The Sun. — London, England, 1838-07-05 00:00:00

persevering motions on the ten pound rate-paying clause, has given notice of his intention to undertake the subject brought forward by Mr. Wilks last session, and lapsed by his secession from Parliament, namely, a proposition for the reduction of the 501. Chandos clause. That clause was one of the most unfortunate of the compliances of the Re form Ministry with the crafty spirit of obstructiveness which characterised then, as it has since done, all the mea sures of the Tory party. It has frustrated the healthy development and progress of the principles established by the Reform Bill up to the present time. It was, indeed, intended as a sop to be dropped into the cup of the landed aristocracy amidst the bitters of the Reform Bill— as a compensation for the loss which that new charter entailed on them by the destruction of their rot ten boroughs. It has enabled the landed aristo cracy to make head against the popular cause up to the present time—by creating, or admitting the creation of a race of electors entirely subservient to their selfish interests, and who would vote black or white, according to tyrannical decree of their masters. The evil done by the weaving of this Penelope web of mischief can only be undone by un weaving it. The Administration ought to support a motion for the abatement of the obstruction, not less by the in terested feelings of duty to themselves, than by their duty to that great cause of progressive liberty of which they are professedly the first ministerial representatives. Equal jus tice to all is not less the principle of the Constitution than it is the dictate of the Reform Bill. But can there be a greater breach of equal justice than that manifested by the Chandos clause ? The clause is in every respect a legal anomaly. A ten-pound renter in a borough is enfran chised by the Reform Bill ; but a renter in a county who does not pay quintuple the amount is disfran- 1 chised. The growing sentiment of the country is in favour of a large extension of the suffrage in the bo roughs even as it at present subsists—some wishing to extend it to household saffragP, some to universal. It is not our province, at present, to go into the feasibility of these proposals. This inference is alone necessary to our present view—that the more you enlarge the suffrage the more you aggravate and widen the jarring outrage of the anomaly to which we have adverted. While the privilege is extended to the ten-pound renters in boroughs, it is highly inequitable to duly the franchise to the general body of intelligent tradesmen in counties whose average rental cannot be rated under 251. per annum. To say the least, they possess an equal stake in the country with the mechanic and manufacturer. They are equal to both in station and intelligence. They are, in fact, the provincial middle class of the country—that class which, whether manufacturing or agricultural, have always been deemed by political economists to constitute the vital stamina of the country. No effort should be left unspared to remove the obstacle cunning)r devised by the Tories for trammeling and crippling the due provincial influence of the Reform Ministers, and for impeding or arresting the steady progress of reform which was justly anticipated from the subsequent development and permanent working of the Reform Bill.—Morning Advertiser. The Bill entitled by its promoters, " A Bill for the bet t7r Observance of the Lord's Day," but which might more properly be called a Bill fur its desecration, and for inter fering with the innocent and heartfelt enjoyments of the lower orders, was thrown out last night ia the House of C om mons. We own we heartily rejoice at this result ; but as the friends of a measure of the kind have far some years past shown themselves as obvin ite as people not open to cumiction usu,l:y arc', we have little (balk that it will be . _ reproduced in the next session. IF it be, we cm only say we earnestly wish it wily meet the same fite. We call it a Bill fer the deseeratioe of the fee this plain reason. Tile due and decent observance of the Sunlav is m duly promoted by the ex Imple of the higher orders. This inee.sure does not touch the higher orders : it allows them to " eat, drink, and be merry ;" to walk, to ride, to drive, and, in short, to join in any species of amusement. It is true it forbids all Lie to the penr, and as it does not ferbld it to the rich it pennies it, a-eil the rich will not fail to take advaaia;c of the licence. Therefore, the effect of the Bill will be to deprive the lower ostlers of the example of the higher ; and the quesiiea, then, arises, whether al Act of Parlen nt requirin; people to be relieious acceriling to aw will be as effectual as good exa:mple. '1 hat it will not there can be no doubt ; and next comes into p!ay the or dioary principle of our nature, to desire most earnestly to do that which is fel bldth n : the vrtition nefas is what grown children, as well as ot hr re, strive after most eagerly. 11 nee we irainta'n that, the Bill, if r a.sed into late, would defeat its own object—for the sake of the observance of Sunday with the dscerurn iiiiiie7to so rernaskable in this cowitry, and fur the sake of the health and innocent enjoy ments of the humbler classes, who work Lard fur the six other days of the week, we rejeice that this Bill for the dese- ' citation of the seventh day l as been rejected by 57 to 45 votes. We do not pretend that we should have liked the measure, even if it had been directed ageinst the rich as well against the poor : it could never have been ef fectual : Aranearuhr trios eorvi verrumpunt, mime vero implicantur ; or in the words of a still greater philosopher, " In tattered clothes small vice; do appear, Robes and furr'd gowns hide all." The Act might have been enforced with all its severity ,against the hard-working artisan, who with his wife and chi:lNa walked out on Sunday afternoon, and partook of only necessary refreshment ; but, as Mr. Jervis said last night, the clubs at the west end of the town would be kept open with impunity, and lords and ladies might roll about in their carriages, and keep their servants labouring during the Sabbath without the slightest risk of a pe nalty. Let us add, too, that what would be a large sum fur a poor man would be nothing for a rich one : as the forty shillings which the Marquis of Waterford at once paid down at the police-of fice the other day would have either nearly ruined an industrious mechanic, or cost him . a month's hard labour at the tread-mill by way of commutation. No such law could be rendered equal and impartial in its ope ration. Latimer, himself a Bishop, tells a story of a lordly Prelate who made a long sermon upon humility, illustrating it by reference to the entrance of our Saviour into Jerusalem upon an ass. When the Bishop left the church in full state, with his servant following, and himself riding a horse with gold trappings and housing, he met an old woman, one of his congregation, who, making a low reverence, begged to ask his lordship if that was the style in which he had in his sermon described Christ as entering into Jeru salem ? The answer of the Bishop is not given, but no doubt be would have made an excellent and zealous sup porter of the piece cf pharisaical legislation, conscientiously /s o doubt, but mistakingly attempted by Mr. Plumptre. This matter having been disposed of, the Howse proceeded to the question of the third reading of the Sheriffs' Courts Bill; and here all the lawyers, excepting the So licitor-General, appeared in arms against it. By the Statute 3 and 4 William IV. any debt under 201. may be recovered in the Sheriff's Court, and since that law was passed nearly a thousand cases have been tried there, in all which only thirty-six new trials have been granted. Upon this foundation the Bill before the house has been introduced, raising the amount capable of being recovered in the Sheriff's Court to 50/. Now, inasmuch as law is thus made cheap, speedy, and in a great degree certain, it might be expected that practising barristers, and especially Queen's Counsel, who will not condescend to go into She riffs' Courts, would be opposed to it. Accordingly last night Mr. Jervis, Mr. Aglionby, Mr. Sergeant Talfourd, and Mr. Sergeant Jackson made strong though not long speeches against it, asserting, among other things, that the Lord Chancellor, who had carried it through the other House of Parliament, and the Solicitor-General who had taken charge of it in this, had done so because they were merely equity lawyers, and could know nothing about the- subject, having no interests involved in it. Mr. Jervis, who used this argument, pronounced a warm eulogium upon his branch of the profession for its peculiar and extreme dis interestedness, and maintained that the senior barristers only resisted this measure because they thought that cheap, speedy, and certain justice was a great evil to society. They urged two other objections : first, that it was impossible for people to go to law satisfactorily without employing heavily-feed counsel, whereas none attended Sheriff's Courts, and secondly, that the Sheriff or his deputy was not a judge competent to preside over such trials. To this we answer—first, that there is no fear that ,counsel will not ere long find it worth their while to attend eberiff's Courts, and will be allowed to attend them; and se coneily that, if the Judge be found incompetent, nothing will be more easy than to appoint a person who is competent ; and that, w h e ther competent or incompetent, he will always be controlled by the practical good sense of a Jury. The truth is, that nothing could be more shallow and futile than the objection.; urged to this measure ; and, as Mr. Villiers maintained, the true reason for the resistance of the lawyers was that superior Courts would be relieved by the Bill from part of the business by which they are at present overwhelmed, although to the pecuniary loss of the gentlemen of the long robe practising in them. If counsel be excluded from Sheriffs' Courts, " the spencrrs of the profession," as Sheepface calls attorneys, will be the greater gainers, and the public the greatest of all. We are g lad, therefore, that the measure was carried by a ma jority of 54 to 23. A clause proposed by Mr. Jervis, to provide that a barrister should be paid to sit as Judge in Sheriffs' Courte was negatived, and the Bill was passed.— Morning Chronic:.e. Now that the nature and limits of the Irish Tithe Com mutation Bill seem to be deertnined by the votes of the 1-louse of Commons on Monday evening, it may not be amiss to turn for one moment to the discussion raised by lqr. Ward, and to the consequences deducible therefrom, so far as we have materials for speculating upon them. 'I he Hon. Gentleman dealt out large warnings to the queen's Ministers, and some which were certainly more p' a usible in th e w / elves than flattering to her Maje,tre ads i visers. If, said this`phlek2tornist, you, my Lords Havvick, J. Russq, (1g nst abide : by your early pledges in favour of dry appiopnation clause, you ought to confess that " Sir Robert Peel was right from the first, and that you ought not to have upset his Government." There the whole country agrees with Mr. Ward, and condemns the Whig Ministers for a set of false, and factious, and un blushing hypocrites, beca'use. of their manifest eager ness practically to abandon from the very first hour of their resuming office the professions through which only they were enabled to expel Sir Robert Peel. How ever, in the teeth of Mr. Ward and of his " great princi ple," as he calls it, the Ministers have actually consented to throw overboard from their state vessel that crazy cockle shell of " appropriation," in which, three years ago, they sculled themselves into Whitehall. Warily, nevertheless, and knavishly, have they executed this manoeuvre. In letting down the boat they have not " cut the painter." They keep the craft in tow, that they may haul it along side again the first convenient opportunity, and re-ship their contraband cargo of appropriation. It is impossi ble not to observe the slyness, albeit shallowness, of the trick resorted to by the Melbourne Cabinet with re gard to this Irish measure. They court the assent of the Conservatives by telling them, " You may now not scruple to pass the Tithe Bill, for see, we give up the appro priation clause." Well and good. The Conservatives, who want nothing but to see the tithe question settled, concur most frankly, and accept the Bill. But what is the lan guage of the same Ministers to Mr. Ward and to the Pa pists ? With a cunning wink, and forefinger to the nose, they whisper confidentially, " Don't you be fools enough to fancy that we have done with the appropriation clause. Don't you suspect us of less enthusiasm for the enactment of that clause than ever : we would pass it to-morrow if we could ; and will assuredly vote for it whenever we can do so with the slightest chance of succeeding." Such is the trap laid for both parties in the House of Commons. Let us mark then—do the fruits correspond with the seed ? Does the harvest repay the labour ? Have the Conserva tives been seduced by such a momentary suspension of open warfare against the Church into a surrender of any one point essential to her security ? Not one. Mr. Shaw, who is ever true and faithful to his trust, moved on Monday, after the appropriation clause had been disposed of, that the deduction from the incomes of the Irish clergy, to be made by reason of the greater facility and comfort of deal ing with landlords than with tenants, should not exceed 2.5 per cent.—a proposition which wns opposed by Lord Mor peth, but carried against Ministers by a majority of 21. When we consider that the average incomes of the Irish clergy do not at present exceed 2501. per annum, all hu mane and reasonable men must agree thet a deduction, for peace sake, of 621. lOs. from so small a sum, thereby dimi nishing the clergyman's subsistence to the scanty modicum of 1871. 10s. a-year, is abundantly harsh and oppressive. It is nevertheless consolatory to remember, that when Mr. Daniel O'Connell had, within these three years, infleence enough with the House of Commons to carry against the Church the outrageous deduction of 401. per cent., and the Whig Government last year set their de duction at 30, so much is the spirit of Parlament no•v ameliorated towards the ministers of the Protestant religion as to secure them against any encroachment on their livelihood beyond one-fourth of its amount. The chief pcstion, however, still remains to be decided. Will the commutation of tithe for rent-charge--that is to say, the transfer of the burden to the landlord, leaving the tenant al:ozetlier free—materially and permanently con duce to the tranquillity of Ireland ? If the hardships al leg.ed by the poorer tenantry of the island to be ctralcd upon them by the demand of the clergy for tithe were real hardships, and mere hollow and fraudulent pretences, a;- sowed as a cover for the incessant turbulence of the pea santry, the removal of every trace and shadow of that cause must pio tanto pacify the poor. We are told, however, by Mr. Daniel O'Connell, in this very last debate, that the commutation was good - for nothing ; that Mr. Ward's appropriation clause (having fulfilled its functions, and turned out Sir Robert Psel) was good for nothing ; that Mr. Ward's "reason" for the appropriation clause, viz., it; tendency to promote the peace of Ireland, was gos)df , r nothing, since Ireland—that is the O'Connell Irelan.l, the Pop's!' priesthood and the multitude at their b ee l s —.4 rejected such paltry overtures towards s s - aeilic.ition with scorn ; that Ireland was never in a state to nearly bcrdoring on open r,bcliion as it had been for some time past—the .‘ tranquillity was out on the surface—there was a volcano ready to bust beneath their feet, and to involve Ithe whole community in destruction." Great Heaven ! what tyill t h e advocates f or , an d fl a tt erers o f, Lord Mul- grave say to this ? and to which of the winds of Heaven has Lem :he solitary excuse for creating the Marquisate of Normanby ! But O'Connell roes on—" In site of all that the friends of Ireland had been doing, the people had met—not in tens of thousands only, but in fifty thousands, aye, and hundreds of thousands—for the entire abo lition of the Tithe system ;" that is the entire overthrow of the Church Establishment. Why, in the name of God, then, what sort of silly childish game has England been playing for several years past, under the guise of con •eiliaticn ? What a shameful person to strut with the air of a Lord-Lieutenant, of a Viceroy under the British Crown, is this political mountebank, the Marquis of Nor manby, who gets up and lectures the House of Lords in favour of the legality of such hundred thousand peasantry meetings ! What, we a s k once aga i n, if O'C onne ll spea k s a single syllable of truth- - ivhat is the purpose of all our " concidatory" legislation ? What but mockery and scorn ? He tells us, indeed, few facts which the true friends of the Bi itish Crown in Ireland did not already know, but his speech is full of admissions, new to the ears of a British Parliament, as being the admissions of an Irish Papist. He directly, openly, unequivocally, datingly, threatens us with the immediate extinction of our Protestant Church in Ireland, as the only chance of escaping destruction by civil war—that is, by another Popish rebellion, which, in deed, is not now to wait for even the old signal announced last year, viz.,, the installation of a Peel and Wellington Cabinet ! Whitt a beautiful catastrophe we have arrived at under our precious Reform system.—Timer. A declaration of general principle upon mattdrs of legis lation and government from any important Member of the present Administration is not a thing to be passed over without some especial notice. We shall therefore revert to Lord Melbourne's declaration of Monday evening, which drew forth such loud and almost unanimous cheers from the Noble Lords who were present ; and we shall do so for the purpose of briefly considering at what value such a ' declaration ought to be estimated by those who have hi ' therto felt no slight apprehension for the stability of cer tain important regulations, owing to the character and con duct of the ex i s ti ng G overnment. The Viscount Mel bourne on Monday evening was pleased to say that he con ' curred in an opinion which had been expressed in the pre ' ceding debate on the Corn-laws, and which indeed referred ' to all matters of policy, but particularly to questions of commerce and finance—those interests might flou rish under inconvenient regulations—under systems impolitic and imprudent, under laws the most calcu lated to repress and subdue their energies ; they might flourish in a soil the most rugged, and in a climate the most ungenial ; but they could not prosper, they could not thrive, under a system of frequent fluctuation and change. At this point the Noble Viscount was interrupted by loud ' cheers, which having subsided, he went on to say that there was great danger in change, and next to change itself was to be dreaded and feared the constant apprehension of change. Influenced by such considerations, he declared that he had no intention whatever of introducing any change or alteration in the Corn Laws, and he was glad to hear that this question was not likely to be made the sub ject of discussion this Session. There is unquestionably in this a strong expression of opinion in favour of Con servatism, and if there were any reason to believe that the present Ministers would rather resign the Govern ment, than carry into effect a system of policy which they did not approve, such a declaration of opinion would be a fair ground for considerable confidence that the policy evett of the present Government would be essentially Conservative. But we regret to have to add that even in the course of this very speech which so con servatively concluded there were pains taken by Lord Mel bourne to show that, as a Minister, he was liable to be guided by something else than his own judgment of the merits of important questions upon which he might be called upon to decide. Now, without denying that cases of ex ception may now and then occur, in which a Minister is right rather to consider the opinion of some great interest or body of the people in the country than his own opinion, and to act upon that consideration, and continue in the Go vernment for the sake of the general policy in which his own opinion and that of the country are in harmony— though we do not deny that such cases may rarely occur, yet we think that for a Minister to go upon a system of deference to the opinion of others—to hold out as a ge neral rule that whatever his own views may be, he will become the agent of a majority as soon as the opinion of that majority shall have been with sufficient vehemence ex pressed —to do this, is to abandon the most solemn duty of a Minister of the Crown, and even the honour of a public man. Of what value is it that a Minister acquaints the public that he is not only adverse to a particular mea sure because he thinks it would be a change for the worss, but because upon general principle he is adverse to change for its own sake, if he tells us in the very same speech, or at letz , t gives us strong reason to suppose that were a great majority to ask for that which he deems so objection- I able, he might himself possibly be the introducer of the very measure he condemns ? What is this but to offer a kind of invitation to popular clamour—what is it but to say—" I really don't like to give you this, hut if you make a confounded noise about it, and furnish me with a good excuse for yielding, why then I will yield ?" Now, let us advert to what Lord Melbourne said before that Conservative part of his address which we have already quoted. He *sairithat he could not gist their Lordships any opinion upon' the general principle upon which the Corn Laws were founded, but IM agreed entirely in the opinion of Lord Ashburton, that they had worked extremely well for the interests of both parties—much bet ter than any former system had ever done. He could not then attempt to change such a system, unless that change appeared to be in accordance with the wishes of the great majority of the people—unless he felt that in so doing he would be acting for the benefit of the people and in con formity with their will. Of course neither Lord Mel bourne nor any other Prime Minister would do any thing which he thought was not for the benefit of the people. The only point of importance, therefore, which we gather from the above, is, that though Lord Melbourne thinks the 'present system of Corn Laws an excellent system, yet if a great majority of the people called for its overthrow, he might be disposed to undertake the part of deputy to that majority, and act upon their will rather than upon his own judgment. And thus his Lord ship appears to have been understood by the opponents- of the Corn Laws ; for with less than his usual opacity of mind, that eminently foolish person, the Earl Fitzwilliam, said that he felt assured from the manner and the terms used by the Noble Viscount, that his declaration did not extend beyond the intentions of the Government as at present advised, in the present situation of the country, and as called upon by present circumstances, and that it was not any firm predetermination, under any circumstances, to abide by the present laws. Moreover, we find that a Ministerial newspaper, which advocates the overthrow of the present Corn-laws, has the assurance to intimate that Ministers decline to take this line of policy only be cause the people do not press forward with sufficient vehemence in its favour. Viscount Melbourne says he highly approves of the present system of Corn-laws, but the newspaper patronised by his Government says, that his words, "if fairly interpreted, meant merely this—that a Ministry can only hope to be able effect great changes in matters of commercial policy and finance when the opinion of the country has been decidedly expressed in their favour. All Ministers discover in time that it does not add to their own comfort to invite innovations. When the people are determined on any change, the Ministry must of course give eject to the popular will." What a compliment this is to the power and sincerity of Lord Vis count Melbourne I . We cannot too often protest against the mean anti dangerous theory with regard to the affairs of British government and legislation, that the people are to be the dictators of the policy of both, and that Members of Parliament and of the Government ought to be mere deputies or agents fcr the fulfilment of the popular will. This is not. the British Constitution, but rns..re democracy, no mat ter in what forms it may be disguised, or by what name it may be called. The relation of a Minister to the public is something like that of a Member of the House of Commons to his constituents, and what that is we knew from Edmund Burke who has described it in words that can never die while sound political philosophy and noble eloquence of language are respected in this country. " The wishes of a Member's constituents ought to have great weight with him; their opinion high respect; their be siness unremitted attention. lt is his duty to sacrifice his re pose, his pleAsures, his satisfaction to theirs ; and above all, in every case, to prefer their interest to his own. But his un biassed opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened con science, ought not to sacrifice to them, to any man, or to arty set cf men living. These he does net derive from their pleasure —no, nor from the law and the Constitution. They are a trust forms Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. A representative o;Ncs his constituents not lt:s irpiustry only, hut his judgment, and he betrays inste a d of s:srving them, if i.e sacrifices it to their opinion. 'Phis ought to Le Lord Melb o u rne ' s v i ew of hi., duty. If it were so, no Yoursof a "great majority" —n o a p parent manifestation of the popular will, would make him sacrifice his deliberate judgment concerning the existing system of the Corn Laws, or any other existing system of which his judgment approves,—Allorning Post. SECOND n~rjON. - • SUN OFFICE, S6Teil 0 ' Chia, ADDITIONAL PROMOTION IN THE NAVY. The undermentioned Commanders arc to be promoted to the rank of Captain : Richard Devonshire, Richard Copelanai, Charles Rich, John Robertson (a), Robert Deans, W. Richardson (a), George Charles Blake, Mark H. Sweney, William P. Stanley, William lI,It, William 11. Piers-m, John Jer vis Tucker, John Kingc-,nne, Brunswick Popham, Wil liam Oldrey, Thomas Ogle, G,orge Evans, William John Cole, K. H., Richard Keane, John Hackett, William Picking-, J. J. F. Newell, John Forster, John Parker, George Daniell, Frederick Bullock, Russell Eliott, Alfred Luekraft, John E. Erskine, James Hope, George Augustus Sainthil!, F. P. Blackwood, Horatio Thomas Austin, William Ramsay, and Edward Stanley. _ _ _ The under-Mentioned Li, utenints to be promoted to the rank (,f Commander : G. G. lliail, Josph Roche, Edmund Norcott, Henry Church, William Hubbard (a), Ilenry Stroud, Hcnry D. T . ivysden, H. V. Hu nt l e y, H enr y F re d er i c k P ea k e , C . J. F . 4.Cewton, Frederick Wood, Francis Grove, James Hamilton Ward, Lewis Tobin Jones, Edward St. Leger Cannon, John M'Dor.ell, William Dickey, Charles Wilson Riley, Francis Liardct, John Hathorn, William M'llxaine, Ralph Barton, Richard Burridge. William Griffin, Frederick Hutton, Bird Allen, Frederick W. H. Glasse, Edward Barnett, John B. Woodthorpe, Charles G. Robinson, William C. Phillott, Sackett live, Richard Robinson, John V. Fletcher, James A. Legard, Thomas L. Massie, ‘Voodford Williams, Robert Kerr, A. L. Montgomery, Samuel Mercer, William Louis, Richard Inman, Robert Spencer Robinson, H. R. Henry, Robert 'l'. Stcpford, lion. H. Antony Murray, John H. Windham, Hon. S. I'. Carnegie, Henry Bagot, and C. G. E. Napier. The undermentioned Mates to be promoted to the rank of Lieutenant Thomas S. Coppinger, James F. L. Wood, J. C. Robin son, J. F. S. Starke, Charles G. Phillipps, Robert O'Brien, N. S. Knott, William Coles, James S. A. Dennis, John F. Guyon, N. Norway, Samuel Fowell, R. W. Suckling, J. B. Massie, William Morris, George W. Winlo, Henry G. Shute, Jahn Compton, A. C. May, Michael De Courcy, Arthur M. Noad, William Frederick Feed, Richard A. Oliver, Z:.ccbeus Andrew, Richard M. Robertson, John Alfred Paul, Edward James Bedford, Cm3ar Cotterell Powell, C. F. Wade, Matthew Nolloth, Walter Need, B. H. Bunco, J. C. Catlin, Griffith G. Phillips, J. Ormond Freeland, Roger Curtis, Charles G-ey Rigge, C. G. Crawley, William Cot terell Wood, H. E. B. Bennet, James Fellowes, William Thorpe, James Henry Bridges, John Robert Crighton Help man, George Blane, E. B. P. Von Donop, William Clayton, H. A. Storey, Charles F. Schomberg, Peter Fisher, Charles Bark e r, NV. S . Wi seman, W. H. Church, C. F. A. Shadwell, J. C. S. Field, Charles James Balfour, Stephen Bradley, F Denison, William F. Burnett, F. E. Johnston. MPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. I B ) a ti i n n 6 e ,a s, nn E o . n, The SPEAKER entered the House at Four o'Clock, but there being only the following thirty-two Members present, the Canning,c-Ah erto S I J. House stood adjourned : Butter, Hon. P. Lard Br Parrott, J. Wallace, It Sandon, Lord Turner, W. I3ewes, 'l'. Lynch, H A. Hodges, T. L. Barnard, K. G. Dugdale, W. S. Pease, Joseph Palmer, G. SI yle, Si r T. C . Duncan, Lord Finch, Francis Labouchere, H. Jones, T. Graham, Sir J. Lushington, C. Murray, J A. Freslitield, J. W Manners, Lsrd C. Warburton, 11. Divett, E. Thornely, Thomas Hawes, B. Salwey, Colonel Ferguson, Sir Robert HOUSE OP LORDS. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, in the absence of the LORD CHANCELLOR, took his seat on the Woolsack at Fivo o'clock. EDUCATION. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the county of Lancaster (we believe), praying for a better system of edu cation for the lower orders. His Lordship said some objection had been taken to the phrase "lower orders," as though it meant anything mo re t h an t h at t h e part i es referred to were " lower" in the artificial scale of society ; however, as t hi s ob jection had been taken, he (Lord Brougham) would use an other phrase—« the working classes.' —to which he appre hended no objection cou ld b e ta k en, as many of their Lor dships were of the " workine. classes."—( Hear, an d laughter.) BEER SHOPS. The Noble and Learned Lord then presented a petition signed by 1,000 of the banker s , merc h ants, and tradesmen of Bristol, complaining of the ill effects of the late Beer Act, and of the pernicious effects produced by the numerous beer shops throughout the country. He stated th at so convinced was he of the baneful influence of the beer shops, and the encouragement they afforded to vice of every description, that he would pre sent to the House a Bill to repeal that Beer Act. The Noble Lord concluded by laying on the table his Bill, which would put an end to the operation of the Beer Act after the Ist of April next, and he moved that the Bill be read a fi rst time. The Duke of WE L LING TON said when the measure was brought before Parliament it was strongly recommended by many as tending to put an end to the brewers' monopoly ; but at the time he was aware of the many inconveniences attending it. But there was another Act which had done a great deal of good, and that was the Poor Law Amendment Act, for there were not near so many beer-houses now as there were previous to the pissing of that Act, and a great deal less money was now spent in them than formerly. It was m ost desirable chart an end should be completely put to beer.sh ops. ( Loud cheering.) Ile was doubtful whether such measure could originate with this House. It would be batter if it origLatel with the other House. But wherever it came from he would give it every assistance and support in his power, being thoroughly convinced that no greater evil 'nad been done to this country than by the adoption of that measure. —( Hear, hear. ) Lord BRO UG HAM said lie had listened with great de light to the obs- , rvations of the Noble Duke. He considered that the sentence of death had gone forth again,t the beer shops, and that it was only respited for forms which rtmst be complied with before it could be finally executed.—(Chem.) THE SLZINT, LONDON, THURSDAY, JULY 5, 1838 This would be a sufficient notice tQ persons not to take li censes, and embark their capital in a vessel which was already sinking. He had been informed by persons who Were well acquainted with the habits of the working ciisses that thy were now quite a different people from what they were seven years ago.--( Hear. ) Lord PORTMAN said the Bill of his Noble Friend near him, and the avowal of the Noble Duke opposite, were the most gratifying circumstances that ever happened.—(Hear, hear.) He should be highly gratified when the day came to get this nuisance to the labouring classes repealed, as he was quite satisfied that the disturbances in 1830, winch were so detrimental to the labouring classes, were concocted in beer shops. The Bishop of DURHAM was heartily glad to hear the observations which had fallen from Noble Lords, though he felt bound to state, that from his experience, the working of the Poor-law Amendment Act had done much for abating the evil. The Rev. Prelate presented a petition for the prevention of all Sunday trading. He could not support the prayer of the petition, because he thought he would act unwisely in inter fering to prevent the sailing of ships on Sunday in a maritime country like this. Lord WYNFORD could not see the applicability of the argument of the Rev. Prelate, for if the poor had no money they could or need not go to these beer shops. Lord ROLLE, as one of those who had voted with the Noble Duke for the Bill, was most glad to hear what had fallen from Noble Lords on both sides of the House. The repeal of the Bill would be a great relief to the families of la bourers in general. The Earl of CARLISLE presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Carlisle, praying that persons might be relieved from official attendance on the idolatrous worship of India. The Earl ABERDEEN presented a petition from Writers to the Signet, praying that they might be allowed to practice in the Sheriffs Courts in Scotland. Lord PORTM AN, in the absence of Lord Duncannon, said it was the intention of the Noble Lord to move the second reading of the Dean Forest Bill on Monday next. TREATMENT OF PRISONERS. Lord BROUtIHANT wished to ask the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Councils, whether there was any ob jection to his moving :for information respecting the treat ment of prisoners in Newgate, not under sentence, but who had been committed for trial, and who were consequently by the law of England presumed to be not guilty. The 4th of Geo. IV. made special provision for sueh cases, and the prisoners were to have a bed, hammock, or cat ; but they were com pelled to be upon rope mats—male and female. In the next place, the Act provided that all prisoners should be allowed as much air and exercise as should. be deemed proper for the preservation of their health, but instead of that they were locked up for three-and-twenty hours in the day out of the four-and-twenty. The Act stated that beer should be allowed under proper restrictions, but no person was allowed beer unless under the order of a surgeon. He therefore wished to know from the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty'sCounciis, whether there was any objection to his making a motion for all infor manion the Home-ale° might have with respect to the way in which the Act of the 6th Geo. 4th, commonly called the Gaol Act, had been carried into execution. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was not aware of any objection to communicate the information desired by the Noble and Learned lord, bet be would enquire upon the subject. Earl RIPON observed that an Act had passed a few years ago, giving to the magistrate, and to the Secretary of State, iu conjunction, the power of making regulations for the in ternal management of gads, and especially dwelling on the necessity cf separationbet,ecenprisoners before and after trial. Lord BROUGHAM said Lis statement was that prisoners were kept in solitary v.;ry different thing from separation.—( Hoar. ) CANADA. Lord EL LENBORO L 7 G 11 then rose, and said, that before putting his question to the Noble Baron ( Gienelg) on the sub ject of Lower Canada, he would state what he tip; :r, handed to be the law, as enacted by the Act passed at the commence ment of the present session, which provided, b v the first clause, that so much of the. 31st Geo. M., or any other Act, consti tuting a Legislative Council, or Assembly, in Lov.-er Canada, should be repealed ; end the second clause empowered her Majesty by any commission under the Great Seal, to cons!itute a Special Council ; hut the Act gave no additional powers to the Governor of Lower Canada—( Hear, hear)--it merely altered his position thus far, that he was to legislate with a Special Counel instead of w ti:e Legislative Council. The wholo character of the measure depended oa the Special Council, who might (according as the Government exercised the discretion vested in them) exert a controul over the Governors, or become quite subservient to him, so as to leave him absolute Governor of Canada. What be ( Lord 12:'.1en borough) had to ask the Noble Baron was, whether the Government had any objection to show to Parliament in what manner they had exercised the trust confided to them. He would first ask whether the Noble Lord had any obj,..c tion to the production of the Commission from the Great Seal for the instructions ne , N.‘ssarily sent to Canada under the se cond clause of the Act. He was also desirous of ask ing for the commission granted to Lord Gosford as well as that granted to Lord Durham in orctr that be might 1 e able to compare the two, and see if there was any difference in their powers. The House ought also to possess a copy of the mandamus, or warrant, or other form by which the persons were appointed. Lord GLENELG said the Noble Lord had confined him self to the instructions under the second section of the Act, and he had no objection to their production; neither did he object to the production of the mandamus. Eatl RIPPON wished to ask the Noble Lord the Secre tary for the. Colonies as to the powers committed to Lord Durham, whether they authorized him to do anything by virtue of any authority with respect to the provinces of Upper Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick. Lord GLENELG—The Commission gives the Noble Earl a general commission, and gives him power over all the Colonies. Certainly a larger power than any given before. He had no objection to produce the commission. Lord ELL E NBORO UG H wished to ask a question as to the rewards offered for the apprehension of the persons en gaged in the nefarious transaction of the seizing of the British steamer the Sir R. Peel. He sow there were 30 persons in custody and 10001. was offered for the successful conviction of any one connected with that transaction in a Proclamation. He wished to ask whither that was to extend to convictions obtained in an another county? He begged also to ask the Noble Lord whether that Proclamation was an authentic document? Lora GL ENE L G—Yes, it is. Lord BROUGHAM was greatly surprised that it was authentic, because a more extraordinary document be had never seen. Did any body before bear of the Government of a country giving a reward to witnesses for prosecuting in a foreign country. He wished to ask whether Lord Durham had explained this proclamation in any despatch sent to the Noble L or d at the head of the Colonial Department? Lord GLENELG said he had received no such expla nation. The- Mar qu i s o f LANSDOWNE thought it was not on l y inconve n i ent, but rateer uncivil to criticise with such nicety the gr ea t step that had b een ta k en b y t h e N o bl e Earl on the spur of the moment. The Noble Earl, no doubt, felt he ought not to lose one moment in prosecuting to conviction- those persons who had been offenders The Noble Earl would be able to vindicate not only this step, but every other step he might take in the exercise of the large discretion that had been vested in him. Lord ELLE NBORO U H thought it was not only conve nient, but absolutely necessary, to bring such cases under the attention of the House, where the constitution of a colony had been suspended for three years.—( Cheers.) Lord BROUGHAM said, the proper moment to object to this course of conduct on the part of a Colonial Governor was just who the act complained of had been committed. He had always been disposed to construe charitably and candidly on the conduct of Lord Durham. Why, three days ago, when Lori Durhamts appointment of Mr. Turton had been attacked, and when he (Lord B.) endeavoured to excuse it, every member of the Government was silent:in Lord Durham's defence—nay, the head of the Government, expressed his regret at the conduct of the Noble Lord,:as to whose conduct, forsooth, now not a word was to be said.--( Hear, hear. ) The Duke of WELLINGTON rose, and was (LEFT SPEAKING.) IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HO USE OF COMMONS, JILT 4. HIGHWAY RATES BILL. On the Order of the Day being moved that the House re solve itself into Committee on this Bill, After a few words from Mr. Hodges, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, Sir C. Burrell, Mr. Bennett, Lord Howick, Mr. Halford, Mr. Goulburn, Mr. Grimsditch, Mr. Darby, Mr. Sanford, and several other Members, The clause was agreed to without a division. On clause C being proposed, Mr. PA RR OTT opposed it, and said ho should divide the Committee against it. The Committee then divided, when the numbers were— For the clause Against it 1 Majority --129 The clause was then agreed to. Clauses D and E were also agreed to. Clause F, with some amendmmts, was agreed to, as was also clause H. The next clauses, from 1 to the last, inclusive, were agreed to with verbal amendments, and the report ordered for to morrow. _ LORD'S DAY BILL. PLUMPTRE moved that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the Lord's Day Bill. Mr. JERVIS said that the object of his opposition to this Bill had been misunderstood. It professed to be a Bill to put an end to Sunday trading, and yut it contained a clause pro viding that no man ‘. shall hire or cause to be hired on the Lord's Day," &c. He wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentle man in the chair whether it was competent for hi m to intro duce words by way of an instruction to the Committee, to pre vent the doing of any sort of labour on the SAbbath, as he had been much shocked last Sunday, when walkin g up St. James's street, to.see the servants at roost of the liGußes in that quarter doing their usual work, whilst such was not the case in the houses of the humbler classes, which were all closed, and they conducting them elves in a quiet and orderly manner. The SPEAKER said that, certainly, con.itruing the Bill according' to its title, it was a Bill to prevent trading on the Lord's Day ; but there was a difforene,e between what was d one in Lrivstcp:d what in public houses. With reference to , the question of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, he thought it was competent for him to introduce the instruction he alluded to ; and perhaps the introduction of the word "hiring," or some such amendment, might include.all the objects be had in view. Mr. HUME asked the Hon. Member (Mr. Plumptre) whether he intended to restrict his Bill to the prevention of the sale of a few nuts and bottles of ginger beer on the Sun day, or to apply its provisions to all classes of the community he community equally? As such did appear to him to be his intention, he should move that the Bill be committed that day three months. —( Hear, hear.) Mr. T. ATTWOOD Suggested to the Hon. Member the withdrawal of the Bill altogether.—( Hear.) Mr. PLUM PTIZE would put it to the House whether he was in a situation that would admit of his withdrawing the Bill ?—(Cheers.) He should certainly persevere with the Bill, and carry as much of it as he could.—( Hear.) After a few words from Mr. WARD and Captain BOLDERO, The House divided, when the numbers were— For going into Committee For the amendment Majority The Bill was consequently lost. SHERIFFS' COURTS BILL. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL moved the third reading of this Bill, which was to give the Sheriffs jurisdiction in all cases of debt under 501. He hoped that the lawyers in that House would not oppose the motion, as they were not, he thought, the most competent judges of the merits of the question, as their experience was confined t o th e k now l e d ge of those cases in which mistakes occurred in the superior Courts.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. JERVIS opposed the motion, and said that the pro fession, the greater part of whom had experience of the prac tice in the Sheriffs' Courts, were not only competent to judge of this question, but were, almost to a man, against this Bill— ( Hear)--and the ground on which they opposed it was, that what was commonly called cheap law was, it bad law, dceir at any price. Now, how had this Bill originated ? Why, with a speculative attorney at Brighton, who wished to have the busi. ness of the Sheriff's Court there to himself. He could understand very well how certain persons might wish to get rid of the business of the ordinary law courts, but that was no ground for passing such a measure as this. This Bill did not even render it compulsory on the Under Sheriffs to attend in person ; and he could assert, without fear of contradiction, that the parties who presided to try causes in the Sheriff's Courts were not unfrequently articled clerks of some two or three years' standing. He thought that such a measure as the pre sent would operate most injuriously to the public, and therefore he felt it his duty to move that the Bill be read a third time this day three months. • Mr. AGLIONBY seconded the motion, and contended that this Bill would do more harm than good, and that the feeling abroad was rather for the repeal of the existing law than for its extension from 201. to 50/. He hoped his Hon. and Learned Friend (the Solicitor-General) would withdraw the Bill for the present, and until he saw whether the local Courts Bill would be passed or not in the next session. Mr. VI LLI E RS supported the motion for the third reading of this Bill, on the ground that it would facilitate the attain ment of cheap and speedy justice. He laid very little stress on the apposition given to it by lawyers, and, as to waiting for the Local Courts Bill, it was absurd to suppose that any such measure could be hoped for while the Hon. Gentlemen oppo site were opposed to it. Mr. AGLIONBY made a few observations in explanation. Mr. HARVEY said that as this Bill had come down from the ether House of Parliament, where the most respected wis dom connected with the law was to be found, he thought this measure entitled to the attention of the House. Since the Sheriff's Court had been established it had been extensively resorted to by suitors, and he knew very well that the trading classes were anxious to have the present jurisdiction extended. If the present Judges of the Sheriff's Court were objectionable lit dem appoint proper Judges, hut as the principle of the measure came to them confirmed by the legal wisdom of the House of Lords, he certainly .;could support the motion for the third reading-. Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD said that he must give his vote in favour of the amendment, and he thought it spoke very little in f,vour of the wisdom ofthe other branch of the Legis lature, when his Hon. and Learned Friend found it necessary to make such sweeping alterations in the measure in carrying it through that House. He (Mr. Sergeant Talfourd) objected to the constitution of these Courts on the ground that the par. ties acting as Judges in them were wholly unqualified fur the (Alice, and as such a system could not operate otherwise than injuriously, he !bought it would be most unwise to extend the jurisdiction in the warmer proposed. Captain PECHELL supported the Bill on the ground that it was loudly called for by ihe people, and, therefore, although it might reduce the business of the superior Courts, still that was no reason why it should not pass. Mr. Sergeant JACK SON said that as tribunals so consti tuted would he calculated only to create litigations, he, for one, would pause before giving his assent to such a measure. The House then divided, and ',he numbers were— For the motion For the amendment Mejority in favour of the original motion --31 On our return to the gallery we found The SOLICITOR-GENERAL proposing some verbal amendments, which, after a short conversation were agreed to. The Bill was then read a third time and passed. QUALIFICATION OF MEMBERS BILL. On the motion that this Bill be committed, Colonel SIBTHORP moved as an amendment that the Biil be committed that day three months. After a few words from Mr. WARD and Mr. WARBUR TON, the House divided, when the numbers were— Ayes 67 Noes Majority for going into Committee —56 The Bill then went through Committee, and the Chairman reported progress, and the re port was ordered to be received on Saturday next. The House then went into Committee on the South Austra lian Act Amendment Bill. The Bill went through Committee, and the Amendments were agreed to. TURPENTINE PENALTIES BILL. This Bill passed through Committe, and was ordered to bo reported to-morrow (this day). HACKNEY CARRIAGES METROPOLIS BILL. Sir M. WOOD moved the second reedit), of this Bill. Mr. HAWES objected to the principle of establishing a peculiar office for the trial of one particular class of offences. If they were to do so, they should, in consistency, do the same with respect to all other offences. The ordinary tribunals would be found quite sufficient. He wondered that Govern ment would support such a Bill, but he hoped the House would not give it its sanction. Colonel SIBTHORP opposed the Bill, and would to the last resist it. If pressed to a division lie would tske the sense of the House upon the Bill. Mr. F. MAUL E said the Government had not actually introduced the Bill, but it had not discouraged it. lie should certainly vote for the third reading, and he should also re mark, that the establishment of a public office to take cogni zance of those offences connected with hackney carriages would prove of the greatest benefit to the inhabitants of London. 45 57 -12 Viscount DUNGANNON thought that the public were deeply indebted to the Hon. Mcmbsr who brought forward the Bill. Mr. HUME was not of opinion that the Bill would be productive of those abvantages which some Honourable Mem bers attributed to it. The establishment of one office would be rather an inconvenience, at least to those residing at great distances from the locality in which the office would probably be placed. The Bill would tend rather to confound than simplify. Mr. WARBURTON hoped the worthy Alderman near him would be held responsible for all the evils which would arise from that Bill—(A laugh)—and they would, he feared, be numerous. He could not think it would be so beneficial when so many laws existed at present upon the subject. After a few words from Mr. Ward, Mr. Lewis, and Sir M. Wood, The House divided, when there a.ppeard— For the third reading Against it Majority for the third reading. 47 Mr. PEASE moved the follo - xing clause:—." And be it enacted that no license shall hereafter be granted for any omnibus, coach, chaise, cab, cart, or other carriage which shall be drawn by only one horse, for carrying more than six passengers or persons and the driver thereof; and that no licenses shall be granted for any omnibus, coach, chaise, cab, cart, or other carriage, which shall be drawn by only two horses, for carrying. more than twelve passen g ers o r p ersons, and the driver and conductor thereof." The clause was agreed to. Mr. PEASE then moved a second clause as follows : " And be it enacted, that in every such carriage the number of passengers shall be painted or affixed in a conspicuous manner, both in the inside and on the outside of every such carriage, in such manner as shall be approved of by the registrar, or other officer to be appointed by virtue of this Act, on pain of a penalty not exceeding twenty shillings, to be paid on con viction of neglect hereof, before any one of her Majesty's Jus tices of the Peace." Viscount DUNGANNON supported the clause, which he thought was necessary upon the ground of humanity. Mr. WA 11 I3U RTON opposed it, and said he would take the sense of the House upon it. After some conversation the House divided, when there ap peared-- For the clause Against it. Majority —62 63 Sir M. WOOD then moved an additional clause, to the effect that any magistrate might be empowered to hear and adjudicate on complaints made under the Bill within the jurisdiction of the Central Criminal Court. After a few words from Mr. HAWES and Mr. LEWIS, the clause was withdrawn. O❑ the question that the Bill do pass. Colonel SIBTHORP hoped the Lords would throw it out. The Bill was then read a third time, and passed. BANKRUPTCY COURT. The SOLICITOR—GENERAL moved the committal of the Bankruptcy Court Bill. Mr. GRIMSDITCII opp-tsel the further progress of the Bill, on the ground that for the important subject it dealt with it had not had sufficient consideration. The appointment of Commissioners, which it propo - fed, would he a burthen on the country, and would act with the c:ll,.ct of an inquisition. It was a vexatious proceeding., and could be justified on no pos sible ground. Under these circumstances he moved the com mittal on that day three months. Mr. CRAWF - ORD defended the Bill as regarded the go neral principle, but h e thought the details were in many in stances most objectionable. One of the great causes of the evils of the banLruptey laws in London, in his opinion, arose from the (-Alicia incapcity of the Account:7:nt. General. He respected the legal talents of that gentleman very much ; but he did not respect at all his talents for the investigation of even mercantile transactions. Mr. K. PHILIPS objected to the increased patronage given to the Lord Chancellor by the Bill, without any com mensurate advantage to the country. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said the objections were matters to be considered in Committee rather than discussed at that stage of the Bill. The crying evils of the Bankruptcy Laws sailed for some immediate remedy ; and the Bill before the House was intended to apply to them. The old system was pre-eminently calculated not to elicit justice, and not to collect the whole assets of the bankrupt's estate. That fact was proved by the different operation of the improvements made in it as regarded London by Lord Brougham when Lord Chancellor. The object of the Bill under consideration was to effect a similar change in the country. Sir WILLIANI FOLLETT said that, though he agreed with the Solicitor-General as to the existing abuses, he felt considerable difficulty in comprehending how they would be remedied by the provisions of the Bill before them. The im portant part related to country Commissions, but there was no application to any future ones. The Lord Chancellor might send down a kind of roving Commissioners, with salaries of 12,000/, a.year, and Registrars of 5001. a year, who, without any complaint against the Official Assignee, might exercise a most inquisitorial review of ten-years' old Commissions, with out any limitation of time or papers, and then to make a report to the Lord Chancellor. He thought that this was giving too great a patronage to the Lord Chancellor, and too great a power to these Commissioners—too great, in fact, for the abuse to be remedied—the discovery of latent assets. Mr. PEASE bore testimony to the evils resulting from di. latoriness of assignees throughout the country and the neces sity of some such Bill as the present. He approved of the principle of the Bill, but was not prepared to say that the ma chinery would accomplish the objects proposed. Mr. D. W. HARVEY thought that the principle of the Bill was excellent, but the machinery was very bad. With so many metropolitan Commissioners, with little or nothing to do in their respective Courts, he did not see why they should not be sent do::n to Bristol and Liverpool, and why (if their tra velling expenses were paid) they would not be very well satis fied. He decidedly objected to any extension of the patron. age of the Lord Chancellor, who had been very amply remu nerated by a salary of 15,0001. a.ycar for its abolition. He thought the provisions of the Bill displayed mure precipitancy than judgment in their arrangements, and that the objects to be gained would be best promoted by a postponement and further consideration of the preTent Bill. Mr. AS H TON YATES objected to the powers given by the Bill to go into inquiries backward for an indefinite time— say, forty or fifty years—where matters had already long been wound up, and the principal parties dead. He thought the objects could be better obtained by other means, and he would support the amendment for postponement. Mr. BROTHERTON thought there was fully sufficient cause shown fcr the enactment of some such Bill, but at that late hour lig must move the adjournment of the debate. Mr. HUME said that he thought all the benefits desired by the Solicitor- General might be attained by following the advice of the Hon. Member for Southwark—extending the powers of the present metropolitan Commissioners and allow ing them their travelling expenses. The house then divided on the motion that the Speaker leave the Chair— Ayes Noes Majority -.-9 The Bill was then passed through Committee pro f o r ma . Dr. NICIIOLL prop )scd that the Co.nmittee should be gone intoonStuurday.. - HUME oppos'cd the Committee bring named for Sa turd6y, and moved cs an zinenciment that Monday be named. this the House divided, when the numbers were— For the motion 23 For the amendment 32 Majority 9 Dr. NICHOLL then proposed that the Committee begone into this day, pro forma, with a view to its postponement to a future day, which was agreed to. The other Orders of the DAy were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter-past One o'Cclock. The Animals' Friend Society has been of great service at the fair at Hyde Park. It caused five persons to be heavily fined by Mr. Dyer, last week, for cruelty to their asses, also a woman named Sarah Banks to find bail for an assault on Gibbins, the officer, and rescuing a prisoner. And at Dursley the Society's officers, Ycwen, Summers, and Wilson, likewise caused three men to be committed for fourteen days, by Messrs Brown and Purnell, for having thrown stones at a dog and broken its leg; the magistrates expressing their sorrow that cur such a crime the law was not more severe. THE AUTIIOR OF " THE PILOT'S" NEW TALE OF THE SEA, " HOMEWARD ROUND; OR, Too. Cussu:' There is a fascination about sea.stories that attracts and rivets the attention of every reader. How much more must this feeling be enhanced when they are the productions of a master.spirit like the author of " Th, Pilot," one, indeed, whose home is on the deep. " Homewara Bound," the new work by this justly celebrated author, may be placed among the best stories he has produced, if it be not superior to them all, for he has introduced more splendid ocean.scencry, and - more diversi_ fled manoeuvring and able seamanship, than can be found in hie " Pilot," " Red Rover," or " Water Witelf;" while the incidents are ever sarying, and of the most exciting description. The encounters with the Arabs on the coast of Afraptre highly interesting, and the death-bed scene of one of the passengers of the Montauk, who is wounded by the Arabs, is perhaps one of the most affecting to he found in the wl:o!e range of the literature of fiction. Th, characters in this novel not on!) , differ from those in the author's former works, but possess an individuality perfectly distinct from any ether nautical navel_ ist. We particularly like that of Capt. Truck, who is a most excellent fellow ; his humour is of that quiet, dry sort, which is always , s, sure to tell. The characters of the numerous other personages from the mild and gentle Eve Effingham to the conceited and bustling Stedfast Dodge, the editor of the " Active Inquirer," an Arrurrea r newspaper, are all ca pitally delineated. On the whole " Homew; $ 4 Bound" is unquestion ably destined to be the most popular novel Mr. Cooper has produced. — Caledonian Mercury. FRIGHTFUL MORTALITY._ By a letter from. Sierra Leone, dated the 7th of March last, accounts are received of V.se following terrible losses from the black vomit and the yellow fever—the dreadful scourges of that clime. After stating the Buzzard was off thopot t the previous day, but ordered to have no personal communication WAN the shore, the writer states the mortality to have been ascertaiP.ea as follows, up to the date mentioned :—The Etna—one assistant..%urgeon, two mates, 18 seamen, two boys, four marines —total, 27. llonneita— her commander, one assistant.surgeon, purser, one clerk, 1.0 seamen— total, 14. Forrester—her commander, and IS seamen —total, 19. Raven—Two mates, one assistant.surgeon, 7 seamen—total, 10; making in all 70 casualties. RAILROADS.—To show the height to which th.- railroad fever rose in 1837, it is only necessary to state, that in that, single year not!ces were given for 118 intended applications for Itailvrav Bills; that of these 79 were actually introduced, of which 42 vr zre passed, and the rest either withdrawn from the want of funds, or r ,, jected. Of the 42 which received the Royal assent, only 14 we re for new lines, whose aggregate length is 471 miles, and estime.ed cost 6 ,861,2811., or 14,566/, per mile; the expense of working them a b ou t 45 per cent. of the gross revenue, amounting to 1,575,802/. , of which 923,0781. is to be obtained from passengers, and the rest from goods.— Frazer's Magazi; e. PATENT LEVER WA'TCHES. Price, at T. COX SAVORY'S, 47, Cornilill, London. SILVER, CASES. With double-bottom cases With huntin £6 ''i 6 g cases ............................. 6 ill 0 GOLD cAsxs. Size for ladie s , w ith e l egant go l d dial ... ............. Size for gentlemen, with ename l di al ..... ... 'A 11 0 ...................... . 14 This celebrated con s t ruc ti on (the most accurate en 14 whic 0 h a watch can be made) i s now o ff ered at the above yrice, wiih the latest improvements, i. e., the detached escapem ent, jewelled in four holes, capped, hand to mark the seconds, and maintaining power to continuo going while wilding up. I'. Cox SAVDP:i, Workin g Silversmith, Goldgtnith, and. Watchm a k er, 47, C•rnhill„, London (Seven Doors freln Gracechurch-street). _...,.--...-.._________._......._,,_.........__ _ 13 1.1?7'H5. On the 80th ult., at Torquay, Devon, the Hon. Mrs. William Towry Law, of a daughter. On the 30th ult., in Sloane-street, the lady of Major Dalton, of the Royal Artillery, of a son. On the Ist inst., in Half Moon-street, Piccadilly, Airs. Osmond,. of a son. On the 24th ult., in Cornwall-terrace, the lady of P. Cruik— shank, Esq., of a son. On the '2sth ult., the lady of J. A. Boss, Esq., of Bury.str set. City, of a (laughter. On the 21st ult., at Stoney Stratford, Mrs. Complin of CljartEr house-square, of twins. On the 22d inst., at Camberwell, Mrs. W. Moates, of a daughter.. On the 24th inst., in Lansdowne.placc, Brunswick-scpare, Mrs.. Henry Wakefield, of a son. MA _a On thensth inst., at St. George's, Camberwell, by the Tim 0. Nash, James Poyntz. Esq., of Tralce, eland, Margaret, second daughter of Roddam Aletheus Smith, Esq., of Surrey. At Keston, Henry, second son of the late G. the Cape of G ood Hope, to Maria 0. Ross, Esq., or , youngest daughter of Thomas. Tanner, Es q ., of the Customs. On the 25th ult., Charles Alexander Wood, ozrod son of' Colonel Wood, of Lyttleton. to Sophia, eldest daughter or J. S. Brownrigg, Esq., M.P. --.--............_._...1.1......................... ~..,,.,... 1.... DIED. On the 29th ult., in St. Alban's-terrace, Vauxballbriee-road, aged 64, Mr. Evan Phillips, one of the Yeomen of her Majesty's Body Guard. At Sydney, New South Wales, E. H. Cliff e, Esq. On th e 11 t h ult., on his passage fro ith Madra s C avalry, aged 28. g m India, Li euten ant Snell, On the 28th ult., Sarah, widow of E. Hodg,cs, Esq., of Clap ham, aged 68. On the Ist inst., at St. Leonard Hon. C. G. Law, M.P., aged 20. 's, Edward, eldest , son of tile On the 28th ult., at Brighton, Dr. Willinn Anderson of Fair Mile, Cobham, Surrey, aged 85. On the Ist inst., M. Alatthms, of Hampstead. On the Ist inst., Miss. Nuppnau, Esq., of Prir.ce's-place, Ren nington. On the Ist inst., Margaret, ord y cester-place, LFiceste.r-square. daughter of. Mr. De Gex, Lei- On the Ist inst., in Poland strict, Lucy, widow of Cornelius Aston, Esq., aged 61. On theult., at Pan,;,fas, of Ludg ate-street. On e 24t1-: in-:j, r, E late James, eldest so n of Mr. Fellow es . th ~ at Turnham-n"recn, Eleano r , d aug h ter of the W. Fawe^ s On the s , lth ult., q., of King -street . ng.street Cheapside. HoteLk v R. N at Blois, glary, the wido w of Capt a i n C. W. s, . On the 23.1 ult. green, H am me: , aged 18 ' Woodward, son of Mr. oodward, o f B roo k- Onstn ith. the 23d ult., at I 3 rixton, Mr. Christopher Burrow, aged 70 : Lontli)n ; Prit:ted and Published by AIURDO Y OUNG, of No. 112, S traw!, at Vie si:ri Office, No. 11.2, Strand, in the counts.; of Middles ex —Thursday, July 5,183 S. 0 Wil Ne up 4 sha feet Sur Der F EN and whit sup / T sire( the i will Men Wha beg to ti Gre: eipal infor cantl• rate 'frith brew, riage Office for a Fo by let "Cito A eteell TIOI Alarq Soutl Xdgil I' Ai /'AT] Sir 'lirg4 Sir Sit lax; Ma .tr I'v i tzeut , 410 ot , 'Tor k .orld