The Sun. — London, England, 1838-05-02 00:00:00

CORN LAWS. .... Mr. G. IL Porter, ,Sect, A, on the most in his Statist;:oal work interchange, says—.' It ii row the g enera l opinioh that grievous of tilt two monopolies (th'e eetit mono- Polie s o f corn and timber), that which tilndurnns the people to pay more for th e i r f ood than Is paid by the inhabitants of ot h er countries, must be swept away at the very first occurrence of an unfavourable harvest." There is another agent, e however, at w or k, w hi ch in il short tim e w ill o p en tl yes even o f the landed proprietors, and compel the Legislature to repeal the Corn-laws without the interven tion of a bad harvest. What machinery here, while the Corn-laws exist, can compete with machinery abroad, that Can manufacture cotton stockings at 3d. per pair, night caps at hl. each, and gloves at th ree farthings per pair ? In 2,11 r. Porter says--.“ The qu an tit y o f cotton h oisery made Saxony has increased immensely of late, and from its cheapness has not only secured the monopoly of the 111,8,1'kets afforded throughout the Union, but has also been .."'PPed largely to the United States, to the exclusion, so .tir ' o f the goods made at Nottingham. It may be stated, 0 . ,a the best authority, that cotton gloves are furnished by the Saxon manufacturers as l ow as s i x groschen, or 9d. sterling per dozen pairs ; stockings at one dollar, or 3s. Per dozen pairs, and nightcaps at eight groschen, or Is. .Per dozen. Stout cotton caps, which are worn by the car- Th _.e.n, and common people in that part of Germany, having .s.tc,ripes in six different colours upon a black ground, cost 1 groschen per dozen, or 1. sterling each." .....—„,... .—.:______ ANTI -SLAVERY MEETING AT CARLISLE. .10 THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. tenSer:c—esObse.rving your Paper to contain the . carliest and fullest 'lntern_ gni, • P e ctmg the proceedings of the Anti-Slavery movement now sn!eting i 11 fo rward in this insulted nation, I thought an account of a recent 41I ght ben our city, and the doings generally of this part of the country, friend s acceptable, and prove interesting and encouraging to the of th e °f the A frican generally. Our r e p resentat i ve f or this division Inoti o "tH itY, Mr. James, said in his speech on Sir G. Strickland's to then that he thought the good people of Cumberland were indifferent ,i,,, Nhts of nearly a million of our fellow-subjects, as he had only re vl,i't, or heard of four or five petitions on the subject. But perhaps he '' " n" he o f a different opinion, when he hears of, or receives, fifty or ..Pwards • w e .efrom his own division, and a considerable proportion from the f oot % 0 , although lam not prepared to specify the number—thus in. the 2 f re e R the Honourable Gentleman the united opinion of thousands of men of Cambria, that they are not indifferent to the honour and justice ef their country. The nieetin the city g above alluded to was convened for two of the wards of each of'x'yhaitther .Separate and previous meetings for the other three, at largest w c Petitions were unanimously adopted. But this, being the banker' tihiothe chary. T i as held in the Coffee -bonze Assembly-room, G. H. Head, Esq., about a Ir. The large room was quitefilled, the computed to hold ' U " Peep) , J. Fawcett first addressed ince:ing, and w.. , , .. The Rev. tition s 1 ,,,,,,,„ -"" u)::lowed by several other gentlemen. After the pe respow ,—`llP-nirnously adopted, for total and immediate Abolit i on, s a 1i,,,, , , 14 'out decided remonstrance to the City Members, Me tr sr G s.. ,s_ti ek ' t tt arid Marshall, for their vote in the majority against Sir the tern,s_and'atriotion, was unanimously agreed upon. The mover ond o urt of t. _ ,ustrarice, after dwelling upon the inconsistency of the c also ßepres entat' and liberality, took occasion also t, _ Ives, as advocates of justice alway con the conduct of the Mayor and Town Council, who have libert d cates of Prided themselves upon being great Reformers and a vo tive 3', in riot coming forward like the enlightened bodies of Edinburgh,.. rPn°l ' Bath Bi rmingham,Bradford, Leeds, &c., &c., where similar IT, eetio. , attributed t o th . 8 uad been held. Such backwardness could alone be I,ot"iev Ministerial opposition. He was at a loss to conceive any other 'Unite. r, . Here was a question where all parties might unite, and did the s an ., But he had d did Ministers withdraw their opposition, ,no doubt, 'wet one time.serving spirit would be manifested. None of their body But the Platform, and only one, we believe, present at the meeting. uc ant a di ssentient voice was heard during the whole proceedings, and a Steen& feeli ngnist er ' of disapp ro b at i on and indignation expressed at the B ,_ , e _ Pi at tempt to co n ti nue the murderous and unjust system of en -47 d servi tude for t wo years longer. A ladies' petition was also P t e d, Wllich has received nearly 3,000 signatures in two days. Yours, respectfully, AN ELECTOR OF THE BOROUGH. P. C arlisle A • •, 18 38 : pr'l tu. cond uct °f .."---' grc A' s . number of th e i n h a bit an t s are muc h ashamed at the vorth ' ‘ ' sle Town Council on this question, and I thoughtit was 3 : of notice,publicly, by the Press. COURT CIRCULAR. Her Majesty gave audiences yesterday to Viscount Melbourne and Lo rd Glenelg. j L ord Holland Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, had an audience ester h M a j esty on Monday, when his Lordship received from her Ma- Y a new Seal of State for the Duchy of Lancaster, executed from the of Mr. Scipio Clint. The Marchioness of Tavistock and Viscountess Forbes, succeeded Yesterday, Lady Barham and Lady Caroline Barrington as the Lady and Bedchamber Women in Waiting on the Queen. Viscount Torring_ ton and Sir Frederick Stovin, succeeded Lord Gardner and the Hen. C. Murray as the Lord and Groom in Waiting. And Lord Alfred Paget Succeeded Colonel Wemyss as the Equerry in Waiting on her Majesty. The Band of the Grenadier Guards was in attendance last evening at the New Palace. A Committee of the Lords of her Majesty's most Honourable Privy Counclt, met yesterday in the Council Chamber to consider the Man che.der Charter. The Lords present were the Lord President, the Se cretary of State for the Home Department, the President of the Board of Trade, and the Secretary at War. The Hon. William Bathurst was the Clerk of the Coundil in Waiting. Their Lordships determined to send down two Commissioners to in. vestigate the statement for and against the Charter. Sir H. Pa rne ll , Si r J. Campbell, Mr. Pendarves, M.P , and a numerous "Putation had an interview with the President of the Board of Trade Yes terday, on the subject of the Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway. lb A deputati on on the subject of the Coal Tr a d e h a d an i nterv i ew with Vie e.President. The Duchess of Cambridge visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager J "ttrilay at Marlborough House. tr.Tihe D u k e and Duchess of Cambridge, and Prince George of ric we re present at the Concert given by the Marchioness of Clan e,on Monday evening, at her residence in St. James's-square. Duke of H amilton, the Earl of Albermarle, Mr. Nichols, and A. A . l T o g-str agg eettar, had interview's with Viscount Melbourne yesterday in The Russian Amb assador transacted business yesterday at the Foreign °Me e. Col. M`Do Lord Gl en al' with ti g a ls Rev Dr . Clancy, and Mr. G. R. Young, had intervie w Dispatches for R th Yes G t . erda y at the Colonial O ffi ce. last ayenin e overnors of the West India Colonies were sent off' g from the Colonial Office. SPO RTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMA RKET FIRST SPRING MEETING. Monday Night. soft", last night and rain this morning have done much towards 510, , 11 R the temperature, but a " southerly wind and a cloudy no't with an occasional shower to keep them in countenance, d Ita%l43tifY favourable anticipations in the item of weather. .Fortu ,vell the sport the rain kept off durinhe racing, which as a very foicintracter as in quantity, afforded much . gratification additional Pixti N and fashionable company. We subjoin a few Fir st a p r s of the sports •--- h—ace.-13ravo made running at his best pace till about half- Co rn ay b:; A4 en the turn of the lands, and the Duke's Stand, where 8 0etn we nt up and laid in front till within two distances of home. ander then ran by them, and in the end won cleverly by a enth. S econd r;dae,"•---Colonel Peel's filly made play at a good pace, the latte r Gellatley lying with her to the ropes, where out directlyr an attempt to get up and failed; Coquette came Handicap after and won cleverly by a length. vvith h d'ea ..--Aft al false starts, Skim-milk jumped off o lead _ er several er eellent La Nleprisce lying at her side, and the others in ex ; they maintained this order to the cords, where 3i 13 m. r i a se c e e let Ptees bent up to Skim-milk ; St. Vitus, Arsenic, and . L i a iinaking a rush at the same moment. After a beautiful race, betweene°at won by a head, the same slight difference showing itself Arsenic S kint -milk and St. Vitus, and between the latter from the 41i:red, nor was La Meprisee beaten more than half a length p o • A finer handicap was never made. dr _ Urth Race. —Jagger made all the running till they began to a ppear hill into the bottom, where Chymist went to his side, and aTieared to have it all his own way ; inside the cords he challenged "`, l l :Aight to have won cleverly, but showed temper just at the pi r a d Zi n only had his head in front at the chair. Cowboy"ace—Quicksilver cut out the work to the bushes, where toth took it thend won cleverly by a length. S ro fr . the mas were won cleverly ; but in that between grons and Alendizabal the result was at one time very doubt , - st,ip,rouhripoorrewf;taosuittoteitllt they were half way up the cords that . Scroggins s ena,b'ed him to get rid of his antagonist. shown racee beg t of C leavan's and Cowboy's performances s -n g °ll tlse 2,000 Guineas Stas subsegn w s as nt to the Grey arn bcuzi Tose to 6to 4 while sto 2 went begging against ' " 1113 1 9to 2 was betted ' against Saintfoin, and to 1 offered against any other. 7 to 1 a TNE DEASY. gat Lord to 1 Jersey's Pncenix--offer _9 to 1 gist 111 r. Bland's Young . Rowton ed—take 8 to I agst Lord G. Bentinck's Grey 12 to 1 agst Lord Suffield's Bamboo Morons to 1 agit M. A • ' Nonplus colt—taken .t 5 t o Irmitage s 16 gst Colonel Peel's lon 600 t ° 1 agst Lord Exeter's Alemdar t o so° laid on Scott's lot ao.ainst Phoenix and Young Itowton. THE OAKS. No betting; business vety flat. I , he fire 9. UeeniS plate of 100 Gu T i u n E ea s s i , ' L r r . mares ; four years, Bst. 411, ; Lord i.-ars, 9st. 41b ; six years, 9st. 10110 ; and aged, lOst. Air. s..xeter's Velure, 4 ;rs to_Filbrook's La Me ' e 4yrs 1%7 ( Suffield's Arsenic, Pr"e ' r , , , 5 yrs ' , lark 4 s Battersea Lass, by Phantom, 5 yrs The 2 ~ 5t02 on Velure. Won in a canter. fo r ' 4 1: 1 : :°° Guineas Stakes, a Sweepstakes of 180 s 4 o ib vs..each, h. ft., R.M. 29 %,,' r9e years old ; colts, Bst. 71b ; fillies, fist. Lord r 'AO (1. Bentinek's r. o. Gre3 Momns, by C0mu5......J. Day 1 ., tord'rshorohill's Sain g tfoin, by S . t. Patrick, out of Manglewurzel 3 ° th. tele following , r , uThold's Bamboo, by Cain, dam by Picton also started, but were not placed:—Lord Bond's Ileve;,Altridar, by Sultan, out of 3larirella ; Mr. rt,s 2n i u. ond o, ,!r, out of Scurry, by Partisan ; and Duke of Beau or I 13 4Y Out of out of Scandal. Gr e e v tg-6 to 4 agst Bamboo, 5 to 2 agst Saintfoin, 4 to I agst Wo' C .°41113 , 8 to 1 agst Alemdar, and 12 to 1 apt Inuendo. s r. 4 uy a length. , "epstakes of 300 sovs. each, 100 ft., for four years old ; colts, kr. is vrevill B st. ' 71b ; and fillies, Bst. 21b. B.C. 10 Subs. Lord s M Mango „, Ex , eteres. Adrian Brother to Augustus . J Day 1 ' Chesterfield's e. Edgar, by Shakspcare, out of Eva's dam 3 'Arat h Won by two lengths. ft. h. C- ' 20 0 h. ft. A.F.—Lord Suffield's Cowboy, Bst., received ...,orn Mr. Thornhill's Egeria, Bst. 61b. A,Alateh,loo, h. ft.—Lord Lichfield's Cassandra, Bst. 91b., agst ' 3. • Pettit's Anne Boleyn, Bst. 21b. Ab. M. Off by consent. Th e E - - . ..,arl of Eldon, on Monday evening, took the deat h and his seat in the House of Lords, for the first time after the 6 1 . t he late Earl, his grandfather. tendon Government have appointed Mr. Sieveright, of the 10 The ' c 'st-office, to sueceed Mr. Bannatyne as Postmaster of Glasgow. aztVate investigation into alleged misdemeanours on the part of the 42 has already led to various improvements.—Scots Times. CHURCH EXTENSION. Ti-11121) LECTURE. Dr. Chalmers delivered his third lecture on Church Exten sion yesterday. Long before the hour appointed the room was well filled with respectable person*. Amblig those who Were Ow ill front of the r!l_trorm We notiez'd thd buke of VAnibtidge, Prince George of Cambridge, the Earl of Abel - deell, Lord Montagu, Sir James Graham, Mr. James Grattmth s nlr J. Richardson, Mr. Pringle, Mr. Hardy, Mr. I‘l, Ij. Roche, Lord Tcignmouth, Lord Colville, Mr. Poynder, the Earl of Winchilsea, Mr. G. W. Hope, the Bishop of Chester, and Sir G. Sin. clair. Notwithstanding the crowded state of thc room, through the kindness and attention of Mr. Martin, the proprietor, our admission was effected on this, as well as the former occasions, without any difficulty, and every convenience afforded us. Shortly after two o'clock the Rev. Doctor entered, and was received with much cheering. He said—The subject of the day is the vindication of a national religious Establishment in opposition to the views of those who allege that it is unnecessary. The voluntary principle for the purpose of the present lecture may be considered as divided into two heads, the internal and the external, the former relying exclusively on its own resources, and the latter receiving sup port from extraneous voluntary contributions. Those who take up the view of the anti-establishment assert that the voluntary principle ought ❑ot to be the principle of free trade —such is, generally speaking, the sentiments and favoured expressions of our senators and economists ; some think the Establishment uncalled tor, and others object to its being carried as upon the principle of free trade. The doctrine of free trade in commerce it was contended could not apply to the Church, but would effect its damage. Those who said so aro not aware of certain am biguities which the voluntary principle involves, which, if fully exposed and done away with, would go far to simplify the whole controversy that has been raised upon the subject. When the matter is investi gated it will be found that those who at one time were the advocates of free trade at another would be in favour of the voluntary principle; and from the mouths of some individuals it will be found to have been asserted that the voluntary principle and free trade are identical If this was cleared up many of the difficulties that surround the question would be done away with. It has been long ac_ knowledged, that instead of waiting till the demand for Chris. tianity came, the better course was to dispense it widely, and let those who wished to receive it have the benefit of it. There are those who say that the adoption of such a course would be the reversal of all prin ciples of free trade; such, however, Ido not think is the case There is no analogy whatever between its operation and free trade. Those who dispense the blessings of Christianity do not receive their hire from those who receive it, but from those whose wish it is to dispense it. The system of free trade in Christianity requires something different than the mere operation of demand and supply. The great mass of the common people, the host that composes the body of every commonwealth, require a knowledge of Christianity. The sys tem of a free trade in Christianity had grown up with time and years under the name of the voluntary principle. There are two species of the voluntary principle which had not been adverted to, but which it was important to separate from each other. A man may either mako a voluntary return in the shape of price, or he may make a voluntary offer, in the shape of a donation, to support the Christian minister who provides him and his family with the blessings of religion. The one may be a voluntary payment, and the other may not be. Now both these, though different in effect and ob ject, have been referred to the voluntary principle, and the result has been that it has deranged or thrown backward the whole controversy, when things so different in their nature, and which ought to be set apart, were joined together.—(Cheering.) Many congregations, from their own contributions, support their own Ministers; that is to be put down to the account of a particular voluntaryism, because the members of the congregation raise within themselves a sufficiency for all their expenses; and as far as they have been able to accomplish this by contributions, we will put it down to this object of external voluntaryism. The one maybe called voluntaryism ab intro, and the other voluntaryism ab extra. It will now be seen how far the voluntary principle is con ceded, and how far it is consistent with a free trade in Christianity. Now, whatever comes from that source, whatever comes from their willingness to give, is the produce of external voluntarism—it is a bounty, at all events. The moment you draw upon external volun. tarism, you draw upon the willingness of the parties to give ; you then acknowledge the insufficiency of the voluntary principle for the proper support for a religious and a moral education of the people. The moment you draw upon the external voluntary principle which ap proaches near to the principle of the Establishment—the moment you draw upon this principle, then let us hear no more of the sufficiency of the free trade system in religion.—(Cheers.) Let us hear nothing more of the free trade system—let us hear no more of the voluntary principle being sufficient to support the free trade principle. It is set aside the very moment the internal principle requires the aid of the external principle. After such a complete refutation never again let us hear of the two separate and distinct systems being put in the same category. In real truth, the voluntary external system offers as much violence to the free trade system as it does to the Estab lishment. A free trade in Christianity and external voluntaryism is in fact neither more nor less than the same thing as a market price and a bounty are in the commercial world. After this explanation I am particularly anxious that we should all understand the real state of the controversy. We have been told of the perfect sufficiency of the voluntary principle ; but by that cannot be meant the internal volun taryism, for the short comings of that principle are made up by the external principle of voluntaryism. To make up for the mil. lions who are destitute of a place for congregating together, as a deed of patriotism, it is the work of a Statesman or of a Government to provide the means ; but that principle is resisted on the alleged suffi ciency of themeens provided by the voluntary principle. But I have shown that those means are provided by the external principle, and eked out by the internal. At all events, the question is now brought within a narrower cempass than it has ever been before.—(Hear.) The only difference between us now is, how are the means to be provided and at whose expense—whether it is to be at the private expense of the willing people, or by an enlightened and far-seeing Government, anxious for the peace and happiness of their country, and more anxious still for the highest weal of their fellow-subjects ?—(Loud cheers.) The advo cates of an Establishment hold that it is t he bounden duty of the Govern ment to instruct, and to provide adequate funds for the purpose of the proper teaching, of the people. Let those who are willing to pay for more instruction, for private religious instruction, do so; it would be true patriotism, but should not interfere with the duty of the State. We, as a Church, nor as individuals, do not object to these supplementary efforts of our brethren, to make up for the short.comings of the Establishment. They, as it were, will fill up the blanks and interstices which an increase of population must always leave in the framework. In this land of perfect toleration there is no want of liberty to try the great experiment—it has been tried, and upon a large scale—and now, a) the end of a century, during which chapels and meeting-houses have been built without either let or hindrance in every part of the territory, let them say, arc all the churches, and all the chapels, and all the meeting-houses sufficient for the vast population of the empire ?—(Cheers.) I wish it to be distinctly understood that ex. ternal voluntaryism has failed to provide for such a surpins population as we now have. The existing number of our voluntary chapels repre sents the whole amount of what has been done by both principles of voluntaryism. Over and above those places of worship, we have those places devoted to the same purpose which are wholly supported by the scat rents, and the still greater number of those which arc partially sup ported by the liberality of Christians. Still the unprovided millions in the country showed they furnished an example of what had been pro vided by the two systems of voluntarism. These millions told of the im potency of both voluntaryisms, and of the boasted system of free trade in religion. Besides all this, there is one other matter for which no pro vision has been made by these systems. What have they done com mensurate to the Christian education of thousands of British families ? It is a question that may very properly be asked, how it is that while shops and markets for the supply of these physical necessities keep pace with the advance of the population, and that chapels and churches for the supply of their spiritual, and therefore immortal, wants should fall so far short of the necessity ? This speaks of the langour of the Christian spirit, not only in the people who ought to supply themselves according to their own doctrines, but also great langour on the part of the Church ; and when in spite of all the talent and energy of our Dissenting brethren we witness in the outfield of our National Establishments, which has been now open to their interprise for several generations, such a spec. tacle of religious difficulty and grievous destitution, with the myriads of unreclaimed warriors whom their system has never reached, and far less overtaken, we do apprehend that on the overthrow of this venerable in stitute, the Church of England, the same evils now so largely exhibited in all the unprovided remnants of the country, would be realized and multiplied over the whole length and breadth of the land.—(Cheers.) NVe cannot consent to give up the whole territory into their hands, nor can we think that men who have evinced so little power to rebuild, should be somewhat less fiery and precipitate in their zeal to destroy. If in taking the moral statistics of the land, we find that often, with the vo luntary efforts both of individuals and societies for the spread of edue a. tion, a large proportion of the peasantry were found destitute of all good scholarship, we should not feel it to be incongruous, but in perfect keep ing with our ideas, that the Government, in the exercise of its best and highest functions, should snake advances of funds from the national treasury for the erection of schools, and the requisite endowment of teachers in every little section of the ten itory ; or, in other words, for a commensurate scholastic establishment at the expense of the State ; and what is true of common, we hold to be alike true of Christian edu cation. If in spite of all the strenuousness and zeal of our religions philanthropists, we behold millions and millions more destitute of virtue as well as of knowledge, with as little sense of inunorta. lity as the beasts that perish—(Cheering),—and reckless alike of their obligations to God and man, living in guilty abandonment of all principle, which is at once ruinous to their own everlasting pros. pects and hazardous to the peace and order of the commonwealth, then if competent for the rulers of the State to provide against the nuisance of a population untaught in letters, it is still more competent, we shoul say still more imperatively binding, to provide against the still more, hurtful and intolerable nuisance of a population untaught in morality and religion. If it be lawful and incumbent on the civil magistrate to aid the one object by means of national schools and schoolmasters, where lies the objection to his achievement of the other by means of national churches and national clergymen ?—(Hear, hear.) In other words, you can discern no greater reason for a scholas!ic than for an ecclesiastical establishment. There is a more emphatic call for the latter than for the former. What is true of the small family of a household holds true of the greater family of an empire. if both the parent in the one case and the governor in the other be chargeable with guilty indif ferent:, and should suffer their respective families to be unschooled, there is a guilt of deeper dye if they are suffered to remain un-Chris tianised.—(Hear, hear.) The fact is as undoubted that there does exist a certain sensitive notion, and it is now generally avowed, as to the Go. vernment overstepping the limits of its own proper and legitimate functions, by charging itself in any way with the religion of the people in the country. Thus it is held by the disciples of a certain odd and meta physical utilitarianism, that one of the chief properties of a Government is that it should be quite unconcerned about, nay unconscious of the religion of its subjects; as if, bereft of all vitality of sentiment, it were reduced to a sort of mechanical automaton. Such is one of the theories of our day, in conforming to which a Govern. ment should, as a Government, be lifeless of all regard to things sacred, and manifest a calm and philosophic indifference to all the modes and varieties of religion ; and that they should refuse to en tertain the question—in which of the varieties of religion the people ought to be trained —and that they ought not to interfere in the ques tion, whether or not the people are to have any religion at all. Now, we protest altogether against this view of Government—against what may be termed this artificial inversion of its idea. vs cannot forget the human principles and human feelings of the individuals who com pose the Government, whether it be the humanity which glows in the breast of the king upon the throne, or the humanity which appeals to the sensibilities, and, as it does and ought, to appeal to the votes of a Parlia ment. A righteous and religious monarch, and righteous and religious se nators, must impress their character on their acts, nor can we understand the distinction which is mooted in these days between Christian go vernors and a Christian government (Hear, hear.) We have no such notion of the moral that we have of the physical chemistry, in the com ponents of which the properties of the ingredients may be changed or disappear. The composition of a State cannot be thus denationalised, or reduced into a sort of caput mortuurn, destitute of all soul and all sentiment.—(Cheers and laughter.) The cold metaphysical abstraction that is thereby engendered, may exist in the region of the ideal, but it does not exist in the region of the actual, nor yet in the region of the possible. The Legislative Assembly must not think they are to renounce all care for the highest well-being of families, when called upon to delibe rate upon the well-being of a nation. A Parliament or National Assem• bly does collectively give way to the true principles, or dictates, or feelings by which the men who compose it are separately and individually actu. ated ; for example, they have the desire that at least plain and popular learning should be diffused throughout the mass of the community, and so without hindrance will they vote away the nation's money, and that for the support and establishment of schools, and for the sake of a general scholarship throughout the nation ; or, with a still loftier cast of intel lect, they are bound on the enc !uragement of science, and so with like freedom will they grant of the funds of the nation for literary societies, and universities, and museums, and even botanical gardens, and ::" or for all for sake of a lOftier lathing, or for the philosophy of the I nation ? will they •,,,,,1 4 0 i.l in theft 1.4'0 and yalt4 of the arts, , —purchase the improvement of a nation's taste? Or gallery of pictures, and that for !? . , heir own funds, ' n tlh i a fi ern e e p n rt t on i de i a u r c k t'43 fo hlo r re- th ehBa°ru i hr and e c te : a l x tl 6a ! tliin' l.. h recreation will they listen to a tale of' suffering, and not from .—_ but from the funds of the State--(a laugh)—undertake the charge t , ,, relieving, as when they provided for the destitution of the Highlands, or resolved at the expense of the nation on a voyage of benevolence for the discovery and rescue of the Missirig ships detained during the winter. in Greenland—atld this le obedienee to the call of a nation's humanity ? —(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Now we have Yee to ieafn, in the mul. tiplicity of such proceedings as these, why a Legislature having in them selves a sense of the principles of religion, and bound to provide for the moral and Christian education of society at large, why they should not for the accomplishment of those high ends, from the monies of the nation have an establishment of National Churches even as, for the accom plishment of other ends they erect national schools, na tional universities, and public institutes of various sorts and descriptions We cannot but imagine our antagonists reduced to this difficulty. Th e Government provides for the scholarship, the taste, the health, and even the amusements of the people; and yet our antagonists would tie up their hands from providing for the morality of the community, and for the education of the people in the principles of piety.—( Applause.) So far from there being any weight of argument against such a dispensa. tion, all the sound reasoning is in favour of it.—(Hear, hear) T o establish that conclusion it does not require even the spiritual comi_ derations to be taken into account. It is desirable on other grounds. If the Parliament be not even composed of spiritual men—(Hear) -- i f they be Utilitarians only—(Hear, hear, and laughter) --yet they must admit the necessity that the people should be trained in habits of reli. gion.—(Hear.) Neither the improvement of the taste of the people, nor of their scholarship, will so tend to diminish the expenditure of a na tion, as their education in Christianity.—(Applause.) It is to that edu. cation the aphorism of Burke may truly be applied—that " the educa tion of the people is the cheapest defence of the commonwealth."—(Ap. plause.) If we shall still " have the poor always with us," and poverty should not be utterly banished from the land—it we cannot have Christianity universal, still the general education of the great body of the people in Christian principles and habits would greatly reduce the expansive - evils of the community. By the religious education of the whole population there would be an effectual preven. tion of crime, which would be cheaper than its punishment.—(Hear.) There would be a like saving in the prevention of pauperism —and an actual provision to meet those exigencies which at one time in England absorbed an expenditure three times the revenues of the church. From this an argument might be drawn,which would convince the understanding of the most arithmetical Member of the House of Commons.—(Laughter.) The religious education of the people would diminish the burthen of the parochial maintenance of the poor, and it would diminish the expense of the military and constabulary forces which were required to restrain and overawe an untaught and irreligious community.—(Hear, hear.) And all these are expenses far beyond what would be required for an Establishment, to make the people orderly and Christian. Nor would that require any greater outlay than those funds of our own, which the voluntaries are endeavouring to seize upon.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) But if what we wanted was to create a new, or to extend a deficient establishment, and for this pur pose advanced our claim upon the public treasury : that claim could be defended or maintained not only on the grounds of religion, but even on the lower grounds which those persons take who make the question one of polity.—(Hear, hear.) The main object of those Christians who desire to maintain and extend an Established Church is that the people should be Christians, and should have a knowledge of the life that is to come. But it is not merely upon that ground we would ask for it ; but also upon the grounds which are taken by those who hold that the Government is bound only to look to matters which belong to the life which we are now in. The Christians regard the question as one relating to the life that is to come. But the patriot and the statesman should support an Established Church for all those other considerations which belong only to this world. — (Hear.) I have shown, Gentlemen, that there is really a connexion between a Church Establishment and what is called the Voluntary System, although we never hear them mentioned in the same sentence, except as antagonists.—(Hear.) I trust that I have clearly shown you that the Voluntary System is not antagonist to a National Establishment,but on the contrary, a force combining with it.—(Hear.) Although at the same time the principle of a National Establishment is the very antipodes of the doctrine that every man should pay for his own religion.—(Hear.) The total abandonment of the great mass of the people to themselves, on the supposition of internal voluntaryism, is a polity which is now given up, at least in practice, and that too by secta rians, as well as by Churchmen.—(Applause.) Innumerable are the calls of the voluntaries to the public for pecuniary assistance, and those calls are responded to; for the Christian public are aware that religious benevolence is the best of all kinds of benevolence.—(Hear, hear.) But if you approve of our accepting that benevolence from individuals, how can you object to our accepting it from the State ? (Hear, hear.) This question will be one of the many examples, in which the voice of the country is found to have influence and controul over the acts of the Go vernment. Let the sentiment prevail, that it is good for the Govern ment to supply the means of Christian instruction to the whole people, especially to those who are not able, or who may not be willing to provide it for themselves, and all that we seek will be done.—(Hear, hear.) We are not attempting to thwart the voluntaries, but to enlarge their system.—(Cheers.) It is not to be feared that a popular Government will establish a Church without the conviction of a pre ponderating filling in the public mind of its necessity; or without an appeal from those who contribute the most largely to the public reve nue ; and in that case a contribution from the State to the wants of the Church will be no more than a sample of external voluntaryism. It will only differ from personal contribution by the channel of conveyance, as a mite given from an individual hand differs from a mite cast into a common treasury for a similar object.—(Bear, hear.) A na tional establishment can only be the result of an anterior tendency in the breast of thousands, which finds expression and confirmation in the act of the Legislature. Whatever Is contributed by the State is only another instance of external voluntaryism. In other words, a parlia mentary grant is only the act of external voluntaryism on the part of the majority of the people who arc represented, and who pay most to the revenue, instead of being the act of individual voluntaries. It is only the principal of internal voluntaryism—or the assertion that that prin ciple was sufficient for the religious instruction of the whole people that was opposed to a national establishment. But the moment they apply to external aid, and such is the case with the voluntaries of every denomination all over the country, our point is practically conceded. We have had a recent illustration of this in respect to Scotland.—(Hear, hear.) It is by a moderate estimate of ecclesiastical destitution we af. firm, that at least half a million of inhabitants who ought to be church. goers, have no right of occupancy in any place of worship, whether in the established or dissenting meeting-houses ; and the population thus rapidly overgrowing the provision originally instituted for supplying them with the lessons of the Gospel, having increased since the days of John Knox, from one million to two millions and a half—now, it has been left chiefly to the energies of internal voluntaryism, to meet and make provision for this enormous deficiency. And the result is, cer tainly, that not more than one-third of the unprovided-for population have been overtaken. At all events, there remains so great a number to be provided for, as compared with the increase of population, to a million—these, it is to be remarked, consisting mainly of the common people, the most helpless, because the least able, and upon the habits of irreligion, arc found the least willing to help themselves. For it can. not be too much insisted upon, that they are not the poorest of the coin munity who attend meeting-houses—that a higher grade than them do —the better part, perhaps, (of course with many exceptions) of the lower and middle class of shopkeepers, master-tradesmen, with doubt. less a small proportion of the better condition among the arti. zans, and even of the labourers. It is on these latter that the evils of ecclesiastical destitution have principally fallen ; the working classes, and their families who have been laid in consequence under a great moral calamity—(Cheers.) It is for their relief, for their benefit, the scheme of Church extension has been formed.—(Cheers.) Where is the truth of the representation that we arc seeking a boon for the Church, when the end and spirit of our enterprise is to obtain, at the hands of the public, and the hands of the Government together, a boon to the common people ?—(Cheers.) In the prosecution of this enterprise, we, in the first instance, have been try ing the strength of external voluntaryism. In virtue of many appeals to Christian benevolence, we have undertaken the erection of ISO new Churches, more than half of which are now in progress of building, and nearly half of which are completed, and indeed opened for the regular service of the sanctuary. And it was highly instructive to us when our friends the voluntaries, at the outset of this great operation, thought they saw in it the triumph of their own cause; and said, we had at length given into their principle and become voluntaries ourselves.—( Laughter.) It is true that in defect of their internal voluntaryism, in the utter defect of their " free trade" system, which with perfect freedom for enterprise, and the utmost strenuousness in the prosecution of it, has left without the blessings of the Gospel half a million who ought to have been Church-goers, and a million of general population,—it is true that under these circumstances we are attempting, by the liberality of others, to do for our unprovidcd thousands and tens of thousands, that which their poverty, and their unwillingness together, have prevented their doing for themselves. And we are glad to understand that the voluntaries allow this—that in anything there is a community of sentiment between us. We can bear to be told that in our endeavours to repair the defences of our Church, we have had recourse to the voluntary principle, for thus far is our share of it. Most heartily should we have rejoiced had their internal voluntaryism sufficed for the moral and religious wants of our countrymen; and it is only because this has fallen short of the object we had in view, that we have taken an onward step to external voluntaryism. We should further rejoice if in the sufficiency of this sy stem we found no additional exertion called for. But this has not been our experience ; and therefore have we taken another step onward, and having gained all we can from a pious and philanthropic public, are we now endeavouring to obtain as much more as we can from a philanthropic and paternal Government.—(Loud cheers.) And we are not in the least sensible of the least incongruity between these two applications. They are not conflicting, but conspiring, mo-k -ments---the following up of one step by another along the line of contiguity.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Having obtained from the goodwill of our countrymen the sum of 200,000/. for the erection of places of worship for a people unable to build churches for themselves, we now stand before the Government, not in the attitude of supplicants, who ask for our own personal advantage, but rather in the attitude of donors, telling them what is our contribution, and asking what is theirs.—(Loud cheers.) We have advances! in our march, and whereas our friends, and most vigilant guardians, the voluntaries of Scotland, allege of us that we have come over to their principle,—lie cause of this our appeal to the liberality of the Christian public,--fro m the first moment of their preferring a like appeal themselves, when they saw the deficiencies of the seat rents of their own congregations ; from that moment did they abandon their own, and come over to our principle. We cannot blame them for this, believing, as we do, tha t, but for the benevolence of the Government, the Christian instruction of the people never would be provided for. We have been gifted with one sum by a willing Christian community in Scotland; and we expect, sooner or later, to be gifted with another sum by a willing House of Commons in London. After having obtained the support of these two pas ties, our pugnacious opponents will be quite welcome to call us voluntaries if they please ; only we hope that it will serve to rectify their conceptions if they make the discovery that even the voluntary principle which they allege to be altogether against us, is, if v i ewe d compre hensivele, in favour of National Establishments for th e Ch r i s ti an e d uca tion of the people.—(Cheers.) So little have we any d ou bt o f t h e per f ec t harmony the contributions of external vol un t ary i sm, an d gr ants from the State, the one will, we have every confidence, appear to b e the stepping-stone to the other. And i n t h e very proportion tha t we en large the first, do we strengthen the latte r . S o th oroug h is this our conviction, that the discouragement we h ave l ate l y rece i ve d from our rulers will only redouble our exerti ons; an d i f the vo i ce o f 180 con gregations do not carry an endowment, the voice of 200 or 300 will at least come nearer to it.—(Hear, hear.) We are resolved not to desist in our exertions for a cause which has enlisted in its favour the friendly and approving suffrages of the great mass of the common people of Scotland. Yet this, we are told, is but the cry of the en franchised population—of the men who have no suffrages — no weight in the Senate House. We believe, on the contrary, that the cause of the unprotected and the poor, when it comes i to be really understood, has mighty influence there.--(Cheers.) We 00t only began the enterprise under the countenance and support of the highest orders in the country, but even in that class which constitutes I, the greatest number of the Scottish constituency—the 10/. householders and a little upwards—whose prejudices were strongest against us : among them we are every day making sensible progress, and no doubt, if we persevere, we shall be enabled to lift a still louder ap peal than heretofore—so that there will be a greatly augmented inte rest in our cause on the part of the British public and the Bri tish Legislature; and we shall eventually attain our object.—(Chee rs ' ) We did intend to dwell upon another topic on the argument which is founded on the difference between the endowment and the erection of Churches, but we have no time to do so. We trust that this will both explain the system of the efforts which the friends of our Church, 'most 'of them clergymen from Scotland, are now making in London. The THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 2, 1838 best representation tve can give of the strrngth of our cause is to state the description of persons for whom our labour is now exerted. On whom is it that the burden of this calamity principally lights? Of what description of society are those who arc left without Churches to n7istialll;e, Without' clergymen to instruct and advise ? They are I. • sdements both of wealth an I will are wantin g t o those in whom the _ plc own spiritual wants. Th ey are enable them to make provision for . • "" stal l life' ; they are the exiles from the habits and observances of ..... ''s relief of the destitute fel' whom we plead—it is in their cause—for ts. ;heir moral necessities, that We labour to interest the Government. We seek no increase of our own emoluments. We wish no pluralities by the increase of Churches. Each Church will be occupied by a distinct Clergyman.—(llcats) We put the question with the utmost confidence into the hands of the Government, and let them determine what a Clergyman ought td reeeilre ; and every shilling contributed from the public treasury, let it go, tint to aiignfent the Clergyman's emoluments, but to diminish the seat-rents w'his'k we it present are forced to demand from the general population.—(Cheers.) Let this be our terminus ad gum Our endeavours are not for any personAl object; but for a public object—the Christian education of the community at large. 'We knock at the doer of the Government, not in the crouching attitude of supplicants for ourselves, bUt in the high attitude of the donors of 200,000/. for 180 new Churches, as our offering to the cause of just patriotism. We say this is our contribution. What is youfi, , --s4Lssud cheers.) It is not true that, as it has been represented, we stand before We govern_ ' went as so many " fawning and pampered ecclesiastics," to beg further benefactions to ourselves. We appeal for the families of peasants and artisans, and the men of handicraft and labour. We are the " tribunes of the poor."—(Loud cheers.) We are the representatives of those to whom the law has given none.—(Cheers.) We are the representatives of the unfranchised multitude. Our object is the well-being of that mighty class which form the overpressed ground-floor of the fabric of the commonwealth. And, after the injustice, and prejudice, and misconception, now heaped on us, are swept away, and ulti. timate success crowns our efforts, then will be admitted the essen. tial justice of our cause.— (Cheers.) You will not, therefore, be sur prised that we look for the countenance of those who esteem the moral well-being of the poor as the highest boon that can be conferred upon them.—(Cheers.) I agree with those who look upon the present contest as boing, in fact, a contest between the higher and the lower elements of society, and all the better and the higher spirits of our nation righteously determine that the higher of those elements shall cure it. — (Cheers.) For you cannot but remark that there is a kind of coarse utilitarianism making way even in our high places, and which threatens to vulgarise the whole system of our affairs—a growing distrust in the efficiency of moral expedients, and the substitution of commercial and the economical expedients in their room—(Cheers)--a dealing with the coarser principles of our natures, as though conscience, and these higher faculties were too etherial things for our legislators to work upon—(Cheers)—and so a hard and strong parsimony in providing even for the common, and yet more for the Christian, education of the work ing classes, is prevalent. The universal cry is for " cheapness," and thus perhaps an immediate saving of money may be effected ; but at the sacrifice of the money's worth, and with an ultimate far greater expen diture. Ilurkes' memorable aphorism, • 4 the cheap defence of na tions," is now becoming obsolete in this remorseless craving after all other sorts of " cheapnes."—(Cheers.) flow much nobler to have to do with an enlightened and well-trained community, than with a population, unprovided with the means of religious instruction, and so fast rising in utter defiance of all the duties of life, and all its decencies.—(Loud cheers.) This miscalculating "economy" will be disappointed of its own object, and at length will be turned to " the fruit of its own ways."—(Cheers.) And unless the influence of Christian Instruction be brought to bear upon the turbu lence of the popular mind, the smotkering fire which now lies at the foundation of the social and political edifice, will at length explode it into fragments, and a day of fearful retribution, for a long neglected population will be the terrible result of that process by which our rulers shall have conducted us onward, step by step, in the career of national deterioration, till we have landed in the veriest dregs and darkness of an iron age.—(The Rev. Doctor finished amidst enthusiastic cheering.) THE LAW OF COPYRIGHT. Mr. Wordsworth has addressed the following letter to Sergeant Talfourd on his proposed Bill for the amendment of the law of copyright : TO SERGEANT TALTOURD, M.P. Rydal Mount, April 18, 1838. MT DEAR Sin,—A strong opposition, which has manifested itself by public meetings and petitions to the House of Com mons, having started up among printers, publishers, and others to your Bill for amendinethe law of copyrights, and no like counter-movement being made by authors on their part, it has been suggested to me, from quarters entitled to great respect, that it might be of service if, along with a most distinguished literary friend, I should present a petition to Parliament, pray ing that the Bill may pass, or at least one in favour of its principle. This compliment has no doubt been paid me as one amongst the oldest of living writers, and one, therefore, whose heirs must, in course of nature, be injured sooner than those of younger men, if the proposed measure be rejected. You will not be surprised if I feel some scruple in taking a step, though so well recommended, on account of an aversion to appear prominently in any public question, and because I am loath to think so unfavourably of Parliament as to deem that it requires petitions from authors as a ground for grant ing them a privilege the justice of which is so obvious. I cannot bring myself to suppose that the mere shadows of argument advanced by printers and publishers against the claims of a class to whom they owe the respectability of their condition, if not their very existence, should avail with any intelligent and disinterested assembly. Yet fur ther am I averse thus to petition Parliament because I would not ask as an individual suppliant, or with a single associate, what in equity I consider to be the right of a class, and for a much longer period than that defined in your bill—for ever. Such right as you have stated in your admirable speech, was acknowledged by the common law of England ; and let them who have cried out so loudly against the extension of the term as is now proposed, show cause why that original right should not be restored. The onus clearly rests with them to do so ; but they have not attempted it, and are glad to take shelter under the statute law as it now stands, which is a composition or compromise between two opinions ; the extreme point of ono being that, by giving his thoughts to the world, an author abandons all light to consider the vehicle as private property ; and of the other, that he has the right in perpetuity, that de scends to his heirs, and is transferable to those to whom he or they may assign it. This right I bold to be more deeply inherent in that species •f property than in any other, though I am aware that many persons, perceiving wherein it differs from acquisitions made in trade and commerce, &c., have contended that the law in respect to literature ought to remain upon the same footing as that which regards the profits of mechanical inven tions and chemical discoveries ; but that this is an utter fallacy might easily be proved. From the co nsiderations above stated I decline to petition, as suggested, g and content myself, in the silence of others judgment, so that at least, m y dear sir, y ou ma y not be liable to be treated as a volunteer intrudin g w i thout wish or seur'enetsittele to speak, with the public declaration of my d d sanctionexpressed by any one of the class whose i s and rights openlyiiit e rests you have, so much to your hon our , it stepped forward to maintain. Here this letter shall close, its purpose bein g e an swered ; for no gen era l argument f rom me , and no statement of facts belonging to my own case, and w hi c h have come to my knowledge, with respect to my illus trious friends Coleridge, Scott, Southey, and others, would avail to produce conviction where that has not been effected by ycur unrivalled speech made upon your first introduction of the Bill into the House of Commons, and by reasonings which have lately been set forth with great ability by writers in the public journals, and who were more at liberty to enter into details than you could be while treating the subject before Parliament. Should your Bill be overborne, which I cannot allow my self to fear, by the interested opposition now at work, justice nevertheless, sooner or later, must triumph ; and at all events the respect and gratitude which authors feel towards you and your coadjutors upon this occasion will be cherished by them to the last hour of their lives. I have the honour to be, my dear Sir, faithfully yours, WILLIAM WORDSWORTH. LAW OF COPYRIGHT. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIR—I v enture to make the following observations on the important Bill before Parliament, touching literary pr o p er t y , which appears to met o be supported by most fall ac i ous reasoning. lelgidsolatnivoet m di e ,n asur th es tt on the In the first place, and as . a general rule, much caution high ground principles of jus tice and truth, and keep our standby them. But at the same should be obsc o r f ve when consent subsists on these fundamental • time, even i ' i l b i s n t rat discussing right. may arise when we must recur to the first • 31- cases the most e xtravagant divergence and most unseemly arro gance and dogmatism will be exhibited in the application of out of the necessary vagueness of th e terms i n w propositions are express e d, an d th e p roneness o f me n to take advantage of this latitude, by urging their private i n terests, passions or prejudices, on the ostensible ground s o f duty and morality. In more specific relation to th e case un d er v i ew, t h ere ap pears to me th e most pa l pa bl e a b sur di ty and contradiction in them, arising general arisin terms, in the very idea of a natural right pertaining to any thing, not only so immaterial and intangible, but so eminently artificial as literary property. If I mistake not, some of the soundest writers on jurisprudence, deserting the abstract po sition as unsafe, if not untenable, have seen fit to support the right to property of all kinds on the broader, more practical, and more definite basis of expediency, that is the general good, as recogniz e d by the law ; and that, even with respect to pro perty in land, which in England enjoys the singular distinction of being termed " real property." As to literary property, it would have been no easy task for a prophet who lived only two or three hundred years ago to convey any notion of it to his contemporaries ; and more difficult still before the inven tion of printing. And I cannot but think that much dulness would have been evinced, even by " Rome's least mortal inind"—the bright, the acute, the profound mind of Tully_ disciplined as it was in legal training, and not less friendly to learning than even Mr. Sergeant Talfourd's, (whom, however, I do not m ean to sneer at), had a precursor of that L earne d Gentlem an endeavoured to persua d e hi m , th a t som e o b scure descenda nt o f Plato, in the tent h genera ti o n , had a n a t ura l right to i n hibi t him from employ i ng hisfreed man to transcribe the symp os i um. If m y memory serves me right, Mr. Talfourd, in his speech in Parliament, last year, asserted that his Bill went merely to restore some of the more extensive rights conferred on authors by the common law. This refers us to a period pre ceding the invention of Guttenburg. How the regulation of printing could be provided for by laws which sprang gradually out of common occasions, long before the invention of the art— or how such a rude jurisprudence could contemplate the com plex cases rising out of an entirely new set of things—passes my comprehension. But the attempt to draw such a deduc tion corr o b orates a preceding observation, as a ff or di ng a n in stance of th e plastic ingenuity which, in the words of Bishop Butler, " can make anything out of anyt hi ng. " The true state of the case appears to me to be this. So long as a man's thoughts are lodged in his brains, they are of course his own, and his own by pre-eminence of right. In like manner, if he commits them to paper, and keeps the ma nuscript locked up in his desk, no one is entitled to infringe upon it or its contents. If, however, he gives his thoughts to the worl,i, the world, or that portion of it which listens to him, has, as /think, a natural right to adopt them ; and his thoughts, being assimi. lated to their minds, become their thcughts, their property ; and they hare a natural right to think these thoughts, and also to communicate them, for the counsel, improvement, or amusement of their associates;or to all whom they are interested in pleasing or instructing, or to all the rest of the world, if they are actuated by universal benevolence. The mode of commu nication cannot affect the principle as a general one, and one of ow natural right; although, in an artificial state of 'pact... society, one pa7 t icillOf mos/n incidentally involve pi - cu.. riiary relations. Thereford, if #1 plthi,' 'rives me . or sells me his thoughts, whether in manusetipf of rn . book, I have, I conceive, a natural right to read that book: ° friend; my or to employ my own time, pens and ink, in trans scribing it for him ; or to use types and a printin,g-press for the purpose, which arc merely copying instruments, of some what more complex construction than pens. If I have a right to serve my friend in this way, no one is entitled to en quire whether he repays me with mere thanks, or with good 'Aces, or with more solid considerations ; nor is any one en titled to circumscribe the number of my friends. jk, an illustration, suppose an agriculturist sells me a bushel of wheat, would he have any natural right to prevent me from sowing )t- instead pf eating it, on the pretext, that by bring ing the ten itshtls of pspduce to market I should injure him and his family in ths!. &is of his next year's crop ? Now, I cannot see that It author in the one case has any better natural right to interfere , vrith my eopyirg his book, than the farmer has to interdict me sowing his grain ; and, in either case, disposing according to my will of the prod ice of my own capital and industry. Are we to conclude then that all copyright laws are unjust? No. While abstract justice does not require, neither does it condemn them. The question is purely one of expediency, which I have defined above to be the public good. Now, granting the beneficial effects of literature (using the term in its widest sense, as embracing works on Religion, Philosophy, Science, Poetry, &c.) on the happiness and well being of a nation, the object of legislative interference evi dently ought to be to provide, Ist., For its production, and in the highest degree of excellence; and 2d., For its most general diffusion. (1.) To secure the first of these objects, pecuniary reward is one important stimulus in a large proportion of ins!ances, and in others it affords the author the sole or chief means of devoting the necessary time to composition and the preparatory studies. A monopoly of the sale of his book for himself or his assignees is one of the most obvious modes of providing this remuneration : it is snore easily regulated than any other that could be devised, because self-adjusted, and proportioned to the sale, and, therefore, in some degree at least, to the merits of the book. And though the sale of a book is frequently not the best criterion of its real value, it would scarcely ,be possible to replace this measure of literary reward by any substitute, likely to prove generally so fair and satis factory. Assuming that the higher the pecuniary stimulus, the more fully will the first object be accomplished, it would follow on the ground of expediency that the author should enjoy the same absolute and perpetual property in the copyright which some claim for him on abstract principles. (2.) But the diffusion of a work bears a direct ratio to its cheapness. Nay more ; the increase of circulation is proved to be frequently much greater than in exact proportion to the decrease of price ; and in like manner cheapness is promoted by competition. To accomplish the second object, considered apart, all restrictions ought to be abolished. The problem now seems to be reduced to the question how to combine both objects so as to compass the highest useful effect? A limited copyright seems the solution. But how limited ? This is a case of degree, and like all questions of more or less may furnish interminable debate to controver sialists of spirit and pluck, and to them I leave it ; only pro testing that the onus probandi in all legal and logical fairness lies on those who advocate the change. The cases of Milton and Thomson prove nothing against the law as if exists now. In the seventeenth and early part of the eighteenth centuries, the law of copyright seems to have been arbitrary and imperfectly ascertained, and deficient in stringency and in the executory principle. Now-a-days the law works well for all parties. Hundreds gain a decent livelihood by their pens, and some grow rich. With living authors Grub-street is.only a figure of speech; it is a locality of literary history. They have read of it as they have read of the Roman Forum ; their associations may lead them to visit the one as the other. But who is the writer of even mediocre talents actually domiciled within its precincts ? Why, a modern travelled cockney shall sooner find the Nine famous Blue-stockings of old times back at their haunts on Parnassus. If there be a seeming exception, a hundred to one he is a poor author rather than an author in poverty. It is said that an extension of the copyright of Sir W. Scott's works would clear off the incumbrances on Abbotsford. But did not that wonderful man, under the existing laws, ac tually receive enormous sums for his writings, sufficient not only for subsistence—for stimulus—but ample enough to be ac counted a generous testimony to his genius, so far as money is concerned. If the wealth he acquired was dissipated by im prudent speculation or misfortune, that is no fault of the law. The case of Wordsworth is different—a writer of original powers of a peculiar cast, the beauties of whose writings lie deep, and are slowly discovered as they create the taste which appreciates them. But here again the law is not to blame ; nor are the public interests in either way prejudiced by it. An author who will not or cannot write, except for pecuniary reward, will scarcely be content with the chance of its being forthcoming to benefit his posterity years after his death, for if the public approbation is not awarded within eight and twenty-years, its ultimate :manifestation must be, at best, a matter of doubt. Still however, a special interposition might be devised to meet such cases; for instance one analogous to that for the extension of patents. I hare only to add in conclusion, that should any enter prising and discerning publisher or publishers be desirous to reprint this letter, they have severally my free permission to do so, after the expiration of twenty-eight years from the date thereof, whether Mr. Talfourd's Bill do pass or not; as wit ness the hand of JACK BOOKWORM. April 17, 1838. FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, APRIL 30. Royal Regiment of Artillery—Second Captain T. R. Cookson to be Captain, vice Lawler, retired on half-pay ; First Lieutenant A. Tulloh to be Second Captain, vice Cookson ; Second Lieu tenant A. Oldfield, to be First Lieutenant, vice Tulloh, April 20. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Staffordshire. William Fawkener Chetwynd, Esq. to be Deputy Lieutenant, April 24. _ _ _ Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Lanark. Royal Lanarkshire Regiment of Militia.—The lion. C. A. Mur ray to be Lieutenant, April 19. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Nottingham. Clumber Troop of Sherwood Rangers.—Lord W. P. Clinton to be Captain, vice F. Hall, resigned; E. Unwin, Gent., to be First Lieutenant, vice Lord W. P. Clinton, promoted ; T. White, Gent., to be Cornet, April 11. Mansfield Troop of Sherwood Rangers.—Godfrey Tallents, Gent., to be First Lieutenant; Charles Colville, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant, vice Godfrey Tallents, promoted, April 11. DOWNING-STREET, APRIL 28. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Lieutenant-Colonel George Gaw•ler to be Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Province of South Australia. _ _ The Queen has also been pleased to appoint John Hutt, Esq., to be Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Western Australia. DOWNING-STREET, MAY 1. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Henry Light, Esq., to be Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Colony of British Guiana and its dependencies. WHITEHALL, ArrtiL 30. The Queen has been pleased to direct letters patent to be passed under the Great Seal, authorising and appointing Arthur Duke of Wellington, K.G. ' • Charles Duke of Richmond, K.G. ; Gilbert Earl of Mi n t o , G.C.B. ; Robert Viscount Melville, K.T. ; the Right Hon. Henry Grey (commonly called Viscount Howick); Rowland Lord Hill, G.C.B. ; the Right Hon. henry Labouchcre ; Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Adam, K.C.B. ; Lieutenant - General Sir James Kempt, G.C. B. ; Vice-Admiral. Sir Thomas Master man Hardy, Bart., G.C.B. ; Admiral Sir George Cockburn, G.C.B. ; Lieutenant-General Sir Richard Hussey Vivian, Bart., G.C.B. ; Major-General Sir Alexander J. Dickson, K.C.B. ; Major-General Sir Henry Hardinge, K.C.8.; and Colonel Sir Richard Williams, K.C.8., to be her Majesty's Commissioners for inquiring into the several modes of promotion and retirement now authorised and granted to the officers of her Majesty's naval and military forces ; for aseertaininc , the comparative situation of the officers in each branch, and for reporting whether, due regard being had to economy and to the efficiency of the service, it may be practicable and expedient to make any and what changes in the present system. Earl Marshal's Office, 30, Great George-street, Westminster, May 1,183 s. Her 'Majesty having been pleased to dispense, at the ensuing .Co ronation, with the usual processions from Westminster Hall to the Abbey, wherein her Majesty's Privy Couneillors under the de gree of the Peerage, the Tice Chancellor, the Barons of the Ex chequer and Justices of both Benches, the Knights Grand Crosses of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, her Majesty's Law Officers, and many othe r p ersons , h ave b een accus t ome d to wa lk , and by virtue of which dispensation the whole Would be precluded from attending the assembly, notice is hereby given that tickets, not transferrable, but for the personal admission only of all such indi viduals who would have been admitted into the Abbey had there been a procession, will be issued by the Earl Marshal to those who may signify their wish to b e p resen t a t the approaching solemnity. All such persons aro therefore requested to signify their desire to the Earl Marshal, at this office, on or before the 2d of June next, after which day no application can be received. WILLIAM WOODS, Deputy Garter. An Account of the Aggregate Amount of Notes circulated, in England and NVales, by Private Banks and by Joint Stock Banks and their Branches, 'distinguishing Private from Joint Stock Banks, between the 30th December 1837 and the 31st March 1838.—From Returns directed by 3 4W. IV., c. 83. Private Banks Joint Stock Banks Stamps and Taxes, April 27, 1838. X 10,926,511 JOHN WOOD. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. FREDERICK JAMES LEE. hatter, Long-acre. BANKRUPTS. HERBERT GOLDING, victualler, New-inn-yard, Shore ditch, to surrender May 8 and June 12, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Gibson, Basinghall-street, official assignee ; Ashley, Shoreditch. JOHN BROADHURST, carpenter, Shelton, Staffordshire, May 16, at two, and June 12, at one, at the Swan Inn, Hanley, Staffordshire. Dutton, Hanley ; King, Furnival's Inn, London. ELIZABETH GOWAN and ARTHUR SHANKS, com mon brewers, Morpeth, Northumberland, May 23, at eleven, and June 12, at one, at the Bankrupt Commission-rooms, Newcastle upon-Tyne. Charlton, and 'Woodman, Morpeth ; Compton, Church -court, Old Jewry, London. WILLIAM PRATT, the younger, grocer, late of Leamington priors, May 18 and June 12, at twelve, at tho Lansdowne Hotel, ' Leamington-priors. Nelson, Middle Temple, London; . Norris, Warwick. WILLIAM POWELL, saw-manufacturer, Birpllng , _ 11P IP 15, and J une 12, a t one , a t R oya l H ote l, Bi rm ir t fkettisc Birmingham ; Chilton, Chancery-lane, London.ii l ; ; ; / WILLIAM JONES, victualler, Brecon, 31 -.22-4,fl4tkii at twelve, at th e C as tl e I nn , B recon . G regory ll;Erfin Inn, London ; Ives, Brecon. JOHN RIDSDALE, chemist, Durham, May nine, and June 12, at eleven, at the Fleece Inn, Darlio„ Green terrace, New River Head, Middlesex, Lo y 7 ,;lllewbotrn and Hutchinson, Darlingto n . ct t'd Sit( CI V BENJAMIN CARTER, lace-manuf ac t urer , N o tti ng h am , 3 ay' 9, and June 12, at eleven, at the George the Fourth Inn, Notting- " ham. Yallop, Basinghall-street, LondOn ; Parsons and Sons, Not tingham. JOSEPH OATES, innkeeper, Glossop, Derbyshire, May 16, at One , zt the Norfolk Arms, Glossop, and June 12, at two, at the c omm i,,,,:mers'-rooms, Manchester. Atkinson and Pilgrim, Church-court, .Lothbury, ?.ontion ; Smith and Hi n d e , Sh e ffi e ld . SAMUEL WIJT.LS, J 0 s., baker, Nottingham, May 12, at eleven, and June 12, at three, the George the Fourth Inn, Not tingham. Wolston, Furnival's Irrn, Holborn ; Smith, Nottingham. EDWARD ADAMS, coal-deairm . .. Old Newton, Suffolk, May 18, and June 12, at twelve, at the Cl:own and Anchor Inn, Ips wich. Marriott, Stowmarket ; Marriott, fled Lion-square, London. JOHN OLDHAM, druggist, Sheffield, May 17, and June 12, at eleven, at the Town-hall, Sheffield. Battye, .Fisher, and Sudlow, Ch a ncery -lane, London ; Dixon, Sheffield. THOMAS PHILIP PECK and JOSEPH PECK, grocers, Liverpool, May 12, and June 12, at one at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool. Littledale and Bardswell, Water-street, Liverpool ; Blackstocis., Bunce, Vincent, and Sherwood, Temple, London. JOHN SOZAGG, retailer of beer, Manchester, May 12, and June 12, at ten, a t;,lie Commissioners Rooms, Manchester. Per kins, Gray's Inn-square , London ; Parry, King-street, Manchester. ROBERT HUGHES, sailor, Wrexham, Denbighshire, May 18 and June 12, at twelve, a t 1;;, , a Wynnstay Arms Inn, W rex h am . , Jones, Wrexham ; Austen and Co., Raymond-buildings, Gray's-inn, London. PHILIP ROSE and JOHN COLSTON ROSE, booksellers, Bristol, May 9, at twelve, and June 12, ai; one, at the Commercial Rooms, Bristol. Hall, Bristol; Clarke an:t Co., Lincoln's Inn fields, London. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. J. K. Picard, white lead maker, Russell-street, Covent-garden, May 28, at half-past eleven—T. Jones, slopseller, Shadwell, May 24, at twelve. In the Country. J. Hadley, grocer, Cradley, Worcester, May 29, at two, at the Vine Inn, Stourbridge—J. M. Stephens, banker, Gloucester, Jime 1, at eleven, at the Upper George, Gloucester—J. Ryder, glans cutter, Manchester, May 21, at two, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester—H. Speight, stuff manufacturer, Allerton, Yorkshire, May 23, at eleven, at the Court House, Bradford—J. Popplewell, butcher, Silkstone, Yorkshire, May 25, at eleven, at the Court House, Sheffield—W. Grey, commission agent, Liverpool, May 23, at two, at the Clarendon Rooms, Liverpool—R. Healey, woollen manufacturer, Bochdale, Lancashire, May 24, at eleven, at the Commissioners' Rooms. Manchester—W. Smith, coachmaster, Cuckfield, Sussex, May 21, ai two, at the Town Hall, Brighton— J. Worthington, draper, Stockport, May 22, at twelve, at the Com missioners' Rooms, Manchester—l. S. Tomkins, scrivener, Lea mington Priors, Warwickshire, May 24, at twelve, at the Red Horse Inn, Stratford-on-Avon. CERTIFICATES, MAI- 22. J. Nash, brewer, Bristol—J. Dowden, cal.inet maker, Ports mouth—E. Jones, linen draper, Swansea—A. Robins, printer, Tavistock-street, Covent-garden—P. J. G. A. Be asap, perfumer, Gerrard-street, Sohn—J. Grove, mister, Birminghant. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. _ T. Wilmshurst and J. Irving,grocers, Colchester, Ess gi—W. Grisdale, R. Edge, and D. Norman, pawnbrokers, Blackburn, Lancashire (so far as regards W. Grisdale)—E. Wood, jun., J. Wood, E. Wood, A. Kurtz, and E. P. Thomson, borax manufac turers, Liverpool (so far as regards J. Wood)—J. Martin, jun., and W. Martin, cotton spinners, Killelough-mills, Downshire—J. Bates and M. Roberts, coachmakers, Worship-street, Finsbury— T. Hodgson and It. Moor, corn millers, Nafferton, Yorkshire—J. Bowman and W. I. Law, chemists, Manchester—J. Lees, R. Lees, and J. Barker, cotton spinners, Oldham, Lancashire—l. Dickinson and J. Clark, hat manufacturers, Cockermouth, Cumberland—J. C. Lavender and W. L. Adshead, common brewers, Manchester— J. Shaw and J. Holmes, clothiers, Hepworth, Yorkshire—S. Day and R. Roe, trainers, Ascot Heath, Berkshire—T. D. Weaver and G. Nettleship, attorneys, Stafford—T. Atkinson and C. Tennant, salt manufacturers, Wharton, Cheshire—S. Hasell and W. Evans, tailors, Lombard-street—J. P. Andre and Co., merchants, Camo mile-street, Bishopsgate-street—E. Need and J. Coltman, drug gists, Nottingham—C. P. Fletcher and J. G. V. Millingen, wine merchants, Bourdeax. CORONER'S INQUEST. Yesteterday afternoon an inquest was held in the Board-room of S'; George's Hospital, Hyde-park-corner, before Mr. Higgs, on view of the body of Mr. John Kennedy, aged 2(1, who committed suicide by swallow ingn quantity of laudanum. William Sherlock, police-constable of the A division, No. 125, on Saturday afternoon was on duty in Kensington-gardens. In going his last round, about five minutes before 7 o'clock in the evening, witness saw a gentleman lying on the second scat from the bridge that divides the gardens from Hyde-park. No person was near the spot at the time. On going up, witness discovered that the individual was in an insensible state. A phial produced, was partly out of a side pocket, on which was labelled in print " laudanum—poison," as also, " 40 drops for an adult." Witness found two other phials on the person of the deceased, as like wise, a case bottle, a drinking horn, a razor, besides cash, and other pro perty. Witness sent to the Royal Humane receiving-house, for the stretcher, being at the time fully convinced, that the deceased was la bouring under the effects of laudanum. The messenger returned with Mr. Pritchard, the superintendent, when the deceased was conveyed to the receiving-house. Mr. Hammerton, the house-surgeon, saw the deceased on his ad. mission. Great exertions were made to rouse him, but with only slight success. He gradually sunk, and died about five o'clock on the fol lowing morning. Mr. Clarkson—l presume you have opened the body. Mr. Hammerton—l have, and found all the organs of life in a per fectly healthy state. The deceased was a remarkably Moe, muscular young man. Mrs. Clarke, 28, Holles-street, Cavendish-square, deposed that the deceased and his mother occupied apartments in her house ; the former, who was a single gentleman, possessed considerable property. Witness is utterly at a loss to account for his committing suicide. By Mr. Clarkson—The deceased and his soother lived upon the most affectionate terms ; they were never separate. On Friday night, I heard a noise in the deceased's bedroom ; • he appeared very restless, and walked up and down hisroom. By the Jury—l never observed anything in the deceased's manner to lead me to suppose that his mind was affected ; he was a mild, gentle manly man. Mary Pring, servant to Mr. Kennedy, had lived in her situation 1S months. Her mistress and the deceased were most affectionately at. tached to each other. Witness had not observed anything particular in the manners of her young master. She was aocustomed to take him up cocoa in the morning. On Saturday morning, on her entering the room, he started up, and exclaimed, " What hour of the night do you call this ?" He appeared very much alarmed at the time. He went out in the afternoon. About six o'clock in the evening, her mistress received a letter by the post, which greatly shocked her, and she left home im mediately. Mr. Hamilton, of Brunswick-square, Regent's-park, had known Mrs. Kennedy and her son (the unfortunate subject of the inquiry) for a number of years ; the latter had an income of about 1,500/, annually, left by his father and grandfather. On Saturday, between six and seven o'clock, Mrs. Kennedy came to his house with the letter she had received from her son ; she was in a state of distraction; he (Mr. Ha milton) instantly started for Kensington-gardens to avert, if possible, the catastrophe, but was too late. By the Jury—l am not aware of any circumstance that preyed upon the mind of the deceased. He possessed every worldly advantage a mortal could desire lam not aware t hat he had been disappointed in his affections. He was a most geaCemanly, amiable man. Mr. Clarkson should wish the jury to be put in possession of every fact connected with the untimely death of the unfortunate young gen tleman. The fact was, that he laboured undec an unhappy delusion ; he imagined that he was in a declining miserable state of health, when the very contrary was the case. The surgeon's evidOce stated that there could'not be a more healthy robust body. The Jury observed it was a most extraordinary and distressing case. The letter written by the deceased to his mother was here handed to the Coroner by Mr. Clarkson ; the following is a verbatim copy " Ilolles.street, Cavendish-square, Saturday, 2 P.M. "My dear Mother—l write you three lines to account for my absence, and in order that you may know where to send for my body. Er 2 this reaches your hands I shall be no more, and I am anxious to thank you a thousand times for your affectionate care of an unworthy son. You will find me in one of the seats in Kensington-gardens, close to that part of the Serpentine which roaches up to Hyde-park. I rely on your strength of mind to bear up against this shock. I regret that your feelings should be so harassed, but I find my existence an insupportable burden, suffering as I do from lowness of spirits, oppression of mind, and lassitude of body. You will find in the table-drawer of my room the keys of my trunk, in which my will is placed, with other things. Sn God bless you with kindness and love. I hasten to subscribe myself, your affectionate son. " JOHN KENNEDY." " P.S. This letter can be Landed to the Crooner, to be read to the Jury, if you think proper, as it explains the cause of my suiciding myself." The Jury, without hesitation, returned a verdict of—' Mental Derangement." -" Temporary The greatest sensation has prevailed in the towns of Kendal and Milnthorpe, and the neighoourhood, during the last few days, in consequence of a well.authenticated report of a pauper inmate of the Milnthorpe workhouse having been foully murdered by another inmate, with the knowledge of the governor. True it is that a man of the name of Robinson was interred at Ileversham on Thursday last, under the most suspicious circumstances, from that workhouse, end these have been strengthened by the information of the paupers, when out of the house on Sunday, to that degree as to cause his disinterment for the purpose of an investigation before a Coroner's Jury, and the person who is said to have committed the foul deed has been appre hended. Such, however, are the conflicting statements told of this horrid affair, that it would be unjust to report them in a newspaper previous to a full investigation into the case. The name of the person apprehended is Thomas Hohne, who had been mysteriously discharged from the workhouse after the death of Robinson. A boy, who, it is said, would have been a material evidence, an inmate of the workhouse, has absconded.— Whitehaven Herald. Mr. Colquhoun, the Tory Member for Kilmarnock, in his speech denouncing Roman Catholics, exclaimed, with great naivete, " Can I dismiss from my mind the full and clear conviction that there is a deep-rooted antipathy on the part of the Roman Catholics to the Protestants!" Verily these proselytising fanatics are the most impudent of all quacks—religion or Charity they have none. English and Scotch Protestants have rooted Irish Catholics of one half of their landed property—they have transferred all her Church property front seven millions of Catholics to half a million of Protestants—for nearly two hundred years they hunted the unfortunate priests and their flocks like wild beasts, because-they would not renounce the religi in in which they hoped for salvation ; and now that such outrages are put down by the law, they insult the one party by denouncing them as surplice(' ruffians, and the other as blood-stained monsters, and yet wonder that Roman Catholics do not love them and their religion! No people ever displayed more Christian patience than these poor Irish. If a London mon, under the mad Lord George Gordon, for three days unmolested, directed their fury apinst every species of property that belongs d to Catholics, or those that were in favour of loosening their fetters, what might be expected, even in the present age, were the Irish priests to imitate the example of the M`Glie:s and Colquhouns, and get up a ,:rusade fur the purpose of making Catholicism predominant in Eng. land ? Would the English and the Scotch behave with the moderation of these men whom their persecutors are pleased to call aliens and barbarians? In the several chapels of the city and diocese, an injunction, emanating from our pious and exemplary Bishop, the Right Rev. Dr. FOI an, was read on Sunday, to the effect that he will visit with ecclesiastical cen3ure, all publicans who admit persons to drink dui ing the hours prohibited by law to have their houses open ---and all persons drinking in public houses during those hours.— Waterford Chronicle.