The Sun. — London, England, 1836-02-27 00:00:00

N - 111. 0 . IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY 26. The LORD CIIANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at ten minutes past five o'clock. FOREST OF DEAN BILL. Oa the motion of Lord DUNC ANNON, the Forest of Dean Bill was read a second time, aid ordered to be committed on Monday next. POOR LAW BILL. The Elrl of HADDINGTON presented a petition from the Guardians of the poor of the Union of Thame, in the county of Buckingham, praying that the time for repaying the loan under the new Poor Law Bill for the building of workhouses might be extended to twenty years. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Captain ALSAGER, and others from the Commons, brought ct some private Bills. IMPERIAL GAS COMPANY. Mr. Fi'LER presented papers from the Imperial Gas Coto pang. POOR LAWS. Lord ELLENBOSOUGH wished to know from the No ble Viscount at the head df his ;Majesty's Government, whe ther it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to pro pose any Bill for the amendment of the several highly cb jectionable. Lord :MELBOURNE, as we understood, said that the subject was under the consideration of his Majesty's Govern- went. The Excheque r Bills' Bill and the Surplus Funds Bill were read a second time and ordered to be committed. Tb. other Bills on the table were forwarded a stage. ORANGE LODGES. The Earl of WINC HI LSE A said, that in consequence of certain resolutions proposed and adopted by the Lower House of Parliament, he rose for the purpose of taking the liberty of putting one or two questions to the Noble Viscount at t he head of his 'Majesty's Government, for the purpose of clearly ascer taining to what extent those resolutions should extend. He wished clearly to satisfy his own mind upon the subject, in order that he might be prepared to offer such advice to the Orange Societies as might'be desirable under the circumstances of the case. He wished to know from the Noble Viscount at the head of the Government, what was the extent of the resolu tions, and how far it was intended to act upon them ? c1 7 .7.S it in tended solely to apply to Orange Societies as they existed connected together by oaths and secret signs, or whether— The Duke of CUMBERLAND —There are no oaths. The Earl of WIN CHELSE A, in continuation—or whether it was intended for the suppression of Societies formed for the maintenance of a Protestant religion in these countries, and upon the principles which placed his present Majesty upon the throne of these realms? He could not help thinking that the existence of all associations using secret signs,and bound together by secret oaths, was to be lamented, but it was a matter for consi deration, whether, under the extraordinary circumstances of the case, an exception might not he made in favour of the Orange institutions. He was no advocate for secret signs and oaths. He believed his whole life showed that he would be the last man to join the association which had not for its object the preservation of the institutions of the country. He had been but a short time in Ireland, and he went there without the in tention of beeoming an Orangeman. He was free to confess he was not long in Ireland until he became a member of the institu tion, and he was deter mined to declare his readiness to make c.m mon cause with the Pr01:5.1410s in that country in resisting the tide of revolution. He regrette:s l the course that had been pursued as regarded the Orange Lodges. He would not admit that they were an illegal body. It see:led strange that the concurrence of the three branches of the :s.‘eislature was not asked to the passing of such resolutions, arid zee. thought it tended to break down the Constitution and to impair the liberty of the subject. He should shape his conduct according to tie? terms of the answer he expected from the Noble Viscount opposite, and if on reflection he considered these Societies il legal, he would give his best advice to his brothers to discon tinue their proceedings. He believed that the principles of the Orange Society were those of protection to the best in terests of the State, and they were those which had been pro fessed by the Noble Lords who had endangered their titles and their lives, and were foremost in bringing over the very family who now reigned in that country. He wished to know what course was intended to be adopted with respect to these Societies— whatever it might be, he was determined not to renounce his principles. He knew that gross calumnies had been circu lated and believed relative to Orange Societies ; but he feared that if they were put down, if the principles of the Orange So ciety were laid aside, it would lead to the dismemberment of the empire. Had not one individual , who had a fearful and most unfortunate influence in that country, declared that he never would be satisfied until he had effected the separation between the two countries ? The Government had said that there was protection for every individual in the sister country; but he (the Earl of Winchilsea) would read a letter which had been just put into his hands, showing the fearful state in which the Protestant clergy were placed in that country. The Noble Lord then read the letter, omitting the names. One indivi dual had a most miraculous escape from being assassinated, and had been again denounced by the priest. Another was obliged to have a guard of police it, his house, and his life was threatened whilst walking in his lawn. In another instance there was a great assemblage of the peasantry, who were pre vented from doing mischief only by the presence of four com panies of infantry, and two of cavalry. And a respectable curate had been struck with a stone on the head, and that at tack could not have proceeded from the tithe system, as he was not the owner of any. He (the Earl of Winebilsea) could bring hundreds of similar instances of the fearful state in which the Protestant Clergy were placed ; but he trusted that he had said enough to satisfy their Lordships as to the frightful posi tion in which they were placed. He implored the Government to come forward and support the supremacy of the law. He did not mean in his observations upon the Catholics of Ireland to include the Roman Catholics of England. lie should not; ntrude further upon their Lordships' time upon that point but there was another subject on which it was ne cessary for him to make a few observations. He was sorry to say, that the Representative of the Crown had not acted wisely, he might almost say unconstitutionally, in removing from office individuals because they were Oran,,eemen.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) He alluded to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and it appeared from a statement put into his hands, and to which he wished to call the attention of Noble Lords, that an individual had been in the usual way appointed Sheriff of the county of Waterford—that he had received the writ from the Secretary for Ireland on the 4th of December, an nouncing his appointment, and on the 13th of February, when he was about to incur the expenses of his uniform and other matters, he was informed that he was not to fill the office. The gentleman in question immediately wrote to the Secretary of State on the subject. The Noble Lord read the corre spondence which took place between Mr. Lee and the Irish Government. The fact was that Mr. Lee never was an Orangeman, yet he was set aside up on that ground.— ( Hear.) if the Government had come to the resolution that no Protestant should fill any office in Ireland, in God's name let it be avowed ; but do not insult gentlemen in such a man ter as Mr. Lee had beer,. He did belong to those So cieties, and he gloried in it, for he believed they would prove the salvation of Protestantism ; he did belong to them, and if it cost him Eris title or his life, he would support them to the last. The Duke of C LTMBE RL AND said after seeing the Ad dress, and his Majesty's most gracious answer to it, he and those who acted with him had felt that no time was to be lost in recommendMg to the Orange Societies of Ireland to dis solve. He would not say more than that there were no oaths required by the institution, and though the Societies were abolished, he would still continue firm to their principles. Lord MELBOURNE had heard the declaration of the Noble Duke with much pleasure, and it was what he expected from one occupying his station He and the Government were glad that such a course had been pursued, for they were most anxious that they should not be called upon to take any strong measures in order to carry the resolution into effect. In answer to the Noble Earl who had put the question to him —however lie might give that Noble Earl credit for sincerity-- he could not do so for prudence. Neither his title nor his life were in danger; and he would find that Protestantism would be much more .safe, and stronger, without the aid of such Societies as- these.—( Hear.) He was not prepared . to enter into the case alluded to by the Noble Earl ; but there was no doubt Mr. Lee had been set aside from the Shrievalty of Wexford upon the principle which the Government of Ireland had acted upon, of not appointing to any office, but particularly to one connected with the adminis tration ofjustice, one who was connected with Secret Societies. The Earl of WINCHIL SE A said Mr. Lee never did be long to any Orange or other Society. Ile had refused to sign a requisition, calling upon the Sheriff to call a county meet ing to address the Lord Lieutenant, and that was the reason given for his being used in the manner he had described. With respect to what had fallen from the Noble Viscount he must be allowed to say that he should act according to his own judgment—( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches)—as to what course he should pursue for the best interests of his country. He was not ambitious, and his only desire was to protect his church. He hoped the advice offered by his Royal Highness would be followed, .although it was notorious that there were schemes formed for the purpose of subverti ng t h e P ro t es t an t Ch ur ch. 'I-ire Marquis of LONDONDERRY should not have trou bled their Lordships, but for what had fallen from the Noble Viseeount.—( Hear.) The whole of the proceedings of the Lord Lieutenant o f I re l an d s i nce h e h a d b een t h ere L , had been solely end exclusively directed to uphold the Catholic party against the Protestant party. He said that advisedly. , If the Noble : scount would act upon his declara tion, that there should be a fair and h ones t u ph o ldi n g of Protestant as well as Catholic rests, he should have his cordial support upon every measure iee might bring foiward n for such an objec t . But the fact was, andno one con nected with Ireland coul d den y it, that there was: .e universal degradation to which the Protestants of Ireland were :t pre sent subjected, and unless the style in which the Gover,L ment of Ireland had lately been conducted was changed, the most fatal consequences would result.—( Hear, h ear .) lie could not but lament that the name of that Noble individual , whom privately he must ever respect, should be con nected with one of the most monstrous, he had almost said one of the most unjustifiaale acts, that had ever been done in Ireland, wh o h a d h e ld t h e s i tua ti o n of that individual. That that individual should entertain a person who had been making speeches so monstrou s—those speeches re viling at royalty on one side and treating their Lord ship's House with derision on ' the other—(hear, hear) — that he should have treated that a t his table, and that that circumstanceperson as a guest should have been passed over by the first minister of the Crown, without having called it to their Lordships' attention, and r , without hay.n recalled that Lord Lieutenant and that Ireland should have been witness to such a degradation and such highly reprehensible conduct was, he must say, most monstrous. Not a single Conservative gentleman of the Province of \ PH , - ster attended the banquet giplialitee i ßtkrier a ts ( Hear.) But what had h a pp ened six wee s a ter ? There was a Protestant Conservative meeting in Belfast, and no less than 800 Protestant Conservatives attended it, not one of whom would go near the Lord Lieutenant. At one table there was a rental of not less than 400,0001. of landed property assem- . bled to promulgate opinions in opposition to those of his Majesty's Government. This was a proof against the Noble Viscount's Lord Lieutenant, or rather against the Lieu tenant of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. These facts were not to be controverted. Ile charged that Noble Lord with misconduct, and he defied the Noble Viscount opposite to defend him.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") As long as he saw the present system pursued in Ireland—as long as he saw a power behind the Noble Viscount stronger than the Noble Viscount himself, so long would he treat the Noble Viscount's words as wind—giving - them no confidence, and having no faith in him ; but when he saw a change in the con duct of the Noble Viscount, he would then be prepared to de him justice. The Noble Marquis sat down, and no other Noble Lord rising to reply, the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, FEBRUARY 20. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. Mr. BALL took the oaths and his scat for Clonmel.' The Hon. Member was introduced by the O'CoNNOR DON. Mr, Crafer brought up papers from the Treasury. Mr. Ryder brought up a return of the Contingency Fund. 13RITISH ALKALI COMPANY BILL. Colonel LYGON moved the second reading of the Bill. Mr. HAWES was opposed to the principle of the Bill, but would reserve his right to divide the House upon the Bill till :he third reading, The Bill was thon read a second time. ST. PANCKAS PAVING BILL. Mr. TOOKE presented three petitions from different parts of the parish of St. Pancras against the St. Pancras Paving Bill. Mr. HUME presented a petition signed by several thousand of the inhabitants in favour of the Bill. Mr. G. PRICE presented a petition against the Bill. Lord E A STN OR also presented petitions against the Bill. Mr. WILK S presented a petition from the south-west dis trict of the parish of St. Pancras against the Bill. Mr. WAKL EY presented a petition in favour of the Bill, Sir S. WHALLEY presented a petition, very numerously and respectably signed by the inhabitant householders of St. Pancras, in favour of the Bill ' • also, another petition from the r ate-payers of the south-west district, signed by several thou sands of the inhabitants, in favour of the Bill ; and another pc. tition from the inhabitant householders of Camden-tow:1, pray ing the House to pes3 the Bill. The Hon. Member then moved the second reading of the St. Pancras Paving Bill. Mr. TOOKE rose to move Are emendment to substitute the words " six months" for the word ° now," He really did pray the attention of the House to the petitions that had been presented, and to the consideration of this Bill, which they were now called upon to read a second time. Let them divest thsmselves entirely of ail political feeling—( Hear) and only apply themselves to the good government of a consi derable district within the Metropolis. He was aware of the specious grounds that would be alleged in favour of a measure to consolidate a variety of trusts, and to bring them under one uniform and cheap management.—(llear, hear.) If that would be the effect, he would be the last person to (jive any opposition to such a suggestion. But from an inspecs tion of the Bill, from a local knowledge of the facts, and a long residence in the district, he was satisfied, and hoped the House also would be satisfied, that it would not have that effect, but that it would have this effect of creating an equal number of Committees as they were called—that the expensive machi nery would not be saved—and that the government of the parish would be placed in the hands of persons less qualified u . ;' knowledge and property to give that satisfaction which it was desirable for this purpose to give. The present Board consisted of the most respectable inhabitants within the district, and there was not a single petition complaining of abuse or malversation against any of them.--( Hear, hear.) In point of fact, they had conducted the affairs of the parish with the greatest possible economy, and the inhabitants (and he was sure he spoke the sentiments of a larg e ma j orit y of them) were satisfied, and viewed with great jealousy and dis trust the transfer of a power now vested in themselves, to a vestry composed nominally of 120 members, but 60 of whom duly attended, and were constantly in a state of civil war— (Hear and laughter)---and perpetually exciting angry feelings over the parish. He had no hesitation in saying that the pees sons who promoted this Bill had not the confidence of the great majority of the inhabitants of the parish. It was quite a delusion to suppose that one Board c ould mana g e the affeira of the parish in a manner" better than at present. It should be recollected that within St. Pancras there are several towns, Camden Town, &c., containing a population of ono hundred thousand souls, and an extent of district of about twenty Oleg, all in the habit of confiding in the prs - s.sent managers of the affairs of the district. As to the regulation of the Squares and Crescents, the new plan would be attended with consi derable inconvenience and expense. At present every inhabitant freely and voluntarily taxed themselves, and raised the rate according to their own wishes.—( Hear,) By the new arrangement, the vestry would have to decide whet might be intended for pleasure, and what for utility. The proposed Bill enacted that there should be several garden and square committees, with a variety of officers, -clerks, sala ries, and expenses, all calculated to create patronage, which was the object of those who brought the measure forward. The present vestry consisted of 120 persons nominally, but really of 60 only, that being the number in the habit of attend ing, and they were in the habit of quarrelling among themselves. There was no ground on which to rest the proposed change, unless that the affairs of Marylebone parish were all under one management. He had no wish to speak disrespectfully of the persons in Marylebone, but it should be remembered that that dictrict was only six or seven miles in extent, while that of St. Pancras was over seventeen. The interest, too, of money raised in that parish was only four and a seventh, chile in Marylebone they have not been able to reduce it less than four and a half, and yet it appeared that with their various Boards they were able to go on at a cheaper rate than Mary - lebone. He hoped the House would not depart from the prin ciple which had ever regulated their proceedings, of not sane. tioning any change, unless it was called for by the imperative circumstances of the case before them. Mr. HUM E was sorry to find his Honourable Friend the Member for Truro, who had been hitherto a reformer, tusn round from his principles, and agree with those on the other side of the House in resisting a desirable change. But his statements were altogether inconsistent with facts, for in the first place he said Pancras was more populous than Mary lebone, while it appeared that in the latter there were 122,000 inhabitants, and in the former only 103,000. The vestrymen were, lie should have stated, all elected by the votes of their fellow parishioners who were subject to the payment of rates. The fact was that so far from the parochial business of Mary lebone being more expensive, they had reduced it from 150,0001. down to 85,0001. a-year. It was to he placed under the same kind of elective management that the petitionera now sought. The House should bear in mind that the parish of St. Pancras, occupying a large space of ground, had different acts for paving and lighting different portions of the parish, and the consequence was that in some portions there were no lights at all.--( Hear, hear.) . There were also in that parish nineteen different trusts, which the Vestry regulated. The entire, and these 19 trusts, were pulling and tearing the palish to pieces, there being 19 lawyers, 19 clerks, and 1,100 commissioners connected with them.—! Much laughter.) That was the state which the lion. Member thought it was so advisable to continue. In Marylebeee the rate-payers had the power of introducing annually forty individuals into the vestry, so that they could,' in a short time, have a body of men in whom thby placed confidence. He submitted that the time was come when these ditFerent trusts should be consolidated, and he asked of the House to grant that boon to the ratepayers of St. Pancras. Those at present existieg were self-elected, and the ratepayers had no control over them. It was most essential to the welfare of the parish that the management of its funds should be taken out of the hands of these self-elected coteries.—(llear, hear. ) The house would, he was sure, believe him when he stated, that the expanse occasioned by these 19 trusts, was 6,000!. a year, although one-fourth of that sum would be amply suffi cient under a different manigetneat. The debt of the parish of Pancras was 112,000/., while that of Marylebone was only 27,0001., and the rate-payers of the former parish sought to have their affairs planed under a similar management. He would put it to the Hon. Members opposite, whether such a uniform establishment would not be better than nine teen different self-elected trusts. He was not aware that the Bill would militate against the interests of any individuals ; but if it did, he was satisfied that they would be fully considered and protected in the Committee, and under all these circum stances, lie hoped the House would allow the Bill to pass. Mr. WILKES would not allow himself to be intimidated by the phantom of a name.—( Opposition cheers.) He would not be led away by the arguments of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, although he would maintain that he was as strenu ous and consistent an advocate for constitutional and prac tical Reform as that Honourable Member.—( Hear, hear.) He, for one, would never yield to factious clamour in giving his support or his opposition to any measure.—(Hear.) The House should bear in mind that the parties appealing to the House were the vestry of the parish of St. Pancras, who were their own panegyrists.—(Hear, hear.) They had already made two applications to that House, and they had done that which if it was net printed, and upon incontrovertible evi dence, could scarce be believed—they had out of the poor rates of the parish twice paid the expenses of their ineffectual ap plications. He (Mr. W.) would not place additional funds at the disposal of a body who had made so bad a 'use of them. The rate for lighting and paving the parish of St. Pancras was one shilling in the pound. The lighting and watching of Marylebonic. k eost IL 18s. a house, while the lighting and watching 47 St. Pancras cost b -11. 7s. He trusted the House would mark their opinion by such a majority as would prevent a repetition of the question. Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY said the consolidation of the noise which B aar ia ; -zuld be a diminution of the expense. From the Member's ob serva ti ons : then pei Taded the House the remainder of the Hon. 'ere inaudible in the gallery , The gallery w as cleat.— --4 for a division, when there appeared-- For the second reading 153 Against it Majority for the second reading 6 The Bill was then read a second time. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Uxbridge, in favour of the Bill for compensating Mr. Buckingham. He regretted the division of Tuesday night, for he fully believed that the Honourable Gentleman had a good claim to com pensation. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from Marlborough, complaining of intimidation and undue influence having been used by the agents of the Earl of Ayleskary, at the late election in that town, praying the House to take some measures for their protection. —Referred to the Intimidation g ~~~ ~ -. TURDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1536. last night - , because he conceived it most tyrannical; but al though he might have said that it was a great Constitutional question, still be thought that the orders of the day should lave precedence. - Lord JOHN RUSSELL explained. He had moved the Order of the day for the House going into a Committee of Supply, but with the leave of the House he had consented to withdraw the motion, as he thought -the present time better for the discussion of the question relative to the Borough of Poole than was afforded that morning. —(Cries of " Qucs tion,"• " Withdraw," " Divide," and much confusion.) The SPEAKER. put the question, that the motion for the Committee of Supply be withdrawn.—(Cries of " No, no," " Aye, aye," and renewed noise.) • Several Members rose to address the House, Lut were met by cries of " Question," &c., which rendered it impossible for us to hear a single word. Mr. NIA CLE AN begged to call the attention of the House to the interference that was taking place is the contest now going Loud cries of " Chair," " Order," " Question," in the midst of which the Hon. Member sat down.) The SPEAKER said the motion for the Committee of Supply had been disposed of, and the House was now in the same position as when the Hon. and Learned Member rose to move that the adjourned debate be now resumed. Mr. D. W. HARVEY recommended to the Hon. Member (Mr. Maclean) to withdraw his motion for the present. The case of the Poole election could not occupy much time. SP kIN. Mr. MACLE AN could assure the Hon. Member that it was of the utmost importance that he should In ing forward his motion at once.—(Cries of "Go on.") With the permis sion of the House he would proceed. He need not say that the subject which he was about to bring under the consideration of the - House, was at this moment one of peculiar interest. He hoped the. House would give him credit for believing there was no one less capable than himself to bring forward the subject which he had taken upon himself to do. When he found :the consequences of what was going on in the northern provinces of Spain had already began to develope themselves in a manner that might implicate the honour of Great Britain, the House would grant him its iedulgence for press ing upon it a matter which he thought called for investigation. In point of fact, the information that was received was either incorrect, or the troops had been improperly sent out.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord acknowledged that he had followed no precedent in allowing troops to go out. In the reasoning of the Noble Lord there was not much novelty, when he stated that it was a case of right of wrong, and that the success of the measure would shew whe ther it was politic or not. The Noble Lord stated that the force about to be levied and sent out of this country, by the suspension of the Foreign Enlistment Bill, through the direct interference of the Crown of this kingdom, and through the medium of an Order in Council, was for the purpose of putting down an insurrection, consisting of 11,000 or 12,000 persons only, in one of the remote provinces of the northern part of Spain. Now, if it were true that those troops were levied for the purpose of putting down an insurrection consisting merely of that numerical force, he would ask the Noble Lord, what could have then been the vigorous or rigorous power of the Spanish Monarchy, who were calling at that time upon this country to do that which we had abstained from doing ever since 1688, for the purpose of putting down an insurrection of 11,000 or 12,000 men, and that in an obscure province of the Peninsula ? Why, what bad been the result of our interference ? Either the communication of the Noble Lord was correct, or it was not. If it was correct that the insurrection extended only to 11,000 or 12,000 persons, and in one obscure province, how would the Noble Lord account for that insurrection not only not having been suppressed by Spain herself, but having attained such accession and vigour as to be able to defy allthe energy of the Spanish Government in combination with the troops sent out from this country ? From the official returns connected with Don Carlos it was known, even in the begin ning of this year, that the troops of Don Carlos amounted to very nearly 60,000 individuals. So that between the period when these troops went out—between the period when the Noble Lord spoke on this subject—between the period when General Evans landed at Bilboa, up to the beginning of 1836, being a space of five months, the rebellion in those provinces hadincreased from 11,000 to 12,000 men (according to the official returns), to 57,000 men, and the insurrection had ex tended itself from Biscay to Navarre, Guposcoa, Aragon, and Catalonia. Thus it appeared that the troops sent out were in sufficient to perform the work required of them ; and the work which they had done had not, he believed, been such as was expected by the Noble Lord ; for the returns showed they had utterly failed in their undertaking. The Hon. Member for Marylebone (Mr. H. Bulwer) seated that in the time of Queen Elizabeth there was a precedent for the course which the Noble Lord had pursued. But the case of Queen Elizabeth—to which he (Mr. Maclean) also briefly alluded— was perfectly distinct from this. She sent troops, she lent money, she guaranteed the payment of a certain sum to the Dutch (the Dutch having previously offered her the throne, which she generously declined), in order to oppose the in trigues of Don John of Austria in the Netherlands, who was intriguing for a marriage with the Queen of Scots, that threatened the subs ersion of Elizabeth's own Government. It was, therefore, time for her ,to interfere, and which she did with sagacity and with policy, in the affairs of the Netherlands. Another allusion made by the Hon. Member for Marylebone was to the case of King W4liana. He stated that King NVil liam was accompanied to this country by his Dutch guards ; but he (Mr. Maclean) would ask, whether there was any ana logy between the case of King William arriving in England, distracted as this country was by circumstances of no ordinary nature, with 7,000 Dutch guards for the purpose for which he was called, and the case new under the consideration of the House ; that of this Government interfering by suppl3inr , troops to the Queen of Spain to be under her p ar, not to be under the orders of British Generals, but Spanish Generals ; and, except their being British troops, having no connection whatever with this country. He would say that there was no analogy whatever between the cases of Queen Elizabeth and King William and the present case. The Noble Lord stated, as a further vindication of the policy he, pursued, that the in terest of the Queen of Spain was essentially an English ques tion. If any man were to tell him that, in the event of Don Car los succeeding in what he ( Lord Palm erston) held to be impos sible, establishing himself on the throne of Spain,and in restoring all those principles of internal government and of foreign policy which would inevitably accompany his establishment—if any man were to tell him that such a change in the state of Spain would leave her as efficient an ally in the, spirit of the Quad ruple Treaty for England, as she would continue to be if the cause of the Queen should triumph—he would tell that indi vidual that he neither understood the interests of England, nor the spirit of the treaty in question.—(H:ar, hear.) The Noble Lord might be right ; but he would put the other alternative, and he would suppose that it was just possible, which the Noble Lord had ex cathedr4 stated to be impossi ble, for Don Carlos to be successful ; and he would ask whether he did not think since that speech was made matters had not so changed their aspect as, he would not say would in sure the success of Don Civics (for, perhaps, it was im material to gentlemen on his side of the House. whether Don Carlos succeeded or not), but whether circumstances had not so changed their aspect as to render it possible that he might succeed ? Supposing he did succeed—for the events of war no one could foresee—their issue no one could predict—and that Don Carlos should become King of Spain —he would ask the Noble Lord did he not think that the interference of this country in this mode and manner was likely to be prejudicial to the interests of Great Britain ? Could it be expected that after this country had done everything it could, except by an armed intervention under our own troops and generals, to oppose Don Carlos, the holders of the 8 1 )4 e nish bonds would realise the sums guaranteed by tine Queen for the succours we ourselves had supplied to her ? If not, then the policy on which the Noble Lord acted was a ono, sided policy. It went upon the ground that the Queer; roust succeed. We were told that the Spanish nation were longing for the dominion of the Queen, and that the constitutional government promised by her would be a panacea that would cure all the evils that distracted that country. Were those juntas, whom the vigour and vigilance of M. Mendizabal had, if not annihilated, reduced to obedience and sub jection--were they satisfied with the predecessors of Msn dizabal ? Up to the end of 1835, every province had its junta, and every junta its constitutional nostrum. There was a pre valence of feeling throughout the country almost verging on republicanism. Where the Carlists did not threaten the au thority of the Queen, the Republicans threatened it almost with equally imminent danger. The malcontents, with all the zeal of proselytes, were panting for republicanism, while on the other side the adherents of Don Carlos were reproaching the Queen with the violation of all legitimate authority: Had we by our interference stifled the one, or eradicated the other? Was there not sufficient evidence that instead of having done so, we had matured the flame into a degree of greater vivid ness, and had excited the people of Spain into a degree of animosity which we should never be able to suppress ? We had, in point of fact, aimed at what it was impossible for us to do—the extinction of a feeling which was indigenous in the Spanish people—a feeling of hatred to the interference of foreigners. Was that a feeling of yesterday? As feeling w o h v i a c h hadthetroo excitedps ? of General Evans, not, Ev h'es, owrasthe lr sure, soldiers allude of t 0C the dlanguage of an illustrious statesman, whose memory was dear to many in that House—he meant the late Mr. Canning--he need not allude to what he had said on a former occasion, to convince any Hon. Gentleman of the strength of that feeling in the Spanish breast, which he (Mr. Maclean) had denomi nated "an indigenous feeling." In the year 1823, when Mr. Canning was speaking of the contest then going on in Spain by the armed intervention of the French, and deprecated that intervention, acknowledging that it was an act of gross injustice, he said, " Before we enter upon a war, let us stnhde well lin question. the generous Though t h ou be persuaded that it is a just one.—( Hear, hear.) Not is julyslt usfoetru bes to interfere persuad in it—( He persuaded that itisajuasrt, h one, ea hear) — ut an a d lso no t t ha o t nl i y t that it just for us to interfere in it, but let us be persuaded that it is expedient to the inter ests of this country that we should do so. He would be but a visionary politician who wo thislas abandonmentt conditiono f it mayousound of o speech of an irresponsib le orator, with the safety of a nation on his lips, and none of t he res p onsibility upon his shoulders, te u gloriousld leave it is matter deeply to be considered; and the Minister who should lay it out of his view in calling on the country to un dertake a war, would well deserve that universal censure and g reprobation with wh ich the Noble Lord has this ni g ht me naced me." Mr. Canning , on t he same oc casion' said that it wa s impossible to disgu ise from ourselves —not that he would q uestion the gratitude of the S p aniards for the g r eat feats per formed by our vict orious arms—but that it was i mposs ibl e to tpiQ p T xas l. from ourselves that some . thing like feeling of ratula o exoed the hearts of the `§paniard s whets they saw the, 'ass ef those victorious seldierS embark from their shores. There WO another point, and one of considerable importance, to w hich be wished to call the attention of the House. He would ask if anything more dangerous to the discipline o r ?eminent stabili7 of the arml could have been de. vised than the course which had—becn.--purstreti with regard to the enlistment of. the troops ,th-ttt. had been sent to Portugal. ir he knew anything" of the - - TrifiSh sol dier's character, it was a mixture of loyalty.to'his" King and devotion to his father-land. He would, ask whether anything could be more dangerous to the high - character which aitache'd to our army, :from the great achievements they had made, than a continuance of those practices and principles which had lately been adopted—than a proposition emanating from the. highCst •authorit; in the State as it were, inviting men to enlist under the banners of a foreign Sovereign—or than the sufferings which those troops had recently endured—dis asters the most painful and most galling to gallant men ? He would ask the Noble Lord whether the highest military authority in this country, a•lvcrting to the provisions of the Quadrupartite treaty, would sanction the course of proceeding of which he complained? Independently of these considera tions, it must be remembered that the English troops in Spain were not under the orders of our own commanders, but were under the orders of officers out there whom .they were corn ' pelted to obey, and who were, therefore, liable to become par ties to all the aggressions that might arise from their treachery, duplicity, or misconduct. Lc him call the Noble Lord's at- tention to a recent, and, he believed, an authentic communi- cation, describing the state of those troops, dated " Vittoria, January 26." - The writer of that letter stated that the troops had suffered most severely, from the immense number of sick A great fever had cut off many, and, what would seem very extraordinary, the frost had done them fearful injury, some of the men having lost their toes, and others their feet, in ad dition to which thy had . to undergo the hardship of sleeping on the brick floor of a damp convent, with now and then a bivouac in the open air. These the writer assigned as the causes of the sickness that prevailed. They never showed themselves before the castle without the black flag being dis played, and one-half of the men were labouring under the ef fects of diseases, which were not ,confined to the men alone, but under the influence of which the officers were daily falling victims. The writer concluded by expressing his opinion that they could not at present muster more than 5,050 able men. What had been the situation of the English troops on a late occasion ? Deserted by those who ought to 'have supported them, they were compelled to fly from before the Carliats, into whose hands their persons must inevitably have fallen, but for a thick fog coming on, which rendered pursuit useless. It was such circumstances as these which induced him to say that the interference of Great Britain, by means of these soldiers, was detrimental to the character she had so well established in the Peninsula.—( Hear, hear.) He did not charge these men with want of gallantry ; he did not say that their conduct was reprehensible on that score ; but he maintained that their be:ng obliged:to leave the field, and only retiring in safety through the intervention of a fog, was in itself sufficient to tarnish the renown, the honour, and the character of the British empire.—( Hear, bear.) In 1835 the Noble Lord opposite acknowledged that England had inter flred in the war. What were the responsibilities we had con tracted by doing so, and what were the consequences which might result from that interference ? Suppose it should be come the policy of the Russian, Austrian, and Neapolitan Go. vernments to interfere in favour of Don Carlos, in what a situation would England be placed? Let the House remem ber the present position of affairs. The succession to the Crown of Spain was still undecided, and the claim of Don Carlos, as compared with that of the Queen, might still be mooted in that country. The Basque provinces possessed privileges which no other province possessed—of a very im portant and valuable nature—being no less than the right of raising their own custom duties, and taxing themselves. These privileges the Government of the Queen of Spain had abrogated. What was the effect of our interference ? To make ourselves virtually parties to that proceeding.—( Hear, hear.) It was curious, that of France and England, we_33t.L.•re the only nation which had promised to furnish to the Queen of Spain a naval force, arms, and amminition, and militaiy stores—that we were the only nation to which any loss could accrue. The King of France pledged himself to no overt act, but we pledged ourselves to assist the Queen of Spain with a naval force or, in other words, to render the funds of this country available for the prosecution of this domestic struggle. But this was not all ; in the additional articles we pledged ourselves to assist the Queen of Spain with arms, ammunition, and military stores. There was no gua rantee on the part of the Queen of "Spain for the payment of these supplies, or of any portion of them ; and he really thought that when we promised so much, the other party might have promised something. The King of France pro mised in an additional article to take all necessary precautions for preventing the passing of stores to Don Carlos. He did not think the King of France would incur any very great ex pense in the discharge of this obligation, and he entertained, in common with many other persons, a shrewd suspicion that the watch which was kept along the line of the Pyrenees was not of a very vigilant nature., (Hear, hear.) How did it happen else, that Don Carlos, in his secluded retirement, with 12,000 ragged troops, had been enabled to raise an army of 50,000 men ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) He would relate an anecdote on this part of the subject, which he had heard from very good authority : Shortly after we had sent some muskets out to Spain, a sally, headed by Zumalacarrcguy, took place against the Queen's troops, who, after showing themselves a little while making what he believed was called a 46demon snation," retired, leaving behind them a considerable number of new muskets. Zumalacarrcguy, who was very curious in arms, and had a great taste for coleclting them, possessed himself of these muskets, and shortly afterwards sent his com pliments to General Rodil, with a polite message, intimating that as the arms they had taken bore the Tower mark, and as his troops had a decided preference for that description of fire arms, they would feel highly obliged to him if he would have the kindness to allow his men to carry them on all future occasions. —(Hear, hear, and laughter.) After referring to a pamphlet, written by Captain Hensingen, a gentleman who had served upwards of a year with Zumalacarreguy, the Honourable Gentleman proceeded to contend that if them, had been any obligation on this country to interfere in the quarrel with an armed force, it would Irdive been distinctty specified in the treaty, and not left to the discre tion of Government. He would not trouble the House further. Ha thought it his duty thus to bring under its consideration the foreign policy pursued by the Government in this instance, and to call for an investigation into the lino of conduct that had been adopted by the Noble Lord opposite (the Secretary for Foreign Affairs), in permitting a force of 10,000 British troops to take part in the civil war now raging in Spain, con trary to the letter of the treaty of the Quadruple Alliance. He did not complain of a supply of arms having been furnished, because that was consistent both with the spirit and letter of the treaty, but he contended that if an armed force was to be supplied, it ought to have been specified in the treaty itself, and not loft to the discretion of any Minister. It was for our ho:- nour and dignity that the sacredness of the treaty snould be maintained. He felt strongly for the honour of his native country, with which he considered the honour of the army to be entwined, No one, he was sure, felt more for that honour than the Noble Lord opposite. No one, he was sure, could feel regret more than the Noble Lord would, if the laurels that had been planted on Spanish soil by the British sword, and nourished by British blood, should wither and decay in the present discreditable contest. If England must speak, let her speak as of old.—( Cheers.) If she must draw the sword from the scabbard, let her not sheathe it until she converts it into a ploughshare, Tho best advice, he believed, that could be given and adopted in this eventful crisis, was to withdraw our men altogether foom the scene, in which they did not act any part that became the character of British soldiers. Ho would say to the Noble Lord—. " FOrt i ter oceupa, Portum. Nonne video, ut Nudum remigio latus, Et malus celeri :auzius Africo, Antenna-N:lw gement ?" The Noble Lord could not palliate to the sons of Spain the course be had pursued, He had prevented their having the opportunity of vindicating their own cause by their own strength, and this opportunity he could never more restore to them.—( Immense cheering.) The lion. Member having sat down without making any motion, there were loud cries of " Move," and " There is no motion." The SPEAKER asked if the lion. Member had any mo tion to conclude with? Mr. MACLEAN, seemingly at a loss for the nature of his motion, after some hesitation said he should move for the pro duction of the papers which the Noble Lord (Palmerston) said he would lay upon the table. Ile moved, therefore, that those papers be now laid upon the table. Lord PA LNI E RS.TON laid them on the table of the House amidst cheers and a laugh. Mr. WA RD very much regretted that lion. Members op. polite a lways carefully abstained from bringing this questi on forward in any tangible shape, which enabled the House to come to a decision upon it. hear, hear.) The proper course would be, to visit with the censure of the House those Ministers who had neglected the interests of their country, by laying themselves open to the charge which was to be im plied, at least, from the speech of the Right. Member, if that charge were well founded ; and if it were unfounded, to remove such an imputation from them at one-, by an expres sion of the sanction and approval of the House, but any such course was always most carefully avoided.— (Hear, hear. ) Such were the tactics consequently pursued on the opposite side of the House, whenever the affairs of Spain were brought under its consideration. When the Noble Lord, the Mem ber for Hertford, brought the subject forward last session, he concluded a speech which, though moderate in its tone, was full of strictures on the Government, by moving for the production of papers, to the production of which he well knew there could be no earthly objection, inasmuch as their contents were previously well known to the House. The Noble Lord would excuse him for saying, that by the adoption of this course he placed the House in a most unfair position, compelling it either to refuse its assent to a motion, in its e lf perfectly unobjectionable; or by acceding to it, to bestow its sanction to a certain extent on the grounds on which that motion was founded, and the statements by which it was accompanied.--( Hear, hear.) But the Hon. Member for Oxford was even more cautious—his caution exceeded all precedent; he would not move for any thing at all, but merely placed a notice on the books, which just served as a peg to hang a speech upon, without the slightest notion of ever attaining any definite or specific result.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman took precedence, as he (Mr. Ward) understood, not because he was going to make a speech, but because he was about to make a motion. The speech had, however, concluded without any motion at all and thus he (Mr. Ward) was d e p r i ve d o f a p l easure w hich he had promised himself—the pleasure, if he had impugned tho conduct of his Majesty's Government, of moving such an amendment as Would have brought the whole subject under the consideration Of the House,and enabled them to pronounce an opinion on it.—. (Cheers,) He regretted that the mode of proceeding which had been resorted to did not leave him the power of changing the Honourable Member's field day into some thing like a regular discussion.--(Hear.) The real 'ques t tion at issue was ; had his Majesty's Mit*tqrs t tAntler the obligation of a treaty, pursued a right. object ; and if 5 °,9 .had they pursued. it in a .right way ?—(1-lear, hear.) it was very convenient for Hoii. Gcntlemerf to say that. they did not impugn the treaty itself, while they imp u g ned every act that naturally flowed from it. It was•quite irapos-. sable to separate the two; the House must take'tbe policy et the alliance into consideration, before it decided to what extent the GoVernment were justified •in acting upon its stipulations. What was the policy of the quadruple treaty ? To give peace and security to the people of Spain and Portugal (with the last of which, be it recollected, England was the most in timately acquainted), and to afford them an opportunity of introducing and working out those changes which they might consider de,ii able, without the fear of foreign aggression, and without the destruction. of a disputed accession.—(Hear. ) He maintained that the peace and welfare of England were most intimately concerned in putting an end to the fluctuations which had,. during the last century, prevailed in the Peninsula.- It was with the Cortes of Spain we formed our first connection in 1809 : we became their protectors iri 1814 when they were .driven into exile : and many Honourable Members of that House must recollect that it required all the power of Mr. Canning's great talent and eloquence to restrain the tide of popular feeling which had set in their favour in 1823. To Portugal we were bound by equally strong ties. Wo were bound to protect them from all foreign aggression, from all interference in her internal affairs. Uniformity in the Penin sular Governments was of the utmost importance to England; and now we were bound by the quadruple treaty, in conjunc tion with France, to throw the shield of our protection over the infant liberties of both these countries. The objection of de Hon. and Learned Member for Oxford was to the extension which had been given to the treaty. But he (Mr. Ward) contended that our Government had acted in the true spirit of that treaty.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member should not forget that by the letter of that treaty a most inl' portant obligation was imposed upon this Government. That treaty obliged us in case of necessity to send an armament to the coast of Spain or Portugal, to protect either from foreign interference in their internal affairs. Suppose then the Russia (and the Honourable and Learned Mjriiber did not re. gard it as a very improbable supposition) or any continents! country had sent an army to Spain to support the cause of Don Carlos—as France would under the terms of the quadru ple treaty, prevent their passage through her territories—we should have been obliged to send a fleet to the coast of Bi!',* cay to obstruct their landing.—(Hear, h e ar.) W e shout° have been comm i tted to the whole force of our armament. _ Then with respect to the efficiency of the aid afforded under his Gallant Friend General Evans, it should be remembered that that gallant officer acted under the orders of Spain, and therefore should those untoward events occur which bad been anticipated by the Hon. and Learned Member, but of whicit he (Mr. Ward) had not the slightest apprehension, the dis grace would fall, not upon England, but upon Spain herself- - (Hear, hear)—so that when we could accomplish the object at the treaty by a less exertion of power, why should we be ca!,leti upon to make the greater 2—( Hear, hear.) So far fror., in. , in the unfavourable anticipation of the Hon. and Learned' Member, he (Mr. Ward) was convinced that t' ae y w ould eventually fully justify the cause in which they lrad embarked . So soon as the severity of the season should mitigated, ana that an opport un ity o f di s ti ngu i s hi ng th em s e l ves was a ff or ded, he felt assured that these brave men mould prove themselves worthy of the reputation acquired by their predecessors in the Peninsula.—(Hear, hear.), The Hon. and Learned Member opposite had attached much importance to the opinion of air. Canning.—( Hear.) When the Hon. and Learned Member attributed to Mr. Canning the doctrine of non-interveir„ion in all cases, he attributed ranch more than that illustri ous • vidual professed. With respect to the feeling in favour of the constitutional cause, he would take it on himsalf to say that! all the influential and populous towns were in favour of it; sn he referred with pleasure to the remittance which had arrived in Madrid from Havannah. This was a strong proof o f the feeling existing in the colonies. Re was surprised how the Hon. and Learned Member could assume that the co nduc, adopted by Engl a nd was un j ust ifi a bl e i n a power which blin signed the Quadruple Treaty. It was quite true the Govern' ment had gone beyond the letter of that treaty._(Cbeer s from the Opposition.) These cheers he was prepared fo r from Honourable Members who were opposed to tilt-, Qua druple Treaty, in spirit and in letter.—( Hear, hear.) 13 e; he would mention th a t, i n act i ng as s h e had one, Englan' was only acting in accordance with the spirit of that treat/' f He denied that the saliq ue l aw was part o f t h e const i tut i o n O Spain. It was introduced under the Bourbons, and the 0, 19 : power that sanction e d cou ld at any t i me repeal it. "- could conceive no more unimpeachable title than that of the Queen of Spain, sanctioned as it was by the Cortes of th e ; kingdom.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Membe r had said that Don Carlos ought not to be irritated. 14° ' he (Mr. Ward) should take leave to observe that Don Carlos was identified with fanaticism in Spain.—(" Oh, oh l " from the Opposition.) It had been his (Mr. Ward's) lot to hal! spent four years in Spain at a period when he could form • very accurate opinion upon the subject, and he should v enter ° to put his own personal experience in opposition to the ° i n : formation" of the Hon. Member opposite. Don Carlos was supporter of the inquisition in Spain ; he was opposed to t il A slightest modification of it by Ferdinand, and lie endeavoure! to induce his brother to revive it in mor e than its pristita, odiousness, as an engine not merely of religious, but also w political oppression. He was therefore an i n di v id ua l f ro m wh o m this country had nothing to hope, ad he believed as litt leo ' fear.—( Hear, hear.) En g land l ta d guaranteed the succes sio n ', to the Queen of Spain, an, w as proceeding prudently. b ut / efficiently to secure it ; ar . a he believed that Mr. C a nning, in the situation of tt. e Noble Lord near him , would h av e adopted precisely '.ne same course. In conclusion, be. P .t only to express nis hope, that if the Hon. and Learned M e r- ... t bar had objection to urge against the fulfilment Of_ t at t8 4 , - E treat.. / .--as it had been fulfilled by this country_be trustee' t. " -- tie would bring some intelligible and tangible motion. b e for e the House that would give them an opportunity o f e xpressing an opinion on a subject of so much importance.—(Hear.) sd Mr. PO ULTE R said that the treaty to which allusion b i d been made by the Hon. Member who had just sat down, eo n i . s not be abandoned without the greatest injury to those P o T whose interests were concerned in its Inamtenance. great principle upon which that treaty was b ase d, wr.s the 7, and complete restoration of peace, -,nd the establishment ear. constitutional Government in Pipain and Portugal.---a e ,,,,, hear.) Hon. Members tr!,ght heap censure as they n o upon those brave men had embarked in the cause of .t v , Queen of Spain—th4 - might call them Mercenaries, as, 11 '0 rally speaking, 0 - ,ey were justified in applying the term " t uo t those. who ree,eived Mows ; but he could only o bserve, t h in if the sate spirit actuated the Mercenaries, who a ppeared,.. the rast history of Europa—the term would never have , I o cr..trie one of reproach.—( Cheers.) I n it s offensive sense' , vt ia term " Mercenary" was appli ca bl e to any man w ho wc h n er , fight, no Matter in what cau s e, f or p a y. Th e ques tion 0 0 0 was, would these men serve Don Carlos for pay ?---(„lf,i s t cheers.) Emphatically he said—N o „—( Hear, hear.) ‘ T " . a t there might be two opinion s w ith respect to t he "principles b y issue—there could be but one respecting tlie atrocities No which both bad been disg,raced.—( Hear, hear, hear.) . 5; doubt all ag ree d w i t h hi m in condemn.'ing th ese atroeiti k e iro but there w ere , h e d are d to sa y, many who differed f ro nt'; it as to the causes o f th ese a t roc iti es. Hi s op i n i en was that i n was to be traced to the long ar.iecedent despotism existing o f Spain—the penalty to be I,aid for passing from a state a t slavery to a state of literety—a penalty, however severe,, t e i, must be paid. If Don Carlos had, as he asserted, the fe . 4 1 ing of the count ry w i t h hi m, w h y ret i re i nto f astness es o n o strongholds 2—( H ear .) He was playing the last stake of l b , game of ab so l ut i sm i n t h e W est of Europe, and h en ce nature of the aid a ff or d e d hi m. B ut he (-Mr. Poulter)tra stot s a he should see the spirit that was abroad in the South sP r .. e e ll even to the N or th, an d fi n d a rest i ng place in Polan d as b as the Peninsula.—( Cheers.) Mr. O'CONNELL could not allow the debate to c otril u of without calling attention to the real cause of the differenc e o f opinion existing on the subject now under the consideratio n . i i, the House. The real difference was that between the pri ciple of absolutism and that of constitutional liberty.—=( H e Yet there was n o t one wor d of that in the speech r.:l th e ' ° op and Learned M em b er f or O xford—because the cause o f 'do Carlos was that of absolutism, and that of Christina was ti , cause of constituti ona l lib erty. Th ere was something 11100 ral, too, in the a lli ance, f orme d i n support of the cause of h as Carlos. That P r i nce was so muc h o f a Cathol i c, t h at lie arrived at the stage which those who regard Catholicqo superstition call P o p er y. —( H e a r .) A n d yet notw i t hstall e a this, the most violent no-popery m e n in thi s coun t r y had ra` iit a,' round his cause. By rhis o iduct they !h 'wed, at all ° c t that their opposition w as no t t o th e a b s t ract pr i nc i p l e of I, ar ,) but to Popery wh en a lli e d t o lib era l i nst i tut i ons . —(S They were opposed to Popery in Ireland—not because it i , Popery, but because it was j ust now wrapped up w ith 14r rality. The cause o f Ch r i st i na , though- it was the caul, of o: be free institutions, had yet been disgraced by atrocities which was the first in that House t o con d emn . H e was the fi rst --, that House to denominate Mina a mons t er f or hi s atro ci t ie s o l and so should he speak of Zumalacareguy. He hoped a (13 ,1,i41r retribution w as coming, and that inste a d o f g o i ng to Al a. ", - t id D'on Carlos would fall into the hands of his Gallant Fr i t o General Evans, who, however, had too much magnauitn it P, retaliate by putti ng hi m to d eat h , b ut h e wou ld , Ile Di n ‘ l -.) treat him with all the contempt of forgiveness.—( Hear, e , e3 (at He was gl a d th e H on . an d L earne d M em b er h a d not .',°tllo forgotten th e p r i nc ipl es o f hi s pro f ess i on as to preten d in Don Carlos had a shadow of a legal title to the Crown of Prof But supposing that he had a title, what kind of a friend oo l. berty was Carlos to involve th e coun t r y i u suc h scenes of bL ,iO O shed as he had done.—( Hear, h ear .) H e t h oug h t t h a t the, to e! , was come when it was the gen era l o pi n i on o f enlighrar-e n ott e that the man who would " wad e th roug h slaughter lo a thr oe' was unfit to reign. He was supported in his cor,test %O s who from ignorance were against good goverty.nent. afa r he he sat down, he could not help adverting to ' a rat her sn it l is e ae` circumstance, which he believed was no secret—liVange. the proceedings that were going on at ''.ne Stock Exc - ho A number of persons at that place had undertaken to i nslet ni Government of the Queen money, ) 'out some of those pe. o had determined " to hedge," money also to Don Carlos.— AO, agreed to lend a su (liear, hear, and a laugh. , 0 00 1 understood that Don Carlos was to have a loan of 25° 'rgq to assist him in mur d er i ng British subjects ; and if he i T e,e to Madrid, he w as to have a. large loan ; b u t if he d i "g - : t, course the lend ers would lose what they advanced.'"%chr,'", means they " hedged," as to the Chr.stinos loan. i d 0" gentlemen might laugh at this proceecF ai b u t he c en t 'oes n h h l e , l ie p d c_on ( si H de e r a i r , that it was frightful 4 .huf ; t ; o traffic in t o ni c_ however, Hancebear.) These proceedings would cantote tahse l ong j e a c s t Members sef pu i n to Oxford had of t s that House lent their c e er so t _Carlos. The Hon. Mea th fir read a number letters from the scene - le tter fare in Spain. He (Nlr-t'J'Connell) had also receivedld' g oo' from Vittoria—sonae fora relations of his own, who 11 . out with Generid Evar.s, which gave a very different a n ' s a of the march and fight from that given by the He n ; i bei e iaahroed Member. i-le knew the writers o f swan- n'i, T hes e letters to be incazable of misrepresenting the truth. L l • N LONDON L lso, one.fi "-Iwo N isley, in favour of the Public STIRLING CANAL. Sir A. AGNEW bad been requested to call the attention of the House to a petition presented by the Honourable Member for Stirling yesterday, relative to the Bill for establishing the Stirling canal. The complaint be had to make was that the Stirling canal Company gave no notice as required by the Standing Orders, to the Proprietors of cer tain rivers and streams, from whence they intended to obtain water for their canal, and therefore he proposed that the Bill should be referred back to the Committee, to sec if those Standing Orders had been complied with. Mr. F. CAMPBELL opposed the motion of the Hon. Baronet. He .had been Chairman of that Committee, had carefully examined the provisions of the Bill, and found the Standing Orders had been complied with. Besides which the new canal required no water from those streams, as it would be supplied by waste water from the Clyde and Forth. The motion of the Hon. Baronet was an attempt to turn out a Bill by a side wind, in a manner that YiT.4 not altogether fair. Even if the Standing Orders had not teen complied with, the matter ought certainly to be referred to the Standing Order Committee, and not to the Committee that had sat upon the Bill. Upon these grounds he negatived the motion of the Hon. Baronet.—( Hear, bear, and laughter.) Sir A. AGNEW proceeded to make some observations in reply, but was interrupted by The SPEAKER, who said he thought the motion of the Honourable Baronet was one of some importance. For the accuracy of the fact he could not make himself responsible ; but at present it was proposed to make a new canal. The original canal was supplied by streams and rivulets ; the new canal was to be supplied in the same way ; and therefore those streams and rivulets would be called upon to supply two canals instead of one. The question was whether, under these circumstances, the par ties were bound to give notice to the proprietors of the Old Canal, and he thought that it was a case to be referred back to the Committee—a course of proceeding from which no in justice could arise, The petition was accordingly referred back to the Committee. CASE OF JANE CHAMPION. Captain PEC HELL rose to present a petition of very great importance ; in doing which, he would endeavour to be as brief as possible. It was the case of an unfortunate woman, who had been committed to the House of Correction by the Magistrittes of Seaford in Sussex. They had decided that this woman was a widow,' on account of the ab sence of her husband, who was now at Port Jackson. He did not mean to say anything to implicate these Magis trates, who were Seaford Magistrates, and not Justices of the Peace. He wished to state that he had received every assist ance from them, and from the Poor Law Commissioner, who was also cempleined against. lie thought that the shortest course he could take vimild be to make a statement of the case. —( Hear.) It appeared that the petitioner resided with her husband and family at Seaford, and that her husband had been sentenced to seven years' transportation for receiving some fowls, knowing them to be stolen, leaving her with six children. The parish had made a certain advance, which, however, ceased upon the New Poor Law coming into opera tion. Her children were sent to the workhouse and there maintained. A very short time after, a warrant was issued by the magistrates of Seaford to compel this woman to She declared she could maintain herself ; but though she was the wife of a perßon who was sentenced to transportation, and therefore claimed to be considered a married woman, the magistrates held her to be liable for the maintenance of the children of her husband. She was brought before the magistrates as an jdle and disorderly person, and committed for twenty days to the House of Correction. A short time after the expiration of this period another warrant was issued, and she was brought up . again and remanded. She stated that a petition was getting up in her favour, and would be presented to that House, and on that account the Magistrates delayed hearing the ease, They,. however, applied, to the Poor Law Commissioner, as to whether a second committal would be advisable, and he advised them that a man beyond sea, whether for 7, 14, or 21 years, was to be considered as civilly dead, and that therefore this woman was liable for the maintenance of the children of such a man, and was liable to be committed as an idle and disorderly person. No deposition had been taken to show that this woman was able to maintain these children, but the Act required that steps should be taken to prove this. In this ease the husband was absent without the consent of the petitioner, and, in point of law and justice, he thought the wife should not be called upon to support the children of the husband. It was a hardship that she should be bound to support the children, when, but for the state of the law, she could obtain a good and willing man of her own: fie had carefully examined the Act of Parliament, and he was at a 1.7,4 to know whether this woman was to be called a fenitne sole or afentote coueert, This woman had no remedy at law fel the wrong she had suffered, and lie trusted the House wc,414 give directions to the magistrates to prevent a repetition of a similar aet, Mr. FOX MA ULE thought that the petition should not bp entertained, inasmuch as there was a tribunal in existence to which it ought more properly be referred. lie could only say if the petition was placed in his hands, he could promise that every attention would be paid to it.—( Hear, hear.) Major BEA UC LE RK thought if this was the law, it was a most atroeious one, and called for the immediate inter ference of the Legislature. (Hear.) In the case now before the House a poor unfortunate woman was punished for the crime of bor husband. If that was the case, it was not justice. The Poor Law Commissioners were bound to do all in their power to remedy those evils, and he thought it their duty to OPIPO forward and propose a measure on the subject. The new Poe? Law might be made a great benefit to the country if it was carried on fairly. Mr. CURTEIS supported the prayer of the petition. Ile hoped the Government would take the matter under its serious consieferation. It was the bounden duty of the Government to have a legal opinion whether the Poor Law Commissioners were right or wrong in committing the poor woman. Captain PECHE L L was satisfied the Government would stay proceedings in this case until the opinion of the law offi cers of the Crews: was obtained. ORANGE LODGES. Colonel MAXWELL said that h e was desired by the Duke of Cumberland to state to the House, that in conse quence of his Majesty's wish, expressed in answer to the address of the House of Commons, his Royal Highness had already taken steps, in concurrence with all the leading Members of the Orange Societies, to recommend to them the dissolution of the Sosiety. He was therefore directed by his Royal Highness that it is intended immediately to take steps for the dissolution of the Orange Societies in Great Britain and the Colonies.—( Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL said that he had the honour this morning of transmitting to his Royal Highness a copy of the votes of that House, containing the address of that House, and also the answer of his Majesty t hereto, in answer to which he had received the following reply :—" St. James's Palace, Feb. 26, 1836.—My Lord, I have received your Lordship's letter, with the copy of the resolutions of the House of Commons on the subject of Orange Lodges, together with his Majesty's gracious answer thereto. Before I received your Lordship's communication, I had already taken steps with se veral influential Members to'reeornmend their immediate dis solution. In conformity with the wish expressed by his Ma. jesty, I shall take all legal steps to dissolve Orange Lodges, —(Cheers.) TIMBER DUTIES. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON wished to correct several statements that had been made by the Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Board of Trade, with res p ect to what he (Mr. Alderman Thompson) had stated at a meet ing on the subject. The Right Honourable Gentlemen had said that he (Mr. Alderman Thompson) at the meeting alluded to had stated that the Right Honourable Gentleman had the intention of surreptitiously passing a Bill in that House, for the purpose of altering the duties on timber. What he intended to say was, that if measures were introduced at a latc , period of the Session, many Hon. Members would have left London, and consequently they could not receive that con sideration the case required. He wished it clearly understood that he had said nothing calculated to give pain to his Right Hon. Friend, for whom, when he filled a less distinguished place than at present, he entertained the greatest friendship, which he wished to continue, notwithstanding any difference of poli-, tical opinion. lie wished to ask what time would be allowed fur consideration between the printing of the schedules and the consideration of them in the House ? Mr. PO ULETT THOMSON was glad that the gentle man had not used language calculated to sever the friendship which he was proud sbould exist between them. In reply to the question, he should state that there was no discrepancy be tween what had been said by the Noble Lord in another place and what he mentioned last night, that it was not the inten tion of Government to introduce any measure on the subject of these duties at so early a period in the session.___( H ear , hear.) The Report of the Committee could not be acted upon till 1837, and he could assure the Gentleman that sufficient time would be afforded between the printing of the schedules and their consideration in that House. Mr. G. F. YOUNG — asked a question relative to a supposed negotiation between the British Ambassador at Schomberg and the agent of a Foreign Power relative to certain alterations in the timber duties. He understood arrangements acre still going forward on the subject. • Mr. POUL ET THOMSON said, the fact, if it were so, of the arrangement being still pending, ought to be a sufficient reason why he should dMecIALT DUTIES ine to answer the question. . Mr. WO DE HOUSE made some obssrvations, in a low tone, relative to a memorial he presented on the subject of the Malt duties. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he felt it his duty to direct an inquiry into the subject of the memorial and to the facts stated in the Report. In the year 1830 the maltsters were entitled to a reduction of 20 per cent. under certain regulations, and it was intended that the public should have the benefit of the reduction.— ( Hear.) He should be prepared to say, when the proper time arrived what was the course the Government had deter mined upon, but it should be recollected if the prayer of the memorialists were complied with, there would be a clear loss to the revenue of 164,000/. per annum.—(Hear.) If illie4t practices clonl4 not be put an end to, they must call par l;z2nt to fur nish .. them with additional powers. upon ADJOuIIYED DEBATE. Mr. HUME, on the Order of the:day being read, suggested that the adjourned debate shpo4 Iptvp precedence. Mr, D UNCOMSE thought the 44.19grna4 4*te should tai h avnevpvroecteediberneiet,, and if a division too p*e ! 01004 Cq- The SPEAKER said the question was still open. Mr. HAWE S said, gentlemen on the other side last night called this a great Constitutional question, and if such were the fact, wbv not give it precedence ? Mr. wypiti Fertainli oppose the proposition of a '"E,