The Sun. — London, England, 1838-09-11 00:00:00

,ei g n ; ,nd any one who will examin the small force cm ed, but continlously during the whole day, in the mode -1 a' e space allotted for it, will pause ere he believes that archi tects and their tradesmen must re-enter St. Martin's-le-Grand, before spice ca 3 be found fur the duties which must be done when mails an.: despatched and received in London during the day. The t ffice at Charing-cross, including the duties for the city of Westminster and the whole of the West-end district, consists of a single room only, of very moderate size, which is reported to be quite sufficient for the great quantity of business done in it. There is a small porch here to keep off storm from the public. Here, too, the force is small ; hut the duties, being spread over the whole day, are done easily and well. The hours .„ from eight o'clock of the morning to seven at night. The office in Vere-street is a fine contrast the magnifi cenceat St. Martin's-le-Grand, for it 13 th., most wretched hole I ever saw public servants sten'ed into any where and baa a most offensive stench but the duties are consider able, and well (lone, in that unostentatious spat. It is about 24 feet long, by only e;gbt or nine feet wide. I put some questions to the officer on duty, who accounted for the smell by letting me understand there is a necessary at the further end, fording a component part of the post-office, being under the very same roof, and with the same atmosphere as the office has. To a further question I was informed that he was only there to supply the place of the proper officer, who was on .ick leave. I asked if the state of the office had caused his illness, and was told (reluctantly, as I thought), that he did not know es to that, but admitted that it was extremely cold and unco:nfortablc in stormy weather. Besides the discreditable condition of the interior, this post-office has no outer porch or other shelter from storm for those who use it, as a vast mace, do put in letters, both paid and unpaid. TWOPENNY POST -OFFICES AND DUTIES. I was surprised to Ld that these post-offices have not letter etaceivine boxa, attached to them. I could not learn why ; but took occa:aion to ascertain that there are no fewer than three reteiving-houses, for which high rents are said to be paid, within about 300 yards, in each direction, from the two_ penny post-office at Charing Cross, which is close adjoining to that centrical and convenient general-office. Receiving boxes for general and twopenny-post letters should ale ae sbe placed close together, with a label to each, if separated at all. I saw the duties of the Twopenny Post-office performed at St. Martin's-le-Grand, and also at Charing-cross, and have great satisfaction in stating they appeared to me to be admi rably arranged, and speeuily despatched ; and having now a proportion of the general post-letters.to deliver, which is per formed regularly and without difficulty, I am more than ever convinced of the. correctness of the opinions I gave in evidence before the Poet-office Commissioners, in February 1837, oa the general management of the Twopenny -post department in . London ; and of none more than my recommendation, thet the duties of the General and Twopenny posts should be blended in London, and be performed by the same men, as is the case all Or er the kingdom. I have also been confirmed in another opinion then given to the Post-office Commissioners, as to the necessity of more general-post branch offices. London should have twelve of these at least, in convenient streets, and each with a porch or proper covering to keep the rain off those who use them. These offices should receive and dispose of both general and twopenny -post letters. Were this properly attended to, and the receiving -boxes kept open night and day, I am satisfied the revenue would benefit ; the rents ofa considerable number of receiving -houses would be saved, and officers at present unemployed during the day at the General Post-office, might do the duties, as is done at present in the four branches already spoken of, and so pre pare the letters for the head office. I mean that boxes for general post letters and for twopenny letters should be always placed close together and kept open day and night. Sep -rate boxes expedite sorting of letters, and would be used by the great bulk of the public. As to letters being stolen out of the boxes, it is chimerical ; I find it never has occurred, and the officers absolutely S t are d with astonishment at my inquiring if they pprehended such a consequence. POST -OFFICES IN THE COUNTRY. Very great public inconvenience is suffered from the im proper position of these Post-offices. An Act should be Passed to compel the community at large in every consider able town te build and maintain, at their own expense, a suitable post-office, with an outside porch or covered place, and in a clean, central situation. The deputy postmasters should be empowered and ordered to receive suggestions from 1 nblic bodies in towns, respecting the management of the smaller, and local class of mails, and the mode of sending them, and be authorized to report to the surveyor, or direct, if required, for the information of the secretaries in Ireland and Scotland, and the Postmaster-General. Mails ought to be se n t b y every kind of passenger conveyance, from the mail-coach with four horses to the cart of the common Carrier ; or by foot posts, on application f the employme n t of such facilities ; and any law or usage or which restrains the taking of passengers with mails, should be im mediately repealed - or put a stop to ; Post-office men might be sent with ma il - b ags on stage-coaches, or other carriages, and with steam-packets, were this found economical, and neces sary to check the conveyance of illicit correspondence. Pla cards should be put up at every post-office and market, or other public place, intimating any change to be made, and the local postmasters should have this duty imposed on them ; Postmen sent with mail-bags, by stag e - coac h es and other pas 'eager co nveyances, or on foot, ought to be alto the carriers of post-office or mail -conveyed parcels, and in this way tend to prevent their being the carriers of illegal correspondence, and benefit the revenue. Branch offices might be established with advantage and great convenience in large towns ; their establishment would facilitate and encourage correspondence, promoting the duty at the chief office, and saving, besides, the expense of re ceiving houses. POSTMASTERS IN THE COUNTRY. Postmasters in the country, and their assistants, are treated and paid very differently from those in the London Post-office. The various returns I procured in Parliament show this most conspicuously ; that is, the invidious and unnecessary distinc tion made under the Sir Francis Freeling system, and which I am led to understand not only still prevails, but has been extended in favour of all who have the good fortune to be em ployed in the London department, where munificence in the expenditure of the Post-office revenue has attended the magni. ficence in the structure at St. Martin's-le -Grand. If I am rightly informed, no officer in the General Post -office has oc casion to put his hand in his pocket to take money out of it for any official purpose; their hands and pockets are only required for the receipt of ample salaries, perquisites, allowances, and compensations, free from all deductions, and they have super annuations besides ; and, in addition to this, the whole estab lishment in London send and receive their correspondenc e free. Far otherwise is the fate of the servants employed by the same Pestrnaqer General, and paid by the same public, from the same Exchequer-chest, throughout the empire. The returns which I have had made to the House of Com mons will show not only that those manifold advantages are denied to those employed in the department in the country, but that large calls exist, and drafts are masie from the salaries and allowances of deputy post masters; and this, too, very often from wretched pit tances. They are actually called upon and made to find the pest-offices in many instances, and pay the rent of them ; they frequently have to pay their clerks, and always their coal and candle, paper and pens and ink, and even the very wax and twine they must tic and seal the mail-baes with ; and they are strictly debarred, under pain of 17.rosecution and dismissal, from sending or receiving any letter or scrap of piper, without pay. ir.g the full rate of -postage. This cannot be just in both cases ; and, in my opinion, ie highly discreditable to all Postmasters - General. Some, but comparatively very few, deputy post masters are overpaid ; for instance, those of Liverpool, Man. chester, Glasgow, Birmingham, &c. It is not that their sala ries are eery large, but their perquisites are; the chief of which .rise from private letter boxes, for which yearly sums are p :id. I aveuld not recernmend this being aboliabed, or that it should be obtained gratis; but do recommend that the amount should go to the revenue in every case when a postmaster has an income of 3001. a year, which I would hold as a sufficient maximum, so long, at coy rate, as his duties shall continue restricted as at present. The taxes affecting inland conveyances bearing mail-bans and ne•sene e rs be taken off; the reve nue wou ld not suffer. e should - as the work would be done so much cheapee, and the letter postage certainly increase. The cen'ract prices for mail-c oac h es in Scotland, and mail-ears in Ire) elid e show this. Mr. Bilnconi's s:ucce , s, it converting ho -se and foot-pores, and malt-cars without passengers, into mail-cars tub pessener, rs, all o:cr the south and west of Ireland, should be cerefully exp!sinecl and recommend, d ; and his evi eence made known in every way, in every corner of the kingdom ; and every eneouragemeat be hell out to Reflex his example, by setting up light carriages of any kind, opened or covered, fur carrying mails and, pas-,eugers. all aver Great Britain, wherever it i 3 practicable and economical. I have been led into these remarks, chiefly fur the flu rpoE e of showin ,, my beli e f o f P ost office accommodation an] ma lag-ement'being utterly unworthy of the comparatively useless, immense, costly building which has beer, erected in London ; and also tot ell up to public view aid derision the mystery which, as I think, has beet so carefully thresen around the conduct of this A-tea:emcee In slier!, after five years' inces sant agitation for I', st - t . fit . cleforirati“ n , both in and oat of Par liameet, during all of whit!: time I have felt that my endeavours 11,:ve been strenuously opposed or eoun:?racted by the P °Esc depertment, lam coefi rme d i n the opinions formedost- at the first oance_ramel v. th a t t h e country had been cunningly betrayed let. a cf ther e b e i ng s s mething extraord,nary and ,p, s in g , re not almost sup` in Post-office nag in . ni u-ce o- t:tieli which would shake our socia• aryl I,f•er,s's t ) their foundation. Under the v. a-3 c:ircfully c oncea l e d from public a , R-. 1 , / Le e, tai. t the half ameloyment of servants and ').::revs ;' enormous salarit s. w ti , li ke the re ve tu,s of the d ii,, - t subject , :ict l ..from the eyes of an i ntell i gent to no effici en t control, and • se rem d with tine, asing l t errs if there be opportonitie, people, whl t h en .r ) r e i s al - Ai:vs exclud e d, it of justly fornvngarea afraid of such an ordeal. pc s,ibl c , by t h ose oho are _ To c o n c l u d e thi s pr: iofl of evidence,l ferlano hesitati on i n General as ,e holding o a t. sat ing that I leek t:p011 a Pestmaater tmeion sin:ilar t:it of a person in th . c! mine!, 'rent an extensive age:.cv, or acting in the capa^ tyof master trades_ man; and th it, for teis icy reason, trade nor hu>ines: it n ,l e I never b , .! expected that men telei have eceteee been bred up to t political of eny kind, end no are employed merely to fill gap, and get a coed selery, ever can Le competent to direct and manage their clerks and journeymen, arid, consequently, never can give satisfaction to their customers. TOLLS ON CARRIAGES BEARING MAILS. An Act sholthl be pas3“l declaratory of the principle of carriages with mails being allowed to pass over every road toll 'me, and those which pass at p resent free should be continued in the privi new mails, by the ael pisscngers iron. ilege ; a with paf. ual tear only. A the same time it might be pr , vided th,,t ssengers, should pay a rate of toll modified and wear of the read by the weight of the I mean roads •Illether laid with stone cr POSTAGE ON NEWSPAPER°. It having been explicitly declared, by the r' s. ,• nance p ior ofi the Exchequer, that the stamp upon news:;;„, was to be con sidered as a p os t age , i t appears to pert ~ hot only quite fair to al. sumo it as such, but that it into account, and' ....present is the proper time lo tak e Lent with as pge; e more so as news p a p ers fr j.rn so bulky an t item in osta transit, th and of cOurse cause r ',!eavy charge to the Post-office department. In this vi ew o f th e matter , i t w ill be fair to take the reve nue from newspapers in aid of any efrect cheapeninci of posmr e may have for A time on the revenue of the Pest.ntiace ; and I submit this view of the subject with perfect confidence in its Justice, and being in every*ay as legiti ma t e , as i t . w ill b e to g i ve credit to the Post,odlce department for the amount of stimped pnoer or topers, when these shall be used in payment of let ter-pe;tage, although collected by the Stamp-office, l'ke the penny stAmp postage on newspapers, which is so bericfi...:isilly collected at present by that deoartment. THE PRIVILEGE OF FRANKING. I have always been opposed to franking. Some mode may he devised for official and Parliamentary papers being sent free, but I never yet could see any rational reason why o,licial franks should go free, nor why the correspondence of Mem bers of both Houses of Parliament, who are rich men, should he an incubus on the correspondence of the industrious and humb:e classes. If franking were done away with, we should have less dandyism and frirolty in the House of Commons, and thus admit of business being conducted without the large intermixture of trifling matters which so inconveniently occupy the time of the House. At all events, a sum should be voted by Pal-Lament towards sending official papers and privileged correspondence free, causing the cost of these to fall et:lu illy on the country at large, and thus keep down the general char - ges itEctinff ' the Post-office, and the pri ce o f p ostage to those usng the Post-office for seniing letters paying postage. EFFECTS OF DETENTION OF. CORRESPON DENCE IN LONDON ON SUNDAY. I have never been able to listen, with any thing like pa tience, to the reasoning applied in excuse for the practice of stopping the whole correspondence of this country, and of th e world, thirty-six or forty-eight hours weekly, by ret:,,,n of the Poatmaster-General relieving from duty er, 'that day, those public servants employed under him !•;', London, while he im poses the complete performar Ce of the official duties of the department on all who Le employs on that tame day, all over the rest of the kirgsiom. There is n u part of the world, I believe, where Sunday is so strie:ly observed and respected as in Scotland, and there _postmasters and their assistants perform their official duties on Sunday with the same regularity as on other days ; the people, generally speaking, receive their letters and news papers on that day, and I never yet heard the slightest insi nuation against the postmasters who attend to their duties, or those who use the post-office on Sunday. I believe that many persons write letters of a moral and domestic nature on Sundays, because they cannot find time to do so on other days; and I cannot conceive how parents, relations, and friends, placed at a distance from each other, can better dispose of the time they can spare from the religious observances of the seventh day, than by conveying to absent children, relations, and friends, the advice they have to offer, the sentiments they wish to communicate, or the inquiries they desire to make. I further believe that few letters on business are, generally speaking, written in Scotland on Sunday. It is those who cannot find time to write during the week who do so on Sunday, the others being well pleased to be relieved of such drudgery. As respects the revenue of the Post-office, I am satisfied the stoppage in London of the correspondence of the country has a very unfair as well as an injurious influence; and I think the power vested by Patent, and especially in a Peer of Par liament, thus to tax the people, is by much the most excep tionable of the many objectionable points in the Patent, under which Postmasters-General are authorised to excercise their arbitrary and highly unconstitutional taxing powers. I have endeavoured to calculate the amount which the re venue suffers by Sunday detention in London ' - seeing th a t i t operates over the whole country, by making a blank post-day to, and another from, London weekly, (on business days,) in every town and locality in the three kingdoms; and bearing in mind that regularity and frequent correspondence, and facilities for its transmission, are the acknowledged ingredients for the encouragement of trade and increasing the revenue of the Post-office, my mind is made up, that the revenue suffers needlessly a heavy loss,while the whole expence ofthe machinery of the Post-office is equally incurred on the blank days, which comparatively pay nothing, as on the working ones which pay well ; in short, it is my conviction that the whole nation would be greatly benefitted, and the Post-office revenue would be increased by 100,0001. a-year, were the Postmaster-General or the Treasury to direct the duties of the department to be performed in London on Sunday, in the same manner as they are done in Edinburgh and Dublin, and every town and village in the three kingdoms, London excepted. In so far as this question is made to rest on the ground of interfering with the religious observance of the day in Lon don, I cannot see the slightest reason for supposing, that the writing or the reading of letters in London on Sunday can be a greater desecration of the day, or more immoral, than doing so is found to be all over the three kingdoms. On the con trary, I think parents and children, and friends and relations, even of the truly pious class, in London, would be better em ployed in communicating on religious, moral, educational, and domestic subjects, including inquiries as to health, or in seek ing or offering medical Advice, than in spending those parts of Sunday, not devoted to religious exercise, in walking about the streets and parks in and around this metropolis. But let us see if the stoppage of the correspondence of the country in London, and the correspondence of the inhabitants of London itself, does not actually lead to frequent and open breaches of the law, as well as of the Sabbath, by all classes and ranks of society. It is well known, and canwt be disputed, that, although mails are neither despatched nor received, still a very large extent of correspondence finds its way into and out of London mu Sundays, by all the various ways in which people escape from, and return to or enter London on Sundays; in this way the breach of the Post-office law is no less extensive and unblushing than that of the Sabbath, besides being ex tremely injurious to the revenue; evidently enhancing postage by needlessly increasing the expense of the department with. out any corresponding return ; that this is attributable entirely to those official men who are weak enough to countenance and wink at, the necessity of evading postage, no one will doubt who will look deliberately at the subject. Again, let us see if it is just or politic to debar one million and a half of people, which I believe is short of the extent of the population of London and its vicinity, who are affected F'y the absurd stoppage of correspondence, from hearing of the health and welfare of friends in the country for forty-eight hours weekly ; that is, from Saturday morning at nine to Monday morning at nine in London. I would ask if it is wise to prevent the sick in and around London from calling in the aid of their families or friends, or their medical advisers, by communicating by letter, on Sunday? Is it wise to encourage breaking the law and the Sabbath, by every coachman and guard, and by hundreds who go by every steam-packet which plies to and from London on Sundays ? If all this be wise and proper in London, it follows, I sub mit, that the opposite must be improper, and should be put an end to all over th• kingdom. Will the Postmaster- General or the Treasury dare try this earth:lent ? It has been stated, by gentlemen resident in London, that the more frequent arrival and departure of mails, and giving letters from the Post-office to those who might choose to take them on Sunday, would be improper, and contrary to the taste of London folks. But the inhabitants of London have never known the benefits and comforts of uninterrupted correspondence; they have Framed their business and their habits in accordance with the existing usage, and to these they naturally enough look ; but let them remember the tradesman and artizan class of Lon don, and their friends and companions out of London, who are nearly debarred from correspondence by the high rates of postage, and in no small degree by the Sunday restriction. Let it be seen, if that far more numerous and no less useful elass object to receiving letters of a Saturday evening, when their work is over, or on a Sunda:7, when th e y may h ave t i me to hear of r e l a ti ons an d friends. Indeed, might not sending and receiving letters induce less frequent calls at gin-palaces, .r the still more dreaded beer-houses. But every witness, hose of London excepted, agree in the opinion I now es cress, (and have often declared in Parliament,) by giving the most unqualifi e d ev id ence to the contrary of any evils arising out of Post-office duties being performed on Sunday, all over the empire. For the information then of the [louse of Commons and the country, I consider it my duty to say here, as I have ever , done b e f ore, that as letters are sent round as usual by letter carriers in all the great towns of England and Ireland on '3unday, in addition to being given out to all who choose to take them ; and as the latter mode of distribution is also the practice at th e post-offices of Edi n b urg h an d Gl asgow , an d in every town and village whatever throughout Scotland, I state confidently, t h at it must he injurious to' the revenue, and in convenient to the nation at large, to have the Post-office of London managed differently from those in the rest of the em eire ; causing as this d oes, the mail-coaches and posts of -very description to be sent through the country compara tively empty an two b us i ness days in each week, thus greatly interfering with the convenienc e and commercial interests of all classes, needlessly keeping up the expenses of the Post office, and consequently the rates of postage, with a very considerable divination of revenue, for no tenable reason shateser. NEW ARRANGEMENTS. I❑ concluFien, I have to state my unqualified opinion of the unfitne's of the present officers of the London Post-offi re d e _ pirtmtnt, to carry into effect any comprehensive plans of Post_ .{rice reformation ; the evidence they have given this Corn nittea has strongly confirmed my previous opinion on this The officers cf the London department have distinctly stated that there is quite enough to do already. Like all other *.,,ily-Paid men habituated to routine business, they cling to hat to which they have been used. In attentively observing :e conduct of the officers who gave evidence before this Corn iiittee, I could only discover an ovidrnt desire for inr rove cent in Sir Edward Lees and Mr. Godby, the Secretaries to tc Scot , .•h and Irish P•-st-office department, especially the `ormer ; unless indeed Air. Bianconi, who so meritoriously rn•crs the south and west of Ireland with his light mails carry ;ng passonvrs, can be considered as belonging to the depart neut. NVih tho above exceptions, I believe, gcnet ally spells.- if W, that the Post-otlice department throughout the empire is .)IFosed to improvement and reform; (specially to any plan which would augment their duties, for which, in most instances in the count; .y, t' le y ate, no d o iA. Likd riitt ; and as nothing Is ever well done h? 9±:,•!*. who disapprove of or dissent from new pi"; kcing:introduced, my,hope is, thatprOperly qualified 02 " - ,71s, independent of the London Post-office depav•thtitll be employed to frame, arrange and caify titit any improve me.-Its which Parliament May tagOtinn or direct. conis-LAw FALLACIES, IVITH THE ANSI,VERs, re only effective way to meet the fallacied persever ingly put forward on the impertatit subject of the Corn-laws, is to collect them patiently as they appear, and publish them with the answers. In pursuance of this plan, the author of the following replies has, in the course of some thing mere than eleven years, collected and published be t Nyco se; en and tight hundred; and the crop seems 861 to br as plentiful as ever. It is his intention to endeavour to provide a portion, larger or smaller according toocii.rootuhmer st,euces, to appea r i n Th e S un, tw i ce a-wee k, pro b a bl y on Mondays a nd W e d nes d ays ; an d country papers, publications, transmitted for the purpose of remark, will be attended to. I.—Would not an admis- A NSWUR.-It would cause sion of Foreign corn cause a certain extent to be put out great extent of British land of tillage, just as, if Manehes to be put out of tillage, and, ter was ' walled up, and the br consequence, a great nu.n people fed with corn grown b - er of agric u l tura l l a b ourers to • m flower-pots and on the be put out o f em pl oyment ? Standard, Aug. 18, 1833, tops of houses, opening th e gates to b swoue put would cause of theflo wer ptillage, and the labourers employed on them to be put out of em ployment. But for oae gallon of corn so prevented fro m being gr own i n fl ower - pots, ten wou ld b e b roug h t in through the gates ; and for one flower-pot cultivator thrown out of employment, ten honest men would be called into employ ment some other way. Ask the people of Manchester what they think of the experiment? 2.—Would not these la- A.—Undoubtedly. But bourers be thrown into the the people of Manchester supply of manufacturing la- would be enormous fools if betwers, to look for employ- they resisted the opening of meat ?—ld, their gates, for fear of hav ing the labourers on flower pots thrown on them for employment. If every one of these labourers, with their descendants, were to be kept by public subscription in aecula seculorton, there would be no persuading the men of Manchester to keep fast their gates for fear of such a consummation. 3.—Would not the effect A.—The reduction in the of a reduction in the price of price of grain would cause grain be to cause wages to wages to be reduced, but not be reduced in full proportion, i n full proportion. To make under the operation of a Poor it clearer, begin with the law which has screwed down wages to th e " s t arv i ng p l ace, " converse case. S u p pose that in a country w h ere t h ere whatever that pl ace —i n ot h er w words, wh a t ever th e pr i ce o f were no Corn-l aws , t h e land bread—reay be ?.--Id. lords were to come to the working class es an d say, " Let us cut off your sup plies of foreign corn, and when there is half as much corn as there wag, the price of corn will rise ; and wages, you know, will rise too, and then you will be as well off as be fore." Would not the working classes immediately reply, `• Do you mean to tell us, who are the great consumers of corn, that after you have diminished the supply o f corn one-half, w ares are t o r i se till they give us as much core out of the half as they did of the whole? No, no ; your plan is to get two days work out of us for a gallon of corn, instead of one." And by the contrary rule, if the quantity of corn was increased, it would be impossible that the wages of the working classes should fall so as to give them the power of buying no more corn than before ; for if so, how is all the corn to be sold ? A Poor-law may screw down wages to the " starving-place" when the employment of the working classes is cut off by the stoppage of foreign trade ; but the way to put an end to the " screw," is to open the sources of employment, and allow England to be a commercial country. 4.—Would not the sure A.—As in the case of the plus supply of labour, created flower-pots, for every man by the dismissal of hundreds of thrown out of one employ thousands hitherto employed ment, ten would be brought in tillage, greatly facilitate into another. this operation ?—ld. s.—Would not the home A.—Just as the home market for manufactured market for Manchester goods goods be very seriously im- would be impaired by opening paired by whatever should ruin the gates, and putting an the landed gentry and farmers, end to the gains of the and artificers and shopkeepers owners of flower-pots, and depending upon landowners the artificers and shopkeepers and farme rs , th rou ghout tho kingdom ?—ld. dependent thereupon. For every customer lost, ten twice as good would be acquired. 6.—Must not the effect of A.—There is no time the admission of foreign corn wanted for the business at be a vast exportation of capital all. Foreigners are stand during many years, and until ing begging for our manufac more extended markets for tures, on the solecondition of British manufactures can pss our taking in return what we sibly be established abroad, by foreigners acq u iri ng th e t as t e want, and they have to give. for, or the want o f,. our manu - Foreigners have had tast e factures—always a work of for our manufactures long time 2---Id. enough : it is we who make laws to prevent ourselves from taking from the fo- Ireigners the payment they hays to give. 7. —ls it not moro than A.—Open your gates to probable, is it not certain, that what foreigners have to pay foreigners would employ this in, and down drops their in capital, and this time, i n ea t s - ducsment to emp l oy e ith er blishing ri v al manu f ac t ures ? —ld. ing rival manufactures at all. For twenty years you have capital or time in establish been paying a premium on foreign manufactures, by refusing to allow foreigners to supply themselves from our manufacturers. Nine-tenths of the continental market is probably irrecoverably gone from us, and we are a little nation instead of a great one by the consequence s . B u t t h e tent h , t h oug h on ly a tenth, might be worth s t rugg li ng f or. F oo l s must pay, till they get wiser. I.—ls it not absolutely A.—All experience proves necessary, as a security against that it is not necessary, and famine in unfavourable sea- that the contrary is neces sons and against the chances nary. We do not grow cot of war, to k ee p up t h e h ome supply of food at the highest possible point ?—ld. should some the Americans shou time cut us off from a clean ton in hot-houses , . for fear shirt ; nor prohibit tallow , hemp, or tar from the Baltic, lest the Powers of the Baltic should at some time go to war. We know, that wherever we have a trade with another country, that trade is of as much importance, perhaps more, to that country as to us. And corn i 3 of all things the article, which, if we gq from one quarter , we can f rom another. I t wou ld be just as sen s ibl e to stop a ll f ore i gn tra d e, f or f ear o f wa r, as the corn t ra d e. cannot (TO BE CONTINUED.) COMMUNICATION BET WENN DUBLIN AND LONDON. (FROM A CORRESPONDENT. The citivols of Chester were last week favoured with a tisit from Thomas Wood, E , q., Alderman; Warwick Weston, merchant;. E., purporting to b e a deputation from "a Davies Davies, E sq ., barrister, and Inikins, Esq., C new and p ower f u l Directory of highly respectable and influ ential gentl eman, in the cities of D u bli n a nd London," for the rn Chester and Oeshead Railway p ro j e ct, which, under the auspi,,es o f t h e same parties, only c h a nging Mr. Charles Pe arson for Mr. Alderman Thomas Wood, occupied public attention about two years since, with no other success than exhausting whatever deposits were made, and leaving sundry hills unpaid. The old city was quite on the qui vice. A oublic meeting was called for a conference on Tuesday last. Previously the Deputation met the Directors of the Chester and Crewe Railway Company to request their countenance. It did not appear that they were at all able to state who the " new and powerful Di rec t ory " were. A t t h e public meeting, Mr. Davies and Alde rman W oo d expat i ate d at great length on the advantages of the proj ec t, an d t h e c i t i zens passed a strong resolution in approbation o f it. W arw i c k Weston,Esq , then proposed the formation of a Ptovisional Committee in Chester to forward the undertaking ; upon which R. G. Temple, Esq., a resident barrister, whose name had been put on the list, objected, on the ground that he knew nothing of the parties to the project ; and Rho were the " new and powerful Directory ?" No answer was given t o thi s , and the irecting separated without appointing any Committee. At a rue: ting of the Chamber of Commerce held on Fri. day, Mr. Alderman T. Wood attended, and expi•essed himself disappointed at the reception he had met, and said that he still believed the project was a good one, but that it must be taken un in Chester; and, no doubt, whatever feeling was displayed here would b responded to in Dublin and London. He said there was no Board of Directors formed, but that a list of names hid been o'ivon in of parties who were willing to co operate, as a Provisional Committee, teith a 'Provisional Committee appointed in Chester. The Alderman and his colleagues met a large body of citi zPris again in the afternoon, and a Report was read, signed by Warwick Weston, Esq and Davies Davies, Esq., biehly ap proving of the line. A Provisional Committee was then ap pointed, on p u rp o s e t o ma ke inquiries whether the demonstra tion was bo na fide, and to cc-operate with the parties wh ose names haul been given in by the Deputation, if all was f oun d to be on the rquare. Mr. Warwick Wtston then read the nnrnes of the par ties who had authorised the use of their name s. They were as follow :—Thomas Attwood Esq., M. P. ; B . Martin, ,)rac J Pa.rees Ashley, Esq , banker; Alderman; Jos. Scholefield, Esq., M. P. ; Si r (3 Thomas Wood, London ; Alderman Hodges, Dublin ; John Crouch, Esq., John Davies, Esq., T. Fottrell, R. O. Gorman, Esq., R. U. Guinness, EN., Wtn. Jenkins, Esq., John Veove;t; Esq. late High Sheriff of Dublin; and J. J. Weston; E dqt,ctli ne A that .0,/juld tcouited to siaie now lal they we're cotiamitted, wither the DeputOth 4 .. really cam e from tbem or not, and what shares they would take. This prOieCt 14S t`oliral•ily tOql re&Alectrd as hating Leen :0 tne Share Market before. It is brought rg the best line of communication between Dublin and London, and in opposition tai tine projects of the I r i s h Railway Corn mission. It is crtainiy to the interest ofChester that it should be carried. If the Chester and Crewe Railway Company carry their extension line to the Potteries, and the Manchester people their extension line to Rugby, as no doubt they will—then the direct route from London to Dublin will be on those lines to Holyhead, avoiding*Birming ham and the Grand Junction line altogether; and there can be no doubt that the line recommended by Mr. Vignolles from Portdynllaen, through Shrewsbury, Wolverhampton, and Bir mingham, cannot for one moment stand against it. No doubt the city interest will aid Mr. T. Attwood and Mr. Alderman I'. Wood, in carrying this measure ; and there appears not a doubt but the other measures will be carried also. That the gentlemen were received coolly in Chester, in the first instance. was on the principle that " a burnt child dreads the fire." Before, the Sandon directory was all straw; the Chester deposits were all the money subscribed. That was soon eaten and drank, and then the farce was up. But this is a real bona fide Directory, pledged to take shares; and it is confidentially hoped the thing will go on. If so, the time oc cupied in going from London to' Dublin will only be about nineteen hours. IRELAND. (FROM OUR OWN PORRESPONDIENT. ) DBLIN, SEPT. 9. IMPORTANT LETTER FROM MR. O O'CONNELL. The following important and interesting letter from Mr. O'Connell to the People of Ireland upon the new agitation, you will have an opportunity of laying exclusively before the readers of The Sun. It has not been yet published in Ireland, having only arrived in town by yesterday's post : LETTER I. TO TIIE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. DARRYNANE ABBEY, SEPT. 6, 1838. " Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not " Who would be f.-ee, themselves must strike the blow?" FFLI.OW COUNTRYNIEN-Amid the dreary scenes by which we are surround,.d in the political world, there is one great consolation—it is this—that a period is come when, if the people of Ireland be true to themselves they must obtain re dress. It depends altogether upon ourselves. If we be worthy of freedom, the time is come for its attainment. The combined people of Ireland have already been—they may again, if they please, be—irresistible There is hut one magic in politics, and that consists in being right. Irishmen, we ae at present right—perfectly right. What we seek is this—either a full, entire, and unequi vocal participation in all the privileges, franchises, and rights of the people of England and Scotland, or a separate legis lature. Identification as subjects with the British, or—Repeal of the Union. Is there one Irishman living capable of consenting to any other alternative? If there be, why we can dispense with the aid of the paltry slave. Where is the slave so lowly, Condemned to chains unholy, Who—could he burst His chains at first, Would PINE beneath them swarm With such wretched slaves we have nothing in common. Let, then, every man who scorns and loathes slavery, enrol himself at once in the " Precursor Society." The present connexion, called the Union with Great Britain, is founded upon, and operates to the degradation of the people of Ireland. Its basis is—that the Irish are an in ferior, a degraded people. It injures us in matters of the deepest importance to social man. But it does worse—in finitely worse. Irishrnen I —it insults us--haughtily and inso lently does it insult us. Whoever detests this injury and loathes this insult—let him join with m• in the " Precursor Society"—and we shall labour heartily, zealously, continuously, until Ireland is righted, and the stain of political degradation is effaced for ever. Irishmen, your fate is in your own hands. Rally now, once more, with me in the peaceful, moral, and constitutional struggle, and that victory which we achieved by similar means will be confirmed and secured. Our motto is—no degradation —no inferiority—equalization of civil and religious freedom —or, THE RRPEAI.. When the Catholic Association was formed I could not for three weeks bring ten persons together to aid me. On Tues day last, in Cork, two thousand persons joined the "Precursor Society" in half an hour. Who is it, then, shall dare to despair of Ireland ? The example of Cork will be largely and speedily imitated. Glory to Cork, and to the town or city which next adopts her noble example!! Now, fellow -countrymen, allow me to lay before you, in de.. tail, all the objects which the " Precursors" seek to achieve. I cannot and do not hope your co-operation unless you are convinced of the propriety and necessity of these objects. I propose, in the present letter, to bring distinctly before your minds these three things. First—The grievances under which Ireland labours. Secondly—The utter impossibility of obtaining the redress of these grievances without the most strenuous exertions of the Irish people themselves. And Thirdly—The mode in which these exertions can be ren dered most effectual for the abolition of the grievances of which we justly complain. Of the First—namely —the cruel grievances under which Ireland suffers—l do not intend to enter into any extensive detail, beyond this letter. They are, alas, too familiarly known, and too frequently felt by the people of Ireland, to render any lengthened description of them necessary. I will, therefore, do no more than select a few of the more prominent a p s a s r e t over a n ascendancy the class n in the f o ll ow i ng ser i es. lst—Th e g i ant gr i evance of Ireland is—the domination of ae—the separation a da o subjugated f a the class— an into two C master class, and a slave class. Foi. more than a century after the revolution of 1688, Eng land governed Ireland by a faction, and for a faction. Indeed, she had done so for near 500 years before the revolution. But the system was rendered more complete and better organised by that event. The faction became in the eye of the law, and in the contemplation of the Government, everything—the people nothing. This selection of a party and rejection of the people were aggravated and embittered by the reasons of its adoption— namely, the difference of religion. The faction was Protes tant—the people Catholic—religious animosity envenomed the • social state, and Protestantism almost ceased to be Chris tian, in order to bnome purely political, and altogether mer cenary. It is true that the emancipation of the Catholics has miti gated this grievance, and the Executive power in the hands of such men as Lords Normanby and Morpeth not only softens, but actually diminishes, the enormity. Yet " the snake is only scotched not killed." On the contrary, the Tory party in England keep it alive, and cherish it with the hope of resum i ng power to exercise it with redoubled malig y- This is the execrable policy of Peel and Wellington. They are a s anx i ous now for the old Protestant ascendancy as they were before they themselves had given it the most violent and fatal blow it ever sustained. Wellington may be what is called a Great Captain ; but as a Statesman he is contemptible and a very driveller. His solemn declaration that he would be mad if he accepted political power, followed up by his twice accepting that very power—his eulogy on rotten bo roughs, and direct nomination to Parliament—his extolling the rottenness of the British Constitution, as nothing short of the absolute perfection of human wisdom—his insulting the meetings of the people by caning them farces—and, above all, his most stupid determination to grant emancipation, and yet to continue " Protestant Ascendency," all prove that it is de grading to England to estimate him as a Statesman at all. As to Peel—honest, honest Joseph Surface—he, indeed, has more political intelligence, but still less political honesty than the martial Duke. He seeks to recover the power over the British people and British Sovereign which the Reform Bill took away. There is no dexterity too dirty for that purpose —there is no political depravity too dark or dangerous fur him to achieve the ends of a mean ambition. It is in this sense, and with these views, that he cherishes the old domi neering faction in Ireland. He cannot now give them full vitality, but he can, and he does give them hopes—he cannot at present give to his favoured faction strength or power, but he keeps them alive; and in the pursuit of a paltry personal advancement, he destroys the happiness, and risks with reckless incaution the security, aye—and even the existence of the empire. It is this protection of a party hostile to the Irish people, Which keeps Ireland in a constant state of fermentation. It is the support given I,y Peel and Wellington to that faction that embitters society in Ireland, creates and continues new animo. sities, and aggravates all the old, until the country is affrighted from its propriety, and totally unable to settle down into peace and quiet. This, then, is the first and great evil of Ireland—the en couragement given by the English Tory faction to the rem nant of the Irish Orange faction—and thus they keep ali ve , and endeavour to perpetuate, the struggle on the part of the faction to resume peculation and power—on the part of the people, to save themselves from the persecution of a bigotted ascendancy. He is no statesman who does not understand how d es t rue . tive to every notion of contentment or tranquillity such a state of th in gs the hope or expectation (S ant/ party or any fac•ion rul ng the country is extinguished for ever. odi v _Thc second grievance of which Ireland has to com pl.orl 15-Tll • • R ADMINISTRATION Or JUSTICE• Y es — t h e adminis tration of justice ! It is not prudent to state all the truth of this subject. Truth, alas ! is a libel, and no man can with safety state all the truth respecting the administration of justice in Ireland. Oh, this is the deep, the dangerous wound. This is the gangrene in the bowels of the State, b e f ore w hi ch all other diseases are trivial and contemptible in amount. is qu ite It a To ry as ever lived—was so struck with the mode of adnii ,,i,tcrieg justice in Ireland, that he has left upon imperishable record that celebrated declaration of his There is," said he,•' in Ireland one law for the rich, and another law for the poor—AND BOTH are equally ILI. anmiNtsTERED I !!" When this fret was proclaimed by a Tory law Lori, it cannot be neccsa7 to amplify the description of the mischief. But who can ad-qu ttely describe the effect of such a sss ten upon the feeling ,, , the minds, and the actions of the people of all classes. The pne party almost certain of legal impu- elt)--the (Aber deeming the law a snare, and trembling at the idea of being stiitora for justice. Can anybody possess Orin particle of statesmatAike quality, doei riot perceive wh it a demoralizing and clisturbirg effect it must have 611 ilia oicial state to lose confidence in the ad-, ministration of the law—to itt.lsre to. the great mass of the peo- Je little beyond the odious and criminal, but, alas too natural wild justkt." t_ 4l. r 40, ng,,05" Look at the Bench or iietiost:s I cast show you a grotty erg aged and decrepid men, tottering oil gia verge of the grave. Why remain they there, these venerable senigi 7' Why do they not seek the refuge for old age and infirmity, that liuefitt retreat to which they have been for many, many years, legally entitled ? Why do they persevere, when every friend whispers in the ear of each " solve senex-centem ?" Alas I alas I there they remain in the hope—in the expectation that the sun of Toryism may once again arise over Ireland—in the expecta tion that their successors may be "of the right sort," that the next generation may feel the scourge of biassed and pre judiced tribunals, and that the day-dawn of impartial justice may be postponed until the times of our grandchildren. If a philosophic stranger were to come amongst us, and were to see the pertinacity with which our ancient Judges cling to the Bench, he would not require any other proof of the mode in which their past lives were spent, than what he finds demonstrated by the motives which prevent the aged men from resigning. But see, my friends, what prospeetg are before us. Who has heard in Parliament the furious outcry with which Jackson screams forth his attacks on the religion and liberties of the people of Leland ? Who has heard the self-repeating dullness of Shaw upon the same scent ? Who has witnessed the " coma ntortuum" of rancour with which foolish Litton relinquished a lucrative profession to dab ble in Parliament in anti-Irish and anti-Catholic politics ? Who has seen all, or any of these men, gist must shudder at the class of men who are courting Toryism in the foulest of her dens, in order to qualify as members for the Irish Bench of Justice. Yes, this is the greatest grievance of all—the want of control over the administration of justice, which the remoteness from Parliament renders inevitable in Ireland. This grievance has, I I6now, its source in the spirit of the ascendancy faction; but if is not the less afflictive on that account. How little do English wri'ers or readers reflect upon this fertile source of discontent ? How little do they appreciate all the evils that flow from the settled conviction in the popular mind, of the insecurity of all rights, when the fountains of justice are deemed impure and tainted. What would the state of England be if the English people had no confidence in the great majority of the Judges, and felt no security in the administration of the laws ? Why England would rise at one unanimous bound, and cleanse the Bench at once of all its pollution. idly. The third grievance belongs to the same category with the second—the administration of justice. The branch I now allude to is more ministerial than judicial, yet its influence is great—l mean the appointment of Sheriffs. In the corpora tions which have that power the evil is known and universally felt. The exclusive nature of our corporations renders par tiality inevitable. In Dublin the scat of our supreme Courts of Justice, no man for years upon years has been appointed Sheriff, unless be has rgiven the most distinct pledge of being an anti-Catholic partizan. How strange it would appear in any country but Ireland, that for an office which the law instituted for the pure administration of justice, the qualification should be not only an avowal but a pledge of party spirit. The Sheriff ought to be strictly impartial, yet in - Ireland he owes his office to a proof of decided partiality. This evil extends its deleterious conse quences all over Ireland, because such a Sheriff returns the Juries not only for the Court of Queen's Bench, but. in the numerous civil actions which any plaintiff may deem it hig interest to try with the aid of a Dublin Jury. Indeed, everybody in Ireland admits the mischief's arising from Corporation Sheriffs ; but are we better off in our counties at large? Until the time of Peel's essay in Secre taryship the Irish Sheriffs for the counties were appointed by Government generally, at the instance of the county Mem bers. This mode of nominating Sheriffs was loudly com plained of, and was indeed liable to the greatest abuses. Peel, finding himself pressed by the public clamour, declared that he would reform this proved abuse. But how did he re form that abuse ? Why, by making the matter worse. He gave the appointment virtually to the Judges. Honest Joseph Surface I He knew his men. He cast away all respon sibility, and gave my Lords, the Judges, an opportunity of in dulging their partizan feelings. The selections by the Judges were worse in many instances than those by the Government, and certainly the Judges were not improved by being charged with a duty so closely connected with politics, and above all with elections. It is true that Lord Normanby has found it his duty in several instances totally to reject the list of She riffs drawn up by the Judges—rather a significant hint of his convictions respecting the purity or the intelligence of those Judges. But the House of Lords has assailed him for so doing; and as we well know of what materials that House is composed, I ask how any man can answer to me that Lord Normanby will be allowed for another year to attempt to give us impartial Sheriffs. There cannot be a stronger proof of the precarious tenure by which we hold all that is dear to man, than the conduct of the House of Lords on this subject. I may, by way of parenthesis, ask whether anybody has read Chief Justice Dogherty's evidence before the Committee respecting the Irish Sheriffs. Oh ! what a memory 1 Oh what a Chief Justice Lord Anglesea has given us I 4thly. The fourth grievance which Ireland sustains belongs again to the category of the administration of justice. It con sists in the unceasing partisanship of our juries. The encou ragement given by the leaders of the Opposition to the Orange faction—that encouragement increases individual party spirit, and unhappily that spirit is daily becoming more and more rife in the jury -box. Unless Orangeism be put down, and all re ligious distinctions be totally buried in oblivion, by me ans o f a perfect equalizati on o f c i v il rights, this source of legal iniquity will last, and Orange Juries will continue to convict innocent Catholics, and acquit, as they have so frequently done, guilty —notoriously guilty—Orangemen. sthly. The fifth grievance also belongs to the law. I mean the magistracy. The partial and oppressive conduct of the Irish magistracy has been proclaimed by men of all parties, Tories as well as Whigs. By each and every party we have been promised revision and redress. But from none have we obtained it. It is true that Lord Normanby has gone through an investigation of the magistracy, and that he has struck out of the Commission many obnoxious men, but how many ob. noxious names has he left? How many truculent and worth less partizans has he left in the Commission? He has used the pruning-knife with a trembling, and restricted hand, air' now the old game is going on—almost every improper person deprived of the commission of the peace has multiplied soli citations to be restored—l am sorry to say, some with success, and there is every appearance that many more will equally succeed. Our magistracy is then little amended, and the amendment is daily growing more scant and unsatisfactory. 6thly. The sixth grievance i s one o f t h e utmost magn i tu d e, _it includes the Church temporalities. There is a Church in Ireland richly supported by the State., which is not the Church of the people. The Engl , sh people—taking the majo rity for the whole—have their Church supported by the State The Scottish people hare in like manner their Church sup ported by the State. The Church supported in Ireland by the State is not the Church of the Irish people, nor of one-tenth of the Irish people. A miserable fraction have the Church revenues, which ought to belong to all. This is indeed a mon strous oppression —an oppression which is not practised in any other part of the globe, save in Ireland. Call it tithe—or style it composition —or name it rent-charge, it is essentially the same—a fund enforced from all for the support of the Church of the few. It is also idle to say that the landlords pay it. The tithe, or composition, or rent-charge, is produced by the labour and capital of the tenant, as well as out of the soil of the landlord. Catholic tenants, and especially Catholic landlords, are insulted, as well as unjustly stripped of their property, by being obliged to pay for the propagation of ten e t s an d d octr i nes whic they believe to be erroneous. The wrong and injustice of compelling the payment of the rent-charge to the Protestant Clergy is the greater, because the tithes, which the rent-charges represent, were originally created for, and dedicatei to, the support of the doctrines and disc'pline of the Catholic Church. It is not insisted on, or even sought for, that the lent-charges should be paid to the Catholic Clergy. What we do insist upon is that the rent-charge should be 'educed forty instead of twenty-five per cent., and the residue applied to purposes of public and universal utility. 7thly. The seventh gri-vance is one of such notoriety that it needs only to be mentioned. It is the unreformed state of our Corporations. England has Corporate—Scotland has Ccrporate Reform—lreland has be na most grossly insulted by the refusal for years to give her any C o rp ora t e R e f orm, an d then by off er i ng h er , under the pretence of Corporate Reform, a measure calculated and intended to enhance and perpetuate every existing mischief and oppression. We must not forget that it is to the Irish Members England and Scotland are principally indebtedfor their Municipal Re form. Shall Irishmen then tamely submit to be defrauded of their right to Corporate Reform, and to be insulted into the bargain ? ithly. The next great question is the state of the elective franchise. The contrast between Scotland and Ireland in this respect is most afflicting. The contrast between England and Ireland in this respect is most insulting. Ireland is the poorest country of the three, yet the qualification to he a voter is more than double the amount in money over that in Eng land. In Wales one person of every twenty-three of the entire agricultural population is an elector. In England one person out of every twenty-four of the en tire population is an elector. In Scotland one person out of every forty-five of the entire agricultural population is an elector. In Ireland only one person out of every one kundred and fifteen of the agricultural population is an elector I I Thus in Scotland the number of electors exceeds that of Ire land, in the ratio of the population, by twice and a half—in England and Wales by four times and a half. Speaking in round numbers, we ought, in order to be on an equality with Scotland, to have three times the number of electors which we have at present. To be on equality with England we cught to have five times the number of electors we have at present. Is this to be endured in patience arid submission ? I confidently believe not. 9tbly. The ninth and the last of the selected grievances, and one of the greatest of all, is the inequality of the Parlia meniary representation. If we had our proper proportion of Members, we could set at defiance Tory baseness, Tory- Ra dical treachery and Whig apathy. My conviction is, that if we gain every other point which would tend to render th , • Union useful, we should lose the rust unless we obtained our fair share of representation. The population of Engla , id Wales by the last census 19:13 13,899,675—th-t of Seotianci 2,363,930—that of Ireland 7,943,940; but Scotland has 53 re presentatives ; Ire'and but 105.,Speaking 'n rou,.d number, the 2,400,000 Scotch have half the number of representatives which the Irish have, although the Irish are eight millions. , T71;;.1) tlir s sen t , the Ir sh should, in order to be on an eluditt e -nh th e s reic h , h ae e more than 159 Representati,ee. Eng' I end ineluding Wales, /en:: a population of fourteen millions.. has five hundred R epresentat i ves; I re l an d , w i t h a popelation of eight millions, has but 105 Representatives. Our popult.Con amounts to less than two-thirds, but to considerably more thart one half of the population of England. We should, ia o rder' to be on an equality with England, have at least one _'bird of the number of English Representatives, that is we shou d have ui!ti a's many as 166 R.epresentatives In our comparis on :ith Seetiond he should be entitled to 159 Representative r r e in our comparison with England to 166; but we may well rest sat heel with 150; and I propote, without hesitation, tha t number foe the adoption of the Irish people. I may be told that my calculations are founded on pePol s " Lion :lone, without f.rreing any estimate of the relaiive inT; eortance of the several parts of the United Kingdom as teate d . by expert s , i mp . r t e, revenues, and rental. It is true that eo not for the present stop to make these calculations, but Ince Cleaned them already, and published them, and I will publish them again in these letters. They effird a still hiele,r r.ltio for the liish repre-entation than I have above stated. They would give us at least 169 Alembers. I have thus gone through one of the three topics on" which these letters are addressed to you, the people Of Ire land. This topic includes the more prominent grievances under which you suffer. I give them, as my answer to the qoustion, What should we agitate for? We should agitate to letivinate these evils which I have briefly recapitulate d. Firstlg, to abolish for ever the domination of the Orange fe e ' tion, t) reduce that faction to the level of the rest of the Irish people, rend to extinguish fur ever all hopes of their again ob teining power or ascendancy. Secondly, to obtain for our selves and our descendants the pure and impartial administra tion of justice, by filling the high judicial situations with or right and just Judges. Thirdly—To obtain the appointment of intelligent and u e ' partial Sheriff , . Fourthly—To banish Party spirit and iniquity from the JOY box. end to have honest Jurors. Fifthly—To obtain a real and permanent revision of the Magistracy. Sexthly—To obtain the !..4:al extinction and annihilation O f the odious Tithe system, no re ;ter how named or described. Seventhly—To obtain Municipal Reform, identical wit h the Corporate Reform in England. Eighthly—To obtain an equal increas9 of the right of Pat' ith Scotland or England. Ninthly—To obtain our just and due proportion e l Representatives in the United Parliament. We agitate to procure the redress of these grievances from the Imperial Parliament, or in the event of a refueel or delay, to secure them ourselves by the restoration of ou t domestic Legislature. My next letter will point out the difficulties which ilv; peee the attainment of " Justice for Ireland"—a powerful minority in the Commons, a more powerful majority in th e Lords, and a very large portion of the English people. 'Radicals as well as Tories. Add to these the total want the Press, sympathy wi t h the people o f Ir e l a nd e v i nce d by much of g? Press, called Liberal in England ! There are some honourable_ ecxeptions, but the greater part of the English Liberal Pr ess does not take an honest interest in our fate. We are, therefore, bound to exert ourse'ves only the morr Every man who wishes well to Ireland will become not a " Precursor," but will obtain twenty names and transmi t them to the Secretary, Mr. Rav, at the Corn Exchange. 1 time is come to be busy. No Irishman deserves the name vow ,_ e , _ does not now come forward in this, which, I trust, will pro v e the last, struggle for Ireland ; all we demand or desire is to put an end to the dominion of faction, purify the administration o f justice, to extinguish for ever an iniquitous tithe-system, to obtain complete Corporate Reform, to extend and protect the e:;_w.tive franchise, to procure an adequate representati ou of the peopid Parliament. These are our I.fudable objects—the magic of being Pe, r " fectly right is with . us. In these pursuits I do expect ll co-operation of the Irish people. In my next letter, I ° demonstrate that our only hope of redress depends on O r selves, and I will point out the manner best calculated to rend er our operations successful. I have the honour to be, Fellow-Countrymen, Your faithiC l servant, DANIEL O'CONNELL. CORN-LAW AGITATION. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. I rejoice to see the able and just remarks upon Thy Corn-laws, which have lately so frequently appeared in Sun, and which have, I believe, already produced a powert effoct upon th e country . Vfiwards of twenty years connes i . u r with the trad e h as g i ven me f u ll OT p or t un i t y o f o b se rving Wu_ effects of th e p resen t system , an d I h ave ;:o hesitation in P r f. nouncing the British C orn -l aws a di sgrace to a civilized cow ;munity. As the n a tu ra l resu lt o f a se lfi s h an d so,'"did Poli c y they are an injury to the landholders themselves; the; are a still greater injury to their tenants, most of whom are infatuisb!,, enough to suppose that ihey are enacted for• their benen They are, however, Q mu c h grea t er i n j ury to t h e t r ading commercial interests of this country, and if they are not sho rtlf abolished, it is to be feared, will undermine all our nationZ advantages in this r e sp ec t ; b u t most o f a ll, an d a b ov e all, cruel monopoly oppresses the labouring and industrious class? , Indeed, this heavy i m p os t u p on th e poor man ' s me ans of sup sistence, is equally i ncons i s t en t w i t h t h e di ctates o f sound P°' a licy, justice, a n d h uman i t y. I trust t h e true f r i e nds of t he _ people will n o t f or a momen t li s t en t o any h a lf measur es, 11 . neither ask for, nor accept anything less than its total a ib°l ,' ° don. I observe a p ar t o f th e P ress , w hi c h c l a i ms to be con' dered liberal in its views, proposes an extravagant fi led dut y upon foreign gr a i n , i nstea d o f the present system, ° n the ground that the pay men t o f t h e interest of the nationa l debt requires it ; but may we not ask what part of the interest of the national debt do the landowne rs, as such, pay? On the contrary, are th e y not unfairly exempted from their just sh are of this tax, by th row i ng i t upon those who are at the same tim e very heavily encumbered to maintain their monopoly. C. P. Villiers , M. P . has given notice of a motion ea rl y next Session, for the abolition of the Corn-laws. To bring the public feeling properly to bear in his support, a well-orp; nized and general plan of obtaining the expression of it, should be acted upon, and I think some of us should contribute aid al , money, wh o cannot d evote time to this object. In the that others w ill d o the same, I beg to offer twenty pou nds from the firm of Jos e ph an d Ch ar l es S turge, in aid o f a getter-.- effort for the total abolition of the tax upon Corn. I am very respectfully, JOSEPH STURG• Birmingham, 9th M ont h 10th, 1838. THE HARVEST. NORTEIUM BERLAND.--LetterS from Northumberland, by morning's post, we are happy to state, speak favourably of weather. If there be no change in the state of the weet b ido the harvest will b e genera l there its a fortnight. Some fla t of barley were reaped ten days ago. DOESETSHIRE.—The crops, gener a lly spea ki ng, are !Ol vier i o and more prolifi c t h an i n many preceding years. Crops o u at March last were considered not worth saving, have turend out abundantly. Th e b ar l ey, i n part i cular, is far heavier i've cleaner of s mu t an d i nsect. Th e operations of the 118110„; have, how ever , b een i mpe d e d s i nce W ednesday last, by te pestuous showers, which have beaten down the standing e° in several places. Th e i n j ury d one h as not b een extensive , _, the heaviest crops had been previously ricked in excellent OP dition.— Wilts Herald. LIVERPOOL—During Saturday and this morning (Sundai..), we have been visited w ith s li g h t s h owers, b ut the' welitet.,:, although cold, is not absolutely unfavourable. We are gla d learn that some of t h e w h eat crops already cut have exce e'" the expectations in which the farmers had indulged. • ro' Essex.—The crop of barley is allowed to b e e qual In P h , duce to many years past ; the quality, too , is good, and as t '„ progress of the harvest has been attended with little or no i,terruption, much of it has been got up without a drop rain —a fact advantageous to the farmer as regards colour, a n satisfactory to the malrster as regards increase in the cone Beans will be v er y l ate i n t h e h arvest, but some farmers cu t A them much earli e r th an o th ers , as t h e straw of those cut grcco is said to cunt lin much more nutritive . quality than the str' which stands till th e s un d r i es up every part i c l e of moistur e ' without benefiting the produce. Upon the whole the labourers have - made what they call ` by good harvest," assisted as they have been, in every vTaY , .4, the kind consideretion of their m as t ers . I n some instarm. e _. where they hav e l e t th emse l ves as months'-mcn, and their bours have baen co m pl e t e d i n l ess t i me, t h e i r employers . al:0 paid them the full sum. In other cases, where they have b+t;o gained to cut byth e acre , an d have b een i nterrupte d by . ' O l O . weather, their maste r s h are prevented loss of time by g lv them other work. We can only a dd, t h at we h ope the labourers w ill s tri ve husband their eareings, so that t h ey may reap, amidst leo straw arid storma o f win t e r, t h e a d vantaee of their busy bBr_a,cl toil, and ch er i s h t h at h ea l t h y .pr i de, which is the full rel‘ de , of these who can pass through the year without being graded by the breaking of parish bread.—Essex Herald.„olll SCO7LAND. —On Monday afternoon a heavy fall o' commenced, which cont i nued, K ith scarcely any diolint:in up to yesterday morn i ng. It has been general, net mere l y At the dt-triet, but throughout th- greater part of Scotlan d ' n ose lees*. the latest Papers front Glasgow, Edinburgh, l" ve „ r h ran' Mowrose, and Elgin have accounts of the same. So r au- „,, e ar has fallen that the small streams have swollen to the e rr ve rf ante of rapid torrents, while the Dee and the Don are iets much flAded. Up Doeside, the river has overflowed the i" lands, and done much mischief. ;„ A few days sin ce , Auld th ere was every appearance that coe•ty of an ebunlant, although a late harvest. We reB „ r the lee es cre a t e d b y t hi s favourably aspect ere now qu' , i the strnyed. The her.vy f a ll o f rein has lodged the corn, highwinds have complite) the disaster. the Al the immediate result el the 'ternestuous wea'" - war priaes of all articles of focd were alveneed at Aberdae ll _ was ket yesterday. Th e supply of produce from the co unt r y comparatively limite d. —Aberde en Constitutional. been The rivers D ee an d D on were higher than they have both 'een since the 4th of August, 18 4 9. The banes o e crops rivers were overflewed, and the damage done to the 4 ea' most be very great. The river floods in Buchan, Ba r t ' &c. base done great and extensive mischief. na nie Tvln D D passed throtie.h 1 .- lerif ‘ on ci l 0 G , () (i: r n t N l' I B h o a i n r t d , anl%l had im got II: i l e a : Ebe h da ep Lt : h ila r : in the nvig H h a bo 'fi u t r i h d ooll °"lside ' - has come from bit t -. al uabl . ,'' dogs and a sow; at Mr. 1...,wi,'5, of 135P . ' r ",:f t ier nine pigs; at the S..vorthin Hint, .L. ' ;efard, the "- os ally yvi!s :Jitten in the. 1•,-; . • at 6'31). done last, lll s oS i t I SeTIOUS .inPwrof i tt , . r.n., , and Mr. Sllllol'4 gamekee, er vr %o h " 111 the hand, and two of hii pointers that vie' o joi nt " 1 ' nl , lie wa:, aft er ' a sev e re c h as e, shot by polic e ' ser ' Knight, as he %ADA entering Woutlhall Park, ON DoN., T ESpAy,SEPTEMBER 11, 18 l