The Sun. — London, England, 1864-07-05 00:00:00

MONEY MARKET AND COMBOHCIAL INTELLIGENCE, CITY, TWELVE o'CLocit: A decidedly easier feeling is apparent in the Money Market this morning, there being less de mand for money with a larger supply. The rate for first-class bills is 5-4 par cent., and exceptional transactions have been recorded at even a fraction below that quotation. There were no bullion operations at the Bank yesterday. 'lle Olympus has arrived from New York with X 37,640. The subscription -list of the Ebbw Vale Com pany will closa on Monday, the 11th inst., for London, and WLAnesday, the 13th inst., for the country. 'The Committee of the Stock Exchange have alp , - poiutei Friday, the Bth of Juiy, a special settling day in the Bank of New South Wales new shares and the lonian Bank new shares, both to be marked in the official lists. An extraordinary meeting of Shareholders of the London Bank of Scotland was held to-day for the purpose of considering the terms of agreement made With the Mercantile and Exchange Bank, with a view to the amalgamation of the two institutions. Mr, W. W. CargiLl occupied the chair, and, in pro posing the resolution confirming the arrangement, said that the Mercantile and Exchange Bank had been started at an earlier date under more favour able circumstances, and possessed a capital of I:4,000,000 in shares of £5O each, of which £lO had been paid up, while the London Bank of Scotland bad only a capital of £150,000 i❑ shares of £5O each, of which £l3 had been paid up. The latter bank woaid pay a premium on the amalga mation taking place, amounting to four years' purchase of the prcfit made by the Mercantile and Exchange Bank, over and above that secured by the London Bank of Scotland. The resolution was unanimously agreed to. During the last few days there has been very little activity in the Foreign and Colonial Produce Markets. Sugars have been dull, at slightly re duced rates. For coffee there has been a moderate inquiry without material change as regards values, while in rice, tea, fruit, and spices there has been little variation in the demand. The tallow market has exhibited slight depression, and the quotations for both present and forward delivery show a fur. tiler downward movement. Two o'CLocrc. At Paris, this day, according to Mr. Reuter's telegram, the Threeiper Cent. Ratites were 661'. 15c. Dull. The English Stock market continues quiet, but at firm quotations. No one seems desirous to specu• late till poiitic3l affiirs have assumed a more settled condition. The Funds show no alte ration from the prices of yesterd,y, Con sols being -901 a for money and account. The New Threes and Reduced Annuities are 891-- the Annuities, 1855, 143; March Exchequer &Its, Bs. to 33. dis., June no., 5 dis. to pit.; India 5 per Cents., 104,1 =7 ; ; do. Enfaced 51 per Cents., 114 i; and the Bonus, 10s. dis. There is very little animation and variation in the Foreign Market. Turkish 6 per Cents., 1862, are 68,1, 4 ; do., Consolid6s, 493 ; Mexican, ex ail, 281 4 ; do. New, 26 ; Greek, 257 ; Spanish PLL.sire, 294 1; Portuguese, 471 i; Italian, 671 I; and the Couted , frate Loan, 61 66. Business in the Rzilway Share Market has been animated, and prices have, in most instances, been firmer. Great Northern A Stock, and Manchester, Shi.ffidd, and London have each improved 11 10s. ; Midland, £2; Brighton, £1; and Great Western, and Llncashire and Yorkshire each 1. Tno Foreign and Colonial lines continue inactive, at about previous rates. Bank and Miscellaneous Shares have continued rather quiet, without material change to recorl as regards values. Cuarnourix United Hotel shares are quoted prem.; Sun 4:6 G6e:ale De L'Em pire Ortornin, 11 2 prem.; cud Ebbw Vale Cem• patty, li , loprem. BRITISK FUNDS—ONE O'CLOCK. O ovEnNatuzur FUNDS. 3 per Cent. Consols Do Account, July 8 3 per Cent. Reduced New 3 per Cent New 2i p er C en t. J an. 189 1 Do 5 per Cent., J an . 1873 — Annuities, 30 yrs, expire eth Jan., 1880 — Do for 30 yrs, expi re sth A pr il, 1885 l4} Do (Red Sea Telegraph), Aug. 1905 — M June. Exchequer Bills, £l,OOO, 21 & 3 per Cent. 8 dis i•rch. 5 die par Do £500 Do £lOO and £2OO Bank England Ste, 5} per Ct. Do Account.. INDI&N GOVERNMENT SECURITIES. India Stock, 101 per Cent., April 1874 — ,;fd Do Account — Do 5 per Cent. July, 1870 .... lO4 i Do Account Do 4 per Cent., Oct, 1883 — Do Certificates Do Enlaced Paper, 4 per Cent . . Do 6 per Cent., Jan. 1872 — Do 61 per Cent., May, 1879 .. 114/ Do 4 per Cent., Aug. 1866 1), bonds hl,OOO Do under £1,000.. FOREIGN FUNDS—ONK O'CLOCK. Austrian Bonds, 5 per Cent Do 1859 Brazilian 5 per Cent Do 41 per Cent., 1852-58-60 Do 1863 B7 Buenos Ayres 6 per Cent Do Account 95 Do 1 per Cent. (Deferred 3 per Cent.) — Chian 6 per Cent Do 3 pei Cent. Colombian 6 per Ceat Cuba, 6 per Cent. Danish 3 per Cent., 1825 Du 5 per Cent, 1864 Equador New Consolidated, 1 per Cent — Egyptian 7 per Cent lOl/ 2/ Do, Second Issue Greek 5 per Cent., 1824-5, ex-Coupons — Do Account Do Coupons Do Account..., , — ' Guatemala 5 per Cent. — Do 1839 and 1859 Italian 5 per Cent.(Maremmana Railway ; Mexican 3 per Cent Do Account Do Scrip £23 paid Do French Scrip, Ex. 25f 20e — die Do 6 per Con . Anglo-French Ditto Scrip, £23 paid Moorish Imperial 5 per Cent New Granada l3/ Do 2 per Cent. Do Deferred Do Land W arrants (Hectares) — Peruvian 41 per Cent. 1)o 3 per t;ent. (Uribarren) — Do 41 per. Cent., 1862 — Do Account Portuiru ese 3 per Cent., 1853 Do A' ;count •• Do 3 per Cent., 1856, '7, '9, '6O, 62,'3.. 47/ Do A z.'count 4 7, Do 1E.63 Scrip, £4O paid Riksia) i 5 per Cent., [822, £ St — Do 4't per Cent., 1850 — Do :1 per Cent 1859 Do 6 per Cent, 1852 Do Anglo-Dutch 11 0 Scrip, £3O paid Ear.iinian 6 per Ce n t Do Account Spanish 3 per Cent Do Account Do New Deferred Do Account Lo Pas.two Account — ". Panish Cert. of Coup not f u nd e d 5, vbeaa:A,czount lO D' 0 1 3 11 1 . 4 per Cent Tr. rki s b e " , £6O paid — Pul I 1 )0 ac ° per Cent. 1854 — , Uoun 0 6 P e r Cent 18 - 8 Di' Acc ount • 0 Do £10(.) B onds — 1)0 .6 Per Cent. 1 86' , - Do Account - Do .1:100 B erl y B .. ... Do. • SS 1I 1E63 Per Cont. .. Do Gaarau..teed., 4 101 `Venezuela 3 per Cent. .... Do Account Do 6 per Cent., 1862 ... • Do Account.. Do 6 per Cent, 1864 --•• Dot/ per Cent -- Dividends on the above Payable in London Austrian, 6 per Cent.. Ex. 10 Florins. Belgian 41 par Cont., Ex. 25f. ....... -- Do Account ~, ...... -7. - Dutch 2i per Cent., Ex. 12 1/4.7u.i1.. ...... 62/ Do 4 per Cent. Certificates ..... Italian, 5 per Cent., 1861, Ex. 25 francs.. Do Ac coun t Pe ruvian Dollar Bonds, 41 per Ct. Ex. 4s. Pieltnontaso, 5 per Cent" Ex. 25f — Consol s TWO O 'CLocE plancY ." 9Ol 2 ' 1)040001111t.isi:vs. tv simmi• stet 90 e 4 c*.13.4 U.lO .t :SHARE MARKETS—This day. ORDINARY SHA.IZELs AND STOON.S. I Closing 1 Business , Share; Railways bUN OFFICE, HALF-PAST 4 o'CLocK. I i t 3.14 .1 Hit. Wol., and Str. Val. all S 8j SPORTING INTELLIGENCE—This Pay, st 3:ythe and Tyne. i 0 iost.,Sleat.,andllid.Co all 61 91 9 I o at Bristol and Exeter .... 100 85 R 7 NEWMARKET RACES—Tnis DAY. st ualedonian lOO 1111 120 k 1.61 50 fork and Bandon a:l (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) 20 riornvr ail 1 all 61 7 tY Do. B HANDICAP SWEEPSTAKES. 1 2 Do AI A vet' no dh 1 all till 6pc.pan.has a n Lieber . been paid to B. Reindeer .... 50 Dublin & Belfast June. ~ all 3 5 8 7 25 Otin.PerthtAb. Juno. al! 16 1 7 SWEEPSTAKES OF 10 bOVS. at Edinburgh & Glasgow. 100 80 91 Doef( ri gissg. and S. Western. 100 104 V 6 St ,3 reatEastern, Ord. sts 100 I 481 '94 49 1 ii i Yamuna .... St Ditto A stock - . Four ran. • St - Ditto East Anc,rlfan st 100 7 8 at tlreatNorthot Scotland 100 JULY STAKES. st ~ treat Northern lOO 13 135 Liddin g ion st Do A stock st Do Bdo ... .. .. . st Gt. S. an,i W. of Irelan 100 90 9: Five ran. st Lire :It Western ........ 100 CSI 681 681 2 st Do Str Val gua. stoa!: . .,;',O --- st Lancashite & Yer%:"iiirt 100 135.1 111 1151 i CARLISLE RACES—THIS DAY. et London and ..:lackwa - 1 100 67 69 st Lon.. P:ight.,& S. Corot 100 10: (01 102 4 TRIAL STAKES. st f_ou., Chat., and Dover 100 41 43 Eola s': Len. & North Western 130 1131 1141 1 i4* 114 Barbara Allan st Lon. & Sw.th Western 100 9 . 7 984 98 7} st Nan., Shef., & Lincoln. 100 59 00 61 11 ---- . 30 Maryport and Carlisie, all 121 Do t shares.. all et qetropoittan ...., all 111' 1124 111! 412 11 ,PERIAL 12. A.„ TILIATIENT st Midland Do New o -(e , • . . •st Do Birrninp, - . & Derby 100 103 1( 5 HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening, gid. Gt. W. of Lrelan; - . all 25 Do. , shares 26 10 D id o Cra M leent y Line St North British st Edin., Perth, & Dundee 100 24 '"gs DENCE. 't Nth. Eastern—Berwie, 100 1054 IC . 6j 1001 25 Do, G.N.E. puroha.,,, 6.13.4 —.• The Earl of MALMESBURY gave notice that on Fri •,t Do Lecds lOO 61 6' 611 day next he should move, iu reference to the termination of it Do York et Do Carlisle loa the Conference, a resolution which% he would read. The st North London to Do New 15.4 North Statiordshire lu N. and S. W. Junction all to lit his motion in the House of Commons. it Scottish Central Scot I.N. E.;' Aber. Bice, 100 36 33 38 THE DA NO. GERMAN WAR. 41 Do Scot. Mid. stook_ lcri Lord STRATFORD DE REDOLIFFE said that to te sbrewo. and Welolipo., all q Shropshire Union ..., 10,) 56 (.7 morrow, before the orders cf the day were commenced, he st South Devon lOO 35 :7 should ask a question of Earl Russell respecting A ;South Wales d ; the correspondence which was published in the _ , 4 1 S. York. and River Dun 103 101 100 Morning Post of Saturday last relating to the Conference. ?C , :Staines,Wok.,andWok. all i 8 9 He would state to-morrow his reasons for believing the C 5 Stockton A Darlingtoi, all 364 374 3711 25 Do l7 94 10 , cl,,curnents more likely to be genuine than was generally ... Do New, 1800 lO 71 84 ( supposed. ,t, Taff Vale. Earl RUSSELL, in reference to the genuineness of the LO Do , 0 Do C 3 3 4 p correspondence, was understood to say that it was denied fie Ulster 15 Do .10 Do 54 ft--- u !Vale cf Neath ,1 IVictoria eta. and Pim lOO HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening, it !Waterford A Kilkenny 100 Th e S PEAKER roo k th e c h a i r a t f our o ' c l oc k . t ' West Cornwall lOO 15 37 16 t il'i. Hartlepool Har.&R ' 100 PRIVATE BUSINESS. t IWest Midland -Oxford! 100 'The Furness arid Gas Water and the Scots Episcopal t I t I -Do Newport! 100 —-- Do Hereford 100 Funds Bills were read a itird time and passed. EW On the motion of Colonel TAYLOR a writ was ordered to issue for the election of a member for the East Riding of Gloucestershire, in the room of Sir W. Codrington, de- ccaEcd. THE DANO-GERMAN QUESTION, Lord PALMERSTON said that he had received a communication from the Prussian Ambassador to the effect that the correspondence which was published in the papers on this subject was a pure invention, (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Under the circumstances, he had no statement to make to the house at present. Mr DISRAELI, who was received with loud cheers, rose to move the following :—" That an humble address be pre sented to her Mejesty for directing the correspondence on Denmark and Germany, and the protocols of the Confer • ence recently held in Loudon, to be laid before Parliament; to assure her Majesty that we have heard with deep con cern that the sittings of that Conference have been brought to a close without accomplishing the important purposes for which it was convened; to express to her Mejesty our great regret that, while the course pursued by her Majesty's Government has failed to maintain their avowed policy of upholding the integrity and independence of Denmark, it has lewered the just influence of this country in the coun sels of Europe, and thereby diminished the securities for peace." The right hon. gentleman said—Mr. Speaker—Sir, the longest and most disastrous wars of modern Europe have been wars of succession. The Thirty Years' War was a war of succession. It arose from a dispute respecting the inheritance to a duchy in the north of Europe, not very dis tant from that duchy of Holstein which now engages the attention or Europe. Sir, there are two causes that occa sion wars which originate from a disputed succession to become usually of a prolonged and obstinate character. They arise first f; am internal di,cerd, and in the second place from foreign ambition, Sometimes a domestic party, under these circumstances, has an understinding with a foreign potentate; white again the ambition Of that foreign potentate excites the distrust, and sometimes the envy of brother Powers, and the cons: quence is that, generally speaking, these dissensions thus created tend to prolonged and complicated struggles. Sir, I apprehend—and, indeed, I have not a doubt of it--that it was in contemplation of the possibility of such circumstances occurring in our time that the szater men of Europe, some 13 years ago or so— knowing it was probable that the Royal line of Denmark would cease, and that upon the death of the then king, his dominions would be divided, and that in all probability dis putes as to the succession would occur—l say I have no doubt it was because they were duly aware of these con tingencies that the statesmen of Europe gave their best con sideration to avert, if possible, such calamities to Europe. Sit, in these days it is not possible, fortunately, that the Powers of Europe should act under such circumstances as they might have done 100 years ago. Then they would have met in conclave, and would have decided under what arrangements the internal government of an independent kingdom, in the position of affairs to which I : ,have ad verted, should be conducted ; and it is possible that evil might have been prevented, or it might have resulted ultimately in foreign wars. But although the Powers of the present day very properly do not act in that manner, they said to the King of Denmark, If you and your people among yourselves can make arrangements, in the contingency of your death without issue, which may put an end to all internal discord, we at least will do this : we will in your lifetime recognie the settlement thus in de, and, so far as the influence of the great Powers can be exer cised, we will at least guard you from one of the great causes which in cases of disputed succession have led to long wars in Europe. We will guard Denm irk from the consequences of foreign interference, foreign ambition,and foreign aggres sion. That is, I believe, a correct account of that cele brated treaty of May, 18d2, of which we heard so much, and of which some descriptions are given which, in my opinion, are utterly unauthorised and unfounded. Sir, there can be no doubt that the purpose of that treaty was one entitled to the respect of the communities of Europe. The language of that treaty is simple, and expresses its purpose. The Powers which concluded that treaty announced that they concluded it not from their own will or arbitrary impulse, but at the instigation of his Danish Majesty, in order to give to the arrangements relative to the order of succession an additional pledge of stability by an act of European re cognition—and if hon. gentlemen will look at that treaty —and I do not doubt many of them are familiar with it-- they will find that the first article recites the efforts of the King of Denmark to make the necessary arrangements with the principal states and personages of his kingdom, in order to effect the necessary alterations in the lex regia, and ending with an appeal to the Powers of Europe that, he having settled internal difficulties, they would, by their recognition of the settlement, protect him from the risk of external clan ger. Under that treaty England incurred no legal responsi bility. England entered into no engagement other than that which was entered into by France or by Russia. If, indeed, I were to dwell upon moral obligations—welch I think are too dangerous a theme to introduce into debates of this kind— I might say that the moral obligations which France, of example, had incurred towards Denmark, were of no or dinary character—that Denmark had been the ally of France in that severe struggle which formed a most conga derable portion of modern history, and had proved herself a most valuable and a most faithful ally. Even at St Helena, when contemplating his marvellous career, and meditating over the past, the first Emperor, and founder of the dynasty which now governs France, said the Kings of Denmark and Saxony were the only sovereigns who were faithful to him in his extreme adversity. Whereas if we look to our moral obligations to Denmark, certainly they do not unite us to that country, because we found in Denmark, in the tame struggle, a persevering and gallant fog. Therefore, as far as morel obligations are concerned, while there is none on our pa, t, there is a sense of gratitude which might have influ enced the counsels of France. But in the treaty, and look ing to the treaty, there is no legal obligation incurred by England to Denmark which was not equally incurred by Russia and France. (Hear, hear.) Now the question which I would first ask the house is this—How is it, under these circumstances, that the position of France relative to Den mark is one so free from embarrassment—one might say so dignified—(hear, hear, and a laugh)—that it has recently received a tribute to its demeanour and unimpeachable con duct in this respect from her Blajestfa Secretary of Stet,— (hear, hear)—while the position of England, under the same obligations contained in the same treaty with relation to Denmark, is one, all will admit, of infinite embarrassment —(hear, heat)—and I am afraid of terrible mortification. (Hear, hear.) That is the first question I will put to the house, and which I think ought to receive a satisfactory answer among other questions to .night, and I think the first answer that occurs to me, the logical inference from the circumstances is this, that the affairs of this country, with respect to our obligations under this treaty, must have been very much mismanaged to have produced conse quences so different from the relations of another Power which occupies in that treaty a eimilar and Mont cal position. Tho house is well aware that the dominions of the King of Denmark have been occupied by Aus trian and by Prussian armies in former times. In 18 1 8 , w h en the great European insurrection took place. there was no position of Europe that was more influenced by it than Germany. There is scarcely a political constitu tion in Germany that was not changed at that period, and BI ITISII POSSESSIONS. Closing bar , eat lwnys I Paid.' Price. (Business don. 100 4.t &tt L wrenw all 59 61 yk Som., ii.a.roda&.Cent 1013 102/ 1021 G u. 5 per mut 20 Do. . 20 Do. B. Shares... 7/ par 3 p :01 , anti Laze Huron al; a/ 6 1 0 I 110. Preference ... all 81 93 00 i litifialo,Brant,&GodriAl 77 82 5 p. ct. bds. Aug. 1, 1801 00 Do. do. July 1, 187,, 100 77 8 100 1)0. do. June 1, ls:-; 100 77 82 st ,;leutta.,t S. Naetn. n 100 93 it 0 st CapcTown Dock Seri. 100 08 100 ',took Eastn. Bengal go. sp. 100 104 106 =tea: East Indian. rut. sp. c 100 112/ 13/ 1022 20 Do. do. ( Ext 15 20 Do. do. H do. .. 15 p 4 tock Grand Trunk of Cana: tw.. 2u 21 100 Do. let Prel. Bonds.. ,1) 72 71 100 Do. co. deferred.— all 6 1.00 Do. 2‘.1 Pre% Bonus.. all 06 CS 100 Do. do. defer' ed. ..... all _55 37 100 Do. 3d 1' ef. stock ... of 48 5 ; t O O Do. do. def erred.— all 43 15 100 Do. 4th Pref. stock... al; 29 31 100 Do. do. deferred...—. all 28 3) itoch Gt..tildlat'Utlit.gUlt.sp.ti 100 102 103 2 0 Do. ew gum. sp. c... 12 # t Do. January, 1862 stook Gt. South.of India(Lim .:naranteed 5 per cent. toe 101 1(3 204 Gt. W. of Canacts.Shares all 10 103 20¢ Do. New .. 1? 1t . 1 00 Do. 6 p.c. '73 with' t opt. all Si 100 Do. 5/ p. o. do. "."7-8.. . all 82 81 10 Indian Branch Limited 2 I d ip stock Aladras. guar., sp.c. .. 100 1014 10 t/ itoek Do. 41 p. c. Extension 100 95 27 'ock Dc.ito d 0........ 100 10 94 20 Do. Fifth Extension. 2 -- 4toek licib.Corp. 6p. c. Bud. • llelb. & Hobson's Bay. all 57 59 1 00 Do. 7p. c. Hong. Bde. all t 0 u• ,, awiclt Candu Class an B all I !) S. Itl.C'da6 pc Ist pt bds 100' 82 84 or.a Scinde .........) ow; 11:13 10 stock' Do. Delhi,.. I • • ' 200 .100/ 101 P 10 Do (i 0 . ' o ! 0 pr p Porkinuh ... 0 all 00/ 161/1 Du. oc De. lndus.St. ) ;_11;1: I 04 06 COLONIIIIL GOVERNMENT Zi.EO URITIES. "". a.; ~ 1, 1 1877-54 1x; ;00 102 101 - Do. 8 p.c. Feb.& Ai, 101, 1(2 ' Do. p. o. Mar. & . 8 100 It 2 104 - Do. Sp. c. Jan.&,luly. 101 8.) 01 89 - Do. 5 lnocribed stock 100 89 91 - !( is.pe G. Llope, 6 p 0,1873 100 104 106 - 1 Do.Ap & Oct. 18i0 100 107 109 - Do. Itha. 100 109 111 - ; Do. Jan. & July, 1891 100 tO7 109 - Ceylon, 0 0v.1878, 8 p 100 111 113 - liiauritius 0 per cent lOO 101 106 - ,Natal Gov. 6 per cent 100 1 0 )6 100 IN.B.Gov.6p.o.Jit.&J uI ) 100 CO 1(2 - Do. 6p. o.Ap. & Oct. 100 - - - N. S.W. Gov. 5 p 18,.4 100 993 1003 Du. sp. c.,18,.4 to 100 993 1004 973 - Do. d0.,1888 &upwds 100 991 1001 - !New Zealand 6 p cent. 100 10) 111 - iNavaScotiaGay. 6p. c. - sterling, Itls. lOO 401 103 - Queensland Gcv. 6p. a 100 103 103 - S. Anis G6p.c.1878.& up 100 106 108 - !Vio.Gov. 6 p.c. Ja.&July 100 - - IDo. io 6 p.c. ; 100 1091 1103 110 k BRITISH MINES. 2 I.Jambrian Consol. Gold 1 1 3d - Hitflord Amalgamated.) - 30 82 - 'Devon G. Con.. (Tavist.)l 1 565 675 - Fast Bassett (Illogan) 30 65 67 - East Clogau Gold Ltd - - - East Caradon ...... 2.14.0 29 30 Cam Brea... 3.4.0 73 7/ - - E. W'lltussel (Taviatk.) , till:, 34 4 4 ; - Gam.‘l2St.Aubyn(Gwen 58,i 7 9 -;Great South 'rolgus 17s 23 4. - Wheal Vor(Relston 140 29 31 - ;Grenville 6.16.0 73 73 - Illercrs-Foot B.lO 18 40 - ilingston Downs 4.18.0 31 43 - 'Lady Bertha - Margaret (tiny Lelant sA 8 10 - garke Valley.. 4 !)lyndy Iron Oro (Lim: 2,1 11 1 d - NCI'? Setun l5l 75 85 - • North Downs 2/ 11 2 'I Basset(lllo.f.zu 3.1.0 14 2 - 'orth `'Phial Crotty 2.6.9 43 43 - i'ar Conaole(st. Blaze) - - 20 ; 'rovidence (City Lelnt.; 10 0.: 39 41 - .outh Caradon(StCleer 1j 455 475 - S. Cain Brea (Illogan).. -- - r'..Wheai Fran. (Mogan 18.1 4 .9 50 55 - 'Stray Park , 30.17.6 29 31 ramar Silv.& Lead Mill. - - - i fin Cron . 171 183 West Basset (Illogan) ll 94 103 - W Cf radon (Liskeanr 5 16 18 - West Seton - Wheal Basset (Illogan)1 53 90 P 5 - Wheal Buller(ttedruth,l 10 27 29 - Wheal Kitty (U.Lelant)! 2.0.8 - - - WhealLudhctt - Wheal 11.1e.ryAnn ;Men ; I 14 16 - Wheal Beton n 581 200 230 - Wheal Treiawney (Lis ) 7 19 21 - ,Wheal Union 3.17 14 2 PREFERENCE SHARES. Great Eastern, E. Counties, Ext. No. 1, Ditto, 6 per cent pf., 122 Great orthern, 6 per cent.. red. at 10 per cent. pm., 113! It G t. Western, Wt. Midland, Oxford, I,t guaranteed stock, 1261 North 6taffordshire, SECOND EDITION. PREFEKENCE SHARES AND STOCKS. Great Eastern 5 per cent. pf., 101 Ditto, 4; per cent., 901 FOREIGN RAILWAYS Great Luxembourg, 10j Turin nd 6aVcna; 31 West Flanders, 7g FOREIGN MMES. Cape Copper, BANKS. Alliance (11m.), (5 Australasia, Ditto, new, F 7/ Bank of utago, lim., 4} City, 145 Consolidated Bank, lira., 12 11; Continental, lim., i 6/ European Bank, Um- 141 Hindustan, china, and Japan (1/m.), Ditto, new, ' 6 Imperial Bank of India, china, and Japan, lim., 6 Imperial Ottoman, 181 Land Mortgage Bank of India, Him, 51 London B. of Slexioo and S. America, lim., / London Chartered Bank of Australia, 241 London and County, 71 London Joint Stock, 471 8/ Merchant Bank, lim , lei Mercantile and Exchang.e. lim., 19; ; National dank of Ireland, Ditto, new, 44} Union of Australia, 57 Ditto, new, 54 MISCELLANEOUS. Australian Agricultural, 21 Berlin Water Works, Jim., 91 Crystal Palace, 32} Egyptian Coin. and Trading, lim., "41 I English and Scottish Marine, Um., k Financial Discount, lim., 5/ Gen. Credit and Finance of London, Jim., 7 1 Hudson's Bay. 174 Imperi 1 and Mercantile Credit Asso., 1int,,71 International Financial , ociety, lim., 101 10k Joint Stock D iscount, lim., 71 2 if Land Securities, Inn., 4f L on don Financial Association, 1im.,,,272 8 M dras Irr go.tton and canal, Ditto, (all;, 2J 101 National Di-count Company, lint., 152 1 2 Ocean M arine (Insurance). 21/ Quebrada. Land, Rail, and Mining, lim., 31 Universalorl` c h m e t e e e and Fin i n i r c r i nieerrese" Insurance, a g r r Y a i P n n i c e ee( lim ., u n im s c!), lim,, 71 ROYAL NAVAL RESERVE. — By areturn issued yesterday it appears that the number of seamen enrolled in the Royal Naval Reserva dawn to )March 31st last was 17.300, discharged 401, died 639, and entered the Royal Navy 300—leaving a not number of 15,473 men still on the books. Two of the dismissed men had entered the Con fad.3rate naw.l service, THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING - , JULY 5, 1864. scarcely a throne that was not subverted. The King of Denmark, in his character of a sovereign prince of Ger many, was affected by that great movement. The popula tion of Germany, under the influence of the very peculiar excitement of that time, were impelled to redress the grie vances, as they alleged, of their fellow countrymen in the dominions of the King of Denmark, and who were, of course, his subjects. The Duchies of Holstein and Schles wig were invaded. A cruel war was excited by ambitious princes in that country, under circumstances with which we have become familiar. Ultimately, I believe, the whole of the Continental dominions of the King of Denmark were occupied by Austrian and Prussian armies. In 1851 tran quillity had been restored to Europe, sad especially to Germany, and the troops of Austria ultimately quitted the dominions of the King of Denmark. That they quitted them in consequence of the military prowess of the Danes, though it was far from inconsider able, I will not pretend to say, but they quitted them under certain conditions, and under the influence of Russia, which was at that time irresistible in Germany. The conditions under which they qaitted Denmark were con cluded by the King of Denmark and the Courts of Berlin and Vienna; and under those conditions the King of Denmark entered into certain arrangements, with a view to remedy the abuses complained of; but he never peelormed or accomplished the engagements thus entered into— partly, I have no doubt, from negligence, bec ruse we know it is not the habit of mankind to perform disagree able duties when the pressure is withdrawn, and partly, I have no doubt, from the peculiar character of the engage ments themselves. That was in the year 1851. In the year 1352, tranquillity being entirely restored, the treaty which regulated the succe , ,sion. was negotiated. In that treaty there was not the sliehtest reference to the engagements which the King of Denmark had entered into with the German Powers. It was a municipal, a domestic, or as we now call it, a Federal, and not an international, ques tion. Notwithstanding that it really related enly to the King of Denmark and the Diet of Germany, once more it attracted the attention of the Government of England and the Ministers of the great Powers generally, who were the signataries of the treaty of 1852. For some time after the treaty of 1852 little was hoard of the Federal question and controversy between the Diet and Denmark. After this exertion and exhaustion the queston slumbered, but did not die. Occasionally it gave evidence of vitality ; and not long after the accession of the present Government to office the controversy between the Diet and the Ringer Denmark gave evidence of very great activity and life. Her Majesty's Ministers thought it their duty to interfere in that contro versy. Whether they were wise in taking that course of conduct the house can decides well as myself, 1 confess my own impression is, and always has been, that it would have been much better to have left the Federal question between the King and the Diet to have worked itself out. But her l‘deje.ety's Ministers were of opinion—and uo doubt there is much to be said in favour of that opinion —that, inasmuch as the question, though a Federal question, was one which probably, is its execution, might lead to aeuse which would make it an international one, it would be wiser and better to interfere by anticipation, and prevent, if possible, that Federal execution ever taking place. The comequence of that extreme activity on the part of her Majesty's Ministers is a mass of correspondence which has been placed upon our male, with wuich many gentle men may have some acquaintance, though they may have been attracted and absorbed by the interest of more modern correspondence which has within this year been presented to the house. I should not b 5 doing justice to the Secretary of State it I did not bear testimony to the un wearied perseverance end extreme ingenuity with which he conducted that correspondence. The noble lord found n that business, no doubt, a subject which is genial to hts nature, viz , the opportunity of drawing up a constitution for the Government of communities. (Laughter.) The Secretary of State is almost as celebrated as a statesman who flourished at the end of the last century for that ability. I wilt not quarrel or criticise any of the lucubra tions of the noble lord at that time. I think his labours are well described in a passage I observed in one of the de spatches of a distinguished S wcdish statesman—l think the present Primo Minister—who, when he was called upon to consider a scheme of the English Government for the ad ministration of Schleswig, which entered into minute de tails, and with that power and prolixity which only could have been acquired by a constitutional Minister who has long served an apprenticeship in the House ef Commons, said—" Generally speaking, the monarchs of Europe find it difficult to manage one Parliament ; but I observe, to my surprise, that Lord Russell is of opinion that the King of Denmark will be able to manage four." (Laughter.) The only observation which I shall make upon that folio volume of 300 or 400 pages which is on the table, and which relates to the affairs of Schleswig and Holstein, is this— that I observe that the other Powers of Europe, who were equally interested in the matter, and Equally bound as 84.1.- natarias of the treaty of 1602 to interfere if required—do not interfere as the English Government interfere. That they disapprove of the course taken I by no means sVieh to maintain. When we make a suggestion upon the subject they receive it with cold politeness. They have no objec• tion to the course 'a hich we announce we are going to take, but they confine themselves, with scarcely an exception, to that conduct on their part. The noble lord fullews a different course; but it is really unnecessary for me to dwell on this part of the subject. We may dismiss it from our mind. I have only touched upon it com plete the picture which I am bound to lay before the house, in consequence of the events which very speedily occurred. Ail this correspondence—this elaborate, and I will venture to say, not using the terra offensively, but accurately—this pragmatical correspondence—(a laugh)—was conducted in the perfect ignorance of the people of this country, who felt very little interest in this subject. I may say, even in Eta rope, where affairs of d plomacy always excite more atten tion, little effect was ever produced. This correspondence, however, culminated in a celebrated despatch, which ap peared in the autumn of 1662. Then, for the first time, a very great effect was produced in Europe generally, and certainly in Germany and France, and some interest began to be excited in Elegland. Tee effect of the noble lord's management of these transactions had been this. It had en couraged—l will not now kap to inquire whether it was intentional or not—but it fa a fact that it had encouraged the spread of the views of what is called the German party in this contest. This had been the effect of the noble lord's before eetspiencgiel,hyorottlythaind in consequencesdespatc despatch of the autumn general ionttleSrf;2renßeue; something occurre d which renew e d that impression. Germany being almost agitated on the su bj ect, and Englan d at l ast h av i ng her attention called to th e ease i n 1663, wh i c h b egan to pro duce disquietude, and directed to the subject, and the state of affairsavnd gentlemen of this house beginning to h prorogation of Parliament amount ing to a degree of public anx i ety, i t was thoug h t necessary thsehiorratity,e nt attention that an inquiry should be made of her Majesty's Govern ment on the subject, and that some means should be taken to still that disquietude which prevailed in this country by obtaining from her Majesty's Government a declaration of their policy generally with r es p ect to D enm a r k, That ap peal was not made in any p arty sp i r i t, or i n any way ani mated by that disciplined arrangement with which ques tions are by both sides brought before the house. It was at the end of the sessio n, when few were left, and when the a nswer of her Majesty', Ministers could not at all affect the position of parties, though it might be of inesti mable influence and importance upon the opinions of Europe and on the course of events. (Hear.) That matter was brought forward by my hen. friend (Mr S. Fitzgerald), who always speaks on those subjects with the authority of ono who knows what he is saying. (A laugh.) A commu nication was made to the First Minister on the subject, and it was understood on this side of the house, from a previous declaration of the noble lord, and from our exper i ence of his i caree r generally, that t was not an appeal which would be disagreeable to him, or w hich would he an occasion which he would have any d'esir'e to eecapo. The noble lord was not taken by surprise. He hirneolf fixed the moment—it was a , morning Rhea he would come down and explained the views of her Majesty s G overnment. I am bound to say the noble lord on that occasion spoke with that perspicuity and complete detail in which upon diplomatic subjects we acknowiedge him to be a perfect master. Tho noble lord entered into the question, and gave to the house, who knew little about it, a popular but accurate account of the whole question. He described the c onstitution of the Diet, and also, for the first time, what a F ederal execution was, lie was a little unhappy in his prophecies of what would hap pen with regard to the Federal execution. It is the only mistake which the noble lord made. He said he did not think there would be Federal execution; and if there were, he thought we might be. p erfe ctly easy that it would not lead to any disturbance in Europe. The noble lord described the position of Holstein as a %mean duchy of which the King of Denmark was the sovereign prince, and by that means a member of the Diet and subject to the laws of the Diet. He showed that the Duchy of Schleswig was not a German duchy, and t h e moment that Schleswig was inter fered with an international consideration would atlas. (Hear.) He told us, in a re-assuring spirit, that his views relations w ith Denzeiark upon our were the same as they had always been. I will read an extract from the noble lord's speech, not because it is not famili ar to the house, but be cause upon occasions like this we should refer to documents, that we may not be accused afterwards of having coloured or garbled statements. The noble lord's concluding observations were—" We are asked what is the policy and course of her Majesty's G ove rnment with respect to this dispute. We concur entirely with the hon. gentleman (Fitzgerald), and I am s atisfied with a ll reasonable men in Europe, including those in France and Ru ss i a , i n d es i r i ng that she independence ann integrity and the rights of Den eiark may be maintained. We are convinced—l am con vinced, at least—that if any violent attempt were made to overthrew those rights, or interfere with that indepen dence, those who made the attempt would find in the result that it would not be Denmark alone with which they mould h ave to contend." (Cheers.) Now that is a c l ear , ma nly, atatesmanlike declanoion of policy. It was not a hurried or hasty expression, upon a subject of that importance, of that character—on which the noble lord never makes hasty declarations. He is a master of his subject, and he could not be taken by surprise ; but on that occasion there was not a chance of his being taken by surprise. The occasion was arranged beforehand, and the noble lord was perfectly informed or our object. Ho sympathised with that object, of soothing the disquieted mind of Europe, and he knew he could not arrive at such a desirable result more happily than tion. France was not, his excellency said, indifferent to the maintenance of the integrity and independence of Denmark and it was not from any indifference that he disapproved of your lordship's suggestion. (Opposition cheers,) Well, sir, that was the intention of the noble lord with respect to the change in the relations between England and France. That was significant. (Opposition cheers.) I think it was one which the noble lord ought to have duly weighed, when he remembered the position which this country occu pied with regard to Denmark—that it was a position under the treaty which did not bind us to interfere more than France itself ; and, conscious at the same time that any co operation from Russia for the same cause, though by dif ferent means, could hardly be counted upon, I should have said that a pro dept Government would have well consi dered their position, and would not have taken any course which committed them to any decided line of action. But, so far as I can judge from the correspondence before us, that was not the tone taken by her Majesty's Government, because we have extracts from the correspondence of the Secretary of State with the Swedish Minister, the Diet of Frankfort, and Lord Bloomfield—all written in one fort niyht which elapsed after the receipt of that despatch of Mr Grey which notified the change in the feeling of the French Government. It is highly instructive, and we shall see what effect it produced on the policy of her Majesty's Government, Immodiately after the receipt of that despatch the Secretary writes to the Swedish Minister in the follow. ing terms :—" Her Majesty's Government set the highest value on the independence and integrity of Denmark. . . . Her Majesty's Government will be ready to remind Aus tria and Prussia of their treaty obligations to respect the integrity and independence of Denmark." Now this kto Sir A. Malet, the Minister at Frankfort, on Sept 29, that is, nine or ten days after the receipt of the French de spatch. "Her Mejesty's Government, by the Treaty of London of May 8, 1852, is bound to respect the integrity and independence of Denmark. The Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia have taken the same engagement. Her Majesty could not see with indifference a military occupation of Holstein, which is only to cease upon terms injuriously affecting the constitution of the whole Danish monarchy. Her Majesty's Government could not recog• niso this military occupation as a legitimate exercise of the powers of the Confederation, or admit that it could pro perly be called a Federal Execution. Her Majesty's Go. vernment could not be indifferent to the bearing of such en act on Denmark and upon European interests. Her Ma jesty's Government, therefore, earnestly entreat the. German Diet to pause. and to submit the question in dispute between Germany and Denmark to the mediation of other Powers unconcerned in the controversy, but deeply concerned in the maintenance of the peace of Europe and the independence of Denmark," (Opposition cheers.) My object in reading these despatches is to show that, after the first intimation of . a change of opinion in France, the sincere policy of the Go vernment was not modified. (Cheers.) The Secretary of State, on the 30th of September, 1863, writes thus to Lord Bloomfield, at Vienna :—." Her Majesty's Government trust that no act of Federal execution to whieh Austria may be a party, and no act of war against Denmark on the ground of th© affairs of Schleswig, will be allowed to cheil with this primary and essential treaty obligation. Her Majesty's Government, indeed, entertain a full confidence that the Government of Austria is as deeply impressed as her Ma jesty's Government with the conviction that the indepen dence and integrity of Denmark form an essential element in the balance of power in Europe." And now I have brought the case to the end of September, and I hope the house has clearly understood the course of circumstances. There is nothing in the month of October to call for remark at this moment; but we now arrive at theenonth of Novem ber, and approach a very important and critical state of affairs. The month of November was remarkable for a re currence of two great events, which completely changed the character, and immensely affected the aspect, of the whole relations between Denmark and Germany, and which may have produced consequences that only can be felt when one sees the end of it. Early in November the Emperor of the French proposed a European Congress. His position, as he himself described it, was a very painful one from various causes. He therefore proposed a congress. When Parlia ment met on the 4th of February I gave my opinion as to the propriety of her Majesty's Government refusing to be a party to that congress. As a general principle I think that a Congress should precede action. If you wish any,happyand permanent results from a Congress, it should rather follow the great efforts of nations, and, when they are somewhat exhausted, give them an honourable relief by a frank exposition of the policy of the Government. It is my business to-night tc vindicate the noble lord, who has treated this declaration as one used only to amuse the House of Commons. lam here to prove the sincerity of that de claration—(hear)—beeause we have now on oar table re cently and long since this speech was delivered, the diplo matic correspondence which was then pursued by her Majesty's Government on this subject. The right hon. gentleman then proceeded to quote from despatches written by Earl Russell to our ministers in Berlin and Vienna, stating that if Germany persisted in confounding Schles wig with Holstein, the other Powers of Europe might con found Holstein with Schleswig. That reassuring state ment of the noble lord was, I think, a wise and judicious policy at that time, because he knew that then Franco was perfectly ready to co-operate with him in any measure which he thought proper to pursue, with respect to these transactions between Denmark and Germany; nay, not only that France was ready, but that she had spontaneously offered to act with us in any manner which we liked. The right hon. gentleman quoted a de spatch from Lord Cowley in support of this assertion, in which M. Drouyn do Lhuys expressed himself as desirous of acting in concert with us in this matter. He then went on to inquire how this change of feeling on the part of France had been brought about, For when in September Earl Russell had reminded the French Government of their offer, and requested them to act in concert with us in event of matters in Denmark requiring intervention, the applica tion had been first coldly received, and finally refused. He then went on to say, I atop now to inquire what hat caused this change in the relations between the two courts. Why was France, who at the end of the session was so cordial and ready to co-operate with us, at the end of two or three short months entirely changed? At the commencement of last year an insurrection broke out in Poland. Unhappily, in surrections in Poland are not unprecedented. This insur rection was extensive and menacing, but there have been insurrections in Poland before quite as extensive and far morennenacing—the insurrection of 1831, for example. For at that time the Poles possessed a national army, second to none for valour and discipline. Well, sir, the question of Polish insurrection in 'lB3l was deeply considered by the Government of that day. They went thoroughly into the matter, and felt the soundings of that question. It was in vestigated and maturely considered, and the Government of that day—the Government of William the Fourth—arrived at these two conclusions, that it was not expedient ex... En gland to go to war to restore Poland; and, secondly, that if England was not prepared to go to war, any interference Of another kind would only aggravate the calamities of that fated nation. (Hear, hear.) These were the conclusions at which the Government of Lord Grey arrived, and they were announced to Parliament. This is a question which the English Government has had more than ono cpportu nity to consider, and on every occasion they have considered it deeply and completely like men. The Polish question occurred again in 1855, when a conference was sitting at Vienna, in the midst of the Russian war. Again, her Majesty's Government—the Government of the Queen—had to consider the question. It was then considered under the moat favourable circumstances to Poland ; for we were at war with Russia. But, after performing all the duties of a responsible Ministry under such circumstances, her Majes ty's Government arrived at these conclusions—that it was not only nut expedient for England to go to war to restore Poland, but it, was not even expedient to prolong war for that purpose, And equally they arrived at the second con clusion, that any interference on our part, without action, would not be just to the Poles, and must tend to increase their difficulties. Thus this very question of Poland has in the present century, within the last 34 years only, been twice considered by two Governments ; and therefore when I remind the house that when it was considered by the Cabinet of Lord Grey in 1831, the individual who filled the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and whO of course greatly guided the opinion of his colleagues upon such a question, was the present First Minister—and when I also remind the house that the plenipotentiary at the Conference as Vienna, to whom and upon whose responsibility in a great degree the decision was then arrived at, was the pre rent Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs—l think Eng land had a right, when the great difficulty of last year arose with respect to Poland, to congratulate herself that in a situation of such difficulty, at an emergency when a mis take might produce inealculable evils, its fortunes were re gulated not only by two men of great abilities and experi ence, but by statesmen who upon this subject possessed a peculiar experience, who had thoroughly entered into the question, who knew all its issues and the contingencies that possibly might occur in its management, and who, on the two occasions when it was submitted to the decision of England had been the guiding Ministers in the wise decision which was then arrived at. Now, sir, I must remind the house that what is called the Polish question occupies a dif ferent position in France to what it does in England. I will not admit that is deep sympathy for the Poles the French are superior to the English. I believe lam only stating accu rately the feeling of this country when I say that among people of all classes there is no event which they look back to with more regret than the partition of Poland. (Hear.) It is universally considered and acknowledged by them as one of the darkest, if not the darkest, page in the history of the 18th century. (Hear, hear.) But in France the Polish question is not one which merely interests the sentiment of the millions, It is a political question, and a question of the highest class in Francs. IL is a question which inte rests ministers, and cabinets, and princes. There is a be lief in France which has made the restoration of Poland a traditionary policy in that country, namely, that that re storation would tend to add to the power and the glory of France. In France it is also - a practical question, because there are men now alive who can remember when the eagles of France floated over the ancient capital of Poland. But I think that their feelings of pride must be dashed with a sentiment of remorse, if they really value 'so much the re storation ef Poland, when they remember the opportunity they then lost. Then the house must recollect that when an insurrection occurs in Poland, it is a different affair in France to what it is in England. It is not an affair that merely interests those who frequent the cafes and casinos, but it at once strikes into the secrets of cabinets and prin ces. Well, Sir, the ruler of France, a sagacious prince and a lover of peace, as the Secretary of State has just informed us, was perfectly alive, of course, to the great Issues in volved in what is called the Polish question, But France knew very well that England had twice had an opportunity of considering this question in the completest manner,.and had arrived at a settled policy, and, with characteristic cau tion, the Emperor exercised great reserve, and held out but little encouragement to the representatives of Polish feeling. He knew well that in 1855 he, then being our ally, had urged this question upon the English Government, and that under the most favourable circumstances for the restoration of Poland ; and he knew that we had then adhered to our traditionary policy, which was neither to go to war nor to pursue a war, and therefore the Emperor of France and the French Governusent generally exhibited a very great reserve on the subject. But what, in a short time was the astonish ment of the Emperor, when he found the English Govern ment embracing the cause of Poland with an extraordinary fervour ? The noble lord the Secretary of State, and the noble lord the First Minister, bat especially the Secretary of State, announced their policy as if it were a policy new to the consideration of statesmen, arid about to lead to im mense results. The noble lord the Secretary of State sent a copy of his despatch to all the Courts of Europe who were signataries to the Treaty of Vienna—from the King of Portugal down to the King of Sweden—calling Russia to account for the position of affairs in Poland. We know very well that for three months Europe believed there was to be a general war on a great scale, of which the restoration of Poland was to bo one of the leading objects. Is it at all surprising that the Government of France and the French people should have responded to such stimulating proposals? (Hear, hear.) It was not only natural=--it was inevitable. We know the noble lord (Earl Russell) fooled them to the top of their bent. The House recollected the noble lord's six propositions, to which he called the attention of the Emperor of Russia in the most peremptory manner. The 'Louise remembers the closing scene, when it was arranged that the ambassadors of France, Austria, and England should on the very same day appear at the hotel of the Minister of Russia, and should present notes of the most cordial tone, ending with three identic paragraphs, to show the agreement of the three Powers. It was generally be lieved there was to be a general war, and that France, Austria, and England would unite to restore Poland. The house remembered the reply of Russia—that the Russian Minister replied to all this with haughty sarcasm and with indignation which deigned to be ironical. Well, Sir, there was only one step to take, according to the view of the French Government, and that was action. They appealed to that England which had itself excited agitation on the subject and raised expectations; but England recurred to the traditionary policy of this country, and confessed it was a momentary indiscretion that had animated their counsel, and that they never meant anything more than words. (Op position cheers.) A month afterwards they sent a despatch; but this did not alter the position of the French Emperor and the French Government. He load been induced by us to make promises which he could not fulfil. He was placed in a false position to the people of Poland and the people of France, and therefore I am not surprised that when the Sec retary of State was a little alarmed at the progress of affairs in Germany, he thought it discreet to reconnoitre his posi tion; and that in September he should have been received at Paris with coldness, and that ultimately his despatch was answered in this manner : Mr Grey, writing to Lord Rug sell, said, on 18th September, 1863, " The second mode of proceeding suggested by your lordship, viz., 'to remind Austria, Prussia, and the German Diet, that any acts on their part tending to weaken the integrity and independence of Denmark would be at variance with the treaty of May 8, 1852,' would be, according to the opinion of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, in a great measure analogous to the course pursued by Great Britain and France on the Polish question. (Laughter.) He frankly avowed that he should so speak to the Emperor as to place France in the same position with reference to Germany as she had been placed in with regard to Russia. The formal notes addressed by the three Powers. to Russia had received an answer which literally meant no thing, and the position in which those three great Powers were now placid was anything but dignified ; and if Eng land and France were to address such a reminder as that proposed to Austria, Prussia, and the German Confedera tion, they must be prepared to go further, and to adopt a course of action more in accordance with the dignity of two great Powers than they were now doing in the Polish clues- And, sir, I did not think itmy duty to conceal my opinion when her Majesty's Government had felt it their duty to refuse a proposal of that character. But lam bound to say that, had I been aware of what has been communicated by these papers —had I been aware, when I spoke on Feb. 4, that only a week before the Parliament met—only a week before we were assured by the speech from the throne that her Majesty was continuing to carry on negotiations in the interests of peace—that her Majesty's Government had made a proposal to the Government of France which must, if accepted, inevitably have produced a great and enduring European war—l am bound to say I should have given my approbation in terms much more cautious. But, whatever difference of opinion there may be as to the propriety or impropriety of her Majesty's Government not acceding to the Congress, I think there was not then, and I am sure there is not now, a second opinion as to the mode and man ner in which that refusal was conveyed. (Opposition cheers.) Tho noble lord, when ho vindicated that curt, and, as I con ' ceive, moat offensive reply, dilated on the straightforward ness of British Ministers, the candour of their language, and the clearness with which they were determined to con• vey their meaning. I wish that that straightforward lan guage and that spirit had dictated same of the despatches and declarations made to Denmark. (Opposition cheers.) It is a great pity we did not have a little of that rude frank ness when the fortunes of that ancient kingdom were at stake. But there was another great event happened, let me remind the house, in the month of November. The King of Denmark died, and the death of the King of Denmark entirely changed the character of the question, both as regards Germany and Denmark, and as regards this country and Germany. The question had been a Federal question before, when the noble lord in his de- spatches threatened to have recourse to arms ; but, after the death of the King of Denmark, it became an inter national question, because the controversy was with the Diet of Germany, which had not recognised the change in the succession to the various dominions and states of the King. It was an international question of magnitude and of a menacing character, and it was under these circumstances, and when the question became European, and immensely magnified and multiplied, that the offer of a Congress was made on the sth of November. The King otDenmark died on the 16th :4ovembor ; and on the 27th of the same month England declined to accept the invitation to the Congress. It was, therefore, with the complete knowledge of the in creased risk, and the increased dimensions of what was at stake, that the noble lord sent that refusal to the Emperor of the French. (Opposition cheers,) It became her Majesty's Government at this moment to consider seriously their po- ei tion. With the Congress offered, with the death of the King, it is my duty to remind the house of the manner in which the Secretary of State addressed Europe. Neither of these events appeared to have modified his tone. On Nov. 19th, the King having died, the Secretary of State wrote to Sir A, Monett. On the 20th he wrote lettere of menace to the Governments of Saxony and Wurtemburg, setting forth that, as a matter of course, they would recognise the King of Denmark as the heir to all the States which were comprised in the Treaty of 1852, and which were held under the sceptre of the late King. On the 23d November, four days before Lord Russell refused the invitation to the Congress, he wrote—" Her Majesty's Government expects that all the Powers who signed the treaty of 1852 will acknowledge King Christian as the King of Denmark ; and if the troops _ _ _ of the Confederation entered Holstein, the Powers who signed the treaty of 1852 would have a right of interfering." (Hear, hear.) On the 30th of November he w ro t e aga i n t o _. . Sir A. Paget, proposing ;,he sole mediation of England. He wrote another letter to Sir A. Buchanan, saying that he would leave to Germany the responsibility of raising a ge- neral war in Europe, which the Diet appeared bent on pro voking. That was the tone which her Majesty's Govern ment, after due consideration, atter refusing the Congress, after the death of the King of Denmark, which changed the Federal question into an international question—that was the menacing tone which her Majesty's Ministers adopted owards every Court of Germany. - (Opposition cheers.) Now, after the death of the King of Denmark, it became her Majesty's Ministers, instead of following that course, to have maturely considered their position. There were two courses open to them, both equally intelligible and equally honourable. It was open to them, after the death of the King, to have acted as France did—France, that occupied a position in this matter so dignified and satisfactory that she has received the compliments of our baffled Minister. (Cheers and laughter.) It was open to the Government to have adopted the same course as the other neutral Powers, and that course was fiaukly announced to the Eng lish Minister by the Minister of France. On Dec. General Fleury stated to Lord Wodehouse, in Copenhagen, that the only instruction which he had received from the Emperor wai not to take part in any negotiations there, but that he was to tell.the Danish Government explicitly that it Den- mark became involved in war with Germany, France would not come to her assistance. (Cheers.) I say that if England had adopted that course it would have been Intel • ligible and honourable. (Cheers.) We were not b oun d i by the Treaty of 1852 to go to the assistance of Denmark f she became involved in war with Germany. No one ever pre tends that we were. (Hear, hear.) As a matter of high policy, much as we may regret any dis turbance of the ter ritorial arrangements of Europe, th e p olicy of this co untry x t being one of tranquillity and peace , still there we re no hi gh great considerationsg o i ng o and ot inc u rr i ngpol cy which would n juo the se of i f a y England in n Euro pean war without allies that we could have counted upon. (Hear, hear.) There was another course equally intelligi ble and equally honourable. But lam bound to say that I would have recommended this country to take the same course as Franco adopted. If the noble lord and his col leagues are of opinion that the balance of power was en dangered by the quarrel between Denmark and Germany, they were perfectly justified in threatening Germany, and taking upon them the general management of the affairs of Denmark; but they were bound, if war did take place, to support Denmark. (Opposition cheers.) Instead of that, they invented a process of conduct which I hope is not easily to be exampled in the history of this country, and 1 which I can only de riceibe in one sentence as one of menaces which were never ac nomplished, and of promises which were never fulfilled. (a leers.) With all their difficulties, they never hesitated in the it line. I must do them the justice to say, that as far as the semblance of menace was concerned, there never were more spirited and independent Ministers. (Opposition cheers and laughter.) Let us indulge them, at least for a moment, with the enjoyment of the phantom of proud courage. (La lighter.) What did they do ? They sent a special envoy to Denmark to explain and enforce their policy, and to arrt :age everything. He was Lent there ostensibly to conga a tulate the ne w Ring upon his accession, but it was avowed 111 at his mission went further than this, and was of far graa'tt r importance. I will not read all the instructions which ea are given to him, but will merely read the concluding sent ,t.ce, which sums up the whole. It is this: " The result' son are to arrive at is the fulfilment of the treaty of 1852, r Jid of the engagements entered into by Prussia, Austria, ar al Denmark." Lord Wodehouse, there fore, could not be a t tault with respect to what he was to do. He was a man of smite experience; he held a subordinate but still importantreosition in the administration of foreign affairs; he had bee a ambassador to a foreign court, and before he went to Ia =mark he made a speech of a very de cided character in fa your of that country. I have nothing therefore to say agai net the appointment, which was a very important one. Wh et was the conduct of the Secretary of State while Lord W odehouse was going to carry out his instructions? Diet the Secretary of State falter in his tone ? It was hbout this time that the famous letter, the great diplomatic reprimand, was sent to Sir A. Mallet for having talked of the protocol of 1852, instead of the treaty of 1f152. This was the time when all the ambassadors of Europa who talked of the protocol of 1812 were to be stopped short, and who, however ele vated their position, and however great their powers of logic, were to be pulled down directly for this great diplo matic lapsus. (Laughter and cheers.) On the 17th of December the noble lord, in a letter to Sir A. Buchanan, said that any departure from the treaty of 1852 would be inconsistent with good faith ; and on the 22d the Govern ments of Wartembnrg,Hanover, and Saxony were told that if they carried out the Federal execution the most serious consequences would ensue. (Hear, hear, from the Ministerial side.) I want to know what hon, gentleman mean by cheering t h e language of that despatch ! Why, the smallest power in Europe would feel itself obliged to resist a demand made in each languege. When you employed language of that kind in despatches which were usually mild in their tone, what interpretation was to be put upon it but that yon meant to go to war? (Opposition cheers.) This was the state of things after the King's death, atter we became ac quainted with the policy of France, after the French Minister informed Denmark that if she became involved in war with Germany, France would not come to her assistance. Not withstanding these threats and repeated menaces, the Fede ral execution took place. (Hear, hear.) That is not evidence (elitist influence in the councils of Europe. (Cheers.) But what course did the Government pursue under these cir cumstances? Why they went again to France, and after all that happened they tried the expedient of supplicating her for assistance. On the 27th of December Federal exe cution took place,-and on the 28th they made application to the French Government, on which occasion Lord Cowley in humble accents said that her Majesty's Government were sincerely anxious to act with the Imperial Government in this question. (Hear, he ar .) T o b e sure t h ey were s i ncerely anxious to do so. (Laughter.) To this lowly supplication a curt reply was given by the French Government; but not withstanding this, the Secretary of State in 24 hours after wrote the most furious despatch he had ever written. It is necessary to call attention to the contrast between the menaces directed against Germany, and those held towards Denmark. The first great object after the King's death was to induce Denmark to revoke the patent of November relative to the constitution of Holstein. Her Majesty's Government instructed Sir A. Paget to commu nicate with M. Hall, the Danish Prime Minister, on the subject. In the course of the interview Sir A. Paget warned the Minister of the dangers which would ensue if the patent of November was not withdrawn. In conse quence of that warning he gave up his opinions and the patent. What is the interpretation which, is private life, we would put on language like that? You would suppose that if you acted upon it you would be involved in respon sibility. (Hear, hear.) We come now to this execution in Holstein, and, literally speaking, the Federal execution was a jegal act, and Denmark could not resist it. But, from the manner in which it was announced to be carried into effect, and in consequence of the pretensions connected with it, the Danes were of opinion that it would have been better at once to resist the execution. Well, her Majesty's Minis ters, actuated by the best motives, wanted the Danish Go vernment to submit. What was their language ? Sir Alexander Paget replied to the Danish Minister "that Denmark would at all events have a better chance of secur ing the assistance of the Powers if the execution were not resisted," (Hear, hear.) 1 ask any candid man what would be his interpretation of that language? (Hear. hear.) On the 12th Earl Russell himself tells the Danish Minister in London that there is no connection between the engagements of Denmark and Germany and the engage ments with the German Powers in 1852. Of course, such a declaration by the English Minister in the metropolis must have had the greatest effect upon the Federal policy, and so the Danes submitted. But having revoked the patent—having submitted to the execution—there seas then 4 new demand upon them—a demand for the repeal of the whole constitution. I want to place clearly before the house the position of Denmark with respect to the mach-talked-of constitution. There bad been in the preceding year a par liamentary reform bill carried in Denmark, but the King had died before giving his assent to it, although he would have most willingly done so. The instant the new king ac ceded to the throne this parliamentaryreform bill wae brought to. him. Great excitement prevailed upon the subject, and the King was placed in a most difficult position. Now, observe this—England, who was intrusive and pragmatical in the counsels she gave—who never allowed Denmark to do anything without her advice, and who was always sug gesting and prompting, hung back when the question came to be whether the new King should give his assent to the reform bill.; England was selfishly silent—she would not incur responsibility—the excitement was great, and the King gave his assent to the bill. But understand, at that moment it was not at all impossible, if her Majesty's Go. vernment had written a despatch to Copenhagen, which the King might have put before his council, and had ex pressed the wish of an ally who was then looked upon by Denmark with the utmost feeling of confidence and with the utmost hope, especially after France had declared she would not assist her—if England had put forward this de spatch, begging as a favour that the King would not give . his assent to the new ‘ Constitutien for a brief space—say for six weeks—in order to assist England to carry on her nego tiations with the German Powers, I cannot doubt but that the King would have avoided that act, which was most in jurious to his fortunes. However, the instant he assented to the bill, the English Government began to write de spatches, calling upon him to revoke it. But could he revoke it ? The King of Denmark was a really constitu tional king ; he could have only put an end to the constitu tion by force, by a coup d'etat, and he was not in a position to do that. But I sincerely believe that, even if he were in the position, he would have had no inclination to perpetrate such an act of enormity. (Hear, hear.) Well, what was the other course open to him ? The only other constitutional course he could have had recourse to was to call together a new Parliament and propose that they should revoke the constitution. Now see what would have been the state of affairs if, after our Reform Bill had passed in 1832 and the new elections had taken place, Lord Althorp came down to this !house and called upon the new Parliament to revoke the Reform Bill and to give him leave to in troduce a bill for that parpose. it would be asking for that which was utterly impossible. And let me call attention to the manner in which this request was made. First of all, the Secretary of State writes to Lord Wode house, who was then at Copenhagen formally arranging the repeal of the constitution. The right hon. gentleman . the n . quoted the despatches of Lord Wodehouse, and of Sir K A- Paget, describing the effdrts which they had made al and d rive Mat- Hall, the Danish Minister, to induce the Danish ment to listen to the advice of the Englis h Lern. vernment, to be e put m f t f f o e s r w . a r N d o extreme t pretensions the conclusions . and ters not to e extr emities . r ete Hall that if the drawn from this language ? writes, "It was my duty to declare to • . her (Hear.) Th e s pecial envoy ..observations ? (Hear.) vernment must leave Denmark to thOstaable for M. Hall, who (Cheer%) I ask, are there two her pan own ish Government responsibility. rej „ ected our adeveiceeeunterMoaieersmtya'neyGoen was the author of the constitution, t o i s n e t e er w p b re a t t a h ti s o p n p s e t n o ed b . e put w up e. o e n i.n.v put an end to it ; he resigned, and a new Government Was formed, and a Parlia ment was called under the new constitution in order to pass an Act to terminate its own existen ce . I n J anuary Sir A. advice of fconsolation their best of frie nd, wingchar Paget the isthe nd th t a b t at they had acted the p , entirely with Germany." (Laug hter.) Now I h ave given three of the great subjects i n which the repr esentat i ons of England induced Denmark t o take a cour se aga i nst her convictions, and. as the Danes rn ability e n 0f believed, against their policy. The plot begins to thicken. Notwithstanding the termination of the patent of Holstein — notwithstanding the Federal execution—notwithstanding the repeal of the constitution, more is wanted, and Schles wig is about to be invaded. Affairs become now most cri tical. N 3 sooner was this known than a very haughty menace was sent to Austria. Austria was threatened that if Schleswig was invaded the consequences would be Ber:- ons—(a laugh)—the question would cease to be purely o German, and would become of European importance. a the 4th January Lord Russell writes to Mr Murray at the Court of Saxony, that the moat serious consequences are to be apprehended if Germany invaded .Schleswig --and on the 9th he writeaagain to Dresden that the line . taken by Saxony . destroys all confidence in the diplomatic rel ations . with Saxony. (Hear, hear.) Oa the 18t h . he writes to . Lor referring to . the experience Bloomfield in the same tone, and, of Russia in regard to the Crimean . war, points out how the consequences of demanding material guarantees from mark may rectal upon Germany. . 'yell, notw ithst anding , • takes these so l emn war nings, the invasion of Schless t v f a, They place, and what is the conduct of the Governm ent hurry again to Paris—(cheers and laughter on of the Opposi tionnon- benches)—they Propose a j o i nt declarat ion answered the German Powers, Well, that despatch was took stock itoek -Mock t ock •Tl)t stock G OC, ness fog, Col. L of CC,9B in his the :ral of the rn• icly vBu. of lg RC