The Sun. — London, England, 1836-10-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We have always advocated the principle of a poor law, however much we may have lamented the abuses which led to the Poor Laws Amendment Act. There are some persons, however, who have allowed them selves to be so far carried away by the abuses, as to suppose that any provision for the poor is mischievous in principle, and are thence opposed to the enaction of a poor law for Ireland. Mr. Leslie, a vestryman, and a governor and director of the poor of the parish of St. George, Hanover-square, has just published a pamphlet describing the principle on which the poor laws are administered in that parish, in which he has introduced some observations deprecating the exten sion of a poor law to Ireland. Mr. Leslie is a clever man, but his range of observation has evidently been too limited to enable him to be a competent judge of the question on which he has entered. He is evi dently not aware of the existence, and, therefore, can not appreciate the influence, of many of the causes connected with the state of property in a country, which condemn the mass of population to a state of destitution and demoralization, from which, without legislative interference, there is no hope of escape for them : To me (says Mr. Leslie) it appears that all the sys tems of poor-laws are erroneous in principle. I look upon them as an immensei nsurance society founded upon false premises and erroneous data, by means of which obliga tions are und er t a k en w hi c h never h ave nor ever can be performed ; and on account of the delusive advantages held out to the assured—the poor—they are lulled into a false security, deprived of moral energy, and made to pay for those apparent advantages such exorbitant premiums, in volving great pecuniary sacrifices, by the reduction in their wages, and moral degradation, which not only end in the ruin of the industrious classes, but prove equally injurious to those who are the accusers—those who directly pay the tax. _ _ _ The principal engagement entered into by the system of poor-laws is to relieve and prevent destitution ; the causes of that destitution, by the very terms of the engage ment, must be overlooked : hence, every distinction be tween industry and idleness, between virtue under mis fortune and vice suffering its penalty, must of necessity be confounded in the appropriation of the tax." " If a country is to provide, by a tax on all visible pro perty, against every possible contingency which may arise to the labouring population, then it appears to me perfectly obvious that for such an engagement property must have, i❑ some shape or other, an indemnification. " Now, there are many who assert that this indemnifi cation is given in the security to life and property which the poor-law system affords ; and on this ground they urge the introduction of the system into Ireland. I am inclined to disbelieve the position of any security to life an d property by the poor-law system. * * " The Rev. F. W. Lloyd, professor of political economy in the University of Oxford, has recently published Four Lectures on Poor-laws, in which, in instructing the rising generation of the aristocracy of England, in his fourth lec ture, he maintains that the English poor laws were ori ginaily enacted, not f o r the sake of the poor, but for the im provement of police ; and it is highly improbable that they would ever have been pased had it not been thought that they would operate beneficially on the interests of the He goes on to state that the truth may even be, that poor-laws iastead of diminishing, are the means of in creasing the income of the landowners.' " If such views be correct, then any benevolent inten tion to the poor in these laws, for their relief, must fall to the ground. As to the correctness of such notions on the improvement of the condition of the landowners through the operation of poor-laws, long experience of their effects will determine the value of the doctrines thus laid down." If Mr. Leslie had made himself acquainted with the actual state of Europe he would have been struck with the fact, that in all those countries in which the culti vators arc not slaves, the lower orders are uniformly found in a state of extreme destitution and demoraliza tion where there are no poor-laws, and that wherever poor-laws exist the' population is orderly. In Holland, Belgium, Germany, Switzerland, Denmark, Norway, England, Scotland, and the North of Italy there is a legal provision for the poor. Contrast these countries with Ireland, Spain, the South of Italy, Sicily, and the greater part of France (though, from the distribu tion of great estates among the peasantry, France, since the Revolution, is in an anomalous condition), and see the difference ! There can be no effective police in a country without poor-laws, and consequently no secu rity to property. The great landowners live in luxury ; everything that can be taken is taken from the cultiva tor ; but there is no capital invested in the soil, and the peasantry become quite reckless. An account of a journey through what was anciently called Latium, with observations on its present state, by the late ac complished M. Bonstetten, seems to be a description of Ireland : " The Romans (he says) are charitable, the middle class are very much so ; unfortunately they are not sufficiently numerous. It was at Rome that I learned that there was more true beneficence in a good law than in all the alms of the world. Good laws for the poor have two salutary effects ; they prevent the evil, and they render the cha rities of' the compassionate truly beneficial. In the coun tries without police your alms are bestowed by chance ; in well-organized countries the remedy attains the object. " Near the villa of the Emperor Adrian there are mag nificent forests of olives. In these woods I met two charm ing children of three and four years old : they came to me without daring to ask charity, and one of them took me to their father. He was a man in the flower of his age, and I saw him leaning against the trunk of an old olive-tree. His complexion was that of burning fever, his teeth of a frightful whiteness, and his large black eyes seemed on fire. What is the matter with you ?' said I to him. I have nothing to give ;to these children.' You are dyint , of hunger ?" For two days I have not ate anything. I have more than a hundred leagues to go to my poor cottage ; I am ill—devoured by fever, and I can't drag myself along. The whole country is dying of hunger like myself, and I have no longer anything to give to these children. I shall die by the road, and when I am dead'-- he could not finish the sentence. " At Tivoli we required a female to take care of a child. The landlord presented a young girl, tolerably well dressed. No longer requiring her services, she was about to be dis missed. I saw her in great agitation at my room door. What ails you ?' said I to her. I made her enter. She burst into tears, throwing herself at my feet. I am going to leave you, you foreigners, who have kept me alive, and my mother will die of hunger." Where is your mother ?' _ followed her—the mother was stretched on the humid ground, in a kind of cellar. Her earthen bed had caused her to have sores ; she could not stand for weakness, and lying gave her great pain. Moreover, she was threatened every day with being turned out of the shelter in which she was an useless burden. We got a straw bed for this poor woman : the very worst was so dear, that it cost several crowns. Once on a bed, this poor woman had still no secure shelter to place her bed in, nor rags to cover her sores, nor any covering for her bed, nor clothes to go out in, nor bread, nor money to buy any. The daughter was crying. But you can go to service in Rome ?' said I to her. She blushed, then owned that all the clothes she had were borrowed, that she had but one chemise ; she had sold her all to support her mother. It would have taken a capi talo of a , to raise this family to the level of the very poorest France or Switzerland. " ' my way one day in the Campag o , di Rm my guide found a cabin. I entered ; it was full of female reapers. I sat down ; they made a fire. I looked at their dinner ; I saw them eat bread and a few raw herbs pulled in the vineyard. I questioned them as to their manner o f living. For a long time; they said, w e have only liv e d on bread and raw herbs or roots.' Their greenish and un healthy complexion sufficiently told me they spoke the truth. " When these people are ill, they cannot change their diet ; they are without remedy ; and I saw the proprietor of Horace's field, who in a putrid fever had no other nourishment than a little bread and rancid oil. In a walk near Albano, I was forced by the rain to seek a shelter ; I found a spacious house near the high road. An armed man asked me to enter ; I entered, and saw another stretched, without straw, on the naked boards ; he had a fever, and no covering. I soon found myself, with three armed men, in rags, dying of hunger ; and I said, if they rob me at least my money will be well employed. I asked them what they lived on ; they were labourers ; they showed me a little loaf—each had two a day ; but that is not suf ficient, said I to them. We have herbs, they answered, and during the vintage some grapes. One of them had five children. Seeing they had no cooking utensil, I asked them how they cooked? We never cook, they said ; we have at most bread and a few raw herbs from the neigh bouring fields. And when you are ill?--We die, was the answer. " There are hospitals at Rome, but the patients have not the quantity of nourishment which the state of weakness of sill the starved wretches who enter them demands, and the great number of applicants forces them to turn them out half recovered, and they quit their mood beds for the streets, condemned to the mortal regime of extreme poverty. " If / wished to train a nation to great crimes and offences, I should place despair on one hand and punishment on the other. " I have hitherto spoken only of the physical evils caused by poverty. There is a degree of wretchedness in which everything like morality becomes impossible. Who would dare to speak of probity to a man dying of hunger— a father of a family looking on his expiring children, wife, mother, or father ? Who would think of speaking of vir tue to a young girl whose mother was dying in the tor ments of famine ? And from so many vices, originating in deep wretchedness, there flows for the future a new and inexhaustible source of vices and poverty. Immediately all the classes of society become equally degraded, and with all the virtues disappear at length all the means of curing so many evils. If you establish houses of charity, you will be robbed by the inspectors. If you found houses for edu cation, who is to educate children when all the men are either vicious, or ignorant, or imbecile?" When the soil of a country is in the hands of a few great proprietors, and an excessive population has no other resource than agriculture, it is impossible for them to raise themselves without legislative aid from the level of their misery. No man will embark ca pital in a country in which there is no resource for extreme destitution. The people accustomed to this state of things are without the hope, and cease to have a wish even to extricate themselves from their wretchedness. Famine and pestilential diseases are matters of constant recurrence. Without a man is imbued with the dread of falling lower, society has no hold of him, and the Irishman is as low as he can well be. Mendicancy has no terrors for him. In the last Number of Blackwood's Magazine there is an article on the Evils of the state of Ireland, which we would recommend to Mr. Leslie, as containing much sounder views respecting poor-laws than his own. One para graph we shall quote for his benefit : The whole secret of the preventive check, so far as we can see, consists in the growth and support of arti ficial wants among the poor. Now, in order to under stand how these are fostered by the practical operation of the poor laws, it is necessary to look chiefly to their effect on the rising generation. Take the common case of a labourer dying in middle life, and leaving a family of young children ; or disabled by injury or disease, and unable to provide for his family. If this happens in Ireland, his widow or family has no resource but in vagrancy and casual charity, the children are brought up in misery, they cannot possibly acquire any artificial wants, or look forward to the enjoyment of any comforts, and all expe rience (if on so largo a scale as to be freed from accidental fallacies) teaches that in these circumstances, there is no moral or prudential check on their powers of procreation, and such of them as survive the hardships of their early years become fathers and mothers almost as soon as nature will permit, and contribute to overspread the land with an other generation of sufferers. But in England they fall under the protection of the law ; they arc fixed to their parishes, and brought up under the eye of persons more or less interested in their welfare ; their habits are prevented from degenerating ; they grow up under the influence of artificial wants, and would feel themselves degraded if they were voluntarily to part with such of the comforts of life as they have hitherto enjoyed, and descend to the filth and penury of the Irish cabin. They live on wheaten bread, as Mr. Malthus himself tells us, and are practically eon tent to remai❑ in smaller numbers than they might have been if they had put up with coarser fare. Experience proves that their numbers do not become redundant, and that their standard of comfort, in after life, has not dege nerated from that of their fathers."—Morning Chronicle. A pamphlet on the principles on which Poor Laws are founded, and their proposed extension to Ireland, has been recently published by Mr. John Leslie, whose writings on the state and management of the poor-rate in the parish of St. George, Hanover-square, we have often noticed with the utmost satisfaction. This pamphlet derives peculiar importance from the expe rience of the writer, and the opinion at present gene rally entertained of the application of poor laws to Ireland. From the practical effects of the poor laws, Mr. Leslie deprecates the introduction of a system into Ireland, fraught with so many evils as those from which England is now emerging by the operation of the Poor Law Amendment Act. And after alluding to the poor laws, as emanating from the most benevolent feelings of our nature, though productive of such mis chievous consequences, he observes— " Such a state of circumstances having occurred under an apparently benevolent law, should induce the most se rious and solemn investigation of the principle on which the poor laws are founded ; and which investigation I ven ture upon, notwithstanding the obloquy that must attach to every one who inclines to doubt the humanity and policy of the poor-law system. " It may be asked—can the poor do better without any laws for their relief? iam of opinion that they would ob tain more real advantages, both pecuniary and moral, if no such laws were in existence ; that they would lose a shadow and gain a substance ; that the market for their labour would then be totally free from all the depressing influence which the system of poor laws throws upon it ; but, al though I am of this opinion, I shall be most grievously misunderstood, if I am supposed to urge an immediate re peal of the poor-law system. The repeal of that system must not, in my opinion, be a legislative enactment, at least for years to come ; it must be effected by the growing in telligence of the community, more particularly of the in dustrious portion of it, who will soon clearly trace to their legitimate source the advantages which they are now be ginning to receive. In the meantime all those of the la bouring classes, who are anxious to live by their own in dustry, may depend upon it, that their sheet anchor is in the workhouse system, because that will ultimately be found to be the least pernicious pressure of the poor-law system on the industry of the country." Much praise is due to Mr. Leslie, for the boldness with which he expresses his convictions, notwithstand ing the current of opinion which sets against them. He may, however, exult in the reflection that the greatest benefactors of mankind have often suffered persecution in their own generation—but while those who meanly follow in the wake of general opinion, and seek distinction by the echo of the public voice, with out reference to the justice of the propositions it may advocate or oppose, will be forgotten, or remembered with contempt, such men as Mr. Leslie, whose vision expanding over the past and future, look from an in tellectual eminence on the phases of society—their causes and effects—and influenced only by conviction, point to the dangers to be avoided, as well as to the good to be pursued, will receive the thanks and grati tude of their fellow-men. 'With every sentiment of Mr. Leslie's pamphlet we perfectly coincide, and shall, when the time comes, be fully prepared to defend them against every assailant. We rejoice to have the prin ciples we have always advocated in regard to Poor Laws supported by a gentleman of Mr. Leslie's expe rience and talent. The following extract shall close our present commentary, but we shall not lose sight of the valuable information which the pamphlet presents to us : _ _ " Firmly believing that there are, at the present moment, brighter prospects for the industrious classes of thi s country than there have been fbr centuries, I cannot but contem plate with dread the consequences which may bef a l th em b y the introduction of a poor law system into Ireland. Vain and delusive, as they appear to me, are the expectations of a nation's regeneration by such a course. Vain and de lusive have been the anticipations of ameliorating the moral or social condition of the labouring population by the poor law system. Let the statute-book be consulted—and let it reply to the favourable pictures drawn of the effect of the 43rd Elizabeth. I have just shewn that the wages of the industrious classes were, by the year 1610, reduced one half from what they were in 1595. Now, mark what the statute-book unfolds so soon as eight years after the 43rd of Elizabeth :—ln 1609, the 7th James 1., c. 4, sec. 8, states, " that many wilful people, finding that they, hav ing children, have some hope to have relief from the parith wherein they dwell, and, being able to labour, and thereby to run awayrebeve the mse l ves an d th e i r f am ili es , d o , never th e l ess , out of their parishes, and leave their families upon the parish: ~ Here, then, l arnoral crime of the deepest turpitude—a crime against acs, human and divine—is for the first time recorded in the statute-book of our country :—a crime involving a violation of the feelings of human nature, clearly chargeable to th e compulsory system of taxation for the re lief eof'the poor, fully established by the then recent enact ment of the 43rd Eliz abeth , crime still exists among i us, and to an ex tent that who are not practically ac quainted with the workin g s of the poor law system, and the horrors which it inflicts upon a natio n , would believe, or even think of." —Morning Advertiser. We believe we have on fo r mer occasions produced a sufficiency of arguments to prove th e ur gent necess ity which exists for an efficient Reform of the H ouse o f Lords. Additional proofs of such necessity are not needed. Were they called for, we could seek no bet ter proof than the excessive zeal and pertinacity with which the Tory journals labour to convince the public that the Upper House is at present all that it ought to be. There could be no better evidence of the great need of Peerage Reform, than that those who are the habitual advocates of all that is corrupt, should thus hold up the Tory Lords as paragons of political per fection. It is a tacit admission not to be mistaken, that they feel there is something " rotten" in the state of the hereditary House. If the Lords were as im maculate and enlightened as their organs of the Tory press pretend, why not let their Lordships' unsullied purity of character speak for itself ? But we can have no objection to the Tory press wasting their energies, in vindicating the recent conduct and present constitution of the House of Lords. If the masters whom they serve are pleased with their advo cacy--though we much question whether they would not infinitely rather purchase their silence at almost any price —if, we say, their lordly masters are pleased with the course they are pursuing, so are we. Let them by all means exhaust their stores of eloquence, however ample these may be, in eulogizing the wisdom and patriotism of the Lyndhurst faction. This they have an undoubted right to do. But let them not, in offering the incense of their adulation to that faction, deliberately misrepresent the purposes and conduct of Reformers. The people of this country are constitu tionally of an open and straightforward disposition in all public matters. They have no cause to seek the concealment of their views and intentions on the great question of Peerage Reform. They do not seek any such concealment. They boldly proclaim those views and intentions in the hearing of their foes as well as in that of their friends. And the Tories are no strangers to what the Reformers have in contempla tion with a view to harmonise the Upper House with the measures of the Commons and the feelings of the nation. They know as well as we do, that we only seek such a Reform in the Hereditary branch of the Legislature as shall secure its concurrence in whatever measures are essential to the safety of the Constitution, arid the well-being of this great country. And yet the Tory Journals, in that wilful and reckless spirit of misrepresentation which is the invariable adjunct of modern Conservatism, charge the Reformers with a design—why do they not accuse us at once of treason to the Constitution ?—with a design to annihilate the Upper House. It was only yesterday that one of the Tory prints preferred this charge against the Reformers. We will not so far outrage the common sense of the people of England, as to enter into a formal disproof of the imputation. No one knows better than the journal which seeks to fasten it on them, that it is as utterly groundless as it were possible for charge to be. We are not Destructives ; it is not necessary we should. We seek Reform— which will abundantly answer our purpose—not de struction. Should the impending struggle between the Peers and the people terminate in the destruction of the Upper House, the destructives will be the Tories —not the Reformers.—Morning Advertiser. More importance than the thing deserves would ap pear, .after all, to have been attached to these Radical and Whig squabbles, about the greater or less amount of the movement leaven which is to be mixed up with the Ministerial policy. When Lord Melbourne took office in April, 1835, the cry among the members of the Whig rump was, that " Reformers" of all denomi nations ought to unite and keep out the Tories from the Government. This certainly was no bad bargain for the Whigs, by far the weakest of the three patties under which the House of Commons was enumerated, inasmuch as they were to have the loaves and fishes to themselves, while the unplaced " Reformers," being those with the Radical brand upon their brow, were to have only the honour of dividing for the Whigs, and keeping them in office. This, however, would not entirely answer the purpose of at least the Irish por tion of the movement—Mr. O'Connell, and some others that we could name, being by no means well disposed to exchange good votes for pompous acknow ledgments—gold for brass, after the manner of Glaucus. No, a definite bargain was concluded. " You, anti- Protestcstants, repealers, &c., said the unofficial Whig negotiator, " are to support us in Parlia ment, while on our part we will do our utmost to carry into effect your anti-British policy, and in the mean time the bull: of the Irish patronage shall be yours." So they have gone on. O'Connell and his clique would have burst into open frenzy long ago, at the miscarriage of all his promised measures for the esta blishment of Popish supremacy in Ireland, but for the frequent sops that were privately administered to them 'by their own State-steward at the Castle. Neverthe less, what showed itself on the surface of things, was the continuance of Whig Ministers in office, the con tinuance of O'Connell out of office, and the non-per formance of any of the boastful promises with which he had been flattering the Popish multitude for years, seeing that the Romish Church was not yet made pa ramount by law—not even was the Protestant Church swept away—nor were tithes overturned—nor were Popish Corporations yet substituted for Protestant ; Ireland, in fact, remained, so far as acts of Parliament were concerned, not very unlike what she would have been had a Conservative Government ruled her, saving always, that the patronage, instead of being mixed, on fair grounds, was exclusively bestowed on Papists in the O'Connell and priestly interest—a circumstance which was not suffered to reach the ears of the out door multitude ; and that had Sir Robert Peel and friends been Ministers, tithes would have been com muted ; the internal discipline of the Church would have been improved ; many safeguards to the peaceful enjoyment of property, for the introduction of capital, and forthe encouragement of industry, might and would have been adopted ; and those overt acts of turbulence and agitation by which the unoffending citizen has been harassed and terrified, would doubtless have been discountenanced or repressed. But the main fact which glared before the eyes of the out-door multitude was the failure--.the total failure—of the combined Whigs and Revolutionists to carry into execution any one of their schemes for the subversion of the Pro testant State ; and this fact must have impressed upon the minds of the populace a dangerous convic tion of the Agitator's impotence to execute the mis chiefs which he had avowedly undertaken. Well, then, could O'Connell acquiesce tamely in such a public discomfiture of all his ostentatious projects ? Tamely he might and would, but by no means silently. It was necessary that he should write letters, and pub lish manifestoes—that he should complain of injustice done to the " people of Ireland," meaning the priestly junta and himself—that he should belabour the House of Lords for the insult they had offered to his fine feelings„ and those of his high-minded vassals, by refusing to inundate Ireland with normal schools of insurrectionary agitation—that he should pledge himself to the promising alternative of an elective House of Peers or a repeal of the Union ! And all this he has tried. He has reviled, threatened, bullied, and, in the name of peace and patriotism, endeavoured his ut most to revive in the breasts of the people a spirit of disaffection and sedition. He had nothing else left for it. He had been totally and signally beaten in every attempt to force, his schemes upon Parliament. He could do nothing ; therefore his expedient has been to vociferate much ; and for what ? Does he delude himself with the notion that he will either compel or enable the poor withered Cabinet to accomplish any one of those measures which he says they must carry, on pain of his displeasure—that they will, in reality, curtail the duration of Parliaments, or extend the suffrage, or introduce the ballot, or abolish the church, or remodel the House of Lords according to his Jack Cade f as hi on ? N o t h e . O r , f a ili ng suc h grand enterprises, does he lay the flattering " ointment to his chest," (vide J. Hume passim) that he will actually repeal the Union ? Not he. He dreams of nothing but how he may raise the rent. O'Connell's bellowings are, however, we dare say, worth, for most practical purposes, nearly as m uc h as t h e more disin terested and reckless - indications recently offered by English and Irish-imported Radicals who seem to have been making a show at Halifax and elsewhere of what the Radicals, as a body, will (not) do, when they come to the push. Mr. Fergus O'Connor, at their late meeting, taunted Mr. C. Wood, a Whig, with counselling the Radicals to suppress all mention of, and treat as utterly insignificant, those questions of organic or other change upon which Whigs and Radicals differed ! Yes, really this is shrewd and sage advice ; and, withal the naivete of it is delight ful. " Ask us to do precisely that, and not a bit more than we ourselves are inclined to, and you are the honestest fellows and the best Radicals living ; but for God's sake don't pester us with any of your , crotchets, which are not likewise the crotchets of us Whigs, or you will provoke us to play the deuce. ' We will rather let in upon you those abominable Tories." To be sure, it is a hopeful prospect for the country to see these two factions greasing each other, for no very intelligible purpose, with the common name of " Reformers ;" but the minute they come to compare notes and investigate reciprocally their respec tive titles to the epithet, exclaiming on one side, " Why you Radicals are no better than downright Revolu tionists !" and on the other, " Why, you Whigs, with all your talk about Reform, are ten times worse (be cause you are hypocrites) than Lyndhurst, P ee l, or Wellington himself I" Whatever may he the separate —nay, inconsistent views of the several parties forming this heterogeneous and grotesque majority, there will flow from them, we dare say, a specific and speedy re sult-Ist, some miserable compromise, by which the Whigs may retain their places for a little while longer —2d, a general burst of contempt and indignation throughout the country, which will swamp the crazy ship, and send her ill-assorted cargo—Papist, Whig, and Ultra-Radical--cursing each other to the bottom. —Times. The Duke of Montebello's note to the Swiss Directory, which this paper published on Wednesday last, begins now to attract a great deal of attention here, as it has already done at Paris. In our view of the case, France is perfectly justified in the step it has taken ; and we trust that, before the affair is brought to a close, Switzerland shall receive a deep and impor tant lesson for the future. It is not long since that her open encouragement of the revolutionary madmen who conspired for the subversion of all order and of existing institutions in every part of Germany called for the solemn and decided remonstrances of Austria. She ought not to forget that her frontier was then closed, the courier stopt, her trade impeded, and a blockade the most strict enforced ; and that she was compelled humbly to solicit pardon for her offences, and to prove herself worthy of deserving of it by rejecting from within her the apostles of the Pro paganda. It was clear at that period that the ma jority of the Cantons were opposed to the demo cratic spirit which had established itself at Berne ; and it is no less now to he believed that the good sense of a commercial and enterprising nation, dependant on the freedom of its intercourse with surrounding countries, will prevail over the miserable revolutionary faction that has established itself in their territory, as a central point of mischief. If not, the Swiss Directory may be assured that France will perform all that it has pro mised ; and that the frontier will be sealed, according to the language of the first note, " hermetically ;" and further, that Austria will be ready, in case her services are required, to interpose the power of her cordon on the opposite frontier. As to Switzerland speaking of a resort to arms—of her power to produce 35,000 men at once, and to organise 35,000 more in the course of a few weeks—it is the very height of absur dity. This is not the moment when the Swiss moun taineers can hid defiance to a Burgundian or an Aus trian army. A short campaign, if they had the madness to risk it, would soon convince them of the inutility of the attempt. Indeed, they are not likely to be placed in a position to make the experiment : it is not by open war that they are to be brought back to com mon sense, but by the soothing application of strict blockade—the cutting off their social and commercial intercourse with the rest of Europe. The Duke of Montebello's note is not a perfect document, but it embraces many of the points which are at issue. Faulty as it may be in some respects, the Swiss Direc tory cannot escape from its consequences, and all their reproaches about the employment of Conseil will not avail them, when it is well known that he was their spy—though his engagement by the French Govern ment for the same disgraceful task may not be proble matical. It is already hinted that the mediation of the English Government is to be resorted to between France and Switzerland ; and we think such a solution of the question will be the most easy and practical form to be adopted. The award of course must be, that the Directory shall offer an apology to the wounded pride of France, for surely France will not consent to lower its dignity by retracting its words. What a triumph will such a result be to Louis Philippe ; what a gra tification it will be to have the author of the Quadruple Treaty—the inspirer of revolutions within the circle of his influence—recommending submission to his will, and advising the pulling up by the roots the plants of Liberalism whiCh have been nurtured until now by the warmth of his patronage ! The result of our inquiries is, that Switzerland will give way, and that all the reasonable satisfaction the dignity of France may re quire will be awarded voluntarily by the Diet at once, or subsequently, at the recommendation of whatever Power the question be referred to. Our Liberal friends are calling out against the invasion of the rights of nations involved in the canduct of France on this oc casion : but they quite forget that Switzerland has been for some time the centre of a conspiracy not only against France itself, but against monarchy and good order in every country of Europe.—Morning Post. The ambition that led Louis Philippe to covet the " throne of the barricades," does not appear to be pro. ductive to him of much happiness. If he had not more enjoyment of private life than a Crown seems to bring to his troubled spirit, his domestic gods must, indeed, have been of malignant aspect. Afraid to show himself to the people, of whom he used to be re presented as the idol, except under the protection of strong bodies of military and police, he sees, or fancies he sees, in " young France" that invested him with the regal purple, an enemy, against whose machinations for his ruin it requires perpetual vigilance to guard. It is a fact no less remarkable than true, that of all the Sovereigns of Europe, the " Citizen King" is the one that is most afraid to trust his life among the people ! What a contrast is the position of Louis Philippe to that of William IV. The former, suspicious of every subject that approaches him—living in continual alarm of plots for his destruction, concealing himself in the recesses of his palace, or, when he does go abroad, changing place with the suddenness and surprise of one who would elude some meditated blow ; the latter per forming the functions of a King with the frankness, the kindness and affability of the father and friend of his people—apprehensive of no plots, disturbed by no dread of ambushed enemies, haunted by no apparitions of air-drawn daggers, wanting no guard, except for ornament, requiring no triple row of bayonets to hedge in his Sovereignty from the sudden or the premeditated explosions of " patriotic" violence—he can say, with confidence, like his illustrious predecessor, Elizabeth, pointing to the assembled people, " Behold the guards of the Crown of England." Now William IV. is a hereditary King, and Louis Philippe is a Sovereign who has no claim to the sceptre which he wields by birth right, but has been called to the Throne by what our Republican philosophers consider a higher title— the popular will. Louis Philippe has also to please that popular will which destroyed the hereditary Peerage of France, and William IV. is called on by desperate and profligate politicians to de stroy the hereditary Peerage of England ; but he knows that Peerage to be not merely an ornament to the fabric of the Constitution—not merely a bulwark to the throne, but a protection to the people them selves, who, deprived of that protection, would soon, as in the gloomy days of the long Parliament, groan under the iron tyranny of rapacious and blood-thirsty democrats, from whose grinding persecution they would be glad to escape, as they were formerly, to the shelter of a military despotism, relieved by somewhat of the lustre of loftier intellect and more elevated ambition. The sneers of the " philosophers" who deal out their trite and common-place sarcasms against hereditary Kings and hereditary legislators cannot apply to Louis Philippe and his Chamber of Peers—the one being an elected Monarch, the other having only a life interest in their titles and honours. Yet the one fears that every collection of the people conceals the lair of the regicide, prepared to make his tiger spring, and the other are the pliant instruments of any tyrant project of the Ministers of the Crown from the mockery of judicial proceedings by the abominable proses-nzonstre of the Doctrinaire Cabinet to the making of Fieschi laws to extinguish those liberties that survived the ordinances of Charles X. The recent visit of the King of the French to Compiegne is stated in some of the French papers to have been undertaken for the purpose of demonstrat ing that the King dared show himself in public, and in the presence of a large portion of the army. What a position must a Citizen King be in to make such an experiment necessary I Have, then, those examples of the guillotine to which Louis Philippe expressed so in superable an aversion when he first came to the throne, being wholly without effect ? or, rather, have they not multiplied to his alarmed vision, the images of terror which they were intended to suppress. Our gracious Sovereign William IV., does not boast of his cle mency, but he practises it. The King of the French has been the unceasing percecutor of the Press, ever since the Press had been instrumental in raising him to the throne ; but he only arms public opinion with stronger will and greater power to create those vexatious of which his sensitive vanity is so apprehensive. William IV. fears not the fullest expression of the opinions of a free people. Attached to that ancient and inestimable Constitution which is the palladium of the people's rights and liberties, he doubts not the love and gratitude of an enlightened nation. Let the pseudo-reformers, and those who put faith in them— who would have us exchange our own ancestral institu tions for new-fangled foreign schemes of Government— look on this picture and on that.—Morning Herald. A BREAKFAST IN THE DESERT.—A short time before daylight every morning Suleiman awakes me in a rather an unceremonious manner, though becoming enough in a De sert valet. " Wullah 1 turn up," is his usual mode of address, to insure attention to which he pulls me roughly by the legs, or gives me a thrust in the side with his stick, and if that does not answer, draws my pillow from under my head and walks away with it. On rising there is no toilet to delay me. I must be satisfied with the morning dew for my ablutions, and the Great Desert itself for my dressing-room. We are able to make a hasty breakfast while the camels are being loaded, at a fire in which all the fuel in the camp is collected for a farewell blaze, for it is yet cold enough at daylight to render such a plan agreeable; every Arab, on approaching, brings an offering of wood to increase the flame. My kettle is boiled in a few minutes; a cup of tea, a bowl of camel's milk, and a cake of barley, enable us to support a fast until the evening; we then mount and set off, or sometimes walk for an hour or two. —Major Skinner's Adventures in the East. THE DUNMOW FLITCH OF BACON.—At the late meeting of the Dunmow Agricultural Society, Mr. Brew ster said that to his regret he had heard that day that appli cation had been formally and properly made to claim that flitch, but that the demand had been resiEted.----(Cheers.) He did not know why that objection was made, but when there was no such joyous occasions in Dunmow, the Saffron Walden Society had come in to take the place, and there the joyous husband, the wife, and child could come as candidates, and join the Walden and Dunmow Society in harmony and con cord.—(Cheers.) This gave rise to a short conversation, which we find reported in the Essex Herald as follows: " Mr. Player said, as the flitch of bacon had been alluded to, he begged to offer a flitch to be disposed of as the Committee of Dunmow might think fit.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) Mr. Brewster hoped they would allow him to propose that the pig should be fed by a member of the society, and the flitch cured at Dunmow.—( Cheers.) Mr. Fuller said he should be glad to receive proposals from any gentleman in Dunmow to provide a flitch, fattened by a member of the so ciety, to be produced about that time twelve months. Kr. Wade said, as Mr. Player had given them a flitch, he (Mr. W.) promised there should be no gammon in giving it away. —(Cheers and laughter.) He was afraid they would not be able to produce a loving couple in Little Dunmow to claim it, but perhaps they should from some other place." At Wakefield, on Wednesday evening, the Magis trates were engaged in the investigation of a most atrocious outrage. A poor woman, named Mary Stuart, was on her way from Halifax to Wakefield, on Monday night, and was followed by three or more men, and abused and ill-treated by them during a part of the way to the house of a Mr. Wilby, some distance from it. When close to the latter house, the ruffians seized her between them, threw her over a 'wall on the road aide, dragged her across a field, and over a hedge into an adjoining field, and there violated her person. The cries of the wretched.woman were heard by a young woman named Oakes who was going to bed. She rushed out of her house, saw the miscreants in the act of dragging the woman across the field, returned and called her brother, who was in bed, and both, with a man named Dews, who was also alarmed by the screams of the woman, ran to the spot, where, in the abominable act, they saw John Milnes, as a principal, and Jervis Kemp and William Carr, of Ossett, holding down the wretched woman, who was by this time insensible, from the dreadful blows she received on the head. They knew the villains, and rescued the woman from them, at the risk of their lives. The three wretches were committed to York Castle for the capital offence. The head of the unfortunate woman was battered, and her face contused in a shocking man ner. —llalifax Express. SPINNERS' TURN-OUT AT BOLTON.-About eight years since, in consequence of the market being over stocked with yarns, the master-spinners of this town and neighbourhood were compelled to reduce the wages of their work-people twelve and a half per cent., at which standard they have remained up to the present period. Owing to the increase in the price of yarns that has taken place lately, from the inadequate supply in the market, without a corresponding advance in the price of cottons, the operatives and masters have held several meetings respecting an advance of wages, the former considering that they ought to receive the twelve and a half per cent. wich bad been taken off The masters, however, refuse to grant it, and the consequence is that the workpeople of two mills have already made a strike, and those of twenty-six other mills have given notice of leaving their work in a fortnight from Saturday last. On Friday evening a meeting of operatives was held, and a document forwarded from them to the masters, requiring an advance of five per cent. on their present wages, and to have the gas-light in the factories gratis (which they have hitherto paid for out of their own wages); this being nearly equivalent to twelve and a half on the whole. The masters have not yet returned any answer to this demand, but we understand that they will have a meeting in the course of the week. It would be well if matters could be amicably arranged between the parties, as a general turn-out would be attended by the most disastrous consequences to both masters and men, and to the tradespeople generally.---Liverpool Mail. A HEROlNE.—Saturday week, a cottager's wife, in the parish of Edzell, went out in the morning to assist in cutting down a field of barley in the vicinity of her cottage, and when on her return to it, about mid-day, she observed something fall from the window with a " whack" (as she ex pressed it) upon the ground. She found it to be a fellow, who, in her absence, had entered her dwelling, and was car rying off his booty. Being a stout woman, she immediately laid hold of him, and questioning him strictly, found he be longed to a gang of tinkers who lay in the adjoining wood, and that the only thing he had taken was a quantity of oat meal. The woman, not relying on the veracity of the thief, dragged him into the house, bolted the door, and there kept him prisoner until she searched his pockets, counted her money, and inspected every part of the house where anything of value was deposited ; but finding he had told the truth she dismissed him. He now quickly made his way to the above named wood, closely followed by the eye of the victor, who, as soon as he entered, observed him take up something from a place of concealment, and, naturally supposing it to be something of hers he had carried off at a former visit, im mediately gave chase, and after a hot pursuit succeeded in capturing him a second time. A desperate struggle ensued, and the victory was for some time doubtful, but it ultimately declared in favour of the female, who grounded the fellow, and kept him down until she had examined his parcel, but find.. ing nothing she could claim as hers, he was allowed to depart. —Dundee Courier. Farmers are now every where busily employed in wheat sowing, for which operation the late rants have put the ground in capital order. • FRATRICIDE.—A dreadful instance of this crime occurred at a village called Grand Vertes, about four leagues from Dieppe, on the 18th ult. A young man of bad character, named Marie Lecourtois, called on his brother, M. Louis Le courtois, a farmer living at that place, and while dining and drinking wine the farmer alluded to his having lately lost two sheep, which he supposed had been carried of by wolves, which were known to have been prowling about in the neighbourhood. Marie's observation on this was, that it was not wolves that had taken away the sheep but robbers. Louis, the farmer, at the approach of evening, proposed to his brother to go out and conceal themselves, in order to kill the wolf. They accord ingly loaded their guns with deer-shot, and left the house about seven o'clock. In half an hour after Marie returned to the house, his face pale and haggard, and his dress in disorder, and told the wife of his brother that he had killed a robber, and begged her to go and view the body. She repaired with him to the spot just outside the barrier, and to her utter misery and consternation beheld her husband weltering in his blood. The account given by Marie of the death of his brother was, that he killed him by accident; but his story was so inconsistent that he was immediately arrested and committed to the prison of Dieppe. The agents of the Tories are now actively engaged endeavouring to produce a contest in Westminster, in favour of Tory candidates, in case of a new election. Whatever altera tion may take place in the representation, at all events a Tory candidate will have no chance whatever. THE MARCH OF M IND.--The other week the boys and girls employed at the various mills in the thriving town of Galashiels took it into their heads that the mill-masters had too good a bargain of their services, and that they should have sixpence a week added to their wages. On a particular morning those in command in the mill found themselves cu riously left alone in the midst of their machinery. Their little troops dropt out slyly by twos and threes at a time, and were shortly found, in imitation of their seniors, advocating a Reform Bill, by parading the town with flags and banners, and cheering their employers as they passed their variouspro perties. The bairn s were qu it e or d er l y , b ut qu it e determined. The mills were all at a dead stand, and the masters were com pelled to subscribe to the momentary revolution, which was effected not only without outrage on the part of the juveniles, but acquiecseed in with perf e ct goo d humour by their masters. —Caledonian Mercury. A quarrel took place On Saturday night, in the Rue de Ponthieu, between a journeyman and a master carver, from whom the former demanded work. After a violent struggle the journeyman was taken to the hospital in a dying st a t e , an d in the course of the night he expired. On Sunday morni ng the murderer was arrested by the police, but in a few hours af terwards it was discovered that he had hung himself in prison. —Paris Pap SHIPPING _ INTELLIGENCE. VESSELS ENTERED INWARDS AT THE CO' TOM-HOUSE, OCT. 6. The City of Hamburgh, Haste, from Hamburgh ; Union,' De Jonge, Ostend ; Columbine, Pilcher, River Garnbla, Heros, Faillant, Calais; Euphemia, Tarpie Lisbon; Princes! Victoria. Brock, Antwerp ; Lochiel, Spalding, Quebec , Ralph or ud, Price, Jamaica ; Mary Maria, Patten, Laun ceston. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING, Ocr. 6. The Batavier, Dunlop, for Rotterdam • St. James , Sebor, New York; Ramona, Bridge, Rotterdam ' ' • Louisa, r Cut cheon, Mauritius ; Campbells, James, Tobago ; Three Sister!,Liverp Lund, Dunkirk; Messenger, Baynes, Jamaica; o, Symonds, Lisbon ; Lionel, Peraria, G ib ra l tar; calo Woodhouse, Jamaica. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO, Om 6 - The La Belle Alliance, Arkoll, for the Cape of c,„ °° Hope ; Falcon, Middleton, Singapore - Queen Adelaide, ro x ', Havre; Anne, Burgess, Tobago • Dart,' Ditcham, Gibraltar, Ann and Mary, Wilson, Bordeaux.' CLEARED OUTWARDS IN BALLAST, 13 c T ' The Adelaide, Heebin, for Jersey • Mi nerva , Gronm ert Norway; Archibald, Wendt, Elsineur ; Jacquerein, Gilsamt Palermo. ARRIVALS AT LIVERPOOL, OCT. 5. d, The Samuel, Jamieson, from Quebec ; John Ormero Dickson, Oporto; Lintin, Bombay; Morrison, Ingersolt, NeW York. ENTERED FOR LOADING, OcT. b. The Thomas Dempsey, for Africa ; Angelina Antwerp; Alexander, Leeds. Baltimore ; Spencer, Wilson, Angelina, Lavinia, Jones, Charleston ; Favorite, Elsineur ; Orata!lo Gull, Lisbon ; Porn, Pearson, Gibraltar ; Union, Van Stein, Ostend ; Triumvirate, Green, Newfoundland ; Henry, Cull ningham, Rio Janeiro ; Catharine, Rotterdam ; Ca rthage ' Virginia. CLEARED OUTWARDS, OCT. 5. The Laura, Day, for Demerara; Union, Steen, Ostend; May, Hamilton, Halifax; Zorgeliet, Huber, Rotterdam. TELEGRAPHED. Wind at Holyhead, W. S. W.—Off Point Lynas, invi 34 bound, the Thomas Bailers, from Pernambuco. EAST INDIA SHIPPING. gaged The Minerva, M'Pherson, from Bombay, at Li v erpoo l , , A . June 12; the Columbian, Tomkins, ffom Manilla, off Fa y mouth, sailed May 18 ; the Borneo, from Batavia, off Svranti sailed June 23 ; the Trident, from Madras to Bordeaux, sal May 23. Arrivals at Calcutta.-The Hon. Company's ship Ga n g Lt. Warden, from Ryouk Phoo ; the Matild a , May 14, from r verpool ; the Tamerlane, May 15, from London ; the DZ e n: May 15, from Boston ; the John Hepburn, M a y 16, from I T , goon ; the Dapper, May 17, from London ; the Jane MaY,. from Liverpool : the Warsaw, from Bost o n ; the Swallow, from Madras ; the William, May 18, from Greenock and the Ca' ; the Hector, May 18, from Singapore and Penang; the gl berton, May 19, from London, Cape, and Madras ; the li 0 ; con, May 19, from Liverpool and Belfa s t ; th e Boadicea, f ro : Hobart Town; the Bengal Packet, f rom L on d o n, .M 8 1_,: ;; Bridget' the Blakely, from the Mauritius and M a d ras ; the Brin v . from Liverpool; the Hindoo, from Li ver p oo l ; the Vic`Tgi, Biden, from Madras ; the Jessy, May 20, f rom P e nang ; Eleanor, May 23, from Madras; the Malcolm, May 25; t 0 Diana, May 25, the Asia, May 26, and the Fergusson, the from London and Madras ; the Virginius, from Bombay ; Louisa, from Madras ; the Claremont, from Bombay 1111 Tellichera. Departures from Calcutta.-The Sir Herbert Taylor, 14 % 14, for Singapore ; Dalla Mercha n t, f or Si nga p ore ; Corsi ° for Singapore ; Sir A. Campbell, for Penang and SingaP re b' Water Witch, May 16, for Singapore and China ; Elizake t May 17, for Madras ; Lady Grant, May 19, for Boleb it i ; Euralie, May 19, for Bourbon. Departures from Saugur.-Th e Ph cen i x , M a y 21, for t 4B Mauritius; Will Watch, May 21, for Singapore and Chicl A ! Mangles, May 22, for London ' • Concord, May 22, for Dostetfl; Futtay Salem, May 22, f or China ; Lloyd's, May 2 3 1 :1 3 , f London ; Sir J. 13eresford, May 24, f or Li ver pool; La r i e Grant, May 25, for Bombay ; R u b y , M ay 2 6, f or SinlaP°.„l and China ; the Children, Kyle, Hector, Tamerlane, Bef l g; Packet, and Abberton, were lo a di ng f or L on d on ; t' a e El ,e '; nor, Laidman, Matilda, and Jane, f or Li verpoo l ; t h o Victor y' for China. Arrival at Madras.-The Madras, May 28, from Loud ° and the Cape. Arrivals at Bombay.--The Hythe, June 4, from Lon a°ll ! Ann, June 4, from London; Lord Stanley, June 5, fronl i m no verpool ; Indus, June 4, from G reenoc k ; A n d romac he, l u g , 5, from London, the Cape, and Ceylon ; Rosalind, J' ° s r , from Liverpool ; Blenhei m , J une 6, f rom Ll ane ll y ; JeP" - n • June 8, from Muscat ; Prin ce R egen t, J une 8, f rom Lon do; Two Brothers, June 10, f rom M oc h a ; hi s Majesty's ship g l i b tlesnake, June 10 ; Rec ov ery, J une 11 , f rom New S°,l(l Wales; Hugh Li n d sa y ( s t eamer ), J une 1, w i th the oYerj-- mail of April 1. Departures from Bombay.-The Ernaad, June 5, for cutta ; Childe Harold, June 8, for London-pa ss engers , T i • Young, Esq., merchant, Capt. More, 24th Regiment, 14 '4 Lieut. Johnstone, R. N., Lieut. Richardson, his Majesty be' Regiment ; Caledonia, June 9, for China ; Charles Fe r A ,' f r . June 9, for China ; angewo, for Liverpool-passengeot ' t o and Mrs. Enderwick and daughter, Mrs. Samson and '94 children, Mr. Edward Dalton, Ensign W. E. Kenwiek% a s Queen's Royals, and one servant; Nestor, for London , n f „, to sail 11th June ; Hindostan, June 13, for Liverpool; 11 , ili a / ; June 14, f or Li verpoo l ; Cl eve l and, June 15, for C 416, Mary White, June 15, for Liverpool ; John Barry, Ju lie /: 4J for London ; Willi am R o d ger, J une 16, for Liverpool ;,.-ctler Lowther, June 11, for Singapore and China; Upton June 25, for China ; Ingleborough, June 25,, for t-'"iteti Indus, J une 25, f or t h e Cl y d e ; E uphrates, July 1, for the - Sea ; Ardromache, July 5, for London. on* Arrival at China.-Th e C o l osseum , A pr il 22, from Lc, /areal Arrival at Bordeaux.-The Philanthrope, S e pt. 20, - Batavia. Arrival at Nantes.-The Victor, Sept. 29, from Steet t , r ra; Arrivals at Helvo e t.-Th e A nna , S ept. 28, from pal'. dr l Perthohise, Sept. 29, from Manill a . 9 ' Spoken With.-The Lady Flora, from London to M a 26th Aug., lat. 13. 30. W., long. 25. W. The Pamphlet entitled " The Lords, the G° / I , f er went, and the Country," is no t b y M r . Ed war d Lytton PLO; the author of the pamphlet of last year entitled 66 A Let la ud a Late C a bi ne t Mi n i ster on t h e P resent Crisis, " ",, and the English," the well-known fiction's of " Pe - for " Rienzi," & c . ; b u t b y M r . H enry L. Bulwer, Partr Marylebone, and author of " France, Literary, Social al rrlis litical," " The Monarchy of the Middle Classes," end Autumn in Greece." On Tue s d ay even i ng C apta i n P ec h ell arr i ve d A t A l l Sea House H o t e l, B r i g h ton, and received a d epu tation f o for tensed Victuall ers , w h o presented him with t h e i r then' res to• his services in Parli ament i n : attend i ng their particular int e _,„ i eet The Hon. Gentlem an a f terwar d s sat down to an en tertani — t he A fter to which he had be en i nv i te d b y h i s constituents. „ b . th e usual toasts, and Maj or All en h a d proposed h i s besf tllB gallant and patriotic C a pt a i n rev i ewe d the measu res of past session, with refer ence to hi s votes an d par lianle conduct. CADVERTISEMENT.) vAC .. A . II' SILVER WATCHES TWO GUINEAS - : fr o - ETt An Assortment of Second-hand Watches, all of theta vrm — ice,: and of various sizes, may be selected from, for the abovo i g i s . rate' . T. COX SAVORY'S, Working Silversmith, Goldsmith, a , '" of maker, 47, Cornhill, London. Drie s N.B. A pamphlet, containing a detailed list of th• Plate, Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks, &c., may be had WadAP" ___----- e 01 _ __ BTS. On the sth inst., in Ch ape l-str lß eet, H Grovenor-square, t he Wil Alfred Vidil, Esq., of a son. A -vArbit tr On the sth inst., in Ch es t er - s t ree t , t h e l a d y of gen t .' , t., ker, Esq., of a daughter. 1 131° On the 2d inst., in New Burlington- s t ree t, the lady of jun., Esq., of a son. of a .°ll ;et On the sth inst., a t B r i g ht on, t h e L a d y Susan DoY: T ' e " puos' ° On the sth inst., i n F o l ey - p l ace, t h e l a d y o f D r . n• of a daughter. On the 4th inst., at Myddleton-square, Mr. Willis° ~Nirllite: DIED. age O d n s te 3d inst., at Argyll-street, Hanover-square', zabeth, relict of James Hillman, Esq., of his Majesty s Deptford. / te Chi ef On the 2d inst., at Blackheath Charles Wray, Esq'' -a a , I A nieg Justice of British Guiana. ' On the 3d inst., at Park-road, Regent's-park, the ....e .' Preedy, Rector of Hinton Northamptonshire On the 3d inst.,aged ' -eldest of 3 11 '. 36, Charles, son , a ged 8 4 . , r. pett l6 ' of Down-street, Piccadill Elis 3l)4° third d t a h n e g 3 h d t e r i n o s f t . t , haet liar qu is Tunbridgeof Ely. Wells, Tr ohed of On the 3d inst., Selena, wife of R. H. Atkinson, Esq' House, Abbst's Langley, Herts. 0 1 3300 On the sth i ns t., Blackwood Gore Currie, Esq., ag 8 2 ' On the 6th inst- at Edge Grove, Aldenham , a g ed a 1 011 ' Marsden, F Aq ., Ll,' '• D. F. R. S. of Br ap On. the 6th inst., Daniel Wilson Davison , Esq., 4', Shropshire, only son of the late Dr. Davison , of Leo's' • YU London: Printed and . Published by MURDO 0011 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Striati• " la w " of Middlesex.—Friday, October 7, 1836. MARRIED. , IP On the sth inst., a t All S ou l s Church, L a ugham-P lac iOe r' Sanger, of Oxford-street, to Sarah, second dau liter lit o f Mt. g wood, of Vere- s t ree t. T7h . te , VOVI On the Ist i ns t., a t S t. P ancras Church, William I T ' l sol'' of Woburn-square, to Eliza, daughter of John Christmas, . e x Huntley-street, Gordon-square. g de l • DI r. ,eto On the 4th inst., at St. George's, Bloomsbury, Ju r ' AP - of William Seckerson Wood, of Tyssen-terrace, Dalston, %A ter Georgiana Smith, of Liverpool-street, New-road, only da ° of the late Mr. W. Smith. Lo cic ' 0 On the 3d inst., at Flawborough, Notts, Mr. Joh': 0 Watling-street, to Sarah, third daughter of the late Di r " Pk' Faulkes of the former place. vel eau is On the 4th inst., at St. Mary's Church, Bury, Alfred m.,'J Gree ° , 4 of Limehouse, London, to Catherine, eldest daughter of 1) , ; (1 a t fr a Esq., of Bury, St. Edmund's • and on the same day, an sec° same Church, Henry Lake, isq., of Lincoln's Inn, to Diary rr _ ilh daughter of B. Green, Esq. ege On the sth inst., at St. Pancras Church, Captain Ch/ r s l b o g or' - ' Macdonald, late of the 42d Royal Highlanders, to Lady ".., relict of General Sir Charles Ashworth, K. C.B. ds, 4. "1,0t On the sth inst., at Lewisham Church, Samuel Ricar tb, eld of Piccadilly, and of The Grove, Blackheath, to Elizabe ry 0 61 daughter of H. Dunkin, Esq., Blackheath. I , Rey. liter On the 3d inst., at Overton Church, Flintshire, th e ,, - ,.,i daug Knapp, M.A., Curate of Overton, to Anna Maria, ti'" of the late G. Kenyon, Esq., of Cefn, Denbighshire. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1836. ._ .._.r