with her father's approbation. He had entered a plea of justification, on the ground that two anonymous let ters, now acknowledged to have been sent by Mr. White, referring him to the 34th chapter of Genesis, which would ba the first lesson for the following Sunday. That lesson contained the narrative of Dinah and Shechem, and the murder of the latter by Dinah's two brothers. The imputation cast on him (defendant), and the threat held out in that scandalous reference, elicited from him the letters complained of. It was true Mr. White said that he had made a mis take—that the lesson was ceanged, and that he meant to refer to the 30c. of numbers, which related to the non obligdtion of the pledges of maidens under ago. The Loan CHIEF Jusricn—lt was a most unfortunate mistake Mr. NEWTON then referred to a subsequent letter in which it was said that the reference to the story of Shechem was a mistake, but that the chapter was appropriate, as an example to injured brothers. Mr. White having at this time two grown up sons, whom he (Mr. N.) had supposed to be meant as the parallels of Simeon and Levi, who slew Shechem for his conduct to Dinah. He (Mr. N.) had been most cruelly treated. He had been indicted and imprisoned for those letters, and now this action followed, because he would not give a pledge, which would be equivalent to signing his own death.warrant. Mr. Sergeant WILDE replied. After which the Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff Damages, 250/. TATTERSALL'S-(THIS EVENING. t d aken 7 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Phcenix—taken 18 to agst Mr. Armitage's Nonplus colt—offered 4 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Grey Momus— -18 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's D'Egville— o ff ered 15 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's lon—taken 12 to 1 agst Mr. Bland's Young Rowton—offered 40 to 1 agst Mr. Worrall's Dormouse—taken 50 to 1 agst Sir G. Heathcote's Amato--taken 4 to 1 agst Mr. Scott's lot—taken 27 to 1 agst Mr. E. Peel's The Early Bird—taken 11 to 1 st Mr. Coombes's Cobham—taken 20 to 1 agst Lord. Stradbroke's Beggarman—t a k en 35 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's Richard Roe 45 to 1 agst Mr. Richardson's Moue Adam 35 to 1 agst Sir J. Mills's Volunteer i2O to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Alemdar—taken 500 to 25 agst Mr. Ford's Quo Minus—offered 33 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Bretby—taken THE OAKS. 7 to 1 agst Mr. Batson's Vespertilio 77 to 1 agst Lord Albemarle's Barcarolle 11 to 1 agst Lord Suffield's Calliste—taken 12 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Rowton's dam filly—offered 12 to 1 agst Mr. J. Scott's Mary Gray—taken M A It K : 93 E 06 T vv :v — a a l l ll(ss M AR KET.—(THI S H 1 A : 5 e t t i a e: D . 0 . 1 A .. .... 31 ...... ) ... . 2 2.2 1 8 6 COAL Ships arrived since last market-day, 81. s. if. Per Per Ton.Ton ' a. is Affair's lB 0 Dixon's Butterknowl ............... 19 0 Dean's Primrose Felling Main rlolywell Picton 17 0 Walls End Deanery . .. ....... 3 0 29 0 Walls End West 'fees ... Pontop Windsor ........ 19 6 Russell's Iligh.,Main Wylam 19 6 1 Walls End Seymo ur T ees .... 20 6 Walls End Bell and Brown Walls End Bewicke and C 0.., 2 19 1 6 0 w W :l l l l7 s E En n d d 'fees . h .. e . ...... ... . ............ :',...., 1 0 9 Walls End Grace 21 0 Walls End Hartley 0 . ........ • Wails Walls End End Hettonß K r il a i tl iT tl 4' Y w ll' n e rth22 22 6 We have heard, but do not vouch for the ru mour, that there is a vacancy in the Borough of St. Ives, by the death of Mr. liaise. OPENING OF THE LONDON AND SOUTHAMPTON RAILWAY. The works upon this important undertaking have now been so far completed as to permit its being opened to Woking-common, a distance of 23 miles from London. The first experimental trip upon this ex tended line was made on Saturday last, when the Directors, accompanied by their chief engineer, 3.1 r. Locke, by several Noblemen, and by many Members of Parliament, paid a flying visit to the admiring rustics, who had congregated in thousands at Woking. The arrangements for the occasion were of a kind to command suceess, and did not fail to attain it. The party invited to accompany the Directors assembled at the handsome and conveniont terminus at Nine-elms, near Vauxhall-bridge, soon after one o'clock. The preparations for the jaunt having been completed, the party, amongst whom were the Earl of Carnarvon, Lord Adolphus Fitsclarence, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, M.P., Mr. Robert Gordon, M.P., Mr. Divett, Mr. Thomas Duncombe, M.P., Sir Harry Verney, Bart., M.P., Sir Matthew Wood, Bart., M.P., Mr. Ward, M.P., Mr. MildmaY, M.P., Mr. Hume, M.P., Mr. Easthope, M.P., and many other gentlemen who have felt a deep interest in the undertaking, took their seats in the different carriages, and in a few minutes Kingston with all its lovely scenery, shewed itself in the distance. Advancing at the same faultless and well.sustained pace, Kingston quickly fell into the rear, and not very many minutes afterwards the station at Woking-common was was gained. The whole distance, 23 miles was accomplished in 45 minutes, and yet to the passengers there was no appearance of extra ordinary speed. So smooth and easy was the transit, so utterly undis. turbed by the slightest shake or jar, that if the eyes were closed it was difficult to imagine oneself in motion at all. After the Directors and their guests had partaken of the handsome and liberal luncheon which had been provided for the occasion, the steam was again put in requisition, the party returned to their seats, and in 43 minutes (two minutes less than the time occupied in going down) they were once more safely deposited at the terminus at Nine Elms. Thus was the whole distance out and home (411 miles) accom plished without the slightest apparent effort, without one tingle diffi culty, without the semblance of an accident, in the wonderful short time of one hour and twenty-eight minutes. It is needless to observe that an experiment so well begun and so happily terminated, afforded the highest satisfaction to all parties. Every one was anxious to ex press his gratification at the moment and upon the spot, but the Direc tors shaking their friends by the hand requested them to take a few hours to consider of the matter, and to favour them with their delibe rate opinion in the evening at the Clarendon Hotel. The invitation was as readily accepted as it was cordially given. At dinner the Directors were joined by the Duke of Sussex, who had expressed a wish to take part in the excursion of the morning, and was only prevented from doing so by the delicate state of his health, and the dread of an east wind. In other respects the party was much the same as it had been upon the railway. Mr. EASTHOPE, the Chairman of the Company, presided. On his right sat the Duke of Sussex, and on his left the Earl of Carnarvon. Mr. REND, the Secretary to the Company, occupied the Vice Chair. After the cloth had been removed, and after the healths of " The Queen" and " The Queen Dowager" had been drunk with warm de. monstrations of loyalty, The CHAIRMAN rose to propose the health of the illustrious individual who had done them the honour to ♦isit them that day, and to whom they felt themselves deeply indebted. He (the Chairman) was sure that his Royal Highness had no higher pleasure, no greater gratification than that which he gained from the promotion of great national improve ment, and when this was accompanied with great urbanity of manner and great personal kindness, it was not a matter of surprise that he should be the nation's delight.—(Cheers.) " The health of his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex," was drunk with much enthusiasm. The Duke of Sussex, in returning thanks, begged to express his warm acknowledgments for the kind manner in which the company had received the toast, and likewise to his Hon. Friend, the Chairman, for the handsome manner in which he had introduced it to their notice. His Hon. Friend certainly did him justiee in stating his anxiety at all times to promote, and with others to assist in the advancement of any measure which he thought conducive to the improvement and advan. tage of the country.—(Applause.) That would naturally be the object of every individual, but more particularly of one placed in the situation in which he stood, because he must feel that as the improvements of the nation increased in value and importance, so must those who by Provi dence were placed in an exalted station in an equal ratio stand higher in the estimation of the world in general. He believed it was one of the principles of every well.regulated society that no part of it could advance without the ether parts advancing in an equal degree. That was the principle upon which the constitution of England was founded, and he was sure that every body present would feel with him that it was to that principle that they owed ell the security and prosperity they pos. sessed.--(Applause.) He looked upon railways as one of the most im portant improvements of modern dabs, and although he was not so man. guine as to expect that all which were in contemplation would succeed, he confessed that that which run from London to Southampton was one from which he anticipated immense success and immense benefit. In case of war the immediate communication which the railway would affird between London and Southampton would point out the latter as the most convenient place for the establishment of a depot, and at ell times, whether in peace or war, he should not be surprised to find that much of the valuable produce of the East Indies would find its way into the Southampton river, and thence by this new and rapid mode of tran sit to the metropolis.—(Hear, hear.) He might be wrong, but that was a wrong impression upon his mind. The difficulty of getting round in the Thames, the delays which frequently arose from contrary winds, and the dangers which beset that part of our seas, were considerations that he theueht would induea almost all who had valuable cargoes, either from the soot or west, to seek a safe ens convenient harbour at Mouth ampton.—(Applause..) He merely threw out these remarks to show that he had not been inattentive, or indifferent to the interests of the Company.—(Loud applause.) He would now conclude by proposing— if he were allowed to do so—" Prosperity to the London and Southalnl, ton Railway." The toast was drunk with much applause. The CHAIRMAN next proposed the healths of the Earl of Carnarven, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, Mr. M3l.lway, &c., who severally returned thanks ; and th• party afterward• separated, highly delighted and pleased with the day's entertainment. MONEY and COMMERCIAL MARKET (From the Morning Paperioethis day.) Times —A series of petty reforms, it seems, has been commenced in the Bank of England, which evince the determination to extend a prin ciple of the strictest economy into all the minor details of the establish ment. The Directors have curtailed the consunsption of pens to such an extent, that none are allowed or to be found on the desks where the public endorse their notes or sign for transfers or dividends, except such as may chance to be left there by the Stockbrokers who accompany their customers, carrying their pens with them from the Stock-Exchange. A strict account is also ordered to be taken of the precise time when the lamps are lighted and put out, in order to check waste. The clerks, too, are no longer allowed for work after their usual hours, and their salaries, which before, according to a certain scale, were raised every two years, are in future to be advanced only I every three years. Nor are these the only curtailment of their privi leges : they were allowed to make out the powers of attorney fot the sale or transfer of stock, the stamp on which is We., and for which the pub lic were charged 2.15. 641., and ls. 6d. being the fee of the clerks for their trouble. This gratuity, so far as the clerks are concerned, is abo lished, but the public are still subjected to the same charge. The Di rectors, it appears, have also adopted the' practice of re-issuing their old notes, like country banks, instead of, as formerly, cancelling them when paid in, and issuing only new notes. Complaints arc made that under this system the numbers of the old notes so re-issued are no longer taken as before, by which the difficulties of tracing then in case of accident are likely to be materially enhanced Whether these re forms are meant only as a beginning, or are to extend into higher mat_ teas, remains to be seen. Friday morning an act of suicide of a most deter mined character took place in Kensington-gardens, being the third within the last fourteen days. About seven o'clock police-constable Garton, A SS, while passing over the bridge which divides the gardens from Hyde -park, had his attention attracted by the report of a pistol, and conceiving it to have been occasioned by some boys firing at the birds, he proceeded in the direction whence the sound emanated, for the purpose of driving them away. After searching about for five minutes without seeing any person, he entered one of the plantations called the Middle Wood, which abuts on the round pond opposite Ken sington Palace, and about the middle discovered the body of a gentle man, evidently a foreigner, lying on the grass, extended at full length on his back. On the left side of the body was lying a handsome walking cane, and a few feet beyond the head was a hat. On examining the body a pistol shot wound was discovered under the right ear, from which blood was still flowing, though life was quite extinct. The unfortunate gen tleman, when committing the rash act, had evidently been in a standing position, the pistol being found lying under his left shoulder, and on searching his clothes his pockets were found to contain a green silk purse containing two sovereigns, a sixpence, four penny pieces, and three half pence in copper. Also a very handsome massive silver snuff-box, and a silver pencil-case, but no paper of any description from which his name or connexions could be ascertained. On the lining of the hat, which was made by Messrs. Shearman and Briggs, OS, Gracechurch. street, was written " Jones Schmidt," from which it is inferred that the unfortunate gentleman was a German. He was dressed in an olive brown frock coat, dark striped Valentia waistcoat, Oxford mixture trou. sers, high patent leather shoes, and leather gloves, which were still on his hands. Friday night a respectable jury was empanelled before Mr. Higgs, coroner for Westminster, to investigate the ease ; when the only evidence adduced was that of a man named Murphy, a labourer la the gardens, who was called to the spot by Garton, the policeman who discovered the body. The purport of his evidence was as above. The jury inquired why Garton was not present? The constable said he had not been able to summon him. The coroner, in the absence of Garton, suggested the propriety of an adjournment, as it was probable in the meantime the body might be owned. The jury, after remarking that it was evident from the deceased's fingers that he had not been engaged in any employment, then adjourned until six o'clock on Monday (this day). The wheat since our last has made great improve ment, and the eye of the farmer is now gladdened with the fresh green colour, which is most pleasing to an agriculturist, where a fortnight ago everything was brown, sickly, and stunted. Beans and peas have made astonishing progress within the last week. Oats and barley, however, were up and look thriving. In a week or two we shall be able to say more about them. The prevalence of north-east winds might have been e xpected to check the blossoms to a very great extent, but nearly every blossom that has come out looks promising and well. Some of the wall fruit, however, has slightlr suffered.—Maidstone Gazettee. FRENCH STEAMER ON THE THAMES.—Hitilefto all the steam-vessels frequenting the port of London have been virtually, if not ostensibly, of British ownership and origin. The French, how. ever, have at length resolved to enter the field, and " carry the war into the enemy's quarters." A splendid new steamer, the Phenix, has been built at Havre for this purpose, and has just commenced running be tween her native port and London-bridge, between which places she in. tends to take up a regular station. She belong to a French Company, who are determined, if possible, to reap some of the benefits of the im. mense intercourse between the two capitals of England and France, by water as well as by land. -- Mechanics' Magazine. GERMAN LITERATURE.--It 13 curious that the second edition of a German work is generally much altered from the first, and admits not only of var i a ti ons of statements, but often direct con t ra diction of its former self. Jacobi, no inconsiderable man, pub lished a book, turning much on a distinction, unknown in this country, between the reason and the understanding; but the second edition had appended to it this important erratum, for the benefit of those readers who might still wish to make use of their original copies :—" Wherever you find understanding read reason, and fur reason read understand ing." --Quarterly Since the conviction of seyen captains of steamers for navigating their vessels at a greater rate of speed than five miles an hour in the pool, a manifest improvement has taken place with some of the steam-vessels, and their speed is now confined within reasonable limits as they pass up and down th e p oo l ; other steam-packets, however, go as fast as ever, there is not the least abatement of their speed, and it is exceedingly difficult for the boats and small craft to be navigated in the swell which they raise. The Waterman's Company have directed their officers to watch the progress of the steamers daily, and intend prosecut. ing the masters of the vessels found offending against the regulations. Under these circumstance,' the evil so long complained of is likely to be entirely stopped. There lives at present in Poros a Greek clergyman named John Chaniotis, who was born on the 13th of January, 1718. He married in 1748, and was priested in 1755. He has three sons, the one 70, the other 65, and the third 55 years of age, and a daughter 68. John ch an iotis has the enjoyment of all his faculties, both intellectual and physical. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS The Orange flag is unfurled. Sir Thomas Acland's notice of motion to rescind the resolutions of the last House of Commons, upon which the Appropriation Clause was founded, places the violent designs of the predominant section of the Tories beyond all question. If we are to be blessed with another draught of Toryism, it is clear we are to have no mild decoction of it, such as the Duke of Wellington, or Sir Robert Peel, if allowed to have a will of his own, would be disposed to indulge vs with. We are to have the pure alcohol burning from the Chandos still, and fit for the lips of the most rampant Orangeman in Ireland. We always regarded the question between Whig aud Tory as tantamount to the question of peace or war with Ireland. When two or three wrongheaded Radicals exclaimed that there was no difference between the two parties, we always replied that the difference was as large as a third of the empire—that the interval was wide enough to hold the peace and welfare of seven or eight millions of her Majesty's loyal subjects. Were we right, or were we wrong ? Is there now an individual out of his cradle, or out of Bed lam, who does not see as plainly as he sees the sun on the meridian that the nation of a Tory Government in Ireland upon any but the most bigotted aud most outrageous Orange principles is the idlest of chimeras ? War with Ireland is as evidently the Tory motto as if the words had been blazoned in orange and purple characters over the head of Lord Chandos in the Tailors' Hall. It is not enough that the reform of every Irish abuse shall be firmly resisted; it is not enough that every oppression under which Ireland groans and labours shall be religiously maintained ; it is not enough that to that country the Reform Bill shall be a cruel and insulting mockery ; that England and Scotland shall enjoy municipal rights and liberties, while to Ire land they are obstinately and contumeliously denied; it is not enough even that the burden of the Irish Church—that mightiest grievance that ever scourged a people—shall be guarded with pious horror from the slightest mitigation or reduction. No! There is a still further length which Tory insolence and despotism has yet to go, and to which it is now declared that it is the resolution of this destructive party to push their schemes : if there exists amongst the records of the British Parlia ment but a bare and solitary recognition of a just principle and a kindly spirit :against that principle this ruthless and unblushing party wages battle; against that spirit they desperately array themselves, and pro pose no milder foundation for their power than a solemn protest not only against the concession of the smallest particle of justice to Ireland, but against so much as the naked acknowledgment of a feel ing of sympathy with the gigantic wrongs of that portion of the empire. Are we sorry that the enemy has made this demonstration ? We re joice at it. We always believed that the traequillity of Ireland was in compatible with their return to power. Now all doubt upon the subject is removed. We always thought that the union and strength of the empire were irreconcileable with their ascendancy in office. Now we have the proof of it before us, written with a sunbeam, in Sir T. Acland'a proposed motion. What man is there breathing, with one idea to jostle against another, and not still reeking with the intemperance of Satur day's banquet, who will gravely assert the possibility of conducting the affairs of the British dominions steadily and prosperously upon the principle of the open, naked, insolent, thoroughpaced contempt for Irish feeling evinced in the plan which the Tories have now nnfolded? Brave candidates these for office and power! Fine recommenda. tions they produce to the favour of a nation every interest of which is wrapped up in the preservation of order and tranquility ! Only restore the Tories to office, and they will bless the United Kingdom with the fairest chances of anarchy and con 'fusion. - They will single out of the multitude of Irish grievances the hugest and sorest, and upon that will they take their stand, and the hand of Reform shall come nigh it. They will make the case of Ireland their diligent study, to decide where they can plant the heel of oppres sion with the best prospect of stinging the people to madness. They will scrutinize the bitter cup of that cruelly ill-treated country, and if there be but one drop of sweet mingled in the abundance of the bitter s, that drop they will extract, and pour it with " the milk of concord into hell," As Sir Robert Peel ridicules Mr. Fox's principles of Govern ment—to consult the wishes and sentiments of the people—we may pre sume the Right Hon. Baronet has made up his mind to act upon the op_ posite principle, should the evil genius of Great Britain replace him at the helm. Sir Robert Peel will consult the aversions and hatreds of the people! He will shew himself superior to Mr. Fox by following the dic tates of Lord Chandos. He puts on again his old cast-off orange suit, turned up with purple; he is a slave and he must wear his master's li very; if SOO Tortes feast him the chameleon cannot do less than take whatever hue his obliging friends select for him, Orange is Dow the uniform, and most submissively Sir Robert flames in the brightest tints of that popular and alluring colour ; struts like a grand master, and treats the notion of consulting the desires and respecting the feelings of seven millions of Irishmen with contempt the most supreme and un bounded. Sir Robert Peel cannot help it ; he must either be a stark Orangeman, or a mere cypher. We said all along that to this alterna tive he would at last be drives.—Morning Chronicle: Sir Thomas Acland's motion goes in substance to rescind those resolu_ tions passed by the House of Commons in the month of April, 183.5, which resolutions—l et, pledged the House of Commons to the applica_ Lion of any so-called " surplus" revenue actually possessed by the Church in Ireland, " to the general education of all classes of the people, without distinction of religious persuasion ;" or, in other words, to the diversion of Church revenues, to the education of Papists, under the direction, and for the objects and purposes, of their priests-2dly, put on record as the decided opinion of the House of Commons, that " no measure upon the subject of tithes in Ireland could lead to a satis factory and final adjustment which did not embody the pranciple con tained in the foregoing resolution." Experience of the !state of parties In this country Las proved the impossibility of acting upon the above resolutions. From the first hour, they have been regarded by the House of Lords as ingrafting upon any measure which might have for its aim a re-modelling of the Irish tithe system, such a principle of downright and wholesale Church robbery, as rendered the adoption of the policy contained in them altogether inadmissible. In stead of facilitating a satisfactory and final adjustment, or being essen. tial to it, the principle of spoliation " embodied in the above resolu tions" has Constituted the grand, if not the only, obstacle to the corn. pletion of some scheme of settlement which would long ere now have passed both Houses, to the infinite satisfaction of all well disposed men, whether Roman Catholic or Protestant, although to the bitter annoy ance, no doubt, of those who thrive and fatten on public discord. The Duke of Wellington has on various occasions in Parliament declared his anxiety for the peaceable and final adjustment of those ques tions, concerning the Church of Ireland, by which the mind of both countries had been so long disturbed—and law and property so endangered. There is no part sf the political conduct pur sued by that illustrious Duke which has obtained for him louder, or more ostentatious, eulogies than the announcement of such his patriotic wishes respecting the Irish Church. We must, therefore, take for granted that Lord Melbourne deeply feels what the Duke of Wellington has expressed as a disinterested statesman—a strong desire to remove the difficulties, or difficulty rather, which impedes the practical solution of the great question of Irish tithe, and would be rejoiced to see the vile appropriation clause resolution expunged from the journals of the House of Commons, let the personal 'consequences be what they might to him. self and his official colleagues. That consummation, we are happy to remind Lord Melbourne, is now rendered of the easiest possible fulfil. merit by the motion of which fair Thomas Aclend has given notice for this evening. Perhaps no individual in the House of Com. MODS deserves less (if so little) the name of a party man than that Hon. Baronet, the popular Member for North Devon. It is not to be imagined that he would have countenanced, much more introduced, a motion of this nature from party motives, from an eagerness to displace a Minister, or to bring an opposition into office. That conscientious and high-minded gentleman sees nothing before him, and seeks nothing but the public good alone. Like the Duke of Wellington, he finds the " damned spot" of the appropriation clause staining and evenoming the wholesome page of Parliamentary history, and makes a ♦irtuous effort:to expunge it. He is aware that it, and nothing else, obstructs so much of the tranquillity of Ireland as depends in a settlement of the tithe question, and therefor• strives to annual and obliterate that single declaration of a former House of Com. mons, which so long as it rests upon the journals, must affix a character of de,fectiecness and disappointment to whatever measure may be passed into a law, but which does " not embody the principle" of despoiling the Church. The motion of Sir Thomas Acland, therefore, is essentially one of kindness mid conciliation, for furthering the progress of tithe reform, and removing a great stumbling block from the path of internal concord. Whether it will be so construed and accepted by the Queen's responsible advisers is a doubt which we are unable to satisfy. If these despised men dream of no world beyond the precincts of Down- ing.street, and still feel the pressure of their sordid pledge, delivered in April, 1835, we suspect they will oppose Sir Thomas Acland's motion. They may say that the appropriation clause binds none but a defunct House of Commons. That is not true. It affects and characterizes the policy of the present House of Commons to this extent—viz., that so long as the House of Commons of 1838 leaves untouched and recorded upon the Journals one or more resolutions passed by the House of Commons in 1855 relating to, and prescribing a certain course of action, in a question upon which the existing House of Commons is actually about to legislate, it is impossible that the people of either country, whether friends or enemies of the Established Church, should regard any tithe measure now brought forward by the Melbourne Mi nisters otherwise than with reference to the resolutions of 1835, which are left designedly unrescinded, and to be governed by those resolutions, according to which we are therefore to expect, that whatever Bill is now brought in, is by Ministers themselves looked upon as an incom_ plete measure—as a mere foundation on which the edifice of Church robbery is hereafter to be erected—a mere "instalment " of that Church ruin which is hereafter to be paid off in full. This argument, we say, is unanswerable, and is incapable of addition. If Ministers now refuse to rescind the spoliatory resolutions of 1835, it can be for no other reason than that they mean to hold out to the Irish priesthood a pledge to act upon them at the first convenient opportunity. They are plainly conscious that without a re_ peal of those resolutions no Irish Tithe Bill will ever pm, Against the repeal of the appropriation-clause resolutions, form ing as they do the sole barrier against a final and effective Church Bill for Ireland, no shadow of a motive can be assigned but that of keeping the Melbourne Cabinet in office. It is therefore manifestly in this base Cabinet that we discover the exclusive obstacle to a "satisfactory ad. justraent" of the tithe question in Ireland. Lit that be well under. stood. It is the downright truth. Let the people of England ponder it, and let the great Conservative Opposition in the House of Com mons—the most unexampled for numerical and moral power that ever sat in any British Parliament—follow up its proceeding elsewhere, by deepening this death-wound of the public enemy, until they fall to the earth an unhallowed monument of political worthlessness and weakness, a theme of astonishment that in an enlightened nation such a gang of adventurers were not brought to condign punishment sooner, or that they were not strangled on first coming into life. — Times. Sir Thomas Acland's motion, to rescind the discreditably memorable appropriation resolutions, stands for this evening. From the tone_. half bullying and half whinning—in which some of the Ministerial journals have alluded to the intended motion, we may easily collect the alarm with which it is viewed in Downing-street. Need we remind the Conservative Members of the necessity of mustering in their strength, and supporting the motion like men determined to do their duty towards the Church and Constitution, which they have been ap pointed to defend —having inscribed upon their banners—" No compro rnise ?" A Ministerial paper says— This assault is to be regarded as the 11rst demonstration of the new policy of attack. The compro mise system is to be abandoned. The Duke of Wellington's pro. claimed disposition to settle the questions in dispute upon fair conces. sions, is no longer to be treated even with the pretences and the cere. monies of respect." So then the Fabian, or rather the Espartero, policy of the greater part of the Session, which our respected contemporary the Standard informed us was adopted to prevent the necessity of a compromise of Conservative principles, has been regarded by Govern. ment partisans as evidence of an intention on the part of the Conserva tives to compromise the great questions on which the destinies of the British empire depend ! And they call the Duke of Wellington to the rescue of the Government, that, for the purpose of displacing the Duke and Sir Robert Peel, agreed to sacrifice to O'Connel our noblest and most sacred institutions. We hope "the 310" will be at their post to indignantly refute the charge of being, at least in tentional, accomplices to any such disgraceful compromise.—Morning Herald. It may strike a casual observer, that in the frequent and lengthy notices which we have already conceived it is our duty to take of the National Loan Fund Society," in order to make that portion of the public for whose advantage it is peculiarly adapted, and whose interests it is calculated to promote, thoroughly acquainted with th• principles w hich distinguish the plan upon which it is based, that we have thrown away more than sufficient s p ace and labour upon the subject ; but to those who have at all made themselves familiar with the great object to be achieved, both as regards the increase of morality and the diminution of the manifold ills which improvidence inflicts upon humanity, we will be thought rather to have fallen short in the accomplishment of our task, than liable to the imputation of re-discussing a question the merits of which are now perfectly understood, and every argu ment connected with it completely exhausted. Long before Mr, Lambe Murray promulgated his views to the public upon this subject, it had struck ourselves foralY that MO in. . _ ' stitution - of the kind ' was a desideratum which the wants of the major portion of society—of that portion which is the most numerous and least attended to, loudly demanded. The exalted and wealthy have the benefit of numberless banks and insurances offices, where they may obtain pecuniary accommodation during life, or provide for their relatives after their demise; but the humbler classes were wholly without any establishment embracing the three great objects which the Loan Fund Society triumphantly encompasses. And yet it is surpris ing, in a country where, from the freedom of its Constitution, states manship has become a science, and legislation grown into a profession , that a question so momentous, so startling, as that involved in discover ing a proper channel into which the surplus wealth of the masses Migh t safely flow, and which would in time accinnulate into an immense seas for the alleviation of human misery, as well as for affording an opportunity for the developement of those virtues in quarters where they are sur posed not to exist, because they ar e no t man if este d , s h ou ld be left t o the penetrating mind and enterp r isi ng gen i us o f a pr i va te individua l. Political economists and philosoph ers h ave, s i nce t h e ear liest period of the world, been perfectly aware of th e d anger o f a ll ow i ng the savings ° f the working portion of society to find their way into improper hands. and of the vast advantages which might result to a State from the pru-. dent application of a part of the profits derived from such an invest ment In Duhalde's " History of China" we find that not only were the people of that country materially served by this system, but that the Govern ment found it also a source of immense revenue. In modern time , We know that Frederick the Great reclaimed Silesia, and Buonaparle succeeded in founding a benevolent institution in France, by the reproductive savings of th e wor ki ng c l asses ; nay, the great Bank of Amsterdam is the offspring of the same P3' rent, which disseminated the practical knowledge of banking_ throughout Europe. The ne cess ity o f some i nst it u ti on like that of which we are now treating was lon g s i nce f e lt i n thi s country, an d led to the establishment of Queen's Anne's charitable corporations, the funds of which afterwards, owing to the want of proper precaution, ulti mately merged into the Bank of England. In Ireland the Government Loan Fund, even with a capital not exceeding 60,0001., has been foil" to work miracles in the shape of social improvement, and in mUltiP l Y iS a ff the comforts of a people who suffer more perhaps than any other in tug world, in consequence of the want of capital, where a trifling capital can be made to yield one hundred-fold. The following short extract to the London Board from the Local Directors in Thurles, a small but thriving town in Tipperary, will be read with much interest, and is published by us with much satisfaction, both as it demonstrates the advantages result ing from the principle of loan f un d s , an d a l so pl a ces in bold relief the obligations which the Irish p eo pl e owe th e " Agricultural, and Commercial Bank," an establishment which, amidst many °b" stacles and discouragements, has conferred incalculable services upo n the country, and is now, thanks to the joint stock principle of bankinf, in a condition to add to them :—" Taking it as a fact that the opera- Lions this year (1E37) were rather of an experimental nature, a nd therefore exceedingly limited, your Treasurer feels much gratified in stating that their success has equalled his most sanguine expeetst ion ; With a paid subscription of 301. 10 s., an d b y t h e lib e rality o r the Agricultural Bank in lending t o y our T reasurer any s ums he might want on his own personal re s p ons ibilit y, 1 , 26 3 1 , we re dig tributed in 594 small loans, all of whi c h, t o th e grea t honou r of the borrowers be it recorded, has been paid w ith t h e s triote"' , punctuality. The moral honesty evinced by th e c l ass who . 13 ' tained relief from this society is indeed very l a ud a bl e, an d a proof sitive that capital may be introduced with saf e ty among them. A' to the benefits derived from these s ma ll l oans, th e y have be en almost incredible. Many instances c a n be a dd uce d w h ere the profits realised have doubled and trebled the s ums l en t. I n on e case, 11, profit arose from a 31. loan. Besid es th e s ti mu l us th us g iven to in dustry, those loans encourage virtu e , an d are a rewar d f or goo d condu ct The divine may preach to the drunkard, the quarreller, or the rioter; the authorities may inflict penaltie s on th em; b u t t h e sen tence of tle Loan Fund Committee, passed in open Court, before hundreds of his meritorious townsmen, against the drunkard, rioter, or quarreller, that: he shall get no loan (because he is such), has often proved more power ful than divine or human laws in effecting his reclamation." li cre have convincing proof of the advantage arising from a well-regula's- Loan Fund; but how much superior for the individual and the Eaeril hers of his family, is the plan of the National Loan S'n riet rl which gives him the option o f p rov idi ng f or i nf i rm ity and ° age by way of annuity, of bo rrow i ng t wo-t hi r d s of the sum irl/e6tea in case of misfortune or sick ness , or, s h ould h e be cut off by dea—o th i of leaving, by an insuranc e upon hi s l i fe, his 'family the mean' - support. The Savings Banks have rendered some service to the e°nln munity, but then the int eres t i s comparatively so insignificant, coupled with restrictions which m a k e it i mposs i ble for anything like a c onside r m able sum to be lodged by an i n di v i dual, that they can never so einh„rt all classes as to becom e genera l ly useful as :places of depos it. -"- wealthy, therefore, will never have recourse to them, while to the 11".1- bier classes they are little better than what their title describes thetaltl namely, depositories for their savi ngs, as th e trifling interest hold' °u but a small temptation to p ru d ence an d frugality ; neither s h o uld it 4.., . ' nis together be forgotten, the d anger which may one day occur by sui lloa an immense capital to acc umu l a t e, w hi c h may be deman d e d in a temp racy excitement by a clamou r i ng mu ltit u d e. Thi s l at t er view °I: sass matter we know is one whi c h more properly concerns th• politicissa ta's the commercial speculator ; still we cannot overlook it in a discussO n pz this nature. Benefit Societies are, unquestionably, in their way,of para mount utility, as a provision is made against sickness ; but do they deal with the healthy and industrious man, who may h ave Tb! subscribing to such an association for years, and yet by some accident deprived of life in a moment, or find himself, by some unforesecalcir cumstance, reduced to abject misery. In the one case, he could not I the consolation of knowing that the sums he had for years paid out, °a s % savings would now to a certain extent be available for the relief of family; nor, in the other, could he fly for succour, and withdraw a , t r ez. tion of that sum to alleviate his distress, which he had subscribed if days of his comparative independence. To the operative, or labouring' man, struggling through the stormy ocean of life, the prospect of W e c n og.. ing a calm and comfortable old age, which the annuity sYst en° r a e sTe r nizes, must be at once cheering and delightful, as pointing to a how untairin,, which even the lofty of this world are but too happy to reach. again revert to this subject, whi c h i s o f grea t i mportan ce to the Xs : ; E.* l. generally, but more especi a lly to th e wor ki ng c l asses a nd tb o6o connected with Benefit Societies —Morning Advertiser. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. BRISTOL AND CLIFTON RACES, TV.rmyslzar . The Bristol Stakes (Handicap) of 5 sons. each, 3 ft, with 20 added by the Town. Heats. Mr. F. Cra►en's b. h. Doncaster, 4 yrs, 9st Treen 1 I Mr. King's Luck (h. b.), 5 yrs, 7st. blb 9 2 ° Mr. Foster's Nike, aged (h. b.), Bst. 71b fell Mr. Rees's b. m. Wildgeose (h. b.), 4 yrs, 7st. 71b ...... TIIURSD.Cr. The Gold Cup of 103 sovs. in specie, added to a Sweepstakes of 30 sovs. each, 10 ft. Three miles. Three to start or the 100 sevs will not be given. Mr. Houghton's Doncaster, 4 yrs, 7st. 10Ib walked o'er The Redland Handicap of 5 sovs. each, 3 ft., and 20 added- Mile and a quarter heats. King of Clubs, 4 yrs, Pst ... A. Perrent 0 2 1 Inez, 5 yrs, 6st. 71b Talebearer, 4 yrs, Est. 71b ... Lucy, 5 yrs, 6st. 121 b Lucretia, 3 yrs, 7st. 71b Tilley, by Dr. Faustus, 4 yrs, 7st. 91b A Hurdle Race Sweepstakes of 3 sovs. each, with 10 added' r heats, Clifton Stakes :Course, with four leaps over hurdles, 10 ... , horses bona fide the property of Gentlemen residing withu! din(.' h e ats by miles of the city of Bristol, and to be ridden by Gentlemen resi._ within five miles of the city, llst. each, were won in two Mr. G. Fisher's b. g. Creeper, beating Mr. Williams's Ch. * Robin Hood, and Mr. Wither's ch. g. Cupid. CHESTER RACES,FItIDAr, r 1 I . l a ; The Palatine Stak es o f 5 0 sovs. each, h. ft., for three yea r:. 0 colts Bst. 71b. ; fillies, list. 21b. Lord Wellninster's e. Sir R a lph, b y P an t a l oon walked over Four paid. Cid" The Cheshire St a k es o f 25 soya. each, with 50 added b y the or zens of Chester, 15 6015. ft., and 5 sovs. only if declared 040, before the I s t F e b ruary. Second horse to save hi s stake. miles. Mr. J. Fairlie's br. g. Zohrab, aged, Bst. lib .................... Mr. T. Walt ers ' s b r. h . Ki ng Cole, yrs, 7tt. 71b . ............... 5 Mr. Fowler's br. m. Mersey, 5 yrs, 6st. 101 b .................... rs * oi , 6 to 4on Ki ng C o l e, 3 to 1 agst Zohrab, 7 to 2 nit Won by The Rosidee four Stak leng esthsof in all but a canter. 10 sovs. each, h. ft., with 50 adsles- Stand Committ ee , f or t h ree years old, that have run duri by the nF,te _. week ;to start a t th e t wo - years-old post, go once roun d and r Lord Derby's ch. e. Ole Bull, by Taurus ...... Lord Eglintou's ch c. Achilles, by Aetwon ...................... •• 0 Sir T. Stanley's b. c . b y T ramp ..................... ••• 0 Mr. F. R. Price's b. f. Whir1wind.............................. .••-" Sir R. Bulkeley's b. f. Piccotee ...... .............................. 2 to 1 agst Ole Bull, who won cleverly. title" ~ The Wirrall St a k es o f 10 sovs. each, with 50 added by the e mb ; men of Wirral], for two and three years old ; two yrs, 6 5 t• three yrs, 9st. ; mares an d geldings allowed 2lbs. Fiv e ri d to scribers or no race . Th ree quarters of a mile. The sec° save his stake. 1 Mr. F. R. Price's br. c. Captain Pops, 3 yrs ..................... , Sir.T. Stanley's b. c. Gasparoni, 3 yrs .............................. Mr. Denham's b. c. Compensation, 3 yrs ............... 4 ' Lord Derby's eh. Rodora, by Felt, 3 yrs ......... . ........ 3 to 1 on the winner. 114 - The Ladi es Purse, value 50/., to be run for by horse s beaten- Au M r. :1 to the week ; th e b est of heats, tw i ce round the course to a bellw start at the C om i ng -i n -Ch a i r; th ree years old 6st. 1 01 b-, o 4 Bst., tive Bst. 91b., six and aged Bst. 121 b ; mares and gel : 1 0 1 allowed 21b. A w i nner o f one 501 . c l ear to carry 2 1b. e xtr two 51b., and th ree or mare 81b . S econd horse to rece i v e 1 0 Mr. G. D awson ' s c h . c. Ai mwell, 3 yrs S Mr. F. P r i ce ' s b r. h . W entworth, 9 yrs dr Mr. Jam es ' s b. c . Ji m C row, 4 yrs Won cleverly. E v ening' Chester, Fridy yer The business d one upon th e Li verpool Craven Cup II" lw a , large y : brisk for the past two days. Heron was backed at sto sum this morning, and Birdlime's party h ave fetelled hir our quotation. LIVERPOOL TRADE cur (wznzixen.AY)• 2 to 1 agst Mr. Mostyn's Birdlime 4 to 1 agst Brother to Van 5 to 1 agst Mr. Fowler's Heron 6 to 1 agst Captain Lamb's Chit Chat THE DERBY. 7 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Grey Momus The Four-i n -h an d Club, we believe, has now been soniPieteLoot under the judicious a rrangements of the Duke of B eau f o rt and Jen - Chesterfield. U pwar d s o f 20 noblemen and gentlemen, wit h Tr., c le did equipag es , b u il t f or t h e purpose, start to-morrow from r 7 5,... Park in pro cess i on • and though w e d o no t k now the route, it ; ranged that th e y halt at Richmond.—Observer. SECOND-HAND SILVER w . I 4 ,TC H E M A variety of some dozens may be selected Th from, price Two G UI', each ; some rather m ore mo d ern, T wo and a Half Guine'r , es , " e and an assortment quite equal to new, Three Guineas ear,ti• CO Q whole have been carefully examined, and are warranted. T. rofm. SAVORY, Watchm a k er , 47 , C ornhill, London, S ever , Doors , Graeechurch-street. N.B, S econd-hand Watc h es purchase ( " exchange. BIRTHS. Yesterday, M a y 13 , in Great Dover-road, Southwark, the lady of Mr. Thos. Bone, of a son. On the 12th inst., in Norfolk-street, the wife of J. F. Is aacsori, Esq., of a so n . of On the 10th inst., at Stamford-hill, Mrs. Charles Shadbo___lt, of a daughter.• Kekwich, Esq., MAIED. On the )oth inst., at St. Clement's Church, near Oxford, Jahn Mr. Thomsoi fOxford. 1,0 _ of Culhain, Oxon, to Martha, third daughter DIED. On the 11 t h i nst., i n U pper Se y mour - street, in the WV.), ye ar olf his age, Thomas Andrew Knight,Esq., of Downton Caf,tle, Pres s (lent of the horticultural Society. On tlze 9th inst., at Peckham, Mr. George Mil!,er, of the Olid Kent -road , aged 27. London: Printed and Published by MUIIIIO YOUNG, of I sle ' 112, Strand, at The Sioi Office, No. 112, Strand, in the count,' of Middteeme:-.44tolday, May 14, 111.Td.