The Sun. — London, England, 1826-12-23 00:00:00

I II ~1 ~" ~ • 4 SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Tbe. highly, important intelligence from Paris, of which this paper was yesterday the exclusive channel, gave added force to the belief, now general amongst the people of this country, that those just, prompt, and vigorous measures, for the defence of our ancient ally, which the Times was so earnest in advising, and which the King's Ministers (to their pi*) were not slack in adopting, will eventually prove, themselves to have been the fittest imaginable for preserving some tune longer the peace now existing among the great Powers of Europe. The speech of M. llamas, trench Minister for Foreign Affairs, is not, as a mere official explanation, at all secondary to that of Mr. Canning. So far as words go, the discourse of the French Mini ster is not less explicit or satisfactory than that of his English brother ; and we are firmly persuaded that the Cabinet of his Most Christian Majesty cannot pursue more directly or more honourably the best interests of the nation for which they act, than by fulfilling to the letter the promises and assurances thus put on record by their Foreign Minister. ft is pleasing to see throughout the speech of M. Damas a manly testimony borne everywhere to the wrongs which our Portuguese ally has suffered—to the mean and mu lish dishonesty of the Camarilla—to the positive ne cessity under which England ,stood of coming for ward to the protection of her injured friend—and to the strict and conscientious good faith with which she had previously discharged time obligation of for bearance towards the Spanish Court, contracted by her at the instance of his Most Christian Ma- jesty. At a moment like the present, when there are bad siririts at work in France, which would be read / enouelt to stimulate the Minister to language of a more pernicious tennency, or to be instigated by him (were he less wisely disposed) to any the most destruc tive extravaganceove can affirm, that it argues a digni tied and toffy spir;t in the Drench Cabinet to express themselves with such perfect equity end candour; and may, 'indeed, be taken as an - evidence of the full secu rity with which the advisers of Charles X. feel that • is Ins monarchy is surrounded, since for none it so natural or so simple to bOjust, as for him who, con , scious of his own spirit and power, is aware that his homage to the cause of truth can never be ascribed to ignoble motives.. Nothing in words can be more clear than the disposition of France, as represented by .M. Dames, to co-operate with this country in every measure the best calculated to preserve Portugal from molestation by the despotic Court of Madrid ; and in policy there is nothing more self-evident than the paramount interest which th e F renc h G overnment holds in enforcing that duty upon its Spanish de pendent. It is, again, of immense value to France,. to , England, to Portugal, to Spain herself, and to Europe, that the Government of his Most Christian ,Majesty sees the base conduct of the Court of Ferdi nand:in the light in which it has been placed by the following true and upright expressi o ns o f th e Secre tary for Foreign Affairs:— However, at the very moment when that Cabinet gave its sassurance that the arms taken from the refugees should be given tap to the Portuguese Government, at the moment, when orders were given that the refugees themselves should be removed from the frontiers, these men have entered Portugal in arnis ; and this • sudden attack has been accompanied by circumstances which leave.. :no doubt as to th e cu - operat i on o f some of the Spanish autbori , ties, whO bad been charged with the execution of the order to disarm and disperse the refugees among the interior provinces." Now, the inferences to be drawn from the above ' passage of the Ministerial apecch are of incalculable moment, because they establish it as a fact that no promises---nor assurances—nor ostensible measures of any sort, offered or employed by the existing Spanish Government can be relied upon ; that, in truth, it is a Government utterly faithless and unprin cipled, as completely incapable as that which once reigned at Paris, of "; maintaining the relations of amity' and good neighbourhood with surrounding States. What, then, can be done with such a Govern ment? What verbal or written securities can it furnish? None. Ferdinand will yield, as a thing of comae, in the first instance. lie will now be thunderstruck, or affect to be so, •by the bold measure of the British Cabinet, and by- the avowed indionation'of France. The creature will deny his own de e d s . He will finial low all manner of repro a che s . He will take every man's kicks... -Lis will, hang publicly, for obeying his orders, those very same Captains, Generals, and other official wretches, whom, three weeks ago, he would have eon ' dived at assassinating, had they possessed the courage or virtue to disobey him. Nay, further still, if &gland should be weak ,enough to inform this heartless being, that she will be satisfied with kis formal recognition of the Constitution of Portugal, provided he follows up that act by the establishment of a nominal Constitution in Spain itself, what will be the eonsequente? Why, Ferdinand acknowledges the Constitution ostensibly, and secretly protests: against his own aCknowledgment, as having been extorted from him, and the monks and servile: go on with their intrigues against Portugal as before, knowing that the' Court is with them.. So, demand a Constitution for the Spanish people—and,' to ! you have it for the asking. Ferdinand will swear, that it was what he always intended. He Will suffer France- or England to make as many Spa nish Constitutions as you like; ay, and he will swear to abide by them, too ; but what does that signify ? lie `win, as in the ease of recognizing Portugal, consent in 'public, and protest in private. Ile will treat a Spanish ConStitirtion like the Spanish Bonds—declare that he " signed under coercion." If Ferdinand pretends to .give a Constitution, it will be with the firm determination . to use:the portion of sovereign power which he retains for no end but the recovery of that portion which he affects to sacrifice. He will, in short, .produce no guarantee for his good.fitith, its any foreign Government, or any rinse of his own subjects (except the Priests), with the least share of prudence eau rely upon. This circumstance it is which ha:hides within it the whole difficulty 'and, un certainty of the present question. let. Can Ferdinand bear to see Portugal free, without secretly and treacher ously working t'or her annoyance, so long as Spain coati lines Subject to arbitrary power.? 2d. Will Ferdinand, t:eting a Constitution t o S pa i n which comprehends even shadow of pplitical liberty,: not mamauvre everlastingly e for the destruction of that liberty? En land and her a lly Must :le wise, as well as tit/arena, .t o & feat the slippery motions and machinations of a person who seems to love treaChery for its own sake, and Who has never kilt a wil ling ear, except to those whose counsels are a s treacherous as his own heart, Such a Sovereign must be beund by securities which he cannot violate—by motives whiCh he dare not retiist. Force and fear are the only gu arß i a . . tees which run ensure a probable fidelity to his enga ge . irients,;Tintes.. The Law of Libel becomes less reconeileable to the principles of justice and common sense every day. It is easy to discover why vicious and immoral characters, in all stations of life, should dread and abhor the press. The emphatic language of scripture explains the reason ' and, adopting that l a n guage , we sa y, s uch persons " love darkness more than lipt, because they deeds are dark." But it is more difficult to account f or the jealousy, or rather the vehement prejudice, which the judicial power entertains towards the press. It would seem, by the opinions that constantly fall from the Bench, as if the Judges regretted that the art of printing—that great art, which has done more to wadi) the diffusion of knowledge, and the advance- Intuit of civilization than any other earthly power—had ever been invented.! . We say, it appears difficult to 'account for this feeling on the part of the .Todges,-.--- The press, almost Universally, treats them with respect —and, if it- sometimes questions the soundness of their decisions, so do the Judges themselves frequently con. tradict and subvert,the decisions of each other. Be sides, if the opinions that fall from the judicial autho rity in Courts of civil and criminal justice are of im portance to the whole community, it is the press alone that can give them that rapid and popular circulation which makes them most available to the instruction of the public. Notwithstanding this, 'it had long been matter of legal doubt whether a correct account of pro feedings in a court of law, if it contained matter inju rious to the charactersof any of the parties concerned, was privileged from the consequences of malicious libel—so much more delicacy has there been shown to the characters of bad men than to the honest liberty of the press ; and, though the general principle is no longer a question, yet. there are continually exceptions taken that seriously limit this invaluable right, and make its exercise precarious. Lord Ellenborough once said, " It often happens that circumstances ne cessary, for the sake o f public justice, to be disclosed by a witness in a judicial inquiry, are very distressing to the feelings of individuals on whom they reflect; and if such circumstances were afterwards wantonly published, I should hesitate to say that such unne cessary publication was not libellous, merely because the matter was given in evidence in a Court of Jus tice." Here, indeed, is a reservation with respect to the right of publishing an authentic statement of proceedings in Courts of Justice, which, if acted upon, Would render the privilege of the Press, in this re 'spect, perfectly nugatory—for there is no trial of any pnhlic interest in which something is not disclosed in evidence that is painful to the feelings of some indivi dual or other. If this doctrine were worth any thing, then is a Newspaper liable to 01 the penalties of mali cious libel for publishing full and accurate accounts of every action of libel—of seduction—of trim. deceit—of breach of promise of marriage, and nume rous others, as well as for every authentic account of criminal trials. It is true this opinion of Lord Ellen borough .has not yet been parried further than a theory, but, from what happens in Courts of Law every day, we should hardly be surprised if it should be attempt ed to reduce it to practice. The case of Harris v. Wheldon, the other day, in the Common Pleas, gave occasion to What we believe to be a new decision as to the practice of Courts of Law against the Press.— We leave the merits of that case out of the question— we argue on the general principle. Our readers saw that it was an action of libel against a newspaper for publishing an account of proceedings under a criminal charge, which had taken place at a Police Office. The Judges have decided that to publish statements of what occurs in Police Offices, injurious to th e c h aracter o f individ ua l s , i s groun d of libel. We shall take another opportunity of discussing the reasonableness of the grounds of that decision ; at present it is only neces sary to observe, that as the defendant cannot, in such a case, do'away the plaintiff's right of action by prov ing the truth of his statement, and that what he has published is indeed but a faithfulreportof what actually occurred in the Police Wise, it is Of no use to him to put a ju s tifi ca ti o n on t h e recor d ;—ofi the contrary, it is rather dangerous ; ler it is a maxim in Westmni ster-hall, that if a justification, when pleaded on the record, is not completely made out, in evidence, it enhances the damages, But heretoilore .tint—law- was taken to be, that where the facts to be proved on the part. of the defendant do not amount to a complete justification —as, for instance, where they show a groUnd of suspicion, not arising to a full proof' of the guilty 'or disgraceful acts with which the is charged in • the alleged libel—then such facts might be given in evidence, under the general issue, not for the purpose of doing away the plaintiff's right of 'action, but of cutting down his claim to damages. Bat the Lord Chief Justice Best refused to act on the analogy of this principle' in the' aforesaid cas e of Hitrris v. Wheldon, and would not let the reality of the proceedings at the Police-office be given in evidence under the general issue, in mitigation o f d amages; b ut i ns i sted that, i n order to let in that evidence, the defendant ought to have put a justification on - the record. But Chief Justice Best well knew that, had the: defendant' Mewled a justification, the truth of the proceedings at the Police-office, though given in evidence, would not, as the law is now understood on the Bench, - have made out that justification, and the Chief Justice could then have told the Jury that the justification was not, proved, and therefore the plaintiff was entitled to exemplary damages. Thus is the defendant in such cases put in a cleft stick." He can neither plead in justifica tion, nor let it alone, without the danger of drawing a speech from the Bench that will materially enhance his damages—at least wheneVer the Jury are so complaisant as to surrender what is peculiarly their own office into the hands of the Judge, and become, the mere vehicle of his will. A different principle was acted upon some time ago, even before Lord Ellenborough; but in this case the action 'was not against a newspaper. It was the case of Sir John Emer v. Merle, and was an action f or d e f amat i on, i mput i ng insolvency to the plaintiff., The defendant, knowing that he had strong grounds of suspiciour for what he said of the plaintiff, but could not directly establish the facts, was rightly advised not to pl emu l a justification ; but Lord El lenborough allowed him, under the general issue, to prove that at the time there were rumours in circulation that. the plaintiff's acceptances had been dish on ou re d. Also, in the case of the Earl of Leicester v. - Walter, the defendant was permitted to prove, under the general issue, that before and at the time of publishing the libel ) the plaintiff was sus pected to be gutltrof the crime ,thereby imputed, to him, and this crime was one Willa is too revolting to he further alluded to. In this case, indeed, the defendant was the proprietor of a newspaper; but, had the doctrine which Chief: Justice Best as now laid down been acted on by Lord Ellenborough, he would not have allowed that evi dence under the' general issue. We are glad that Mr. Sergeant Wilde has had the point reserved for argument. Such a doctrine cannot bear the touch of reason; hut, if the Judges should affirm th e d ec i s i on , we trust i t w ill ma k e 4 part of the provisions of the Bill which Mr. 'Brougham intends to bring into the House of Commons for the amendment of time Law of Libel. We shall, no doubt, soon have an opportunity of seeing whether the Court of King's' Bench will consider the doctrine of Chid - Justice Best or that of Lord Ellenborough to be the better law. There can be no doubt as to which of the two doc trines has the sanction of reason and justice.—Morning Herald. The French Ministers being now convinced of what they thought very improbable before--namely, that England is determined to embrace the dreadful alter native of war, rather than allow Portugal to be at the over run by th e i n fl uence wh i ch has already made Spain a provin ce of Franco, alarm et! it is not unlikely th a t th ey w ill get e consequences, an d di savow any artici pation in theintrigue s th a t h ave l e d to this declaration on the Part of England. The thing had been hitherto managed with th at which the French plausible tact and stratagem for Otplomatists and e m pl o y es are so celebrated ; anti if it could have gone on to the coin pletion, without rouaing England into action, we would soon hear of Lisbon and Oporto being garrisoned by French troops, as Cadiz and Madrid now are, which F renc h troops, after the restoration of the despotic Go- vernment, would have found a pretext: for. crossing the frontiers, and coming to the ,assistance of the absolute King Don Miguel, as they did t o th e ass i s t ance o f th e absolute King—the beloved Ferdinand—On the first indication of internal disturbance. We are enemies to war on principle. We deplore the folly and injustice that ever made it necessary for States to have military establishments ; and we kink upon the decision of na tional questions by the bloody sacrifice of thousands of our fellow beings, by desolated countries—and by, cities-laid in ashes—as the greatest disgraCe and cala mity of human nature. But there are occasions where the timely demonstration of power may prevent th e ne eessity of war ; and we areinclined to believe that Mr. Canning has-acted Upon this principle in the present crisis. It certainly appears improbable, because very inconsistent, that a Minister, who, ever since he came into power up to the present time, cultivated the rela tions of peace with great solicitude, should at once become a Quixotic advocate for unnecessary war, and destroy at a blow the whole system of pacific legislation and amicable arrangements which he had been so long and anxiously con structing. Every man wishes to bring any work on which he has spent a great deal of time to a happy conclusion. The arrangements of peace, whether on a wise principle or not, were those to which Mr. Canning bad devoted himself; and his sentiments in the House of Commons always showed that he had no ambition to cultivate what are called the glories of war, which was not overcom e by a sense of the natio nal miseries which it produced. Whether he has been long aware of the treacherous intrigues of the French with regard to Portugal we cannot tell ; he has affec ted to believe them sincere in their professions of co operating with England, even when he called forth the military and naval power of England to counteract their machinations. But he may have expressed him self in this way from the policy of' a statesman, who would rather give .a hollow-hearted ally an opportunity of backing out of his treachery, by pretendin g no t t o suspect him, than to drive him into a corner by direct accusation, and force him to make a desperate plunge to escape. At all events, Mr. Canning is not a young statesman, who, if he ever wantonly kindled a war in Europe, could ever hope to outlive its calamities, and sit down in quiet to complete the system of peace,' to which his energies, his talents, and his hopes, had been previously directed. I-le has the example of his great and unfortunate predecessor Mr. Pitt before his eyes, who died in the vigour of life—the broken hearted victim of that warlike statesmanship which brought this country, even amid hundreds of victo ries, to the verge or political destruction as well as financial ruin. We therefore think that Mr. Canning's design is to check the aggressive ambition of the French Government in'tne,present instance, and thereby pre vent it froth attaining to thitt degree of confidence, by cal culating too securely on our weakness, which might at length lead it to acts which we should resent by arms, or submit to be trampled on and despised. There, is, indeed, a blind, furious, bigoted, and hot-headed party in France, that will take no warning by the lessons of history—and whose sole and indefatigable policy it is to bring back Eu rope and its institutions to the state in which they were before the Reformation—that party, though forming but a small portion of the real strength of France, has a great ascendancy in her councils--and those Ministers who see the absurdity of such ignorant and fanatical designs, have submitted to this dark influence rather than run the risk of being shoved " from their stools," by its malignant genius for intrigue. But now the rational part of the French Cehinet, seeing that- war is inevitable if they s h ou ld not retrace their steps, Will, to prevent the greater evil to them selves and their country, in all probability resist the Apos tolic faction, and representing to them the danger of a new revolution in France, as well as a war with England, will extort from their fears the compliance which they.could never obtain from their 'Modem, This re-action appears to have already begun, as the partizans of Villele take pains to disavow the bitter and impassioned declamation against England which was indulged in by the journals which - are ruder the direction of the 'Apostolic incendia ries.--Ibid. A question has arisen as to the benefit or injury produced,to the . community by the practice of givin g publicity to the pr ocee di ngs at Police Offices, upon criminal charges. Upon this question some of the Judges have taken Occasion, at various times, to pro nounce a decided opinion ; and we must concede-that in some instances, under the colour of reporting Police cases, the most unwarrantable licence has been assumed of holding up indiViduals to public ridicule Or indignation.' The proceedings before Magistrates have in these instances not been reported but drama tised, and offenders and complainants have been sub jected alike to the punishment of being metainorphosed into the characters of a vulgar farce, got up for tire en tertainment of the lowest and most ignorant part of the community. But the abuse of a system is not to be confounded with the system it se lf, arid if care be taken not t o report injurious falsehood s o f i n di v id ua l s which are o ft en s t a t e d, the practice would not only be harmless, but in some cases advantageous to the ends of justice. The province of the Judges of the 'Land is to 'expound the law abstractedly' as it is. Whilst they confine themselves within this, not, very narrow pro vince, their decisions will never be arraigned by us,— but when they meddle with questions of - general or of municipal policy, they are, from the very nature of their usual duties and habits, very likely to err. No thing, however can be more irrational or factious, than to conclude from such errors that the Judges are sp tematically inimical to the liberty of the press. Ihe libertrnf-th e pr ess is an essential' paft of the 'British Con stitution ; and there is no body, of men so little likely to be its intentional enemies as the Judges of the Land. The law of libel may perhaps in other respects be susceptible of improvement, but we do not believe that the alteration which Mr. Brougham prides himself on having suggested would be an improvement. We are persuaded on the contrary, that to admit evidence of the truth of the facts charged as libellous in all cases, would open a wide field to chicanery and injustice in some, and afford a secure triumph to faction in others. The suggestion of Mr. Brougham requires, however, a more detailed exam i na ti on t h an we can now bestow upon it.--illerning Post. The great advantage of Juries is, that taken by ro tation, or accordi ng to some other fair principle, from the people, for the decision of a particular case, and returning on the perform:ince of that duty to their or dinary avocations, they are not imbued with the feel-, ings peculiar to any particular order of men, as Judges for instance ; nor are they open to suspicion on ac count of an intimacy with those who have good things at their disposal_ a n intim ac y which has generally sub sisted between th e po ssessors of power, and the ad.. ministraters of th e l aw . I n on e respect, however, h is ackno w l e d ge d , t h e I nstitut i on has opera tef generally on J u d ges . By freein g them from direct responsibility, they have often proceeded, to extremes, from which they would have shrunk, if the whole odium had attached to themselves. The weak est part of the Institution of Juries is, the compare responsibility. Relieving th e J u d ges pf t r i a v or e ranti fr v e c edon tfom responsibilityr from their number and their obscurity,corn and their immediate withdrawal from 'the public eye on the discharge of a specific duty, to make way for others, the check. of -Public opinion can operate but very feebly on them. In the greatest number of cases we have no, doubt the verdicts are fair ; but Solicitors of eminence have, hi con fi dence; stated particulars to us of the management of in fluential Jurymen, in cases - where large sums were at issue . ,, such, us by furnishing accommodation in the way. of , discounts, and various other ways; suf ficient to satisfy us that the institution of Juries, like every other, is Open to abuses. In Dublin, accord ing to the late Parliamentary Report on the duty of Sheriffs, verdicts can always be managed ; but we arc now speaking of London, where the character of Juries is deservedly much higher. Whatever adds to the responsibility of Juries, must improve them. As everyman has a circle of friends and acquaintances with whom he naturally. wishes to stand well, the publica tion of the names of Jurors in important cases, must be attended with good effects.—As no cases are of such importance as those in which the Press is con cerned, and as in the present. momentous struggle he- tween the. Courts of Law and the Newspapers—a struggle which, with the latter, may almost be said to be for existence—it is proper that the JUJ ors, as well as Judges, should be known, we have determined, in all cases of this description, to obtain and to'publish the name and address of each individual Juror. No man in this country has a right to claim an exemption from re sponsibility, to public opinion, and we can, therefore, con ceive no possible objection to the course we propose to adopt. The following is a list Of the , Special Jurors and Telegram in 'the case of " Harris v. Wheldon," decided in the Court of Common Pleas on Thursday last. We will thank any of our Correspondents, who are able, to supply us with their correct designations and residences. We regret that we had not Commenced the List earlier; but in a year or two it will be,a valuable document : Serum. Juaoas.—David Richards, James Casenove, 13. M. Innes (or Inglis), William Curtin, .J. Stansfield (or Stanstead), Bartholomew Jeffrey, Charles Aboyne, John Mackie, and George Richard Robinson, merchants. Tat.Esstax..—William John, Joseph Blades, and John Robert son.—Morning Chronicle. The proceedings' in the French Chamber of Peers afford the most incontestible proof that the French Ministry entertain the same sentiments as prevail here with respect to the relations between Spain and Por tugal. The speech of the Minister for Foreign Affairs c G o o n v tai er i i i i s m a e i l l it unequivocalthat declaration übject, a and d of of the views ehp,)licy which of the they mean to, pursue ; and it is the more satisfactory, because it is much more precise and pointed, and con fines itself Much more closely to facts, than is usual in the political effusions of our neighbours. The Minis ter speaks in a clear and straight-forward style, which he could not hive used if he had not been perfectly earnest and sincere in what he said. He has none of that verbiage, which, in the eyes of M. de Chateau briand is wisdom ondwit, andgenins ;and thisprobably is one of the reasons why theEx-Minister expressed,as he appears to have done,so much dislike to the srech.When, indeed, we refer to M. de Chateaubriand s despatches and harangues in•the end of 1822, and the beginning Of 1823, and contrast them with what he, within a few weeks afterwards said and did, we are not sur prised that he should be dissatisfied with the simple and manly statement of M. de Damas. We sincere ly congratulate France on the improvement which has taken place in her public men. Chateaubriand spoke and acted in a manner suited to the intriguing tool of despctic Government-:',the speech of Damas i s suc h as becomes the Mi n i s t er o f a King who sits on a Con stitutional throne. The substance of M. de Damas's statement is this : that France had promised that no hostility should be committed by Spain against Portu gal; and,England, on th e other hand, had engag e d that Portugal - . should commit no act of aggression against Spain ; that England had fulfilled all her obli gations ; but that Spain had violated her part of the engagement ; that, in so doing, Spain had acted, not only without the concurrence, but in opposition to the admonitions aid remonstrances of France ; that the' French GOvernment will do their utmost to re strain Ferdinand from going on in his present course, and they will not support Spain in any war in which she may, by her own fault, become involved. Such are the views which the French Ministry avow, and it is impossible. , to deny to them the merit of being candid, politic, -and reasonable. England and Por tugal,have every reason to he satisfied with them ; and Spain ought to be grateful both for the good ad vice which is given to her, and for the forbearance which abstains from giving it. in a harsher manner.— dto o l osi f veee E so i l l in) g tl oilgatt obligations oot i s utset a isw f t i st e ash d r , :e a ntt r ol e :oag i tk i l i a o . The passages of th e S peec h , i n which the conduct o to iit s iip , d: t n u g n izt e i gu iv icih o a ca s l. fu7fill V ed e on the France does not contest with Englaj the right result from its duty--.the right imposed on it by a long series of treaties to go to the aid of P rt o uga ." The disapprobation of the proceedings of Ferdi nand is equally unequiVocal. " 'France, which had the greatest reason to prevent all hostilities on the part of Spain—France, which had the most right to be listened to,---France, whose intervention should have inspired Portugal and England with the greatest security as to the fulfilment of the engagements of the Spanish Cabinet, could not remain indifferent to events which made appear in a manner so evident, either con tempt firher counsel s , or t h e i mpotence of her influence, and the King's Government 'had immediately to testify their disapprobation by recalling their Ambassador from Madrid." The French Minister is right in considering the conduct of Ferdinand as an insult to Prauce; and the honour, as well as the tranquillity of that kingdom, are con cerned in checking and controlling, for the-future, the mad extravancies of the bigot. The aggression upon Portugal has placed France in a situation infinitely more embarras sing than that in which England finds herself. Our duty is plain—to fulfil the obligations of treaties, and stand by our old ally ; and our interests, viewed on a large scale, and our glory, call the same. There are, on the other hand, many circumstances in the relations in which France stands with Ferdinand, which embarrass her in following that strong and decisive line of conduct towards him, which would be most consistent with her honour and with her best policy. The Minister's explanation of the con duct which France means to pursue is no less explicit, than is his approbation of what England has done, and his condemnation of Ferdinand. " France will continue her efforts to Prevent the renewal of acts which haire authorised the measures taken by the British Cabinet; she will omit nothing to prevent a rupture between Spain and Portugal, and she hopes to succeed;.she has already taken, with regard to the Cabinet of Madrid, in co ncert with her allies, steps the mos t likely to attain this o bj ect. " " The Ministers of the King are firmly determi ne d to a d v i se hi s Majesty to refuse his support to the Spanish Government, if, by its own f au lt, it puts Portugal under the necessity of assuming a hostile attitude towards it." " The good faith and dignity of France would not permit her to support unjust and passionate acts which have taken place, in con tempt of counsels which have been given, and promises which have been made." The French Ministers seem to be acting like wise and honest men, sincere in their wishes to preserve the peace of the world. The false and shallow p o licy followed in 1823, throws difficulties in their way; and they deserve, for that very reason, the greater praise for the prudence and firmness with which they seem to be endeavouring to regain a better road.—New Mies. THE MARKETS (Prom the Leaden New Price Current of Fritisy.) St Gan.—The Sales of Muscovades this week have bee Considerable ; and taking into calculation the usual dull season at this period of the year, we might say they were extensive; the advance orlast Week has been fully sustain. ed ; several . parcels continue to be taken for export. The market this forenoon -was heavy ; the , purchases quite iii• considerable. The Refined trade has been rather dull thi s week, the purchasee reported inconsiderable ; we cart quote lower prices. The Wholesale Grocers have bought on a very limited scale for the home consumpti:a of the country, and generally at lower prices. Iktolasses hare been steady. This morning the Market Still remained in the same inactive state. English Molasses steady. The quantity of Foreign Sugars at Market is so inconsiderable, .that quotations must be considered nearly nominal. In East India few sales are reported by private contract. BY, Public sale this forenoon, 993 bags -Mauritius fully Is. higher than any previous prices, On. 64 ' a 68s. 6d. COFFEE.—The small public sale on Tuesday, at whiC h FF Brazil good ordinary was taken in at .505., and vet ord nary St. Domingo at 485., appears to have had a ver y favourable effect on the Market. an- There has been aisCe public Sale, and 'scarcely no any purchases are repo rtedby private contract. There were public sales this for enoon; the purchases are confined to small parcels to the home trade. BRANDY, AND OLLANDS.—The Rum Market H has been very firm, and there are no purchases d Ler wards to report : about- 100 puncheons Jamaica 33 ov er have been sold' at 39. 10d.; there were some inferior . cloudy in the cel. There are no sales of new On' we are aware f ; pa indeed the small stock here rainless quo* Cations nearly nominal. are-720 Surats, 6d.a 51d. ; from th . COTTON.—Th accounts from Liverpool , and manufacturing distiicts, are so favourable for Cotton, that the trade here are sanguine of obtaining higher prices' The purchases for the week ending last night, inclusive, 101 d. ; 200 West India 70. a 81d.; 370 Egyptian, 81h a 7cl. The letters from 'Liverpool this morning state t I sales of Cotton on Wednesday at 2,000 bags. a l Oms.—The Oil Market has become heavy at a gent • reduction of about 1/. per tun. on TEA.—The business done since the close of the sale , 10(1 Bow Ode, :50 PI Tuesday has been considerable, but there is 110 material alteration in thej TOBACCO. hoMe trade; aOO and g l om; off freelyd la nd i t h he , week ending last J and 600 thtls. have:sal ut market has a - night, . inclusive, at 31d. a 61d.; th e lately . firma ppearance Ab 7 from Spelt! hs; been in London, and it . ' u) ter e ~,;,, purchases would have been was confidently stat LI ii , the late political events on an extensive scale, bLI! , . have of. course prevented the O. pated purchases, HEMP, FLAX • Saturday 1 , AND TALLow.-The Marliet on Tallow ~ ec, last, fell suddenly f count of a report that the 1 rom 40a. 6d. a 3itc,01,,, r all the Tallow which had been sold prepared to tlemeet, on speculation) and as the time sold (as t h e buyers beliet ! sive, without either the sellers time bargains a re ow 1t. e ." 1 . or the buyers intending era being . prepared to tie ".',, pay the differences of to . take the Tallow, but m erelf t,' price on the account dal, the Pa nle was excessive • there and the I has since hem a advorwe' Market h as a fi rm general, floain the h late advance. In Flax talpeara nce. Help ~,.., is no material alte►'a' T l6t e h le . tters from St. Petersburg ere h his m orning are ab e d continuedinst.; the Exchange was 9d 25-32. The W /RI plat,. • At a late hour Tallow was heavy. ROVISIONS.-The accounts from Ireland Mate an ad • ‘ance of 7s. 6d. to 109. per cask on Beef. Pork ' d r firm, higher; , the Market here, in consequence,ie exceeding, '" ; and higher prices are demanded• Butters as suit heavy, PEPPER-By public sale this forenoon 1,027 bags Pep periFeed light unrifled sold very high, 4id. and 44d. F Rui'r-The demand for all descriptions of common VAlent►a, has been very great, particularly for Red S m y rna ' -h between lb : i.eeeeennse, 'lent's, and Denis Raisins; of Turkey Figs the Isles have be en very extensive; and in of of the stocks of these sorts being • considerably reduce, the holders have advanced their prices from 3s. to 50.; sots of the holders of Figs will not sell at present. The ser city of new Currants is materially felt by the trade, wri° have in ermsevericeadvanced their p rices, and are nom selling . from 975. to 100 s.:• none remaining in the it .fianda. On Wednesday a large parcel of new MuoCateld' I n boxei, helves, and quarters, quality good, Were offere d DT public sale, hut a few lots only sold at 900. : , Mot-ism-Several parcels of the Molesaas (WC 9 ' India) newly landed have been sold 30s. and 310. , • SiLii.--7 The trade is improving, but there is ot" 1 • 1 "" tion in the prices of the raw silks. ,_, .. i nsa big. _ EAST INBIA SALE ON TLESDAY.--Lkue. ~---' b ig. c i i t Cheribon good coloury 498. 6d. a b Is. ; Mom ~ talteays Ms taken in a few lots 100 e. 6d.; Rice, Ow L' A g s - to , in 178. 6d. a 18s.. lid., a few lots sold at the prices..,_ gar , ,,, .1,200 bags Bengal fine white 335., middling s ',tr atm; Shun 38s. a 425. ordinary to fine white. The Sc, e went off rather higher than the previotts p r ices by pro o ' f f contract,. s and 2s. above the last ' sale; the coffee gent. off 2 .a 3s. lower; the Rice was nearly . all taken in., ; et Rice has, we believe, been all sold sin Indiathe re° whichthe Bice was taken in at the Eas House.. __, INDIGO.,;-The transactions in Indigo are 110 t fatellsl.V.r_ yet the p r i ces are again higher. Some rcels of the India sale have realised an advance of h. 6tl. per lb; e ' i the sale prices, and from 50 to 100 serous of Indigo , ir o n South America, have been sold Is. to le. 3d. higher " would have been obtained a month ago. COUNTRY CORN NARKE 7S r AIRI ri NO I. to Per Quarter. Aylesbury Danbury Basingstoke Bath 0 f. 3 4 IA to /• 0 els (to tsi 56 46 ' 4ll tii I. to s. .$6 61 51 56 S•J 61 4 60 '97 30 i 5 40 • 34 214 oil 38 .... VI Y / itn 64 Bridgewater Britiport Bristol • Chelmsford Daventry Derby Devizes Doncaster.-- Darchester . Eie Guildford Henley W• 0•0.111.1 litingerford _ ch Lewes MarkatHarboro'.. Newbury. , Northampton Reading Salisbury. , Sandwich Sheldon Mallet Stowmarket I ' ruso ••••••••."••••••••••• 52 56 . 56 39 53 tiY 56 60 60 64 46 63 58 62 52 58 56 to , 14.1 56 mt 60 76 50 64 50 65 50 61 46 65 59 61 44 65 36 50 50 67 48 56 33 63 56 00 ; 33 40 aft 46 SI 38 35 29 32 SO " 26 " 30 48 9 4 40 27 34 $9 42 9 31 gb 45 28 36 st 40 2t 33 51 ,3 32 30 3635 SO 28 38 18 36 '— SO 36 SO 46 so ,37 St 40 'i 46 , a. d. 4 0 4 6 7 0 10 0 4 Taunton Si 3 6 Uxbridge 64 Waketield 147 t.. 6 Wantage--.. , 60 Warminster 47 38 Ye0vi1.,... 5V 60 Per Bushel. Is. d. s. d. Buckingham.-- 7 6 Shrewsbury ,9 9 9 15S 40 3 8 48 SI 43 3) 66 33 40 116 40 s. d. s.d. i 0 6G 64 7.0 54 ; Si 61 56 A O A ma 6 ' "1. lA. SO 6 t 00 0 •0 N At I frrow, on the 21st BIRT tbe H Ladyot the Rey. Dr. 0 1 of a ilaught. DIED. On the 20th inst., at the 'house of Thomas Dy e r, 'EAq. , 1 1 1 :::1 Park-place, Blackheath, Elizabeth, only daughter of Mr. SW - Nix, of Walworth. i is On the 22d inst. William Stanbrough, Esq • of i slevf°r 14 the 71st year of his age. frit h the On the 21st instant, after a lingering illness, bme os. E, humble resignation of a Christian , Ann, widow is lii sin ldea gu tor ar , S ed u it ti ca olk ted . Esq. of Portman-place, Paddington, aged 60. xf nowi e t ,ef On the 11th inst., in the 74th yew' of hi . a g e ' '''''' r. -' Os t generation. hre Prilibed and Published by hi. YOUNG, et tut suo-offich vo. 'oh sramm. elliehiwtenasoffr6theyeathreirda schoolmaster, and SO ~.„ 49 •-• ft , 4 " . - 3 4,1 -- 51 Si r a 5 53 ~ SO ~<:;< •'