The Sun. — London, England, 1864-06-29 00:00:00

ROUSE OF LORDS—Last Dvening, The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at the usual hour. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Stockport District Water—Arden's Estate—Tamar Kilt Hill and Callington Railway—Midland Railway—Cheddar Valley and Yatton Railway—Somerset and Dorset Railway, North London Railway—llfracombe Railway—Lanca shire Union Railway—lsle of Wight Ferry—Knights bridge Railway—Charing-cross Railway—Great Northern Railway (Doncaster and Gainsborough)—London and Blackwall Railway—Blyth and Tyne Railway—Bourton on-the-Water Railway—Carmarthenshire Railway—Lan cashire and Yorkshire Railway (Blackburn lines)—Lynn and Sutton-bridge Railway—Tottenham and Hampstead Junction Railway—Macclesfield, Bollington, and Marple Railway—Exmouth and Dudleigh Railway—Salterton Water—East Gloucestershire Railway—rortpatrick Rail way—Buckfastleigh, Totnes, and South Devon Railway— Scottish Central Railway, THIRD READING. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Lord Harris's Estate,—Viscount Guillamore's Estate— Hanes' Estate—Mid Wales Railway—Hastley Thorp and Walton Railway—London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway (Tunbridge Wells and Eastbourne Line)—Scot tish North-Eastern Railway (Dundee and Forfar line). BROKERS' BONDS AND RENTS BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Lord KINGSDOWN moved that the bill be read a second time that day three months. The noble lord, in mak ing the motion, characterised the bill as one which would take away from the Corporation of London certain ancient privileges and emolum en t s th ey a t present possesse d with respect to the admission of brokers. For many years it had been found necessary to examine persons anxious to be admitted as brokers by the Court of Aldermen, and if such were found unobjectionable, licenses were granted to them to carry on such business. This was deemed necessary for the promotion of the trade and commerce of the City, but if this bill passed this salutary arrang ement would be abo lished, and, he therefore hoped their lordships would not give their assent to the passing of this bill. Lord TAUNTON supported the bill, b e i ng o f opinion that the time had now arrived when the power at present exercised by the Corporation of London in this matter should be abrogated. He should not object to the bill being referred to a select committee, where all its pro. visions could be hilly discussed. Lord REDESDALE considered that this was in fact a public measure, and should have been introduced in that form. He thought, therefore, that it should not be read a second time. Lard STANLEY of ALDERL EY hoped they would not reject, on the second reading, a measure which had passed the other house unanimously. Lord CHELMSFORD said this bill involved a most dan gerous principle. It was the most undisguised measure of confiscation ever presented to Parliament. The amendment was agreed to without a division, and the bill was therefore rejected. The Reduction of Rateable Property (Ireland) Bill, the Cathedral Union Corporations Bill, the Pilotage Order Confirmation Bill, the Pier and Harbour Orders Confirma tion Bill were read a second time. The County Constabulary Superannuation Bill, the Ser vants' Hiring (Scotland) Bill, and the Coventry Free Grammar School Bill passed through committee. The Army Prize (Shares of Deceased) Bill and the Countess of Elgin and Kincardine's Annuity Bill were read a third time and passed. THE SLAVE TRADE. Lord BROUGHAM then rose to call attention to the state of the slave trade of Brazil. That trade, he was happy to say, had entirely ceased ; and he thought, therefore, that the time Lad now come for the repeal of the Aberdeen Act of 1815. A committee of the House of Commons, which sat in 1853, collected an immense mass of evidence with regard to the slave trade, which showed that this infamous traffic had been terminated so far as Brazil was concerned. The number of slaves imported into the Brazils was, in 1812, 17,000; in 1816, 50,000; in 1818, 60,000; in 1849, 54,000; in 1850, 23,000; in 1851, 3,000; in 18.52, 700; and ' in 1853 none. This cessation of the trade was entirely due to the exertion of the Brazilian Government. Steps had also been taken, and had been taken successfully, to pre vent its revival. The puUlic feeling in Brazil had, in fact, always been opposed to the trade, which had only been car rie I on by a few planters. The Aberdeen Act, which c inferred upon British cruisers very extensive powers with regard to seizing slavers on the Brazilian coast, was very offensive to that country, and be thought that there was no longer any necessity for it. Mr Christie, our late Minister to the Court of Brazil, had expressed in the strongest manner his opinion that it was impossible that the slave trade with Brazil should be revived. And it seemed to him that the repeal of the Aber depn Act at the present time would be very likely to bring about a restoration of our friendly relations with Brazil. lie wished he could say half as much for Spain as he had done for Brazil. Spain had received from us a large sum of money to put down the slave trade with her colonies, but she had utterly failed to fulfil the obligations which she had contracted, and taken no effectual means to suppress the traffic, The Governors of Cuba had been continually under the influence of the slave traders, and had connived at their proceedings. The present governor was, indeed, an exception to this rule, and he trusted that the Govern - - meat of Spain would at last see the necessity of fulfilling the engagements which it had enterEd into with this Country. Earl RT7SSELL was happy to agree with his noble friend that the slave trade did not now exist in Brazil. At the same time he could not admit that that result was attained entirely by themeasures taken by the Brazilian Government, On the contrary, he thought it was vary much due to the operation of the Aberdeen Act. So long as there was no slave trade that stringent act was not enforced, and did no harm to Brazil. If it were repealed, any party in Brazil who came into power might, if they were favourable to the slave trade, restore that traffic. He did not think that the present time, when the Brazilian Government had broken off diplomatic relations with England, was a favourable one for making concession to their feelings on this point. After some observations from Lord BROUGHAM, Lord HOUGHTON said that the Brazilian Government might if they liked get rid of the Aberdeen Act by agreeing to the appointment of a mixed commission for the condom notion ol slaves. After some observations from the Earl of FORTESCUE, The house adjourned at half past seven o'clock. --- HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. 'the SPEAXER resumed the chair at six o'clock. The Proposed Motion on the Conference. Mr. DISRAELI rose in a very full house and said—lt it will be convenient to her Msjesty's Go address to th3ent I shCrow all on n :Monday move the followi ng To thank her Majesty for directing the corres pondence on Denmark and Germany, and the pro tocols of the Conference recently held in London, to be laid before Parliament. To assure h er M a j e sty that we have heard with deep concern that the sitting of the Conference has been brought to a close without accomplishing, the important pu r p oses f or w hich it was cou/ened. To express to her Majesty our deep regret tact while the course pursued by her Majesty's Gover 4 . went has fail e d to ma i nta i n t h e i r avowe d policy of upholding the integrity and independence of Denmark, it has lowered the just influence of this country in the councils of Europe, and thereby diminished the securities for peace. Loud cheers from the Opposition. Mr KINGLAKE immediately gave notice that he should move an amendment to the motion, but he would give the words a it tomorrow. Loud cheers, mingled with great laughter. OPEN SPACES IN THE METROPOLIS. Mr DOtJLTON called attention to the gradual diminu tion of open spaces in and around the metropolis, and moved that it is the duty of her Majesty's Government to provide for the preservation of such open spaces Within the bruits assigned by the 14th section of the Inclosure Act of 1845. Mr PEEL admitted that it was the duty of the Govern ment to aid in the preservation of open spaces around the metropolis, in cases where power was given to them by statute. Most cases of projected inclosures required the introduction of bills for the purpose, and it was in the psver of Parliament to deal with those bills. Ho pointed out that in the last 20 years no great diminution of these o pen spaces had taken place. In the case of places of this kind which were private property, it would be hardly pos sible for the Government to deal with them, unless com pulsory powers of purchase were given to them, and the necessary m provided, , which ought not to be taken from the public funds. After a few words from several hon. members, the house divided— Ayes ............................... 79 Islas ................................ 1) Maj0rity.......... ......... 39 The resolution was therefore carried. The announce ment of the numbers was received with cheers and laughter from the Opposition benches. 'ERIAL PABLIMEENT QUEEN'S PLATES. Mr P. WYNDHAM then rose to move, " That :the an. nnal grant of sums of money voted by this house for Queen's Plates no longer encourages the breed of good horses, the object fur which it was originally given, and for the future should be discontinued." The hon. gentleman said that we he..l in the modern racehorse an animal which could gallop a short distance at a great pace ; but the old class of race horse, that combined fine structural power with great stout ness and sufficient speed, had much decreased in number, and had for some time past been decreasing. The hon. member then read from a letter sent by Mr Dickens ori ginally to Mr Speaker, and subsequently published in the "Journal of the Royal Agricultural Society," in which the great improvement in all kinds of stock was contrasted with the deterioration of the horse. Forty years since the Royal fames were given for competition on the conditions that four year olds should carry lOst 21b, five year olds llst 61b, and six year olds and aged horses 12st, and that they should run four mile heats. So long as that system was tm intained, we had retained our supremacy in the breed of he rses ; but by some unfortunate influence lighter weights and shorter distances had been introduced, and from rear time the de terioration of our breed of horses had gone on. Mr Dicken son went back 40 years; but when Lord Redesdale had in troduced a bill on the subject in 1860 in the ether house, he stated that the same complaints had been made as long ago as 70 or 80 years of the decrease of stoutness and soundness of our horses. In the same debate the Earl of Derby had traced the gradual diminution of the test demanded of horses until its culmination in the light weight handicaps of the present century, and of the great number of two year old horses,which every man must deplore, He believed this was brought about by the desire of those who had the direction of tuof matters to induce a great number of persons to come upon the turf; but it was altogether incompatible with s'och a system as would retain a breed of stout horses, He (Mr P. Wyndham) was aware that a great many per sons would deny that such deterioration had taken place ; but they had such evidence to prove that the horses of former days ran distances of six miles or four mile heats, carrying 12st and 13st, and that they remained on the turf five years, as to leave no doubt on the subject. Horses in those days performed such tasks that if they were imposed upon modern horses would inevitably kill the animals, 'As a proof of the structural alteration which had taken place in our modern breed of racehorses, the hon. member referred to well-known faithful portraits of famous race horses of the last century, which were more like hunters than the modern racer, though they were thorough-bred. The hon. member quoted General Peel against handicaps, as encouraging trickery, and showed that the proportion of two-year-old horses on the turf to three-year-olds had in creased 2 to 8 in 1829, while in the present year the propor tion was 81 to 7. He complained that the conditions under which Queen's plates were run at present pleased nobody. The distances were not long enough, nor the weights heavy enough, for those who wished to see the old stout breed of horses encouraged ; while, on the other hand, they were not sufficiently modernised to be in harmony with the present system of racing. He contended that some alteration should be introduced by which a class of horses capable of improv ing the general breed should be encouraged. Sir J. SHELLEY seconded the motion. Mr NE WDE GATE thought the introduction of railways had something to do with the deterioration of the breed of horses. Agreeing with the hon. gentleman who had brought forward the motion, he suggested that no Queen's plate prize should be run for unless the sum so given was doubled or trebled by subscribers. In this way he thought many good horses that were now exported might be retained for the improvement of the breed. Sir R. PEEL said that abolishing Queen's plates would do away with a certain amount of encouragement for people to run their horses. He trusted the hon. mem ber would not press the motion to a division. The noble lord at the head of the Government had authorised him to say that the Government, in conjunction with the Master of the Horse, with whom rested the power of regulating weights and distances for the Queen's plates, would con sider what alterations could be introduced to test to a greater extent the power of horses competing for these plates. He did not think, however, that heavy weights and long distances would be attractive to the public. He saw a right hon, gentleman opposite who, he trusted, would be able to inform the house that the breed of horses had not deteriorated, He hoped his hon, friend would not press his motion, as the noble lord at the head of the Government had given him an assurance that the question of weight and distance would be taken into consideration, with a view of seeing whether the object of his hon. friend could not be attained. General PEEL entirely disagreed from his hon, friend, that the breed of horses had deteriorated in this country ; on the contrary, he believed there had never before been a breed possessed of so great powers of endurance and speed. He might claim to speak with some authority on that point, having himself been a breeder of horses for 40 years. He objected to the abolition of these Queen's plates, because there was no other prizes for which old horses could run, and he further objected to increasing the distance and the weight, because if they did so to any great extent none but common hacks would be entered. Mr GREGORY agreed with every word which had fallen from his right hon. and gallant friend. In con demning these races the house would condemn the very best thing for keeping up the breed of horses. He wished to maks a remark respecting the way in which the Queen's plates were distributed in Ireland, Out of the 15 in that country 11 were run for at the Curragh. That produced very considerable inconvenience, for it often happened that a horse went to the Curragh for one week and took away all the prizes. Now he wished, not that all these plates should be removed from the great centre of racing, but that three or four of them should be sent into the provinces, and that they should be run for wherever there was a proper race-course. Mr. FOLJAMBE complained of the great extent to which the breeding mares were sent out of the country. Lord PALMER STON said he entirely agreed in what had fallen from the right hon. and gallant gentleman oppo site (General Peel). lie differed altogether from those who contended that the breed of horses had deteriorated; on the contrary, he thought the general breed of horses was better as to substance and power of endurance. Any one who went into a racing stable and noticed the size, build, and substance of the horses could hardly wish for anything better in those respects, The fact was, that greater pains were taken in the present day to force on a young horse. But there is one immediate test, and that had been men tioned by his hon. friend. If the breed of horses had dete riorated, foreigners would not come to England to buy our horses; but the complaint was that every year more and more people came from abroad to purchase horses in Eng land. (Hear, hear.) That was proof that the English horse was a good horse. In regard to the particular motion before the house, he had no objection to say that the ques tion should be considered by the Master of the Horse, who would communicate with the bast judges of turf matters, in order to ascertain whether a return to greater weights and longer distances would not be advisable. Mr. P. WYNDHAM then withdrew his motion. WEIGHING OF GRAIN (PORT OF LONDON) BILL. Oa the motion of Mr CRAWFORD, the following gentlemen were nominated the select committee on this bill—Mr Crawford, Sir John Shelley, Mr Alderman Rose, Mr Ayrton, and Mr Francis William Russell, and five members to be nominated by the committee of selection. BLEACHING AND DYEING WORKS ACTS EXTENSION. Mr, BRUCE obtained leave to bring in a bill to place the employment of women, young persons, and children, in the occupations of finishers, hookers, lappers, and makers-up and packers in warehouses under the regulation of the Bleaching and Dyeing Works Extension Act. ELECTION PETITION ACT (1843) AMENDMENT. Sir C. O'LOGHLEN obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend " The Election Petitions Act. 1848," in certain particulars, ELECTION PETITIONS BILL. The adjourned debate on the amendment on going into committee on this bill was resumed by Sir F, GOLDSMID, who said he hoped to satisfy the house that this was a bill which ought not to receive its assent. It was founded upon principles unjust and contra dictory. The hon. gentleman was proceeding with his re marks, when An 'lox. MEMBER moved that tho house be counted, and, 40 members not being present, the house stood ad journed at half past 8 o'clock. ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY, ne 1 4th and last meeting of the present session of this s ociet y w ''s held on M on d ay even i ng, the 27th inst., at B urlin g ton -I,ouse' Sir Roderick I. Mu rc hi son, P res i dent, in the chair. The first paper read was a des cr i p ti on o f the island of Kishm, in the Pere Gulf, by Col. Pelly. Kishm lies and almostin the exac discus tly in t ioh. e of the over l an d telegraph to India, , s . n oh followed th e rea di ng o f the paper, Sir H. Rawillison soh to th® me e ti ng t h e pre sent condition of the telegraph. Two years ago ho had ex plained to the society the d ac uities in the way o f t h e li ne which it was then determined to follow, and also that there was a method of evading the obstacle by taking the more circuitous route to the East through is ersia. Those antici pated difficulti es h a d b een rea lized, an d the part of the line between Bagd a d an d B useora h would a 'waYs, under the most favourable ci rcums t ances , be precario us The alter native line had no w b een a d op t e d, a nd would be r sa dy i n September, but he reminded the meeting that, at the pre sent time, we w ere commun i cat i ng f rom London to Bagdad two or three ti mes a week—and also with Teheran through Russia, which facts were not generally known , The next subject was a communication from M. Valz bery , a Hungarian trav e ll er, w h o had recent;y penetrated, in th e disguise of a dervish, through the territory of the Turco_ mans to Khiva, B o kh ara, and Samaroand in Central Asia ; travelling through districts which had not been visited by a European since the days of Marco Polo. After several years of preparation in a Mahomedan college he joined at Teheran in March, 1853, a company of poor pilgrims, who were returning to Tartary from Mecca, giving out that he was a pious Mussulmen travelling to Central Asia with a religious object. Thsy crosses the south-east corner of the Caspian Sca on board a Turcoman corsair and landed at Geumushtepe (" the silver hill"), a camp of about 2,000 tents of the Tamut tribe. From this place he visited the ruins of the wall built by Alexander the Great, which cora niences on the shores of the sea, near this place, and stretches about 100 miles inland, in the form of an em bankment dotted with turrets and fortifications. Con tinuing with the party, in a northerly direction east of the Caspian, he passed the river Attrek, crossing the Hyreanian desert, a horrible journey of twenty-two days, and reached Khi va at the beginning of Juno. The pre sent condition of the country of which Khiva is the capi tal he desc ribed as most wretched. The reigning Prince, Seid Mohammed, a sick tyrant, does little else but slaughter hundreds of his subjects for mere trifles which he calls transgressions of the holy religion of Mohammed. M. Yam bery made excursions as far as Koongrad, and was asto nished at the great fertility of the country, which he thought superior to anything he had hitherto seen in Asia. been drawn up by mutual agreement by the Pleni potentiaries of the neutral Powers, and which in volves no responsibility on the part of the Pleni potentiaries of the other Powers represented in the Conference. The Plenipotentiaries of the belligerent Powers, as well as the Plenipotentiary of the Germanic Confederation, expressly reserve to themselves the right and the power of replying to it. Count Apponyi says that he has, on his part, a declaration to make, which it becomes, in his opinion, doubly necessary to read after the sum mary which has just been communicated to the Conference. His declaration is intended to defend the rights and the responsibility of the Govern ments of Austria and Prussia. He states, mere. over, that the absence of objections on the part of the Plenipotentiaries of the German Powers to the acceptance of this summary as an annex to the Pro tocal in no way implies their adhesion to the con. tents of this document. Similar reservations are made by the Plenipoten tiaries of Denmark; and M. de Krieger claims for the eventual reply of his Government the same publicity as that which will be given to the above. mentioned annex. Count Apponyi then reads the following declara tion in the name of the Plenipotentiaries of the allied Courts : " During the whole of the deliberations of the Conference, the result of which has unfortunately not been in accordance with the pacific object which it had in view, the German Powers have not ceased to be animated by that spirit of peace and of con ciliation which induced them to accept the invita tion of her Britannic Majesty's Government to meet in Conference in London to devise means for the restoration of peace. " The insurmountable obstinacy with which the Danish Government withdrew from the engage ments which they had contracted, and refused to do justice to the German subjects of the King-Duke, inflicted a severe wound on the national honour of Germany. After every means of conciliation, em ployed with persevering patience, had been ex hausted, Federal execution in Holstein, the occupa tion of Schleswig, and finally war by Austria and Prussia against Denmark became inevitable. "After a succession of sanguinary contests, the mainland of Denmark fell into the hands of the allied Powers, and the public voice of Germany loudly demanded the complete abolition of the tie which united Schleswig and Holstein to Denmark, and the conversion of the two Duchies into an inde pendent German State under its proper dynasty. "Notwithstanding this, Austria and Prussia did not hestitate to come to the Conference with decla• rations which were not directed in principle against the integrity of the Danish monarchy, but only de manded that the point of right in the question of succession should not be prejudged, and that the political and administrative independence of the Duchies should be secured. " It was Denmark who peremptorily rejected as inadmissible the idea of a personal union. Persisting in its fatal tendency to incorporate Schleswig, the Court of Copenhagen rejected the only conditions on which the allied Powers could have consented with honour to the continuation of the union of the Duchies with Denmark. " From that moment the principle of the separa tion of the Duchies from the Danish Crown became necessary for the German Powers, and the principal condition of peace. " Even in this new phase of the negotiations their conciliatory dispositions were in no way diminished. The great importance which the inhabitants of Schleswig and Holstein attach to the integrity of the two Duchies, and to their union in one undivided S tate, is well known. These sentiments are deserving of respect, and it was therefore a considerable sacri fice which Austria, Prussia, and the Germanic Con federation made from a desire for the restoration of peace, in consenting to cede a part of the northern territory of Schleswig to the Crown of Denmark as a compensation for his Danish Majesty's surrender of the Duchy of Lsuenberg. " The conciliatory disposition of the German Powers did not stop here. The peace which seemed now to depend on an understanding of the subject of the tracing of the frontier might have been con cluded if Denmark had not raised pretensions which would have restored to her the capital itself of the country which the Germans arms had released from her rule, and the integral union of which with Holstein Germany had a right to claim. "It was Austria and Prussia, too, who during the whole course of the negotiations, and at every op portunity, insisted on the necessity of a prolongation of the suspension of arms, or the conclusion of a formal armistice, in order that the work of pacifica tion might not be ince!santly compromised by the continual and imminent danger of hostilities. On this subject, also, the conduct of oar adversaries has been quite different. Denmark refused the proposal of the ❑eutral Powers fcr the conclusion of an armis tice, which would have restored Jutland to her, in exchange for the complete evacuation of Schleswig. She only consented to a suspension of hostilities for one month, and refused to prolong this tern, already so short, for more than a fortnight. " One further fact points out also the moderation which the German Powers have shown to the last, After the Plenipotentiaries assembled in Confer ence had failed in their efforts to come to an under. standing on a line of frontier to be drawn in Schles wig, Austria and Prussia, in conformity with the text and the spirit of the Protocol of Paris of 1856, declared themselves ready to continue these nego The next place he visited was Bokhara, distant 10 or 12 days' journey on camels from Khiva. On the road his party, to avoid a horde of Turcoman robbers, were obliged to eeek refuge in the desert of Djan•Batiran (the life destroyer), where for six days they suffered horribly from thirst. and lost two of their number. The city of Bokhara occupies more ground than Teheran, but it is not so populous. Some of the palaces and mosques are built of stone, but the large clumsy turrets produce a disagreeable impression. The whole Khanat of Bokhara he estimated to comprise two million souls, including Persian slaves. The reigning prince is Moozaffared• din, son of the Khan who murdered Conolly and Stoddart. He is a man of good disposition, but is forced for political reasons to commit many tyrannical and barbar ous acts. After spending a month in Bokhara M. Vambery proceeded full of anticipation to the renowned city of Samar cand. He travelled for six days through a thickly-peopled and well-cultivated country, and was greatly surprised at the quick succession of towns and villages on the road. But in Samarcand he was much disappointed. He found the capital of Timour in a state of decay, and although he saw a few remains of its ancient glory, was convinced that the ancient reputation of the place was greatly exaggerated. The most remarkable of the ancient edifices were the me dresses or colleges, one of which, erected by the wife of Timour, a Chinese princess, was a most splendid building; but the magnificent portico, ICO feet high, inlaid with mo saic in the form of roses, is now all that remains of it. The palace of Ti hour he described as very interest ing, especially his tomb and a huge block of green stone, the base of his throne, which must have been de rived from some distant country, although how it was con ♦eyed to the place is now difficult to surmise. M, Vambery terminated his narrative with his arrival at Herat in Octo ber ; the country to the north of which place he found in great disorder, owing to the revolt against the Affghan yoke consequent upon the death of Dost Mohammed. Sir H, RAWLINSON said the country which M, Vambery had traversed was interesting in a twofold point of view. In the first place, it had hitherto been a terra incognita, and in the next place it possessed great political interest, as form ing the debatable land which intervened between the Rus sian Empire and oar own Indian possessions. It would be remembered that 25 years ago great alarm was felt at the extension of Russian influence in Central Asia. T hat feeling, which brought about the Affghan war, had passed away, and had, been succeeded by a feeling of supineness which, in his opinion, was as little to be justified as the previous alarm. We have very much lost sight of what had been going on during the last 25 years. While we have been imagining that all was quiescent, the Russian and English frontiers have been gradually approximating over a space of 1,000 miles, so that at present there is only a breadth of 500 or 600 miles between the twe frontiers. This is a matter which ought to interest the English public, and to which attention should be drawn. Ho begged to be un derstood that he attributed no hostility to England on the part of the Russian Government in this extension of fron tier towards India. It is a sort of law of nature—stated to be such by the late Sir R. Peel—that when civilisation im pinges on barbarism, barbarism must give way. The jour ney of M. Vambery was therefore of great value, because it will make us acquainted with coun tries full of so much political interest to England. Many portions of the route which he had followed were entirely new, and he might fairly claim the honour of having been the first European who had visited and described Samarcand for 450 years. He was glad to learn that an ample account of M. Vam bery's travels was about to be puolished by Mr Murray, so that the general public would soon be put in possession of full details. Lord Strangford, Dr Worthington, Mr Crawford,:Mr Drach, Mr Markham, and Mr Michell took part in the dis cussion which followed, and which related chiefly to the great trade, especially in cotton, which was carried on be tween Bokhara and Russia. The PRESIDENT closed the proceedings by saying that long before England had any empire in the East Russia had e,arried on a trade with Bokhara, so that there could be no ground fer jealousy in that respect. He announced also that ➢I, Vambery was making preparation for another journey, in which he intended to penetrate into China, taking Samarcand as his starting point. tiations in the form of a mediation intrusted to a neutral Sovereign, not represented in the Confer ence. This last means of arriving at an under standing, the acceptance of which would have naturally resulted in the continuation of the sus pension of hostilities, again offered by the German Powers, was equally rejected by Denmark. " There remains, consequently, but one duty for the German Powers to perform—it is that of solemnly declaring that they decline, in the name of their Governments, the responsibility of the blood which will be shed and of the evils which will result from the renewal of the war. This responsi bility cannot fall on the Powers whom they have had the honour to represent in this Conference." Count de Bernstorff follows this mutual declare• Lion by an additional declaration of the Prussian Plenipotentiaries, expressed in these terms:— "It only remains for us to add to what Count Apponyi has just said in the name of the Plenipo tentiaries of the two German Powers, that we also made, in the lasting sitting but one of the Confer erne, a proposal whi c h was essent i a ll y ca l cu l a t e d to bring about a pacifi c so l u ti on o f t h e quest i on w hi c h occupied our attention, and that, moreover, we declared ourselves ready in the last sitting to take the proposal of the Ambassador of France ad refer endum, but that the two proposals in question were absolutely rejected by the Danish Plenipoten- .aries." M. de Quaade must, in his name mad in that of hie colleague, decline for his Government all responsi bility for the failure of the negotiation, and the blood which may be shed. lie uffirms that "Den mark in contributing to the work of pacification, has been deterred by no sacrifice compatible with her own existence, and that the Danish Government are consequently convinced that they have no reason to reproach themselves if an understanding has not been arrived at. The situation in which events have placed the Danish Government is very different from that of the German Powers, and if allowance is made for this difference a judgment quite con trary to that formed by the German Powers will be passed on the conduct of the D,nish Government." The first Plenipotentiary of Denmark then reads the following declaration:— " When the Danish Government received the in vitation of her Britannic Majesty's Government to a Conference, the object of which was the restora tion of peace, they were under the conviction that the treaty concluded a few years before, and de signed to afford a further pledge of stability to the integrity of the Danish Monarchy as an essential condition of the balance of power in Europe, would be maintained by the concurrence of all who had taken part in its conclusion. :erme ;-- " The Treaty of London of May 8, 1852, was not conditional or hypothetical; it did not depend on the adhesion of a third party. "The treaty made no alteration in the relations iiiiL 6LJA, LONDON' , 'WEDNESDAY 'EVENING-, JUNE 29, 1864. between Schleswig and the Danish Crown, with which that country has been incorporated for more than a century ; nor did it make any alteration in the relations between the Duchies of Lauenburg and of Holstein and the Germanic Confederation, to which the King of Denmark belongs as regards Holstein and Lauenburg ; and it did not give to the Germanic Confederation any kind of com petence other than that which it possessed in virtue of the Federal Act and of the subsequent resolutions legally taken in consequence of that Act. As regards Schleswig particularly, the Ger manic Diet had already recognised in 1823 that that Duchy was perfectly free from any influence on the part of the Germanic Confederation. "Not only all the non-German Sovereigns, but also (with scarcely one exception) all the more considerable, and same of the less considerable, States of Germany took part in the conclusion of the Treaty of London, or subsequently adhered to that treaty. No Federal resolution can liberate the German States from the obligations which they have thus tal:en ; the Germanic Confederation can not release any one of the Sovereigns represented in the Federal Assembly from the obligations con tracted by them in the most solemn manner. A contrary practice would entirely overthrow the principle of European international law on which the existence of the Confederation is based. " The authority of the Germanic Confederation is limited by treaties, by the Federal Act, and by the subsequent resolutions taken legally in conse quence of that Act. Its members are not legally subjected to any vote of the majority. The Danish Government have never recognised the legalLty of the reasons on which the Confederation based the resolution of execution which was carried into effect in Holstein during the last winter; but they did not at the time think fit to oppose it by force, and in the same manner they submitted to the altogether illegal suspension of the King's authority in Lauen burg. " Prussia and Austria have invaded by armed force the non-German countries of the King of Denmark. Those, Powers commenced this war, alleging as a reason that the King of Denmark had arbitrarily withdrawn from the performance of certain obligations contracted with Prussia and Austria. "Denmark, ready to account for her actions, her self solicited a mediation in conformity with the declaration of Paris. She subsequently accepted the invitation to a Conference, supposing that the trans aetions,the pretended violation of which had afforded a pretext for the invasion, would also afford a basis for the negotiations. The Danish Government are persuaded that if a discussion had taken place on this basis it would have been proved that it is not Denmark who has arbitrarily withdrawn from the performance of her obligations; they think rather that it would have been shown that it is Germany which has rendered it impossible for the King to execute the intentions which the German Govern ments engaged themselves not to oppose. This dis cussion has been rejected by Prussia and Austria, and instead of availing themselves of the opportu nity which still offered to effect an amicable arrange. ment they have attempted to withdraw from the European obligations created by the Treaty of London. " The Danish Plenipotentiaries need not now dilate on the state of things which has been the con sequence of the attitude thus assumed by the German Powers. The Danish Government had indulged in the hope that the sacrifices which they had declared themselves ready to make in accepting the proposal of May 28 last would be sufficient for the restoration of peace, but that hope not having been realised, it only remains for the Danish Plenipotentiaries to refer to the reservation recorded in the conclusion of their declaration of ;Tune 2, and they are instructed expressly to declare that, in virtue of that reserva tion, the Danish Government resume from this mo ment, on the ground of the treaty of London of May 8, 1852, the position which they had only abandoned provisionally from their desire for peace, and on the condition that the peace to be concluded should be adapted to replace the provisions of that treaty." Baron de Beust expressed himself in these terms : "The task which was imposed on me in coming to the Conference consisted principally i❑ maintain• ing intact a que3tion of right. The Conference has, I hope, understood how much its accomplish ment has tended to limit my personal disposition to show myself conciliatory and to enter on the path of arrangement. But I flatter myself that I have never forgotten the consideration which seemed to me to be necessary in order to avoid wounding sus• ceptibilities. I regret the more that it is ouly at the conclusion of our deliberations that the first Plenipotentiary of Denmark has raised questions on which I was unwilling to enter, and which I should at least have wished to discuss sooner. Since. however, the Treaty of 1852 is to be reverted to, I will also indulge in a few observations on this sub ject. It is not for me to decide on the question whether, after all that has passed in the Conference the Treaty of London can be regarded as intact, although it appears to me that either a treaty is invalid or it is not, and that from the moment that the contrary has been proposed and accepted it ca❑ no longer be pretended that it is so. It is sufficient, according to my views, that the Confederation has never adhered to it. I now hear the adhesions of the German Governments quoted. Such adhesions did, in fact, take place ; reservations also were made, as, for example, that of Saxony with regard to the competency of the Diet. But let me be allowed to go further. I have never denied that in principle the object of the Treaty of London was a desirable one. Some German Governments have themselves admitted this, but the steps which were required to bring it into force should have been taken. If the Danish Government had taken advantage of the first years after the conclusion of the Treaty to grant to the Duchies the benefit of a paternal Government, if they had respected their constitu tion, and, above all, respected the free use of the German language, no doubt they would have succeeded in obtaining the consent of the agnates of the States, and of the Confederation, and then it is hardly probable that convulsions would have taken place at the death of his Majesty King Fre• derick VII. But things have happened differently, the Diet has had to give its decision under circum stances which rendered all adhesion impossible. "The German Governments have been compelled to remember their Federal duties, and I deny that the policy of the Confederation ought to be guided by the policy of the ♦arious Governments. As to the statement which Count Apponyi has read, I consider it to be in conformity with the truth ; if a further proof were required to show that the two German Powers have shown themselves concilia tory, it would be found in an assimilation between the declarations of their Plenipotentiaries and mine. "Finally, as regards the summary which has been read, as I cannot consider it as complete, nor concur in the views expressed in it, I must beg that my silence may not be regarded as assent. Each Plenipotentiary is free i❑ his turn to submit in the proper quarter a summary of the proceedings of the Conference." Count Apponyi proposes that the Conference should, before separating, offer its thanks to Earl Russell, He expresses himself as follows : " Gentlemen.--At the moment of closing our de liberations, I feel that I express the sentiments of all the Plenipotentiaries in offering, in their name, to Earl Russell the warm thanks of the Conference for the spirit of conciliation and the courtesy with which he has directed its labours. " Whatever may be the result of our meetings we shall none the less all of us retain a pleasant recol lection of the personal kindness of our President." This proposal having been unanimously adopted, Earl Russell thanks the Conference in the following "I thank the 21enipotentiaries for the honour which they have done me. "It is through the assistance and support which they have afforded me that our discussions have been conducted in the spirit of moderation and eourtesy which was necessary for the perfect free dom with which our opinions have been expressed. "I perform an agreeable duty in expressing to my colleagues in the Conference my gratitude for the support they have given me." At the proposal of M. de &dun, the Conference offers its thanks to Mr. Stuart for the care which he has devoted to the drawing up of the protocols. The present protocol is read and approved. APPONYI. RUSSELL. BIEGELEBEN. CLARENDON. G. QUAADE. BERNSTORIT. BILLE. BALAN. KRIEGER. BRUNNOW. LA TOUR D'AUVERGNE. LE CTE. WACHMEISTER. BEUST. SPIRIT OF TILE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TemEe.—ln the feverish period of expectation which precedes a great party battle, it is but natural that there should be little commotions and spasms indicative of the coming struggle. One of these oc curred last night, when the Government were de feated by nearly two to one on the motion for pre serving the open space in the neighbourhood of the metropo:is. Mr. Doulton bad a subject which has always been a favourite with the country. It is impassible for any thinking man to contemplate the increase of this capital without finding fear mingle with his admiration. Every year the " province covered with houses" extends in every direction ; suburbs become, in the number and massiveness of their houses, part of the town, while outlying vil lages receive more and more the character of suburbs; the country roads grow into so many long streets, and appear as if the overgrown city had thrust out its hundred arms to grasp the land around it. What is occurring in the neighbourhood of every great town in England is to be seen in its fullest extent about London. The thoughtful ob. server, the philanthropist, the sanitarian, when he looks at those collections of houses, cannot but form 1 a comparative_y low estimate of the importance of what are usually called politics, the battles of par ties, the history of foreign alliances and interven tions, or even the structure and working of the Parliamentary machine. The most serious question for our statesmen, after that of employing and feed ing the people, is how to make town life consistent with physical and moral well-being. Already about half the inhabitants of Great Britain are dwellers iu these labyrinths of bricks and mortar, and the larger the town the more rapidly it seems to extend. What is to be the future condition of a people living in great cities? Let us hope that it will be better than the present. No one can enter the more close and crowded parts of London, or pass through the narrow cours which abound at the back of out most splendid tnoro:ightares, without being con vinced that the conditions of life are absolutely inconsistent with the possession of health and strength, or even freedom from deformity, by the population which is bred among them. The pale faced children, the sickly miserable women, the dull sodden-looking men, bear witness to the effect of feted air and of lanes which are never cheered by the full light of Heaven. The unhappy creatures who inhabit these places are generally not aware of the evil that is wasting their strength. With the pallor of death visible in their faces, the children, if questioned, would say, "Nothing is the matter with me," and the grown-up people are only reminded by their craving for some stimulant that their sys tems are depressed by the fatal influences around them. Yet this evil, which was already complained of in the times of our grandfathers, is increasing every day as the country is being more and more thrust away from the districts inhabited by the town poor. In former days, however bad their dwellings might be, they might, at any rate, get away from them and from places like them, and find a little fresh air and a place for exercise in the open spaces on the skirts of the town. To take only the last 40 or 50 years, there were fields to the north o f Bloomsbury,and Pimlico was a wilderness, roamed over by the 'Westminster boys. Now the dweller in the heart of Loudon must go miles before he oan see a green thing except the smoky trees in some closely-guarded square. The more wealthy classes have migrated continually westward, regions which held a high social rank are now almost deserted, and fashion encamps round the park which is the great pleasure-ground of London. But the poor cannot move. Where they are, there they must stay ; where their business is, where there are houses cheap enough to lodge them, there must be their home. It is, then, a sad thing to see the open spaces which were formerly within their reach built over one by one, and the poor and their chil dren shut in, almost entombed, in this metropolitan Babel. The resolution of Mr. Doulton, "That it is the duty of her Majesty's Government to provide far the preservation of open spaces within the limits assigned by the 14th section of the Inclosure Act of 1845," was likely, therefore, to receive considerable support. Yet, though we feel all sympathy with his objects, we are unable to say that to act on the terms of his resolution is prac ticable. If it be the duty of her Majesty's Minis ters so to provide for the preservation of open spaces, they must be entrusted with much larger funds than any that Parliament has ever allotted for such a purpose, and those funds must come from the general taxation of the country. Within about the lest 20 years two new parks, the Victoria-perk and B ittereeeepark, have been made, and lately there was much talk of another for Finsbury. But the cost, actual, or prospective, of these pleasure grounds has been so great that if the Government is to labour in this line it must receive funds nm, greater than are likely to be extracted from t h e t e L•ebitanta of the metropolis by local taxation. Is Hampste.: d-heath to be secured to th e public— is the building over Wandsworth-common to be stopped—is Wi m bi, ab lo to be secured for th e next w. tee city will th en h ave Mr. Doulton very generation of L on doners, advanced to its precincts ? As justly observed, it would be inel;ossible for th e Metropolitan B o ard of Works to pr e : erve these places if the cost were to be defrayed by the me tropolitan ratepayers, for it was imposible to g,". on imposing taxation on London, particularly as the benefit would in some cases fall to the lot chiefly of suburban towns, such as Richmond or Croydon. It follows, then, that if commons which are the pro. party of private persons are to be taken for public use, and compensation made to their owners, the burden must fall on the public at large, for we can not think that merely to give the Metropolitan Board of Works fresh taxing powers would over come the disinclination of the metropolis to a large increase of the rates. Then, if the public at large is to pay for the " open spaces" of London, why should it not provide similar spaces for the other great towns of the kingdom ? It may be said that London is incomparably the largest of these towns, and con sequently suffers most from the distance of its cen tral points from the open fields; also that, as a ea• pital, it has a right to ba considered apart, and to be the subject, if necessary, of exceptional legisla tion. But before committing itself to such a pro position Government might well hesitate, and be glad to see so important a resolution fail. POST.—Mr. Disraeli last evening gave notice that he will on Monday next move an address to the Crown, censuring the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government, The terms of the motion are compre hensive and to the point. The House of Commons will be asked to express its deep concern that the Conference has failed to realise the objects with which it was convened, and its " deep regret that while the course pursued by her Majesty's Govern ment has failed to maintain their avowed policy of upholding the integrity and independence of Den mark, it has lowered the just influence of this coun try in the councils of Europe, and thereby dimi nished the seeurities for peace." Nothing can be more unequivocal and specific—nothing which could more clearly express the real nature of the issue which the country is truly desirous of seeing definitively determined. The question is not one of war or peace, but whether, in the policy hitherto pursued, the advisers of the Crown have adopted the most fitting means to avoid the one and to pre• serve the other. Nor is the issue of war or peace the only one which the Ministry had to decide. They sought to preserve the independence of Den. mark, and their failure to secure that object is not unfairly advanced by the Opposition as a ground for questioning a policy which was avowedly pur sued with that end. Success is not necessarily a test of merit, nor is failure a proof of incapacity ; but, regard being had to the mechanism of our form of government, it may be admitted that an 01)1 3 ° sition would be wanting in its duties to the Sove reign and to the country if it did not court In quiry into the circumstances under Government have failed to secure those objects for which the which tbey have so long and persistently striven. If the preservation of Denmark as an . indepe n- dent State is admitted to b e object 111 which tt,is country is politically interested, it is legiti mate to inquire how it has come to pass that we have allowed that State to come to the verge of extinction, and are now to all appearances prepared to remain passive, even though it s h ould b e blotted from the map of Europe. In canv ass i ng what has been the policy of the British Government in respect to nDanamGerm an disput e , t h e Opposition will most probably direct their ma i n attacks rat h er m t t e p against what they conceive t o h ave b een t h e vacilla tion of the Cabinet in cond uc ti ng t h e ear li er nego tiations, than against i ts refusal now to recommend an armed intervention in Denmark's favour. The charge brought against Ministers will be, not that they decline now to take u p arms i n v i n di cat i on o f the rights of Denmark, but that they have contri buted to create a state of things which will sooner or later force this country into war. If a war with Germany would be impolitic; if, in the event of its being undertaken, we should stand unaided by the side of our weak but heroic ally ; if the object of such hostilities—namely, the re-establishment of Denmark in her pristine integrity—would be to all appearance unattainable; if such a war would en tail upon this country sacrifices whose extent it , THE CONFERENCE, The following is the Protocol of the last sitting of the Conference:— The Protocol of the preceding sitting is read and proved. Earl Russell reads the following declaration : "The belligerent Powers are on the eve of re suming hostilities. This determination puts an end to the deliberations, the object of which was the restoration of peace. "Although this object has not been attained, it is my duty to do justice to the efforts which the Plenipotentiaries assembled in Conference have made to arrive at a pacific conclusion, and at the same time to point out the circumstances which have prevented the accomplishment of this work of conciliation. " With this view the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain deposit to-day among the archives of the Conference a summary of the proceedings which commenced on the 25:h April and which terminate on the 25th June, "This narrative shows the importance which the . representatives of the neutral Powers have attached, since the opening of the Conference, to the mainte nance of the reciprocal engagements resulting from the treaty of London to the Bth of May, 1852. It • shows also their unanimous resolution not to depart from those engagements before having devised, by mutual agreement, new arrangements calculated to provide guarantees for the peace of Europe equiva lent to those NI hich were the result of the European Act concluded i❑ 1852. "With this intention the Plenipotentiaries of France, of Great Britain, of Russia, and of Sweden and Norway have devoted their efforts to bringing about an equitable arrangement, designed to pre• serve henceforth the independence of the Danish monarchy, since an uncqual contest has inflicted an inevitable injury on the integrity of that State. "The bases of that arrangement having been ac cepted in principle by the belligerent Powers, the arrangement of the questions of detail which this plan, cordially supported by the neutral Powers, comprised remained to be settled. " The difference, thus reduced within narrow limits, would have admitted of a successful solution if tie decision of an impartial Power,to which it was recommended by her Britannic Majesty's Govern ment to appeal, had been accepted with mutual con fidence. " This hope is not to be realised. The narrative which I am about to deposit in the archives of the Conference will point out the circumstances which have forbidden the accomplishment of a plan of conciliation supported by the neutral Powers and suggested to her Britannic Majesty's Government by a sincere desire to prevent the recurrence of the calamities of war. " Public opinion will see with regret that the hopes of peace have vanished, because the parties directly engaged in this dispute have been unable to come to an understanding with regard to the tracing of a frontier, leaving a difference of some square miles of territory more cr less to the south or north. Public opinion will also recognise that a few days more devoted to reflection, instead of hav- ing recourse to arms, might have contributed to calm resentment, to enlighten the belligerents to their real interests, and to lead the Cabinets to more pacific resolutions. " To-rnorrow hostilities will recommence, without the advice of the Powers desirous of peace having succeeded in preventing the renewal of a conflict so deeply to bo regretted. " Whatever may he its Les ue, the Courts of France, Great Britain, Russia, and Sweden remain none the less animated with a sincere deaire to see the Danish Monarchy maintain its independence, as the pre servation of that State constitutes an element of the balance of power in the North. " Their wish in separating is that this principle may continue to be the b Isis of future operation." The summary of the proceedings of the Confer ence, of which Earl Russell has spoken, is then read, and this document is annexed at his nquest to the present Protocol. Count de B ecnstoiff wishes to say a few words in reply to Earl Russell's declaration, Ho expresses himself es follows .." It is obviously impossible that we should be authorised to make an cflicial reply to the declara tion which the President of the Conference has just read, and with the contents of which we were not previously acquainted; but I think that, without in any way binding my Government with reference to events which belong to the future, and to even tualities which cannot be calculated beforehand, I may remark at once that it was never the inten. tion of my Government to threaten the political in dependence of Denmark, but that the sole question in dispute has always been that of the Duchies." Baron de Beust inquires what is the object of the summary which has been read. The Earl of Clarendon replies that it is an ac count of the sittings of the Conference which has would be impossible beforehand to esti mate —then, although these circumstances supply the most cogent reasons for avoiding hostilities, they equ s to the opponeLts of the Ministerial pal; 'oy• grounds for questioning the wisdom of a course ti Thich they ay furnish allege has brouet the nation to the brim k of such great calamities. Lord Palmerston, and , , for that matter, any Ministar who hoped to hold ot `five for a single day, would tot venture to declare that ro. thing save the invaoion of the British d lmininns could force this counts ytogo to war, It was cone ceded, and indeed was' expressly admitted by the Prime Minister, th a t nn der certain continwelleies it would become neassa,"y to reopen the vexed question of English neutrah . ty, and consequently if there be a point beyond whic.'2 Cerman aggression should not be all owe d to premed, it is open to dia . cussioa whether it wou ld not h ave b een mor e politic to interpose before that point wk is reached. We leave more than once had occasio n to notice the startling resemblances between at: events of the past few months and those which immediately pre` ceded the Crimean war. The t war was as our readers will recollect, utt e rly di s b e li eve d i n by the majority of the public until o u r am b assa d or had,taken h is departure from St. Pet e r s b urg . Wh a ti n t ei e st have we, or what obligation i s i m p ose d u p on us of going to war in defence of T ur k ey , were quee ticns to which few indeed could b e f oun d t o g i ve o ther than a negative reply. Russia crossed tfle Pr uth, just" Austria and Prussia crossed the Eider ; a nd the for mer act, like the latter, failed to excite active in tervention on the part of Great Brits ,in. But, nevertheless, we went to war in 1854, and now, tell years later, we are likely to follow a simile r course. The Cabinet of Lord Aberdeen was blamed for hay ing, by its vacillation and supineness, permitted till country to drift into war, and now it is urged that the Cabinet of Lord Palmerston is on the same grounds open to censure for allowing matters to roach a pass when, whether we :like it or not, we may be compelled to take up arms. However favourable may be the construction which the more hopeful will gladly put upon the Ministerial policy, no doubt can exist in the calm obs erver's mind that the time has come when we must oombat realities with other weapons than honeyed phrases and Ter' bose protestations. Diplomacy has confet i sedly failed, and a plain matter of fact question will now present itself for solution. If it was worth e ar while to take an active part in a pendino dispute, thereby risking our national presti k ?e, jeo pardising our iefluence with Con qui:poll S ales, and incurring no small degree of oa juin, is it also worth our while in the same cause to etEl' ploy those means of persuasion which are net, unfitly designated the "last reasoning of kin ga. If we have hitherto endeavoured to save Dertni.ark from annihilation by preaching moderation t the aggressors, it is less from sympathy with the S,:andi navian monarchy than from motives of self-int ;greet. We cannot afford to see the key of the Baltic in the possession of a great European Power ; and there. , fore it is that England, of all neutral States, has taken so warm an interest in the Datto-Gerruau dispute. But wherefore, it will be asked, mani fest this interest ; wherefore tender counsel ; where fore preach resignation to one belligerent, and mod era tion to another, if behind all this there is ne.t fixed intention to fulfil some more arduous d uty than that which devolves upon a self-appointed adviser ? Philanthropy, and love of harmony lied peace, are sentiments, no doubt, very praisewort by in themselves; but it is seldom, if ever, that a fi eld is presented for their exhibition in the arena of in ternational disputes. We regretted and continue to regret the intestine strife which desolates the United States of America; but neither our love of peace nor our horror of bloodshed ever prompted us to try and effect a reconciliation between the co 111' batants. Motives of self-interest led us to adopt a different course is respect to the Dano- German liver, and as our mediatorial offices have been unatten ded with success, it is important now to determine how an issue has been brought about by which 00 national interests are prejudiced. COUNTRY MARKFIS. LYNN-TUESDAY. The attendance of buyers to-day was very fair, and a tolerable supply of wheat. Tho market was firm, rand the currencies a trifle dearer. Barley in limited show. Oats also scarce, and 6d dearer. Beans in favour of the miler. Peas more inquired for. White wheat 42s to 47s / Barley .. 33s to 34s Rol.. 4os to 41s I Grinding ..26s to 29s Beans .328 to 31s I Oats.. Small 348 to 36s / Peas —s to —s Averages—Wheats, 39s 10d—barley, 32s 4d—beans, 37s 4d. MELTON MOWBRAY-TUESDAY. A moderate business was done in English wheat, an.d at is per qr advance on last Tuesday's prices. Oats held for is per qr more money. Barley scarce, at previous prices. The following were the currencies :—New white whew, 44s Od to 48s Od; new red, 38s Od to 458 per 36 stone; beans, 435 to 43s for old; new sorts, 36s to 398 per 38 et. ; barley, 32s to 35s for malting, and 288 to 30s per qr. for grinding; new oats, 20s to 24s Od per 24 stone; old, 295 to 295. LEEDS-TUESDAY. There were moderate arrivals of fresh grain this week. To-day we had a fair consumptive demand for wheat, and an advance of 2s per qr established. Oats and beans ra ther dearer. Averages—June,27—Wheat 42s 11d per qr, —Barley 27a 9d - -- —Peas' - -- —Oats - - —Beans 36s 6id LIVERPOOL -TUESDAY. There was a lair attendance both of town and country' dealers at market to-day, and rather a limited business was done. Wheat, with a slow sale, may be quoted the same as last week. Oats and oatmeal nominally unaltered 21 1 value or demand. Barley and peas only a limited business at late rates. Flour in limited request, but fully as dear. Egyptian beans scarce. In Indian corn there was little doing, mired American brought 29s to 29s 3d per 4801 b. SHEFFIELD-TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was an average supply of wheat and otker grain, end the trade was in a very un settled state. Prices fully as dear. Red wheat, par load of 3 imperial bushels...lss Od to 16s Od f White lf ...17s 6d to 19s Od _ _ New red New white Beans ..1.5s Od Co -1-604 6d to 18s 6d .15s Od to 168 Od )9 •• • Peas per qr 4OB Od to 448 Od Grinding barley, per qr Malting ditto, ~ 32s Od to 358 Od Oats If 22a Od to 26s Od Floui:, le 4d to le 8d per 14 lb. The Price of Gold. The quotation of gold at Paris is about per mille pm., and the short exchange on London is 25.17} per .£1 sterling. 01 1 comparing these rates with the English Mint price of 17s. 101 d. per ounce for standard gold, it appears that gold is about 2-10 the per cent. dearer in Paris than in London. By advices fiom Hamburg the price of gold is 126 per mark and the short exchange on London is 13.61 pe r £1 s terlin4- :qandard gold at the English Mint price i s , th ere f ore , about 3-10ths per cent, dearer in London tha n i n H am b urg . The course of exchange at New Yo r k on L on d on f o r bills at 60 days' sight is about 2i7 per cent., and the premium on gold is 97} per cent. At these rates there is a profit on the importation of gold from the United States. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills.---* Gloat Relief.—All gouty and rheumatic affections, weak ness and wasting of the limbs, stiff joints, and contractsi l _ sinews, can be treated with the certainty of success by La diligent friction a this excellent ointment part after it has been patiently fomented w c w o lith o p n la w t in a h r t e hs ra o a ti f-f o.. d ' Holloway's pills should be taken by the suffereroi! rirq. etonica ki a d n ne t y h s e , tries this treatment, because they purify the tbltohed, invigo rate the stomach, regulate the liver, stimulate :nded, on account of act as mild aperients on the bowels, an r d nerves. In skin diseases and glandular way's remedies are earnestly a long train of scrofu their gentle yet effective . action . lus evils surrounds its victims. reweren Births. F R pm —Oa the 28th inst., at 22, Chepstow-place, Bays oisidwiearetsne:orh:iotrhielee:Wial eafehseoo,inJoafanmadeshsoenOir... Forbes, Esq., of Corse, Aber deenshire, the 27th inst., at Ernospie, the wife of Jae, of a daughter. To l‘ L ac E:f i li e' C L HE sq .— " On the 25th inst., at Helmingham - halle W i‘ li r. thersEFr e O l a erick v I,27thhitien, of a son. et.,atthe Manor House, Bexley! Marriages, LO VELL — GREGORY.—On the 23d inst., at Saint Mary's parish church, Platt, near Sevenoaks, Nicholas de Jersey Lovell, Esq., late Captain Enniskilling Dragoons, to Hester Garrett, ?mirth daughter of the Rev. .k rands T. Gregory, incumbent of Platt. LOTHIAN—LAIRD,—On the 28th inst., at Dundeo, James Lothian, Esq.. merchant, Londcn, to Jeanie, youngest daughter of John Caird, Esq., builder and contractor, Dundee. Deaths. ABBOTT.—On the 25th inst., at Folkestone, Francis Geo. Abbott, Esq., of Mecklenbarg.square, and Petty Bag Office, aged 58. ARNOLD.—On the 231 inst,, at 29, Gibson-square, Mr. G. Arnold. BURT.—On the 24th;inst., at Green-bank, Harrow-on-the - Hill, Grace, widow of William Marshall Burt, Esq. BROOKS.— On the 27th inst., in London, John Brooks, Esq., of Wanl ass How, Anibleside, Westmoreland, aged 45. CRAWLEY.—On the 19t1i. inst . at Gibraltar, Annie, wife of Capt. Charles Crawley, 15th Regt. FISHER.--On the 25th inst., Robert Fisher, Esq., of Chet-. wynd-grove, Salop, aged 90. STANNARD.—On the 26th inst., at the Bull's-head, Little Thames-street, Mr. John Lanham Stannard, aged 56. London : Prinzed and Prbilehed by WILLIAM ANDILEW , F, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TnE Surr Office No. Strand, in the Precinct of the 3avoy, n the Covziy of Zaiatikvez.—WecineFday, June 29, 1864.