The Sun. — London, England, 1838-04-04 00:00:00

HIGH WATERAT LONDON BRIDGE TO. MORROW. Y. oraing 3 minutes after 11 1 Evening 3O minutes after 11 This day was published, in royal B vo , pr i ce 2s. 6d., No. 11. of T HE MONTHLY CHRONICLE. PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. Are the Planets inhabited? Slavery and the new Slave Trade. Zicci, a Tale (continued). Coal Monopoly. International Copyright. Reviews, Music, Notes, Art in Fiction (concluded.) &e. &c. &c. London: Longman, Orme, and Co. The publication of Tux SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day at minutes past Three o' Clock. .. ,, e,7 ), -1 ____ ct s.,..r.s ' . is i-P I'll . „etc., .. 01 4.4.0 v...,,, .7.,--_-, - - ; - ''• .7,4.4._. TY a WITH WHICH " THE TRUE SUN" IS NOW INCORPORATED. LONDON : WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1838. The Marquis of CHANDOS, last night, moved a series o resolutions, touching the expense of Lord DURHAM'S mis sion to Canada, recommending economy, and declaring that the expense of his mission ought not to exceed that of Lord GOSFORD'S. After an animated debate, which, as was to be expected, took rather a personal turn, the motion was lost by the small majority of 2, in a House of 318 Members. A motion to enforce economy of any kind came appropriately after the debate in the early part of the even ing on the Soap duties, the smallest reduction in which was resisted on the ground, that the revenue raised from that premium for dirt and disease could not be spared. We have no doubt, therefore, that Mr. GILLON'S motion -swelled the minority. Many of the Members, we be lieve, were atarmed,by the representations of the CHAN CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER in the early part of the evening, and were terrified into voting for economy. 'But the principal source of the largeness of the minority 'was the trick played by Lord CHANDOS, who gave notice that he meant only to call attention to the subject, and then moved resolutions. The debate did not come on till past eleven o'clock, when a considerable num ber of Liberal Members had left the House, hav ing given up the idea of a division and could not subsequently be brought hack. Not a little of misrepresentation, too, was used to affect them. The 'expense of the additional Commissioners, and the more extensive duties which Lord DURHAM will have to perform than Lord GOSFORD, were kept out of sight. All special missions arc despatched leaving the consi 'aeration of expense to be determined by the events ; and if the Marquis of CHANDOS and his friends wished to take the case of Lord DURHAM out of the rule, their proper course was to move a vote of censure on his appointment, rather than a vote of limitation on his means eaf effecting his object. But that would hardly have com ported with Sir ROBERT PEEL'S professed notions of re spect for the prerogative, though his vote and his argument were as near an infringement on it as could well be, not to be in direct violation of his own principle. Trick, misre presentation, and unscrupulous arguments were the chief sources of the Tories making such a large show, last Eight, on a question of economy. Be the source, how ever, of the large minority what it may, the public cannot be otherwise than gratified to see the admirers of economy so much increased. Up to this time the Wh gs an 1 the Radicals of ly were the friends of retrench ment, and the advocates of curtailing public expense last night added all the Tories to their ranks. Though the Ministers thought, and the public will probably think, that it is wiser and better not to fetter Lord DURHAM as to expending a few pounds, after investing him with extraordinary powers over the liberties of the people, and not to cripple him in his arduous undertaking by refusing him an Aide-de-camp, the Ministers must still be regarded as pledged to economy ; and by the vote of last night we have the whole House, Tories and all, pledged to the same principle. The Tories are at length beaten into virtue. They can no longer bat ten on the public purse, and they have become its guar dians. Lord DURHAM will not take one of them, and they bravely resolve that he shall take as few Whigs as possible. Never were the advantages of adversity more strikingly ex emplified ; and by keeping the Tories out of office some time longer, we shall convert them into patriots. There is good reason, we think, to congratulate these Statesmen themselves on their conversion, for Government, generally, has now very little to recom mend it to the world, and a continuation of the old sys tem of extravagance would infallibly ruin it. Generally it is commended as good, or denounced as bad, by the re duction or increase of its expenditure. For a Government to be popular it must reduce the public burdens. The Tories might have played any pranks they pleased if they could have found ameans of raising the wind without dipping deep into the pockets of the public. Men in general care nothing about the abstract doctrines of freedom ; and even the unreformed Parliament would have been tolerated, had it not male the national burdens almost unbearable. Heavy taxation was the flail with which the Whigs in op position thrashed the Tories. We must say, therefore, that we are extremely sorry to learn that the Government cannot spare the Soap duty, because in giving up reduction it lets go its hold of the lever which raised the Ministers to power. With Mr. Hawes we had hoped that the policy pursued towards Ireland would have presented to the public—that only tangible test of its goodness —a reduction of expense. But Lord AIULGRAVE, under the influence of Tory sneers and taunts, is still too tenacious about maintain ing the barbarous law. He is eager to protect the tithe• exacting Priests, who are obtruded on the people, and the public must continue to pay an enormous sum to enable rebellion -ruffians to enforce Exchequer processes in Ireland. It was, in fact, boasted only a few months ago, that Lord Meecenve had executed the law with great rigour ; and the palpable fruit of that—for the law of Ireland is only a scheme of fraud and extortion—is great expense ; so that the people must remain unwashed, and exposed to disease, that the Irish Church may securely levy its tithes on those it insults. When the public is continually made aware that it is grievously taxed for such purposes as this, Statesmen cannot be surprised that it should look on taxation alone as the true test of their po licy. On this account, we congratulate the Tories them selves on their conversion to the principles of economy, for that will be an additional motive for avoiding costly oppres sion, and so, preserving the power of the Government. We wish to say two words more on controverted Elec tions. Both Sir ROBERT PEEL and Lord STANLEY ex pect much from an Act declaratory of the law ; that is an Act not to make a new law, but to declare what the law of controverted Elections is. Now this law consists almost wholly of decisions of the House of Commons, and they are based on party motives and express party views. They are vitiated in their origin ; and much as we desire to see, as the only remedy for the disgraceful and demoralizing evils of controverted Elections, a definite and distinct code of laws, a mere declaratory Act, founded on such viciou decisions as already exist, can never establish such a codes Lord STANLEY and Sir ROBERT PEEL begin at the wrong. end. Another point, worth one sentence, is that some Elec tions have, in former times, as the celebrated Middlesex Election, been set aside on account of the character of the person elected disqualifying him, in the opinion of the House, to hold a seat. While we insist on the propriety of wholly removing the jurisdiction from the House of Commons, as far as it concerns law, and treat with great contempt all the peurile schemes we have yet seen for forming an impartial tribunal out of that assembly of avowed struggling and ambitious politicians—while we insist on the absolute necessity for the satisfaction of the public of allowing only the judges to decide ques tions of law, we have no wish to remove the jurisdic tion from the House of Commons, so far as the charac ter and conduct of its own Members are concerned. We draw attention to this distinction, because we believe that the necessity of preserving the jurisdiction of the House over character is the chief source of the desire to retain it over the la w and over facts. We are glad to find that the parish of St. Bride has finally come to the determination of adopting the New Poor-law. There has been considerable opposition to the introduction of the new system excited in that parish, and carried to such a height that on Friday last the inhabi tants were convened, in pursuance of a previous notice, to discuss the question, whether a resolution of Vestry, passed about a year ago, approving of the introduction of the new Poor-law into the City of London, and claiming the benefit of it for the parish of St. Bride, should not be rescinded A stormy debate took place, and a poll having been resorted to, the result, which was declared on Monday morning, ex hibited a considerable majority in favour of the new law. In the parish of St. Martin's-in-the-fields, too, Poor-law agitation gets on rather awkwardly. Here it seems to march crab fashion, retrograding two steps for every one it advances. Some little time ago two resolutions were passed at a meeting, professing to be a Vestry meeting of this parish, to the effect-Ist " That the new Poor law Amendment Act be abolished .in the management of the affairs of this parish ;" 2d, " That no further disburse ment of the parish money take place without the orders of the Vestry." It is sometimes easier to pass resolutions than to enforce them when passed—so it has happened in this instance. Notice was given in due form that a public meeting of the inhabitants of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields would be held on the 23d inst., at the British Coffee-house, Cock spur-street, to take measures for carrying the resolutions into effect ; and to give the greater eclat to the affair, the Hon. Member for Finsbury was invited to take the chair Mr. WAKLEY is not a bad Chairman, when he has more than a dozen persons to preside over. In this case, however, it was feared, even after he arrived, that he would decline the honour of keeping order among empty benches. The Hon. Gentleman was at last prevailed upon to go through the formalities, and after a good deal of dis cussion, counter resolutions were moved and passed, to the discomfiture of the agitators and Stanhopites. Mr. SIMPSON and Mr. POUNCEY addressed some very sensible observations to the few persons who felt sufficient interest in the question to attend the meeting. The former gentle. man remarked that when he saw the paupers well taken care of, no destitution, and the rates reduced from 57,000/. to 20,000/., he thought it cruel—who does not think so?— to censure the administrators of the law. The truth is, that the more the actual working of the New Poor-law is inves tigated and becomes known, the feebler becomes the oppo tion to it—an opposition which has never had any other foun dation than the misrepresentations of some discontented officials, who were, or apprehended that they would be, shorn of their parochial dignity, influence, and emoluments, by the change of the system—which misrepresentations have been taken up and circulated by a factious portion of the press, entirely from party motives. The Paris Journals of Monday contain no news of any interest except the following fragment of a telegraphic des patch which appears in the official columns of the Moni teur : " TOULON, APRIL 1, HALF-PAST 5 O'CLOCK, P.M. " ALGIERS, MARCH 29. " MARSHAL VALLEE, TO THE MINISTER OF WAR. " Coleah was occupied on the 26th. The inhabitants came to meet me, and [ have continued in their functions the chiefs (magistrates) of the city. A camp of four battalions of in fantry, four pieces of cannon, and fifty hurse . . . •" (In terrupted by nightfall.) The advices from Madrid are of the 25th ult. In the en gagement of the 22d, between General LATRE and the Carlist Chief NEGRI, the former is reported to have 700 of his men made prisoners, and to have lost eighty waggons laden with provisions and stores, and 15,000 franks in ready money. The Carlist Chief BA- Stu°, at the head of 800 horse and 4,000 foot, was tra versing the mountains of Toledo, but watched by a superior Christino force, so stationed, as to prevent a junction with any of the other Carlist bands on the southern side of the Ebro. A report was in circulation, that the Spanish Go vernment intended to summon ESPARTERO to the capital to answer a charge of having seized upon the Provinci it revenue under the plea of subsisting the army, without the consent of the Cortes. General ORA A, who has imi tated the conduct of his Chief, in seizing upon the revenues of Valencia and Alicant, will, it is expected, receive a similar summons from the Minister at War. To this plundering propensity in the QUEEN'S Generals, and in every man in any office in Spain, may be traced one great cause of the long continuance of the civil war. They all thrive upon the ruin of their country, and therefore they are more intent upon prolong'..-Ig than abbreviating the period of the commotions, which are hurrying Spain into a state of anarchy the most deplorable. TORENO was a beggar when the civil war commenced ; he is now rich enough to become a loan contractor. TOREN() is but one of a thousand officials who have been equally prosperous within the last seven years. The following are extracts from the Journals:— The Mode has again been seized to-day. A Commissary of Police, who was the bearer of an order of M. Zangiaconri. seized the Numbers of that Journal of 24th and 31st March, which hail been published at the same time. The grounds of this new act of rigour are unknown. On the 28th March a courier passed through Bayonne, said to be the bearer of despatches relative to the loan which the Spanish Government desire to contract. The conditions pro posed by M. Aguado are said to have been accepted, and 500 millions of reals, it is stated, are to be given for the aliena tion of the mines of Almada, at a certain rate. We have the more reason to hesitate in giving credit to this news, as our Correspondent writes to us that the proposals of M. Aguado, presented to the Cortes on the 24th, were not of a nature to he accepted without modifications. It is probable that these modifications were decided in the same sitting, and that they are the subject of the despatches from the Government at Madrid.—Sentinelle des Pyrenees, March 29. The following extract of a letter from Algiers, dated 2d March has been communicated to us. We believe that the statements it contains are derived from good authority : " Ben Aissa is still here, treating at the same time on his own account and that of Achmcd. ' The following are some particulars of the negotiations entered into between him and Marshal Valee ; you may consi der them as certain Ben Aissa desired to be recognised as Chief of the Kabyles of the province of Constantine, and pro mis?s in return the submission of all the tribes of the mountains. Achmed, on his side, who has given full powers to his former Lieut.-Governor, promises that if the Beylick of Con stantine i 3 restored to him, for which he would receive a new investiture from France, he will make war with the utmost vi g our on Abd-el-Kader, whose power he engages to destroy.' These proposals are favourably received by the Marshal, because they coincide with his system, which is to combat the Arabs by the Arabs. Accordingly, it is said that he urges the Government to accept them. The promises which Ben Aissa makes in his own name, are in general believed to be more worthy of confidence than those which he makes in the name of Achmet. In fact, Ben Aissa, who is by birth a Kabyle, has great influence among the people of the same origin as himself, which gives more weight to his promises. As for those of Achmet, they are but little credited, and still less approved. If he is once put again in possession of Constantine, now ren dered almost impregnable by the works which we have exe cuted, it is asked what security we should have for his fidelity to his engagements ; and, in case he failed in the per formance, how we should compel him to keep them. Should we make a new expedition, which it would then be necessary to undertake on a much larger scale than the preceding to make the success certain, and again the base idea of abandoning a conquest which has cost us so dear, is revolting to any one who has a French heart. But above all the execution of the conditions offered by the above document is looked upon with general incredulity. It is not believed that Achmet is capable of contending with the Emir, even if he sincerely entered into the struggle with him, the probable result of which would be to sanction the attempts already made by Abd-el-Kader to get a footing in Constan tine, and perhaps in the end the strongest places in the whole Regency of Algiers, to fall into his bands. --Le Commerce, April 1. FRENCH FUNDS.—PAgis, APRIL 2. Five per Cents.. 1117 f. 95c. 108 f. Four and a Half ner Cents. 103 f. 50c. Four per Cents., 10If. Three per Cents., SOf. 25c. 20c. 25c. Bank Actions, 2,660 f. Rente de Naples, 99f. 65c. 75c. rc. Roman Five per Cents., 102 101 c 102. Spanish Actives, 23% 24 23%. Spanish Passives, 4% 5. Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, 104%. Belgian Bank, 1,450 f. 1,145 f. Portuguese Loan, Three per Cents. 20574. Haytian Loan, 480 f. 495 f. 4301. EXCNANGE ON LONDON. One month, paper, 25f. 50c.; money, 25f. 4734 c Three months, paper, 25f. 37y4c. ; money, 25t. 35c. LAST PRICES. Five per Cents. 108 f. Three per Cents., 80f. 25c. Bank Actions, :26601. Romans, 102. Belgian Loan, 104%. Belgian Bank, 1,445 f. Portuguese Three per Cents., 21. Haytian Loan, 490 f. Spanish Actives, 23!4. Spanish Passives, 5. Lord Duncan paired off yesterday evening against Lord Chandos' motion with the Hon. William A'Court Holmes. Mr. T. B. Hobhouse paired off against the Marquis of Chandos's motion on Tuesday night with Lord Eliot. BERLIN, MARCH 24.—Dr. Ulrich, Secretary of Legation to Dr. Bunsen, is preparing to set out for Rome, in order, as we hear, to carry to the Ambassador the order for his return. It seems that no Ambassador is at present fixed upon to go to Rome instead of Dr. Bunsen. SPEED.—On Wednesday, the Mercury steamer, Captain Williamson, from Gainsborough to Hull, made no less than three voyages in the course of twelve hours between these two places, a distance of 136 miles, and averaging 13 miles per hour, at the same time taking and delivering at nine different ferries each way. ELECTION COMMITTEES. (THIS DAY.) HULL. The Committee met this morning at ten o'clock. Wm. Oliver, millright, was objected to by the petitioner. John Headley deposed that Oliver was one of the persons in the first list handed to him by Mr. Tall, and that during the week before the election he was frequently at hia house drinking. The amount was put down to the general bill. Vote struck off. John Newton, sailmaker, was objected to on the same ground. The evidence was precisely similar to that given in Oliver's case. On cross.examination, Headley said that he did not recollect the trade of Oliver and a person named Ablett until last night, when he asked Mr. Johnson, the agent, who told him what they were. He knew that Oliver worked at a mill, but did not know his trade exactly. It was after Mr. Johnson had told him that Oliver was a millwright that he swore it. Mr. LANGDALE here moved that the room should be cleared. On oar readmission, the cross-examination was again proceeded with. Witness swore that he was acquainted with the trade of Newton, and (lid not ask Mr. Johnson about that. The Committee struck off the vote. KINSALE. The Committee met at the usual hour, and proceeded with the case of the Rev. Lawrence Callaghan, which was partly heard yesterday. The arguments had not been concluded when our Reporter left. LLOYD'S SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.) DEAL, APRIL 3.—Wind, S.E., fine.—Came down from the River and sailed the Canton, Melville, for Quebec ; Indus, Nichol, for ditto ; Favourite, Brooks, for Cadiz ; Chicory, Halsey, for Charleston ; Lean der, White, for Bristol. PORTSMOUTH, APRIL 3.—Wind light airs and fine.—Sailed her Majesty's brig Nautilus, for Plymouth. PLYMOITII, APRIL 2.—Wind N.W.—Arrived the Falmouth packet, from St. libes; Agatha, Dick, for fit. Martin's. Sailed the Pursuit, Bruce, for Rotterdam; Agnetha, Dannels, for Christiansand ; Castalia, Barrett, for Prince Edward's Island; her Majesty's ship Inconstant, for Portsmouth. FaLmotrit, APRIL 2.—Wind E.S.E. to N., fresh breezes and fine.— Arrived Robert and William, Doig, from Maranham ; Liberty, \Verge, from Longsound. Arrived off port the Pettus, Trip, from Batavia ; Oliver van Noord, De Jong, from ditto. Sailed the City of London derry, Ingledue, for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Cadiz, and Gibraltar; Caesar, Dubois, for Havre de Grace; City of Exeter, Downe, for ditto. LIVERPOOL, APRIL 3.—Wind variable and light thick weather.—Ar. rived the Castlereagh, Kelly, from St. Michael's. Arrived off port the Jamaica, --, from Bahia; Buoyant, —, from Gibraltar. Sailed the Renfrewshire, Hutchinson, for Quebec; Westmoreland, Brigstock, for New South Wales; Henriette, --, for Antwerp; Pactolus, Harding, for Charleston; C. R. C., Briard, for Bay Chaleur ; Bashaw, Bourne, for New Orleans; South America, Barston, for New Fork; and Ringnaalion Castle, —, for Trinidad. PENZANCE, APRIL 2.—Arrived off port the Minerva, --, from Charleston; and Mary, Williamson, from Constantinople. GUERNSEY, APRIL I.—Arrived the Isabel, Hendricksen, from Gottenburg h. BRISTOL, APRIL 3. Arrived the Redcliffe, Vivian, from Palermo. DUBLIN, APRIL I.—Arrived the Elizabeth, Winter, from London; Yanden, Lowther, from London; and Royal William, steamer, London. CORK, APRIL I.—Arrived the Sirius, steamer, from London. HULL, APRIL 3.—Arrived the Sea Horse, steamer, from Rotterdam. HAVRE, APRIL I.—The Francois the First, packet, for New York, is now on shore in the canal of our port, there not being sufficient water for her to leave. MARKETS.-(THIS DAY). CORN EXCHANGE. This week there is a good arrival of both Grain and Flour, and there is very little disposition in the buyers to make purchases to-day. A few sales of Wheat have been made at the terms of Monday, but several parcels of middling and inferior quality are neglected. Oats and Beans maintain their value, and in other sorts of Corn there is no variation. There is a very limited demand for Flour this week, at former prices. ARRIVALS. Wheat. I Barley. Oats. Fl our English I ish Foreign - - LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, Aran, 3 A fair portion of business was transacted in Cotton at this day's market, and in all instances full prices were realized. The sales were princi pally confined to American sorts, 3,850 having been sold at 54d. to Aid., and 150 Egyptian 84d. to 9 id., making the total sales 4,000 bags. LIVERPOOL CORN MARKET, APRIL 3. We have again to report limited supplies of Grain generally, but Oatmeal and Flour continue to arrive in large quantities per steamer from Ireland. There was a thin attendance of country dealers and mil lers at our Market this morning, and some qualities of Wheat (being rather anxiously pressed for sale), were the turn cheaper, but superior samples still ob'ain our last quotations. Oatmeal was in excellent de mand, and Oats also met with a good inquiry at Friday's currency. Flour was likewise in better consumption, and fine sorts were somewhat dearer. In every other article we have nothing of importance to note. MONEY AND COMMERCIAL NEWS. CITY (THIS DA Y,, TWELVE O'CLOCK. The only arrival this morning is the French Mail, and that is void of interest, with the exception of an improvement of Spanish Active Stock at Paris, which reached 24 and closed at 23/. To the present hour the Paris price has had but little effect. Spanish Active, which closed yesterday at 211, may be quoted at present, 21i 1. The above Stock is the only speculation in the Foreign Market as yet, and the other prices of Foreign Securities may be quoted at the leaving off prices of yesterday. Portuguese, 301; Three per Cents , 201 ; Brazilian, 761 77 ex-Dividend; Mexican, 271 ; Colombian, ; Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents, were done yesterday as low as 5'2 , but rather improved—closed at 53t a-at present may b 4 quoted 53i A. Up to the present hour we are dull in the City, no new or any reports. The Batavier has just arrived, bringing the Dutch Papers of the ad inst. In the States-General on the 2d inst., the Speaker of the House announced to the Representatives that he was empowered by his Ma ' jesty's Government to make known to them, that in a private sitting— the termination of the Conference of the Great Powers in London respecting the acceptance of the '24 Articles by his Majesty the King of Holland—one of the Members asked if the details would not be al lowed to be made public ? To which the Speaker replied, that he was only empowered to make the above announcement. Last prices, Two and.a-Half per Cents., 544 ; Five per Cents., 101 15-16 ; Spanish, 19,1. - - . _ PRICES OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Bank Stock (mint Stock 3 per Cebt. Red. - `• 3 per Cent. Cons 93IAN S'uth Sen Stock ......... .. ...... 3 '4 Per Con* Old. Annuities —. ...... ...... ...... ..... ........... Ditto Red. New 36 per Cent lOl 1001 16 New 5 per Cent. •. ....... •• 43 snk LongAnnuiticstoexpire Jan. 5, 1580... Oct. 10, 1850 Jan. 5, 1380,,......10! 1-1 G 3-16 Jan. 5, ...... April 5, Jar:. 5, PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS Austrian flonls Be;gian 13 , nds Ditto Account.... Brazilian donds Ditto Account Jr!...ns Ayres Bonds .....«..« — Ditto Account ......... hit! e Romig ................«. litto Account donds .„.- ....... Ditto Account ...... 3lotribian Ronda, :82; (A, to Account 1)!-.1sh Ron.la N. w Ditto i Fer Cent. Annuities, 1751._ Exch. Bills, -CLOW ......... 64 61 or Oitto 501'......... 64 66 pm. Date .... ......... 64 66 pm ?Ditto Commercial ......... pm. Ditto Adverti5ed............ pm Baak Stdck for Account... 2 0 9 10 India stock for Acc0unt......... Con wile for Acc,innt ............ 93 1 4 THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCo.. 'Peruvian Bonds ............. -- Ditto Account..—.« ........... Portuguese Bonds... ..... . ...... Ditto Account ....... ......... Ditto New Bonds .............. Dato Account .. . ............ 301, D.tto, 3 per cent.... ........... lisnds .................. Russian Bonds, 18'29 ...... 111 - Ditto Account ... ............ ......... ...... Spanish Bonds... .................. Ditto Account .............. Ditto Bonds 18.31......... .. 21. 7 %v Ditto Accoara . .............. 4 /2 French, 5 per c•_nt..~........ — I —c• 4 per cent........... —c. 3 per cent. .......... — ' f • 'Exchange . .......... —. Dutch, ant ____ DAY . AT ONEad ---fis ii% per cent .... .. .. _._ _:_, D.tto Account ........... 5334 4 33ri Ditto, ;. per cent-- ....... c)9 , 34 9,4 Ditto Account ............ .- ••• 99 % % "3 14 1 4 (1 p C p 13 K sh4 British Iron Company Polberou Consols Mining Company lO 534 4 Eastern Counties; Railw a y 5 5 % Great V esters Railway Company ... 65 10 1 2 grighton Railway Co m p an y" 8 ',-f 94 London and Blackw a ll R a il wa y 27 f ondon and S ou th ampton ( N ew) Ra i lway 5 31 ‘nchester and Bi rm i ng h am R a il way 7 It 10 1 4 . % Northern and Eastern R a il wa y C ompany ‘ s i 8 5 York and North Midland Railway Company l2 13 Asphalte, Claridge's Patent 2 14% 1 3% Colonial Bank .. 25 26% COURSE OF EXCHANGE YESTERDAY. Am sterdam C.F. 12 6 Uihraitar 46 Ditto, at sight 32 ....... ........... 12 4 Leghorn "6 15 Ritterdam .U. 12 6 Genoa Antwerp... en thmturg........ ........ M.B. 1314% Venice 38% Altona Paris, 3 days' si g h 25 70 P alermo per oz. 115% Ditto 3 Ms. 15 95 Lisbon 53% 53.3 4 Marseilles. 28 Bourdeaux Frankfort on Maine, Ex.M. ;54% B a hia 25 Petersbutgh, ruble 3 Us. 10 Buenos Ayres - Berlin Vienna, effective 6 2M.10 14 Cork.. 1% -',Z Trieste ditto lOlB Madril .5 Cadiz..... 35 8i1b0a.... . 14 PRICE OF BULLION, PER O. Portugal Gold, coin £3 15 0 Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9 New Doubloons .„,._ 0 0 New Dollars ......... 0 4 914 ~. I Silver. bars. standard I) 4 11 Va HALF-PAST ONE O'CLOCK. The ship Jamaica, has arrived at Liverpool; left Bahia 23d January, and Pernambuco, 11th February. We have seen letters which state, that the Chiefs of the revolt at Bahia were losing their influence over the lower orders; the black population, who were already armed, were upon the point of taking the law in their own hands, by overthrowing the usurped authority of the revolted Chiefs. Consols which were in the morning 03ilt for the Account, may be quoted at present, 93} y ; Money, 93h }. Exchequer Bills, 64 66 ; India Bonds, 70. Barcelona S ♦ille 34 In the Foreign Market Dutch has been the chief speculation, b3l ; Spanish Active 2 l ; Portuguese, 30 1 ,4 ; Three per Cents., 20k; Brazil, 74 to 77 ex div. ; Mexican, 271. In Shares little doing, Cla ridge's Asphalte, I3i ; British Iron, 14. THREE 0' CL 0 CK. Consols for the Account, ,e to i. DARING ROBBERY.—Last evening, b etween twenty minutes before eight and a quarter before nine o'clock, some person entered the house No. 37, Great James -street, Bedford-row, and took away from the hall a gentleman's dark brown great coat, with a velvet collar, an outside breast-pocket on the left side, two side-pockets, lined with a sort of dark serge, double-breasted, and considerably worn in the button holes ; a white mackintosh, very dirty ; and a blue cloth cloak, with a brown fur collar, and partially lined with blue serge. It is presumed the street-door must have been opened with a latch-key. A stout and rather decently-dressed man was ob served loitering about the door at seven o'clock. The family were quietly occupying tho two rooms adjoining the hall when the robbery was committed, but were not disturbed by the slightest noise, and only knew of the depredation when the articles were missed. A NEW RELIGION.—What is your religion ? in quired a passenger on one of the short stages from Norwood to London of the coachman—are you a Catholic ?—No, sir, I'm a Cockney ! DUKE OF WELLINGTON.—The Americans are very nearly as proud of Waterloo as we are. No man in England is looked at with so much interest by a travelling American as the Duke of Wellington; and I do believe if his Grace were to pay the States a visit, unfond of holidays though they be, every city and town would make one to receive him. Thomason's Residence in America. NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP. GREAT MEETING AT EXETER HALL.—(THIS DAY.) In pursuance of the resolution to which the 370 delegates from the friends of Negro Emancipation in all parts of the United Kingdom came, on the morning after the abrupt divi sion of the House of Com mo n s on Friday night last, a public meeting was held this day at Exeter-hall. At ten o'clock there were about twelve hundred most respectable persons present, of whom (as is usual at meetings on this subject) a large proportion consisted of ladies. The appearance of this large assemblage, which in any other room in the metropolis would have an imposing effect, and be considered a large meeting, appeared somewhat scanty in this vast hail, and espe cially to those who witnessed the prodigious concourse which crowded it to suffocation on the late occasion when Lord Brougham presided. After that hour, however, the attendance became gradually more full, and at eleven o'clock, the time appointed for taking the Chair, there were about two thousand persons present. On the platform (or, as we should rather call it in this build ing, the stage, or orchestra, from its place and construction), were the Marchioness of Sli g o and the Ladies Brown (her daughters), who were greeted, on their appearance, with most enthusiastic cheering ; Sir C. Style, M. P. ; Charles Lush ington' Esq., M. P. ; J. A. Muskett, Esq., M. P. ; E. Baines, Esq., M. P. ; Andrew White, Esq., M.P. ; the Rev. John Burnet ; Joseph Sturge ; the Rev. Morgan ; Dr. Greville ; Blair, Esq., late Mayor of Bath, and a number of the most eminent Dissenting Clergymen, Members of the Society of Friends, and other advocates of the Anti- Slavery cause. In the course of the next hour, the meeting received a con siderable acoession of numbers, and the Hall was nearly full. Before the proceedings commenced, we were favoured with a copy of the following letter received last night from Lord Brougham:— " TO THE DELEGATES REPRESENTING THE PEOPLE OF ENG• LAND ON THE QUESTION OF SLAVERY. " Gentlemen,—Since I addressed the Delegates on Satur day, I have received the lists of the division, and I find much reason to be satisfied, and to look for better things in the future stages of this most important question. But I already perceive attempts making by the emissaries of the Government and the planters to sow dissensions among us, and I warn you to be on your guard. The cause is safe in your hands, unless you listen to the open :enemy, or to the enemy in disguise. I know these men by experience. The last time I went abroad, no sooner was my back turned than all their virulence, constantly suppressed in my presence, was let loose against me, and their houses in London and in its neghbourhood became the receptacles of slanderers, who found it now c .sy, and even safe, to carry on their traffic against those who were not present to defend themselves. The last papers that I saw before leaving Dover yesterday show that the same despicable game is to be played now, and if you suffer yourselves, or if the meeting on Wednesday shall suffer itself to be the dupe of such arts, the enemy believes that there will no longer exist that firm alliance between us, which, being grounded in no sordid interest, but proceeding from principle alone, he c anno t ever b e li eve poss ibl e . " Against these vile artifices I again put you on your guard, and I expect that while I am for a few weeks away from you, my conduct and char ac t er w ill b e sa f e i n your h an d s , an d t h at the actions of six-and-thirty years in the same cause will be accounted of more weight than any professions of recent converts. " I have the honour to be, your faithful servant, " BROUGHAM." " Calais, April 2, 1838." At a few minutes after I I o'clock, the Marquis of Clanri carde appeared upon the platform, and was greeted with hearty cheering. Tl e Noble CHAIRMAN said—Ladies and Gentlemen, in con sequence of the honour conferred on me, I rise to open the busiees: of this meeting. I assure that it is with great diffi dence I rise to address so highly respectable an assemblage, on the subject which has brought us together in this place. But fortunately for you and for nte, it is not necessary for me to enlarge upon the subject upon which we are assembled, or to trespsss at any length upon your time, in discussing the eman cipation of the negroes from their state apprenticeship, because I s' al be followed by gentlemen who are better acquainted with the subject than I am, end who will explain to you the course which it is best to take in the situation in which we are placed. They will propose to you the resolutions which the Delegates, the representatives of the friends of humanity, have thought it right to submit for your approval - Applause.) Since last you were assembled here painful circumstances have occurred, to which I think it right to call your attention.—( Hear, hear.) I allude to the debate which took place last week in the House of Commons-4 Hear, hear) —and it is right to say, that at the first glance and view our de f.; at on that occasion seems to be a fatal blow and discourage ment to our hopes. But if you glance at the whole of that de bate, you will find that instead of holding out grounds of despair and discouragement,:it holds out the confident hope that cur object will be attaired, and attained with little delay. - Hear, hear.) It concluded with a speech of great ability, of great ingenuity, and of great plausibility.—( Hear, hear. ) That debate was prematurely terminated. —( Hear, hear, hear. ) Not only because individuals of great weight and authority had not yet delivered their opinions, but because several of our friends were prepared, if an opportunity offered, to confute the arguments which had been offered against us. But I think that we can draw some hope and satisfaction from the course of the debate. I do not allude only to those v, ho, on our side, made some speeches unanswerable, but also to those who spoke against us, and especially to Lord llowick.—( Hear, hear.) And I ask any man if that Noble Lord did not prove to the conviction of every one of under • standing, that the apprenticeship is the most useless, the most nonsensical, and the most mischievous scheme that ever was adopted ?—( Hear, hear.) And can any one deny that Sir Edward Sugden demonstrated the high degree of folly and wickedness which was evinced in trusting to any parchment for the amelioration, of the condition of the negro, as long as you allowed him to remain under the despotic power and the cruel practices of his inhuman masters ?—( Cheers.) Mr. Gladstone's speech was characterised by great ingenuity, skill, and ability ; but still I think it is easy to see, upon carefully and closely examining it, how much it was founded upon false although specious reasoning—how much of it was doubtful—and how much of it referred to circumstances, to times, and to facts, which were not applicable to the object we had in view. Al low me to say a few words as to the division. First, let us consider as to what powerful arguments it affords to those of whom I am not one—who are favourable to shortening the duration of Parliaments.—(Lcud cheers.) I am not favour able to such a measure, but at the same time I must say that no man can deny that if there was the slightess likelihood-- if there was the shadow of a probability—that an election would take place before 1840—(Cheers)—the division would have been of a different nature—and our cause would have been successful.—( Loud cheers.) I do not speak merely as to the result of the division, but as to the number of those who voted on both sides : that number was 474, and you know that only a few weeks before that, in a matter in which the country did not feel half the interest which it feels in our cause, but which was one in which only great party interests were concerned, the number who voted was 629. A natural question then occurs, what became of the remaining 200— ( Hear, hear)—of whom there is no account on this great question ?—( Hear, hear.) When I consider these things, I think I UM justified in saying that the decision of the House of Commons was at variance with the feelings and opinions of the country.—( Applause.) I think that the unfavour able manner in which the debate terminated was the result of that which ought to be as a matter of pride and satisfaction to us—that is, that we are not banded together for party pur poses—that our object is of a higher character than can belong to any personal or party object.--( Hear, hear.) But it is hn pessible to deny that a compact party, well disciplined, can have an advantage over us in commanding a majority in the House of Commons.—( Cheers.) We have nothing to do with party politics or partial interests in agitating this question. —( Hear, hear.) We stand on holy ground—(hear)—on the great principle of mercy and justice. Your call for the libera tion of the negro emanates from strong feelings of justice and humanity. And your attachment to the principles of the Chris tian religion, and supported by those principles, and urged by those feeling you cannot fail ultimately and speedily to succeed. It is under these circumstances that the most eminent friends of this great cause had thought it right to call this meeting. Cheers.) You well know that " A word in season, how good is it 1"—( Cheers I have no doubt that by renewed ex ertions and strenuous efforts we shall yet succeed.—( Cheers.) We are fully justified, in my opinion, in endeavouring to im press our feelings and views upon the Legislature.—( Cheers. ) I will not detain you any longer, as you will hear the proposi tions submitted for your approval from far abler hands than mine. The Noble Marquis concluded amid great cheering. Sir CHARLES STYLE, M. P. for Scarborough, then came forward to propose the first resolution. He said—Ladies and Gentlemen, I respond very cordially to the call that has been made upon me to propose this resolution ; in doing so, I can assure this meeting that I will trespass but very shortly indeed upon their attention, for it would ill become me to interpose unnecessarily between this meeting and those who are so much more capable by their powerful eloquence, by their reasoning, and by their accurate knowledge of the details of all the facts bearing upon this great question, to do real justice to it.—( Cheers.) The reso lution which has been placed in my hands is to the following effect :—" That in the judgment of this meeting the question of Negro emancipation did not receive that full consideration of the House of Commons, in their recent debate upon Sir George Strickland's motion, inasmuch as that debate was ab ruptly terminated when the arguments and speakers were alike unexhausted, and that for this reason, connected with the great moral principle of these proceedings, this meeting regards it as a matter of great importance, that the public mind should be without delay informed of the fallacious and delusive cha racter of the statements made in defence of the system of Negro apprenticeship. "—(Cheers.) Although the recent de bate in the House of Commons was abruptly terminated, and although much was left unsaid upon the all-important ques tion then under discussion, yet still I cannot refrain from con gratulating this meeting upon the progress which that ques tion has made out of Parliament on the public mind since the first assembling of the delegates in the month of November last.—( Cheers.) At that time public opinion may be said to have been scarcely roused to a due consideration of the actual condition of the Negro apprentices.—( Cheers.) Many, indeed, even among those whose names and long-tried services had been identified with the cause of negro emancipation, even yet felt doubtful whether it was prudent to agitate the public mind on this question ; but whatsoever doubts and apprehensions those individuals then entertained, they have been dissipated, and all now are prepared to act fully up to the spirit of that cele brated declaration of the Delegates of 1833, which said, " That while slavery existed under any form, however modi fied or however sanctioned, they would never relax in their pur pose to exert that influence which they must individually and collectively have, in order to put an end to negro slavery in whatsoever form it existed."—( Cheers.) And what has been the first result of the public voice having been expressed, that voice having spoken in language which no Government can mistake—(Cheering)—and which I trust no Government will long be able to withstand.—( Hear). The result has been that no less than 217 Members of the House of Commons did the other night record their votes in favour of the immadiate ter mination of the Apprenticeship system.—(Cheers.) Now, although this is not certainly a victory in point of numbers, yet it nevertheless is a great moral triumph.—(Cheers.) Nor when we examine the names of those who voted in the minority we shall there find the names of individuals who, up to ab:ut the present time, have been decided opponents to the emancipation of the negroes. Many among those, the owners of slaves themselves, do not now hesitate to avow their full convic tion that not only is the negro fitted to discharge the several duties which attach to a free citizen—( Cheers)--but the placing him in that condition will be the means of conferring pecuniary benefits upon the planter.--( Cheers.) And what is the main ground of defence upon which the opponents of the abolition of the apprenticeship system take up their stand Why, it is the so often repeated cry, that you have entered into a solemn compact, and it cannot be set aside.—( Cheers. ) Now, admitting for a moment that the compact was origi nally violated, amttting also that the Parliament of 1533 had the power to tie up the Parliament of 1535, or to bind down the Parliament of 1837, there is still the undeniable fact that the compact has been flagrantly violated by both contracting parties.—( Cheers.) There is the undeniable, the incon trovertible evidence that the negro planters have not only violated the letter of the compact, but that they have violated the entire spirit of the Act of 1833 —and the proof I would put forward of this is, not the evi dence taken before the Parliamentary Committee of 1833 no, no, nor even the official documentary evidence recorded in the official papers —no, nor even the unimpeached and un impeachable testimony of our friend Joseph Sturge, and others —( Cheers)—but I would rely for my proof of a violated com pact on that very Bill, which is now introduced into Parlia ment, for in every preamble to each enacting clause of that Bill, there is a distinct averment that the Bill of 1833 that sacred compact as it has been called, has been violated in every particular by these negro planters, and that the negro himself has not been placed as that Act said he was to be placed, in the full enjoyment of every right and privi lege attaching to a freeman, subject only to the necessity of labouring a certain time for his employer.—( Hear.) Why, my Lord, this Act sets forth that the time and labour which the negro was to give to his employer has been greatly increased by vexatious regulations—that the amount of his food and cloth ing has been curtailed—that the allowances and indulgences accorded to him have been withdrawn—and that pregnant and nursing women are forced into the fields to hard labour (Hear, hear.) It appears also by this Bill that the corporal punishment of females has been continued—that vexatious and expensive actions have been instituted against the stipendiary magistrates, in order to deter them from the proper discharge of their duty—that there has been fraud exercised in the clas sification of the prwiial and the non-prmilial apprentices— that the apprentices during the hours allotted to themselves had been subjected to confinement in their respective planta tions, by means of withholding from them passes of liberty.— ( Hear.) Now, I would simply ask what better proof can there be of the existence of these several violations of the Act of 1833, than the necessity of introducing the present Bill into Parliament, in order to endeavour to prevent their recur rence ?—( Cheers.) But, my Lord and Gentlemen, it would be a waste of your time to continue this line of argument. There are few indeed among those I have the honour address, who admit for a single moment that the planter had any•right whatever in the property of his fellow man after he had received the twenty million of money, which was a ran=om in full of all demands.—( Hear.) The indemnity of tie planter was gold. The money was paid to him with an unreluctant and and an unsparing hand by the people of this country, and it extinguished at once and for ever whetever claim the planter might have had before in the freedom, and blood, and sinews, and labour of the negro population.— ( Cheers.) My Lord, I will not continue to trespass any longer on the attention of the meeting, but merely beg to propose the resolution which I have already read to the meet- ' Mr. WILLIAM EWART, late M. P. for Liverpool, having been called upon to second the resolution, could not for one moment hesitate to do so, because its tenor was at once con sistent with his own feelings and with his experience of the past. He had ever thought that that absurd system, com monly called the apprenticeship system, was a mere piece of political ingenuity, far better deserving the name of state craft than statesmanship—( Cheers)—unsound in principle, fatal to the freedom of the negro, and not advantageous to the master who controled him.—Cheers.) He (Mr. Ewart) had ever believed it to be a sort of compromise between light and darkness—a kind of moral twilight, which withheld the bless ings of light, while it discontinued the certainty and security which preceded it. They all recollected the time that the Emancipation Act, as it had been called (though in his (Mr. E.'s) opinion it was only a half emancipation Act) had rassed—'hey would all remember the resistance that had been made to the vote of twenty millions. For his own part, he had ever thought that the gift which had been given by tSat country for a great immoral act which had been perpe trated en an inoffending set of their fellow-creatures, was un just—that these persons had no strict right to compensation— that they had far less strict right to it than those political mo nopolists who, when they had been excluded from that politi cal monopoly by the passing of the Reform Bill, had re ceived no compensation whatever.---( Hear, hear, hear.) lie believed that, strictly and abstractedly speaking, no better right of compensation existed in favour of the moral than the political monopolists.—(Loud cheers.) But, waiving that subject, the 20,000,000/. had been voted—that 20,000,0001. had cost them dear—it had been imposed by the Government of that day, or rather by the Colonial Secretary; but the Abolition Act was passed by the people. He (Mr. E.) stood there before them not only as a seconder of a resolution, but collaterally as a witness. His nearest and dearest relatives in the world were possessed of property in the Island of An tigua ; and, he rejoiced to say, from all the testimony he had ever heard from them, that that island had acted not only upon the dictates of humanity, and the dictates of religion, but the principles of sound policy, when they acted like Chris tian men, and emancipated their fellow-men at once.—( Hear.) It might be said he appealed to an excepti m in favour of a general rule, that in Antigua, the people were prepared for emancipation, and that this was a solitary instance in favour of a general position ; but the meeting would recollect the predictions of the Antigua planters had ben falsified. These planters prophesied all the evils that had been prophesied by the Jamaica planters; yet their fellow-men had been emanci pated, and the Island was as prosperous and as happy as it was in former and less liberal times.—(Cheers.) Allusion had been made by the Hon. Member who proposed the reso lution to the debate in the House of Commons the other night. It appeared to him—( Mr. Ewart) that all the argument, and all the general principle of reasoning was in favour of the immediate emancipation of the Negroes. To his simple un derstanding, it appeared all the special pleading and ingenious sophistry was urged against emancipation, and in favour of a continuance of the apprenticeship system.—( Hear, hear.) The arguments in favour of emancipation came from philoso phy, human nature, and reason ; the arguments against it came from the recesses of the Colonial Office.—(Cheers and laughter. ) He would leave the decision of this question in the hands of those much better able to undertake it—he would leave it in the hands of one of the greatest advocates of free dom and religion—Mr. Thompson.—( Cheers.) His answer would be sufficient to vindicate them, and to overturn all the sophistry that had been advanced before the public. The de bate the other night was hastily closed before the subject was exhausted. From his experience in the House of Commons in past times, he could say that was not unfrcquently the case with debates of paramount importance. Such was still the con stitution of that aristocratic assembly, that any person who had attended the gallery knew that when a given signal was made, those ominous sounds took place commonly called the sum mons of the whipper-in—( Laughter)—he regretted having to use terms so technical and uncivil—gentlemen were brought in froth all quarters, the debate was not conducted, but was overpowered. They were answered, not by an argument, but by a vote, and deliberate opinion was crushed at once by poli tical influence.—[Mr. O'Connell hero appeared on the plat form, and was greeted with enthusiastic cheering.] He was speaking, when the Hon. Gentleman entered, upon the sub ject of an uninterrupted debate.—(Cheers and laughter.) He heartily congratulated the meeting that their debate had been thus interrupted. The opponents of sound argument in the House of Commons escaped as the heroes in the " Iliad" of Flower did, under a cloud ; and not being able to answer, they crushed the arguments against them.—( Cheers.) He thought it was the duty of the constituencies of this country to look well to the conduct of their Members. It had been said that if the magic sound of a distant election had then been ringing in their ears, very different would have been their votes and opinions.—( Hear.) He, however, meddled not with such dangerous subjects. He was content to leave the con stituencies to watch over their own interest ; but they might depend upon it that Members would not long withhold accordance to their wishes if they brought against them a political indictment charging them with acting without having the fear of their constituents before their eyes.—( Hear, hear.) He trusted they would do so. There was no use in talking of the sympathies between a constituent and a representative, unless the constituent urged his own moral and political feel ings upon the representative, and demanded from him a faith ful echo to those feelings and those sympathis.—( Hear, hear.) They had all frequently heard of the famous term of " pressure from without." He would not embark on this somewhat hazardous subject, but if it were just that there should on certain occasions he exerted political pressure from with out, certain he was that it was far more justifiable to exert moral pressure from without. —( Hear, hear.) They were called upon to give a great moral impulse to their represen tatives generally throughout the country, and he trusted in God (bey would not be backward in doing so.—(Cheers.) J. SCOBLE, Esq.—H e did not stand before the meeting as the representative of the people of England, nor as a man of great wealth; he appeared there to sustain a character of which the proudest Peer, or the wealthiest Commoner, might be proud —as the advocate of the oppressed.----( Cheers.) He stood there to repel the false and calumnious charges which had been brought forward against their cause by persons both in the House of Commons and out of it. They were fre quently designated as fanatics, who were actuated by a false zeal and mistaken philanthropy. Sometimes it was said they were slanderers ; but those persons who made such charges knew not the men they were calumniating, or the principles which regulated their conduct.—( Cheers.) They could afford to let such abuse pass, giving to their prosecutors only their pity and their prayers. Much stress had been laid by a very talented Member of the House of Commons, upon what he assumed to be a fact —that the charges made against the plan ters, rested_upon the testimony of anonymous slanderers and exparte statements. What did the Hon. Gentleman mean a THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 4, (838. [Mita Accoutt .... .... (; reak Banda .., .... ..... Ditto 15?,25 Ditto Account Ntexican Bonam, 5 p.ar cent. • _,:ztto Account • • Vitt°, 6 per cent. Ditto Account — Noarolittn PRICES OF SHARES THI, of James Williams Wee either an anonymous statement , or a by anonymous statements. Did he mean that the narrativ.". slander ?—( Cheers. ) Did he mean to charge, under the same head, the statements made by their excellent friend, Joseph Sturge—of the most noble the Marquis of Sligo—the des patches of the Marquis of Sligo and Sir Lionel Smith— ( Cheers)—as well as their addresses to the House of Assem bly in Jamaica? Were all these ex parte statements —were _ these slanders ? Probably the Hon. Gentleman might intend That so to designate the Bill of Lord Glenelg.—( Cheers.) Bill was founded upon these despatches, yet the Hon. Gentle man he had in view voted, most inconsistently, for the second reading of the Bill—of that Bill which showed the planters ofJa maica a class the most base and iniquitous of any. It had been said that a compact had been entered into with the planters ' 3 1833. That had most satisfactorily been shown to be un true.—( Hear, hear.) But even if there had been a eall" pact, it had been shown in the late debate by Sir Edward , Sugden, that the planters had violated nearly every one of its provisions. Their case had been completely made out before. the late division in the House of Commons. Allusion had been made by Mr. Gladstone to British Guiana. He said that complaints had never been made of that Colony before the. night previous to that on which he spoke. The friends and relations of that Hon. Gentleman had in that Island iminetnw property, and he appeared in that House not as a Legislatoe, but as the mere advocate of the West India budyee-to state his own case, and support it as he best might. But so far frail the facts being as he stated, the Parliamentary Papers made out as completely against Guiana as they did against Jamji"' Mr. Gladstone had received an invitation to appear upon the platform that day. It appeared he did not think it prop er to appear before a public meeting like the present,—( Cheers.) He had stated Sir J. C. Smith to be a gentleman of unim peachable honour. He (Mr. S.) knew that he had governe d the Bahamas in a most creditable manner. He stood there to investigate the public acts of Sir J. C. Smith, and to coal- . ment upon them. When that Governor went to Britisfs Guiana he found that he had a very powerful body to con ciliate before he could carry on the Government of the colony He (Mr. S.) had to charge him with giving his sanction le an order for the government of the apprenticed labourers. which was essentially repugnant both to the letter and the spirit of the Act of 1833. He had to charge him with agreeing to a tariff of labour, which imposed upon the labourers as much work as they had to perform while they were slaves. He had to charge Sir J. C. Smith with having appointed several planters to the situation of special magis trates, appointing them over districts in which were situated their own estates. He had to charge him with having issued proclamations of a contradictory nature with respect to the classification of apprentices, by which the non-przedials were put into the prmdial class, by which the poor apprentice Was robbed of two years' liberty. He had to charge him with neg lecting to provide proper accommodation for the magistrates , by which they were compelled to live with, and accept hospi tality from the planter. He had to charge him with the exe cution of Damont, and the transportation of several other ap prentice labourers upon a charge of rebellion, notwithstandi n g the protest of the puisne Judge of the Court, before which the prisoners were tried. Sir J. C. Smith had supported the ar prenticeship system—ho had termed it a "kind and humane WV' This was the language of Sir J. C. smith in regard to a law admitted to be bad in principle.—( Hear, hear.) It bad been said that the law of British Guiana respectine the apprenti ces was the best of the apprentice laws which had been passed hY t the Colonial Legislatures, or sanctioned by the Crown. 1311 ,_ the fact was that the apprenticeship Ordinance in British Guiana was most defective. It contained none of the provisionl which the old slave law cont a i ne d, f or exem pti ng from ba r labour infirm, and aged, or s i c k negroes , or women in a sta te of pregnancy. The old law enacted that none of those classes should work more that' thirty-five hours a week for their master, and that only a particular species of l a bour ; whereas the Ordinance of British Guiana allowed the nee3e -five hours a week, and eon to be compelled to wor k f or t y tarn ed, no enactments respe c ti ng th e qua li ty o f t h e l a b ou r.--.( °ear : f r ee., hear.) The Order in C ounc il o f 1831 h a d b een most s" on the question of th e su ppl y o f f oo d to the aegrokei; and fixed the day in each week on which the Bri t ish supply was to be se rve d ou t. B u t un d er t he .lbe Guiana Ordinance there was no such provision ; and • negro might have his wee kly a ll owance served out on the Monday of one week and the Satu r d a y o f th e nex t.—al ear. There were other points on which the negro apprentices ive r i ,„ ill-treated : with regard to the encroachments which were m 56 upon their time, their freedom of access to their relatives at friends, and the relief whi c h oug ht t o b e a ff or d e d to the s ic ; and infirm, the negroes we re i n B r iti s h G u i ana in a ne rs r . condition than they w e re u n d er t h e o ld s l ave l a w.e—(" e % hear.) The allowance of food to the apprentices had bee reduced more than one- half—( Hear, hear, hear) —no pre-( vision had been made for the children of the negroes---c whom there were thousands.—( Hear, hear.) Then t r fri e were no sufficient enactments to preserve the negroes tr e ‘;_, wrong. There was no efficient protection for the sptebeli: Magistrates in the zealous and conscientious discharge of the th , duty--there was no proper tribunal for the valuation„ bear.) remaining terms of negro apprenticeships.—(H for the The punishments to be inflicted upon the apprentices labour' enforcement of subordination, or for the coercion of o were most arbitrary and severe. There was no reeiP rc e . e , l , r ded protection, for while the planters had every means alle tba them, by the most heavy penalties, for securing r.. labour of their apprentices, the apprentices had c e .. tainly no remedy whatever against the oppression of their masters.—(Hear, hear.) If an apprentice was absent frog) work one hour he must labour two days extra for his master• e If absent seven hours he had one week's additional hard la bour. If absent two days, two weeks' hard labour with 1 6 stripes. If absent a week, three months confinement, with hard labour and 39 lashes.—( Hear.) Then as to other For injuries to cattle or neglecting the same, one 111 " t h l hard labour and confinement, besides being subjected to same actions to which free persons were liable. For di501...- dience to orders, any one or more of the penalties above 0° merated, which to the special justice might seem fitt! n g s. For conspiracy, six months hard labour and thirty-nine lasneni For insubordination or rioting, one weeks' imprisonment bbe` hard labour. Yet were they to be told, with such facts fore them, that the Ordinances for labour in British Genfe, were not objectionable ?—( Hear, hear.) The combined Goff penaltiesh--, and operation of such laws was to fence and guard the rise of the masters in every way, and to give him the highest terest in the penal labour of the slave. Besides thes e e . actments, there was a clause enabling the Special J uste to prolong the period of appr ent i ces hip for a peiritod j j e lt of seven years beyond the specified time. The point to iv he he would now direct the attention o f th e mee ting w as t 3, classification of apprenticed l a b ourers i n British were Guiana, By the Imperial Act it was dir ec t e d th a t a ll s l a ves who f not engaged in agricultural p ursu it s , or i n th e manufacture .°0 produce, were to be consid e r e d as non -p rae di a l, a nd entitle d r their freedom on the Ist of Aueust th is year. Every P lin th, was bound, by the terms o f th e Act, to give a return, on ea ' of the number of the slaves on his estat e , and this return To to be made in accordance with th e p r i nc ipl e l a id down in t e a Act. Notwithstanding this, it would be found that all planters, in direct viol a ti on o f th e i r oa th s , h a d returned s ir their slaves as prmdial, and by two proclamations issued by °it .1. C. Smith on the 2d of Oct. 1833, and the 2d of May, 1 834 ' s would be seen that his Excellency s ancti one d th ese proceeding ' Now the fact was that there we re a t l eas t 6,000 non-Pr' -- f slaves in the colony, wh o by thi s c l ass ifi ca ti on were robbed c t their liberty for two y ears .—(H ear , h ear .) H e c ame new It c.ansider the actual c o nditi on o f th e s l aves i n thi s c olony• was well known th a t b e f ore th e Ab o liti on A c t was pas se ,, v charges of the must f e a r f u l d escr ipti on were b roug ht aga dl i , the planters of Briti s h G u i ana . It was asserte d i n Parliarne n .. t and without contr a di c ti on , th a t t h e y not on l y overwo rked b" r, underfed their slav es t o suc h an extent as to pro d uc e a cao a t dity amongst them. By p ar li amentary returns i t appear d, that between the years 1817 and 1832, the physical strefigee of the colony was reduced 23,644 in a population of 100, 0- ; Legislature the slaves should have for the purpose of wasate h e concerns i ( Hear, hear.) The time too which it was intended by t' - f in ro g m , a t n h d em at . ten j d ‘ in m g market meeting of p o l " a ' ri n te i r ) s ri tariff of labour was agreed to, and the forty-five hours we r which it was directed by the Act should be extended only ove' five days in the week, was extended over the whole s ' s ' By that tariff in British Guiana, the negro was compelled,,t° perform as much labour, as by the stimulus of the whip in ," e old time.—( Hear, hear.) To show that he was not spealol at random on that point, he quoted parts cf the evidence tall a •in the early part of last year before a Court of Inquiry, b' ; on the plantation of John and Cove in that colony. The 13- quiry originated in a charge made by the negroes on that Pr J ‘ perty against the managers, on the ground that they were ev er ; worked and underfed. On the part of the manager he c r t a s re l ;u l'l l ; counter charge was brought against the negroes, that r could not get out of them th e p ro p er amoun t of la— Li r , which the law required. The inquiry had lasted te i days, and the Justice, whose name was Mackey, had former when been manager of the same estate, and was, at the time w hel he conducted this inquiry, and was now, the manager of Ca n i , grove estate. This Justice stated that after the Ist of Ang cs ai 1834, the same amount of labour, exactly, was obtained, fro ha t the Negroes as before that period. He ( M a ckey) sai,u' t ` by in apportioning th e l a bour of the N egroes , h e wa s guide d te d the tariff. This witness stated, farther, that the tariff a c _ as upon by Smith, the manager of John and Cove estate , " tile exactly the same as that which was in operation before the apprenticeship. A witness of the name of Il e rv e y stated that .01, people were worked consecutively until th e y com pleted thei r ~ad which was the same as the tariff which he (Mr. Scoble) described—that is to say, as in their old state of slavery' ( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. S eo bl e ) h a d a l so t h e valuable very timony of Michael, the foreman on that pl labou antation, a r intelligent negro, who s t a t e d t h at t h e peop l e had more ~.ad to do in cutting canes s i nce t h e apprent i ces hi p , than they." e• before in their old state of slavery in Mr. Heyland's turd, The people had no time for rest--they had to labour too h : 0 _ no allowance being made to them in going to or retur i l or bt from their labour. From all the evidence before that incl u s e l e it was clear that the tariff was as severe as before thoefillea prenticeshie, but that part which required two negroes t tice _ punt of canes was enormously severe, as before the aPP ren Of ship four were allowed for that task.—( Hear, hear.) eery course the meeting would not be surprised that a unde r large amount of produce was raised in that colony, ears the new system.--( Hear, hear.) The produce of theY and 1832 and 1833, when compared with that of 1835 latter 1836, showed a large surplus in favour of th° ters to years. In th e re t urns w hi c h h a d b ee n made by the Planount of the Government in the years 1832 and 1833, the arand 1836 sugar produce was 193,487,9221b5., whereas in 1835 o sugar the amount w as 213,392,6541b5., leaving a surpluos4,7f 32 lbs. produce a l one , i n f avour o f t he latter years, of 19,9 But in the meantime there had been a considera ble was te of life. There had been a diminution of 2 , 428 in the n umber of the negroes. The a ve r age of labourers in the years 1832 and 1833 was 72,839, but that number had been dimi ni shed by 2,428 in the n ears 1835 and 1836 ; so that 70,432 negroes pro clued 19,904,7321b5, of sugar more under the appre ntices hip sys-