The Sun. — London, England, 1864-07-23 00:00:00

fMERi.AL FABLMIENT HOUSE !Jr LORDS—Last Evening. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at Ave o'clock. PRIVATE BIISrNESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Tetersfield and Bishop's Waltham Railway--Brecon and Met thyr Tydfil Junction Railway (new lines)—Great Wes tern Railway—Dublin Improvement—North Staffordshire 31ailway (new works and Silverdale, Madeley, and Dray ton) South Eastern Railway (No. 4.) MIDDLE-CLASS EDUCATION. Lord BROUGHAII presented a great number of peti tions, praying that their lordships would give their atten tion to the important subject of the education of the middle-class. Earl GRANVILLE informed the noble and learned lord that the Government intended to appoint a Royal Com mission to inquire into the subject, but he doubted if in spection by officers appointed by Government would be effective. REPORTED REVIVAL OF THE HOLY ALLIANCE. Lord STRATFORD DE REDC LIFFE called atten tien to the rumours concerning the supposed revival of the so-called " Holy Alliance," and inquired whether her Ma jesty's Ministers had any information thereon which might be communicated to Parliament without prejudice to the public service. He need not tell their lordships that the subject of his notice was one of great delicacy, but although the rumour was only based upon newspaper reports there was sufficient evidence exist ing to attach importance to the report, It was now half a century ago since a " Holy Alliance" existed. Ths treaties of Vienna and. Paris were agreed upon for the purpose of composing the troubl e d a ff a i rs of Europe, but scarcely had they been settled when it was found that the powers—Russia, Austria, and Prussia, were coming to an arrangement based entirely upon. different terms, and likely to be followed by a ver y different result, and although the action and the t re aty upon current affairs was not observed tor a very long period, its influences Were from time to time marked, Remembering the circumstances attending the original alliance, their lordships would naturally regard with interest any rumour regarding its revival, especially as circumstances which h a ve followed the first intimation of its existence tends to confirm the rumours. He presumed that some information must have reached the noble earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. There was trustworthy information of an interview having taken place between Prince Gortscha keff and the English Ambassador respecting the matter. It was to be expected that there would be some trace in the British Ambassador's despatch of what passed on that occasion. It was also known that the Under Secretary of Foreign Affairs had some conversation with the Russian Ambassador on the subject, and it would be of the greatest interest to their lordships to be informed as to what really took place on that occasion. Earl RUSSELL said that this subject was one of the greatest importance. The question of the noble lord embraced in reality three separate questions. With regard to the genuineness of the documents which had been published, he could not say that he had himself any belief in their genuineness. It was true that a despatch written by Prince Gortchakofi was shown to Lord Napier, and that its sub stance was communicated home, But, on looking over the account given of this paper by Lord Napier, he found that it had a very vague resemblance to the paper published by the Morning Post. There were various matters which throw, an indirect light upon the genuineness of these docu ments. A date was displaced ; that which took place in December is represented as having taken place in January. In one despatch, written by M. von Bismarck to the Prus sian ambassador at Paris, he was represented as referring to a difference of opinion between himself and the King, Now, that was a moat unlikely thing to be referred to in a despatch, Again, it was most unlikely that any arrange ment to give each other assistance with respect to their Po ;hal dominions would have been discussed at the length, in the formal manner, and at the time represented in these do )cements. With regard to the noble lord's second ques then, he had to state that there had been transactions which dic; give a certain semblance of truth to the substance of there documents. It was well known that, on the part of the Governments of Austria, Russia, and Prussia there was a very extreme apprehension of what was called the party of revolution; and that those Powers were constantly expressing their desire that all the sovereigns in Europe might unite to resist the aggressions of that party. Lan guage of that kind certainly accorded somewhat with the re presentations made in these documents; but that did not prove these documents to be genuine, nor lead one to tObak that there was more than a general foundation for the statements they contained. He had understood that these directly emanated from a commercial source, and the information they contained was just such as com mercial men, anxious about their own interests, might ob tain. As to the last question, with reference to the amount of apprehension which this country ought to entertain in regard to the Holy Alliance, supposing it to be revived, it is necessary to consider what that alliance was and what it accomplished. The noble lord then read the circular em bodying the principles and objects of the Holy Alliance adverted to the protests of Lord Castlereagh and Mr Can ning against its policy; and mentioned the successful in tervention of Austria to put down the revolutionary Go vernment in Naples (in 1820), and of France to restore Frederick 111. to the throne of an absolute monarch in Spain in 1823. These things were done in spite of the pro tests of Lord Castlereagh and Mr Canning, which might therefore be said to have produced no practical effect. He did not, however, for his own part, think that this was the case. He believed that the assertion of the principles of justice and freedom on the part of the Ministers of this country, or by the English Parliament, was by no means without effect, even although the country might not be pre pared at once to go to war for their vindication. Having seen what happened in 1823, let them see what took place a taw years later. A few years ;later the Government of France was overturned. Did the Holly Alliance attempt thinterfere, and to overthrow the Levolutionary Govern ment? No, they acknowledged that the task was too great for their power. They acquiesced in the Government of Louis Philippe, as they did 18 years afterwards when his throne was replaced by a Republic, Although the Govern ment of England did not go to war against the Holy Alliance, it did not by any means follow that it succeeded. On the contrary, after 1830, an alliance was established between France, England, Spain, and Portugal, in order to guarantee the revolutionary dynasties of the two latter countries. A few years later Lombardy was torn from Austria, and the Power which had sent her troops to Naples, in 1823, was obliged to withdraw to - Venetia. But the matter did not stop there. After the peace of Villafranca confirmed by the peace of Zurich, a question arose whether the archdukes of Tuscany and Modena were to be enabled to reassume their thrones in spite of the opposition of their sub ject s. On that occasion he protested, on the part of her Ma jesty's Government, against any intervention on the part of Austria to compel the people of Lombardy and Tuscany to receive back their discarded rulers. The French Govern ment also gave it to be understood that they would oppose any attempt on the part of Austria to intervene by force. Subsequently to this Austria was found to be powerless to prevent the revolution in the Two Sicilies. He thought that this showed that the Holy Alliance was now powerless to interfere in the affairs of Italy, the unity of which was established. The same might also, he believed, be said with respect to Spain. And he thought that the facts he had cited proved that the influence which was not possessed by Lord, Castlereagh and Mr Canning, in spite of whose protests Italy and Spain were invaded, had been possessed during the last five years by her Majesty's Government, who had successfully prevented any attempt of Austria or of the other Powers to prevent the unity of Italy. As to any d a nger that might now arise from the revival of the Holy Alliance, it was clear that the Powers which were supposed to compose it could not interfere with any effect to carry out their principles with respect to Italy or Spain. The only question that remained was as to the Duchies belonging to Denmark. It was said that an attempt would be made to deal with the succession to those Duchies by the German Diet, supposing them to be yielded up as the price of peace to Austria and Prussia by the King of Denmark, as it was said they would be. Now, in the late Conference, her Ma joete's Government, the French Government, and the Go vernments of Denmark and Sweden, had expressly declared that those Duchies should not be disposed of without the con- Bente! the Population, supposing them to be yielded up by the King of Denmark. Therefore, on this point we were agreed with France, and not with Austria, Russia, and Prussia- The result must be that we should draw towards France rather than toward s those who thought that sovereignty should be separated from the will of the people. The Go vernments of England and Frane had lately acted in com plete accord in refe rence to the France principalities, and a question which threatened the peace of Turkey He not the peace of Europe, had th ese , that this would be the Peaceably settled. tie hoped harbinger of agreement between these Powers on more important eubjectB. might Her Majesty's Go vernment heartily trusted th at this .ght be so. Nothing could more conducive to the advantage good understanding between EnglandaGf Europe than a Francend that Government subsisted he did nu t thinkther . e need be the !oast apprehension of the Holy Alliance, IT if the Po wei - s who were said to compos e it s h ou ld be 5 : and should show themselves so ill - informed as to the stat e ta o f feeling in Europe , as to entertain the designs and taote re sume the enterprises of a former time. (Hear, hear.) The subject then dropped. BISHOPRIC OF CORNWALL. On tho motion of Earl NELSON, a copy of tho corre spondence between the Archbishop of Canterbury and Sir George Grey with reference to the formation of a bishopric in Cornwall W:114 ordered to be laid on the table. The Accidents Compensation Act Amendment Bill was read a third time and passed. The Railways Construction Facilities Bill passed through committee. The Harwich Harbour Act Amendment Bill was read a second time. The Burials Registration Bill, the College of Physicians Dill, the Elieloeure (No. 2) Bill, and the Trespass (Ireland) Bid were read a third time and passed. The Turnpike ,Acts Continuance ,Bill passed ,through committee. The Militia Pay Bill was read a thira' time and passed. POISONED FLESH PROHIBIrTION BILL. This bill passed through committee. On the report, Lord WODEHUUSE proposed to leave out words in the second clause, so as to confine the prohibition to the use of poisoned flesh or meat. The house divided on the question that the words pro posed to be left out stand part of the question. Contents Non-contents l/ Majority The amendment was therefore lost. The Marquis of CLA.NRICARDE moved the insertion cf the words " or other animal matter." Contents .. Non. contents Majority The amendment was therefore lost. The remaining clauses were then agreed to. The Registration of Deeds (Ireland) Bill, and the Justices' Proceedings Confirmation (Sussex) Bill, passed through committee. The Sale of Gas (Scotland) Bill, the Naval Discipline Bill, and the Local Government (1858) Amendment Bill were read a third time and passed. The Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, the lonian States Acts of Parliament Repeal Bill, and the Turnpike Trusts Arrangement Bill passed through committee. The Bank-notes, &c., Signature Bill, the Bleaching and Dyeing Works Act Extension Bill, and the Exchequer Bonds (L 1,600,000) Bill were read a second time. The house adjourned at a quarter before eight o'clock, HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening, The Speaker did not take the chair until 25 minutes to one on account of there not being 40 members present until that hour. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following railway tills were read a third time and passed :—Lancashire and Yorkshire (Blackburn, tic,, lines) —Caledonian (Glasgow Harbour)—llfracombe—Lancashire Union—London, Brighton, and South Coast—Rhymney (Extensions)—Rickmansworth, Amersham, and Cheaham —West Sussex Junction—Redruth and Falmouth Junc tion—Kilkenny Junction—Much Wenlock and Severn Junction and Wenlock Railway, The Stock District Water and the Sheila' Charities Bills were also passed, Arden's Estate Bill was read a second time. CONSOLIDATED FUND (APPROPRIATION) BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. INDIAN MEDICAL SERVICE BILL. On the order of the day for the consideration of this bill, as amended, Mr P. HENNESSY moved the addition of the following clause, "Any person, being a natural born subject of her Majesty, who may be desirous of being appointed an assis tant in the said forces, shall be admitted to be examined as a candidate for such appointment." The bill as it at pre. sent stood entirely put an end to tha competitive system ; and, although it had been said by the Secretary of State for India that the system of open competition would, to a certain extent, remain, he preferred to have it expressly laid down in the bill. The hon. gentleman then read an extract from the Lancet, which stated that the mea sure, if passed in its present form, would entirely destroy the efficiency of the East Indian medical service. Col. SYKES seconded the amendment. He did not see how the right hon. gentleman the Secretary for India could object to the words of the proposed addition to the bill be cause they were part of the Queen's proclamation to the people of India. The refusal of the clause was, in effect, to refuse that to the people of India which had been pro misad them by her Majesty's proclamation. Sir C. WOOD said it was a mistake for any one to suppose that he was opposed to the competitive system, because he was the very person who introduced it. The bill, therefore, was not to abolish the competition, but it was to enable him to form a staff medical corp for India from amongst those medical officers in her Majesty's army who have entered it by competitive service. The Indian Medical Service was at present very deficient, and he be lieved that the Queen's army would be benefitted by that which he now proposed to do. He did not in the slightest degree wish to interfere with the regulations at present in existence in the Queen's army. Col. NORTH was in favour of the amendment. 3lr BRADY said it was entirely owing to the illibera treatment the medical men received that there was any:diffi culty in the matter. The medical man's pay was touch less than that of other officers of a similar position, and whilst that state of things existed, it was impossible to suppose that gentlemen would enter upon duties of great responsi bility without being adequately remunerated for the labour. The position of the surgeon in the army, as far as rank was concerned, was that of a eaptain whilst he only reached the pay of a lieutenant. Sir C. WOOD said that that state of things had been altered by advices taken out by the last mail. Sir J. TRELAWNY opposed the amendment. A division then took place, when there appeared— For the amendment Against it Majority against the amendment —2o The amendment was negatived, and the bill ordered to be read a third time on Monday. FORTIFICATIONS (EXPENSES) BILL. This bill was ordered for a third reading on Monday, CRANBO URNE• STRE ET BILL. This bill passed through committee. PILOTAGE ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL. The bill was read a third time and passed. BANK POST BILLS (IRELAND) BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. POOR REMOVAL BILL, This bill was read a third time and passed. STAMP DUTIES ACT (1864) Bill. This bill was read a third time and passed. EAST INDIA REVENUE ACCOUNT. Mr. MASSEY brought up the report, which was agreed to. RAILWAY (IRELAND) ACT AMENDMENT BILL. The Lords' amendments to this bill were considered and agreed to. DRAINAGE, &c. (IRELAND) BILL. The Lords' amendments to this bill were also considered and agreed to. DEFENCE ACT AMENDMEN r BILL. This bill passed through committee. -- The sitting was then suspended. The house resumed at six o'clock. THE ABERDEEN ACT. Mr B. OSBORNE gave notice that next session ho should move to bring in a bill for the repeal of the Aberdeen Act of 1845, the object of which was the suppression of the Brazilian slave trade. SEIZURE OF THE CHINCHA ISLANDS BY THE SPANIARDS. In answer to Mr MAGUIRE, Mr LAYAR I) said that the seizure of the Chincha Islands by the Spaniards had occasioned great excitement and sympathy among several of the South American States, and Venezuela and other States had declared that if these islands were retained in the possession of Spain, they were prepared to give their material aid to Peru ; but it appeared that the Spanish Government disavowed any such inten tion, and had stated its readiness to restore the islands as soon as its claims on Peru had been satisfied. He believed that the Republic of the Equador had proffered the use of their harbour to the Spanish authorities. - VANCOUVER'S ISLAND. In reply to Mr A. MILLS, Mr LAYARD also stated that he had received a despatch from the Governor of Vancouver's Island, conveying a re solution of the Legislature, to the effect that the offer of the Imperial Government to transfer the Crown lands to the colony did not afford an equivalent for the civil list asked. This was coupled, however, with the expression of a desire to be more or less united with British Columbia in sharing the expense. What the answer of the latter was to the proposal he was not yet aware, but he had no reason to be lieve that it would be a favourable one. TELEGRAPHIC INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS. Replying to Sir C, DOUGLAS, Mr LAYARD said he had not eeen the circular which was reported by the newspapers to have been addressed by the French Government to various Powers inviting them to participate in an international congress for the purpose of regulating telegraphic communications in Europe. No such circular, however, had been sent to her Majesty's Government, for the simple reason that in this country the telegraphic lines were in the hands of private companies. In answer to Mr. G. DUFF, Mr LAYARD stated that neither her Majesty's Govern ment nor the British Ambassador at Constantinople had directly or indirectly expressed approval of the recent coup etat of Prince Conza. THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, In reply to Mr WARNER, Mr CARDWELL said that no arrangement had been come to with the Government of the Cape of Good Hope as to the expenses of possible future wars. The right hon. gentleman added that he had that day received a despatch from tho Governor to the effect that the expectations he had formed with regard to the continua7,ce of tranquillity in the Transkei were well founded ; that he would spare no pains to overcome by legitimate means the feelings of dis content that were entertained by the Kaffir chief, Kreli, and that the commander of the forces agreed with him in the opinion that it was inexpedient to make an advance on the frontier. _ _ Mr D, GItIFFITH wised to know if the houso wag to understand that the arrangement between the Porte and Prince Conza had been arrived at without consulting the other European Powers. Mr LAYARD replied that the arrangement made at Constantinopl e wa s with the sanction of all the powers who were parties to th e treaty of Paris. GOVERNMENT MANUFACTURING ESTABLISH. On the motion for the Monday, adjournment of the houso to Mr COBDEN called attention to the recent great exten sion of the Government manufacturing establishments, con tending hat since we commenced business as shipbuilders, gunmakers, and tailors, the expenditure had enormously increased, while the efficiency of the service had suf fered by the experiment. He argued that, so long as we maintained establishments in which we had no cus tomer but ourselves, so long should we continue to pro duce more than we required. What we wanted was a thorough reform in the buying department, because if we were ignorant of the quality of the raw ma terial, how was it possible that we could produce the best manufactured article ? As an illustration of the folly of becoming our own manufacturers and discarding private workshops, Mr Cobden stated that ironclads, cannon, small arms, and clothing had all been proved to be defective, while marine steam engines and compasses which we ob tained from private manufacturers, and which constituted the lungs and brains of our great ships, were always found efficient. In conclusion, he moved—" That the recent great extension of Government establishments calls for the atten tion of the Government. That it is expedient that steps be forthwith taken to place each separate establishment as nearly as possible on the footing of a private manufacturing concern or a public company, by taking a valuation of the fixed and floating capital employed, including the value of the land, and that upon this basis there be an annual stock taking ; when, after making all the customary deductions for depreciation of buildings, machinery and plant, interest of capital, rates and taxes, and other charges, such a price be charged to the Government departments for articles supplied as shall preserve the capital intact; and that these accounts, with a balance sheet, be laid annually on the table of this house." Colonel BART rELOT seconded the motion. Mr MONSELL contended at some length that the Government establishments were not open to the censure of Mr Cobden; but that, on the contrary, they were con ducted on a good principle, and had been entirely suc cessful. Mr Alderman ROSE opposed the motion, and expressed his hope that the Government would not act upon the re commendations contained in it, which would leave them again at the mercy of contractors. Mr WHITE proclaimed his complete adherence to the principle for which Mr Cobden contended, insisting that it was the duty of the Government to check the overgrown establishments of which the hon. gentleman had com plained. Mr. CORRY defended the policy of Lord Derby's Go vernment in making a considerable addition to our wooden fleet, Re considered that, with our limited information at that period, the Admiralty would not have been justified in ordering the construction of a large number of iron plated ships. Mr CHILDERS replied to the objections of Mr Cobden so far as the manufacturing establishments of the dockyards were concerned, and stated that it was the intention of the Admiralty to take stock hereafter of all the plant in their possession on the first day of the year. Colonel DICKSON supported the motion, and argued that the whole system of clothing the army might be greatly improved by trusting to private contract. The Marquis of HARTINGTON said that for ten years past there was not so little spent as in the present; and yet the hon, member for Rochdale had sat still while the Go vernment were increasing their establishments ; and when those establishments had reached limits which had not been contemplated, the hon. member called attention to the fact that they were extended. What the hon. member proposed to substitute for them he did not,he confessed, clearly under stand. The hon. member accused the Government of hav ing become manufacturers because they were bad buyers; but he did not think the hon. member had clearly established that point. The temptation to contractors to supply cheap rather than good articles was a very great one, and he did ' not know how excellence could be secured except by a very rigid system of inspection, which the hon. member did not appear to favour. Great stress had been laid by the right hon. gentleman opposite upon the establishment of the laboratory at Woolwich ; but that laboratory had become an absolute necessity. (Hear, hear.) He could not see how the Government maeutactories could be made answerable for what was called the failure of the Armstrong guns, be cause if the statement was accurate that the gun had failed, that would not be the fault of the factory, but of the scien tific advisers who had recommended the gun and were an swerable for it. It was said it was a mistake to enter into a contract with the Elswick Works, and at the same time to appoint Sir W. Armstrong the superintendent of the fac tory. But that had nothing to do with the statement of having manufacturing departments ; and as for tenders, the fact that there were only two or at most three tenders sent in for the supply of the cast-iron guns, was sufficient to show that but few houses were willing to erect the machi nery and to take the trouble that was required for the manufacture of guns. As to Elswick, the Government must either give a guarantee to the company for the repayment of a certain portion of the capital expended in plant, or else they must have ordered of the company such a supply of guns as would have repaid them for the immense outlay on their stock. Now, from the first day the manufacture of the Armstrong gun was commenced, Sir W. Armstrong and others had been continually improving upon it, and if the Government had entered into large contracts for guns, they would have been obliged to accept many of an inferior kind, or would have had to pay the company an enormous amount of compensation. With regard to the Enfield factory, the hon. gentleman had said a good deal about the former sys tem of purchasing the rifles in pieces from different firms. This was not by any means due to the Government, but to the fact that th© trade was then carried en in that way in Birmingham, and was so carried on at this moment; but as each part of the rifle required to be separately inspected before it was put together, no delay was caused by that system. Papers laid on the table of the house had shown the shortcomings of contractors in this respect, and he reminded the honourable gentleman that it was the Go vernment, and not the private manufacturers, who had first produced the machinery which was now used to a great extent by the trade in Birmingham and London. The establishment that had found no friends in that debate was the clothing establishment at Pimlico. Now, a great part of the expense of that establishment—such as the erection of buildings, and the hire of land—was not incurred through the factory at Pimlico, but through the establishment there for the reception ane inspection of clothing received from contractors. Pimlico only made clothing for 40 battalions of the line, and shell jackets and trousers for the rest. Con tractors still made clothing for 53 battalions, and also for the post office and metropolitan police. This very article of clothing showed to what an extent the system of con tracting was likely to satisfy them. There was now only one clothing contractor—a constituent of the hon. member for Limerick—who had driven the rest out of the field, and it seemed to him if they were to give up the manufactories, they would be left in the hands of one or two contractors. With regard to the balance -sheets the object had been to show to the House, as accurately as possible, what the work done by the establishments was. The account the hon. gentleman had proposed would be a purely fictitious one, and he was sure if they were to resort to it the hon. gentleman would be the first to accuse them of something like cooking the accounts. The hon gentleman wished them to pay rates and taxes. They did not pay rates and taxes, therefore such an account would be purely fictitious. He believed the accounts showed accurately and fairly what was the price to the country of these armaments, and he believed that, whatever might have been the question before they got the machinery, now that they had it their system was the most useful and economical. He believed also that on that account there was now a great saving to the country as compared with the cost of purchase from private manufacturers. No member of the House could be more anxious than the War Department was that the accounts should be presented accurately to the House. All the accounts sent to Woolwich gave it as their opinion that the accounts of the establishment there were perfectly fair and correct. He himself could not say whether they were or nor, but he thought it would have been much bet ter if the hon. member for Rochdale had trusted to the opinions of commercial men rather than come down to that house and say that these accounts were worth nothing at all. He remembered the hon. member speaking in very sweeping terms of the extravagance of all Government fac tories, but to-night he confessed that the factory at Enfield had been worked at a profit. If the expenditure at these establishments were wasteful, it must be the result of bad management, and certainly the honourable member had not pointed out that mismanagement. He did not believe there was that mismanagement, while, on the other hand, Go vernment establishments were able to avail themselves of trading upon a very large scale, and of their being in con stant employment. _ _ The discussion was continued by Sir M. Peto, General Peel, and Captain Jervis. Mr LAIRD was of opinion that construction and repair should be carried on in both public and private dockyards. Mr NEWDEGATE thought the house was indebted to Mr Cobden for having elicted a very useful discussion. The subject then dropped, and the motion for the adjourn ment was agreed to. In reply to a question, Lord PALMERSTON said the house would meet on Monday at three o'clock, and sit continuously. Several bills were forwarded a stage, and the house ad journed at five minutes past two. THE ASSAULT ON A LADY NEAR GLASGOW.—On Wednesday the woman and boy who witnessed to some extent the cruelties perpetrated upon Miss Adie on Satur day evening last near Glasgow, appeared before tha autho rities and made a stateieent as to their knowledge of the fats of the case already made public. Their statements are corroborated by the depositions of Miss Adie. ZV e under stand that the young lady was on Wednesday no better than on the previous evening. In the Foreign and Colonial Produce Markets during the last few days there has not been much animation. Tito public sales of tea have been con cluded without any material change as regards prices. Sugars have been rather dull and have shown less firmness, while a moderate business has been reported in coffee, rice, and cocoa without any material change as regards values. In the tallow market there has been a fair business transaction, at steady rates, for both present and forward delivery. THE SUN, LONDON, SATORDAY EVENING, JULY 23, 1864. THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY, (From the Special Correspondent of the times.) RICHMOND, June 2O The "situation" is greatly changed since my letter of the 14th inst. Upon that day General Grant, having torn up the railroad which comma• nicates with his base at White House, and which is known in Riohmond as the " York River Railroad," proceeded to transfer his whole army by night down to the James River, at a point lower down than Malvern Hill—M'Clellan's harbour of refuge,—and began at once to throw men across to the south side. Upon the 15th a dash was made upon. Gen. Beaure gard's lines outside Petersburg, which alarmed him so much for the safety of the city as to induce him to summon to Petersburg all his troops which had previously hemmed in, and confined Butler's forces to the angle at the confluence of the Appo mattox and James. For a few hours there was a large interval or hiatus between the force of General Lee lying on both sides the James River at Drewry's Bluff and the force of General Beauregard at Petersburg. Advantage was taken of this oppora tunity by the Federals, and the lines of intrench ment evacuated by Beauregard's men were occupied by the enemy before Lee's men had come up. Upon the 16th the divisions of Pickett and Field (both belonging to Longstreet's corps, which is com manded in his absence by General Anderson) ad vanced to regain the lost ground. I was present as the two hostile lines drew near to each other, and found myself electrified at perceiving what a visible accession of enthusiasm there is in the de meanour and bearing of the Confederate troops since last I saw them. It was positively ludicrous to witness the efforts of the Confederate officers to keep their men back, and in compliance with Gene ral Lee's orders to prevent their rushing at the breastworks in front of them. Without awaiting any regular assault, which, in the impatience of the " rebels" could not have been much longer delayed, the Federals beat a hasty retreat, and fell back into Butler's original works. It is rarely that General Lee thinks proper to select for special praise any portion of his army, but the following despatch is an evidence of his appreciation of the incident which I have related : " Clay's House, June 17. " General—l take great pleasure in presenting to you my congratulations upon the conduct of the men of your corps. I believe they will carry anything they are put against. " We tried very hard to stop Pickett's men from captur ing the breastworks of the enemy, but could not do it. I hope his loss has been small. I am, with great respect, " Your obedient servant, " R. E. LEE. " To Lieutenant-General R. H. Anderson, commanding Longstreet's corps." It will be obvious that this despatch, or as I should more properly phrase it, friendly note, was never intended for publication, but it will give more insight into the state of the Southern army at this moment than columns of description. Upon the night of the 17th the attack upon Petersburg, which had commenced upon the 15th, was resumed with great vigour by General Grant in person. It is a repetition of the same old story over and over again ; a tale of heavy assaults made by densely crowded masses of assailants dashing against a line of breastworks, sometimes feebly, sometimes strongly manned, but in all cases recoiling after submitting to fearful slaughter. Judging from what I have seen of the fighting of the last few days, it seems to me difficult to estimate the minimum of men that Richmond, with its girdle of tremendous earthworks, would require to protect it. It seems certainly not too much to say that any single corps of the Confederate army would be amply sufficient to hold the works at Richmond against any conceivable force that the Federals could send. Such, it would appear, is the opinion of Gen. Lee, for within the last week he has sent away nearly one third of his entire army, under Gen. Early, in the direction of Lynchburg. It is difficult to walk about these streets and to realise that you are in a besieged city, with an army of 100,000 foes, within at this moment 20, and at an earlier moment 10, miles of the Confederate flag, which floats proudly from that capitol which Mr Jefferson hoped would serve to introduce into Virginia a taste for architecture in the classic style of antiquity. It is not easy to recognise in the stuccoed and pigeon holed building which now towers abovo me an imi tation of one of the most perfect models in existence, the Maison Canes at Nismes. It is possible that I am mistaken, but it seems to me that all occasion for apprehension in regard to Grant's assaults upon either Richmond or Peters burg is already completely at an end. It may be that, with his ample resources of water carriage) the Federal General may harass Gen. Lee by quickly transferring the Northern troops from one aide of the river to the other ; but it must be remem bered that Gen. Lee is acting and moving always on the inner circle, and he is probably better found in pontoon bridges at this moment than his enemy imagines. The interest in Gen. Giant, so far as already passing away, although Richmond I i a s m cfoanrc from m e d a , ia saying g that he may not give Gen. Lee a great deal of trouble yet. For the moment more interest attaches to the war operations in other portions of Virginia. It is known to your readers that the Federal General Hunter, after capturing Staunton and send ing raiding parties to burn the military institution at Lexington and insult Stonewall Jackson's grave, advanced with his main force in the direction of Lynchburg. It is singular that in all military operations which have for three years been con ducted o in in Federal G enera l s , I ca n re call n except those exhibited i n m ay by General Grant . V st i a r n g c in es ia o b t y celerity and vigour of action It is easy to see that H un t er, b y rap id marc h e s, might have taken Lynchburg, and possibly marched tor pidity of his movements that he allowed Breckin rt dg e Danville; to th r o w b s u e t v s e u r c a h h l thousand been the snail-like usand men into Lynchburg from Charlottesville, and Early to advance thither with one whole corps from L ee ' s army. I t w ill be believed that when, Upo n t h e evening o f t h e 17th, Hunter made a feeble attack upon the earthworks around Lynchburg he was astonished at the vigour estimated at 18,000 men ; the joint forces o f B r eck. inridge and Early -- i a mount to very much more. with which his men Wer e repulsed. Hi s force is Hunter is said to be now i n full retrea t ; but it is vigorously doubtful whether, if pur sued by the Confederate cavalry, he Will be able to extricate so large an army from the bowels of Virginia into which he has plunged. Be this as it may, it is certain that Grant will get very sma ll a id a nd com fort, as he fumes a n d f rets before P eters b ur g, o u t of the co operation o f Hunter. overtaken Hunter b has cut short the career of But a worse catastr ophe another General, i n whom Grant i s sa id t o re p ose than has up to this time great trust, and from whom a diversion was con. fidently exp med. Sim u ltaneously with the trans. f e rence of his o wn army from the nort h ern bank ofmi the Chickaho - °3' to the southern bank of the James, Grant sent forth General Sheridan at the head of what was deemed an irresistible cavalry force, to cross between the Rappahannock and Rich mond, and pass near Ch a rlottesville, in the direc tion of Lynchb urg, it was i mag i ne d th at t h e Southern caval ry was so reduce d i n num b ers an d so poor in equipment s as to b e likely to oppose b u t of General Sh er i dan ; but it appears that Grant 1 eeble resista nce to the finely-appo i n t e d squa d rons reckoned with out his host. A t T rev illi an ' s d epot , upon the Vir g i n i a Central Railroad, the combined forces of Generals Fitzhugh Lee and Wade Hampton encountered the Federal raiders, and it appears that, considering the small amount of men engaged, few more complete victories have been gained in this war than the one which is now put to the credit of the two successors to General Stuart. Sheridan is said to be on the northern bank of the Pamunkey, greatly shattered, and unable to cross in the face of the victorious Confederates upon the southern bank. No relief or assistance can be looked for by General Grant from this quarter. What will he do next? i It is my belief that the prospects of the Confede rates are at this moment far more in jeopardy in the neighbourhood of Atlanta than in any other quarter. It is scarcely probable that the interval before the 4th of July can pass without witnessinq a great battle between Sherman and Johnston. Butt it is certain that there will very shortly be Confede rate troops in abundance, set free by the quadruple failure of Grant, Butler, Hunter, and Sheridan, who will, before the summer has passed, exercise a very powerful influence over the fortunes of the Western campaign, and give a bias to the future destinies of the State of Tennessee for all comirg time. The Metropolitan Board of Works, The weekly meeting of this Board was held yes terday at the offices in Spring•gardens, the chair man, Mr J. Thwaites, presiding. The attention of the Board was called to the Casual Poor Relief Bill (Metropolis) by Mr Tite, M.P., who moved a resolution to the following effect :—That the chairman be requested to state to her Majesty's Government that the Board had "no desire to intervene in any way in the relief of the poor, or in the raising of money for such purpose," but that should Parliament be of opinion that through the machinery of the Board the object sought to be ob tained by the Bill could best be accomplished, the Board was willing to undertake the duties pro posed to be imposed upon it by that measure ; that while, however, the Board considered the urgent necessity of provision for the relief of the poor justi fied this course, the members expressed the opinion that the basis of the rates levied for the purposes of the Local Management Act was not a fair one on which to assess such a charge, since those rates were levied and were subject to ail the incidents of a sewers rate,"which is essentially a landlord's tax, while the Poor-rates have ever since the Act of Elizabeth been a charge upon the tenant." That the Board was unwilling to impede the progress of the Bill by pressing this objection now, but would only consent to uudertake the duty on conditions that the Bill should be limited to a year, and that the poor-rate should be made the basis of the assessment. The mover said that the Board was bound to give due attention to the wishes of the Government on this important subject, and as the duty the Government wished the Board to undertake was a light one, being merely to include in its precepts the sum of £5,000, he hoped the members would readily agree to the terms of his motion. Mr. DOULTON, M.P., seconded the motion, and reminded the members that it was the unanimous wish of a Parliamentary committee composed of gentlemen from both sides of the House that the Board should undertake the duty laid down in the bill. Major LYON opposed the motion, as he consi dered the bill wrong in principle, and this view was adopted by Mr, Healy. Mr. MILLER, M.P., moved as an amendment that the Board should express a decieed opinion that the provisions of the Casual Poor Relief Bill, in proposing that certain classes of poor persons should be relieved by a contribution from the sewer's rate collected by the Board, was at variance with the principle and foreign to the purpose upon which the Metropolitan Board was created, and such mea sures, if adopted, would introduce an entirely new system of relieving the poor of the metropolis by rates levied upon owners, instead of by rates levied upon occupiers. He said that the intentions of the Government were humane, and he gave them credit for the best intentions; but there was a principle involved in the Bill which for the life of him he would not give up—namely, that the poor should be supported by the Poor-rate. The Board was created for a special object and had distinct pur poses before it, and if those purposes were departed from the public would be dissatisfied. The Board must approve or disapprove the Bill at once, and while the motion stated that the Board had no feel ing upon the measure, the amendment expressed a decided opinion, and this he called upon the Board to adopt. He said there was already exist ing a measure, passed in 1844, which gave all ne ccssary powers to provide for casual pour ; only that Act was permissive. The Government had but to rake up that Act and make it compulsory, to have all the powers it now sought by this, in his opinion, objectionable measure. Mr. LEGGE seconded the amendment. After Mr Richardson and Mr Collinson had spoken Mr Newton urged the Board to accept the position offered by the Government. Mr Freeman, Mr Westerton, Mr Saunders, Mr Savage and Mr Nieholay having spoken against the motion, Mr TITS replied, and on a division the araends ment was carried. On the amendment being put as an original re. solution Mr Saunders moved as a second amend ment the first clauso of the resolution, "That the chairman be requested to state to her Maj'sty's Go vernment that the board has no desire to intervene in any way in the relief of the poor or in the rais ing of money for such purpose." After several speeches had been made pro and con this amendment was carried by a large majority. A letter was read from the Office of Works rela tive to the suggested improvements in Park-lane. The board some time since arrived at the decision that the best means of effecting an improvement in the locality of Park-lane, and providing for the in• creased traffic i❑ that neighbourhood would be to throw open Homilton•place, and this opinion was communicated to the Office of Works. The CHIEF COMMISSIONER now thanked the board for considering the subject, and stated that tho inhabitants of Hamilton-place were Crown lessees with a right to privacy, and would have to ba compensated by the Metropolitan Board if that right were encroached upon for a public im provement, inasmuch as this improvement was one which was chargeable upon the rates of the Board. The Chief Commissioner also drew attention to a greater improvement being needed than the mere opening up of Hamilton-place, end he urged the Board's earnest attention to the matter. Mr NEWTON said that nothing could be done this session, and he moved that the letter should be re• ferred to the Streets Committee. This was carried, and the routine business hav ing been disposed of the Board adjourned. European Emigration to the United States. We learn by special telegram from Washington that the State Department has advices from Europe that upwards of 10,000 Swiss emigrants are now at Havre and other European ports, awaiting pas sage to that country. The great pressure upon the steamship lines conveying emigrants to the United States this year is without precedent. On the Inman line, the Cunard line, the Montreal line, and the Havre and Hamburg lines, all available room for passengers is always taken up for six or eight weeks in advance. We have no American steamships conveying passengers or anything else from Europe to our own shores. For various reasons, few emigrants come in sailing vessels, as used to be the case formerly. They nearly all take passage in steamships. It is a marvellous thing, this tremendous emigration from Europe at the present time. The people there are toid by the spavined writers and speakers that our poor country is given up to universal anarchy and ruin. The dance of death and the wail of despair are ceaseless throughout our land, and bid fair to have no ending. The heavens are lurid, and the soil is soaked with blood. Taxation is crushing, bankruptcy certain, despotism sure as death. They are told if they come here they will instantly be forced into the army and marched to the front to be butchered by the rebels, and their carcases given to the vultures. But still, and notwithstanding all this, hitherward and steadily they march, ten times ten thousand in number—with a sublime faith in the glorious and immortal future of the Republic, with a firm assurance in the triumph of our arms, with a fixed faith in the endurance of our liberties, and with an undoubting certainty that here they will find a prosperous home for themselves and for their children and their children's children. Such faith in the star of America, and in the republic's flag and fortunes, on the part of the hopeful and yearning yeomanry of Europe, ought to put to the blush those among us who are doubtful and timid and desponding, and who cannot, beyond the dark ness that for an hour enshrouds, see or foresee tha luminous splendours of the coming day."--Nett' Y ork Times, July 9. MORE PROFANITIES. ---There is a rumour of Renan's having accepted an oiler of a chair in Belgium equal in every respect to the one ho held at the Colltge de France. Meanwhile he is busy with his "Life of Nary' itiad "Life of Paul," SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, TTMEs.—It is very satisfactory that a subject which has been so long in men's minds as the re spective merits of public and private manufactories should have been brought before the House of Commons by a member like Mr. Cobden, who may be trusted to say all that can be said against the system which has lately received the preference of the Government. There is, we presume, no one who will refuse assent to the chief propositions which Mr. Cobden lays down. There are valid objections to the too great assumption of industrial enterprises by the Executive of a country. Where the stimulus of pri vate gain is wanting there must be in some degree a tendency to slowness, to indifference, to routine and poverty of invention. Time is likely to be wasted by those who do not see their direct and immediate interest in alacrity; improvements must come slowly when the duty of each man is only to work under a system already settled, and to satisfy official superiors who are rather irritated than gratified by discoveries which involve troublesome changes. It is quite true that the existence of great Government facto ries checks private competition—that it tends to at tach the Admiralty and the War-office to certain inventions and certain mechanical theories, instead of leaving their minds open to the reception of what ever is best, come from whatever quarter it may. Then there are the favour shown to official designs, the difficulty which outside merit has in gaining the ear of the Departments, the jealousy, the complaints, and the suspicion on the part of the public that it is not served in the best manner—a suspicion which, whether well or ill founded, is productive of no little harm. These objections must have occurred to the mind of every one who has thought on the subject, and as they are ever and anon urged in Parliament, besides occasionally appearing in print, it is quite worth the w bile of the House of Commons to make a searching investigation of the system, to discover its weak points, to see how tar the public interests are really neglected, how far the private manufacturer suffers injustice, how far the inventive power of the country is discouraged. Mr. Cobden and those who think with him are entitled to demand that the Go vernment shall fully prove the advantages of the system which it has developed to so very great ex tent within the last few years. The result of such an examination may possibly be to show that a greater reliance on private enterprise is possible and that a greater readiness to accept the suggestions of the outside world would be becoming. But taking the manufacturing establishments of the Government as a whole, we are not prepared to say that the na tion would be a gainer by abolishing them, and by depending entirely, as Mr. Cobden advises, on con tractors chosen by ordinary competition. It must, in the first place, be admitted as an argument in favour of Government works that they have been the result of experience dearly earned in a calamitous war. Mr Cobden dwells on the circumstance that these establishments were founded or greatly enlarged since the Crimean campaign, and he compares the free-trade system of buying cannon and muskets which prevailed ten or twelve years ago with the monopolies which the Government has now estab lished. But so far from this being an argument on his side, it rather tells against him. What means this general abandonment of the contract system, this setting up of workshops where everything can be made by Government hands to Government order, except that in the opinion of those most conversant with the former system it was no longer sufficient for the wants of the country ? Does it not seem to indicate that those responsible for the safety and honour of the country, acting upon the best scientific advice and receiving the sanction of the Legislature, established Go , vernment factories because they found that the materials of war obtained from these works were bete ter in quality, and could be more regularly and rapidly produced than by private contractors ? We believe that this is the real state of the case, and that it furnishes a reasonable and valid defence of the present system. On the system, we must repeat, we do not look with especial favour. We quite recogs nice its advantages, of which the greatest, no doubt, is the temptation to persist in the use of antiquated models because the Government establishment has been fitted to produce them, and to reject or ignore the suggestions of the outside world. Nor can we without further evidence accept the official assur ance that these establishments are more cheaply worked than private firms. We think that, it the capital sunk in them and every outgoing were taken into consideration, the result would rather confirm the views of Mr. Cobden. But when the nation, after the Crimean War, extended the principle of Government manufacture to the greater part of what wee wanted for the public service, it did it well knowing these objections. It did not believe that the establishments would teem with original genius; it did think that they would be marvels of economy. Bur it had other objects in view, and, looking at the subject calmly, we believe that these have been at tained. The first was to insure excellence in every thing thee was supplied to either service, whether it were a cannon, or a rifle, or an article of clothing, or food. Now, on this head we have never beard two opinions. Every one conversant with the sere vices will admit that, whether cheaply or not, the B:itish soldiers and sailors are now provided with the beet. When a ship of war goes to sea it has the best wood, the best iron, and the best workman ship that can be applied to anything that floats. The bills may be heavy, but the work is not " ecamped ;" no one has to fear unsound timbers or a leaky ship. Now, with due respect to the private shipbuilders of the country, we do not think that their work would be so generally excellent, particu larly when vessels were required in a hurry. We need only remember the gunboats built by private firms in the Crimean war. The same may be said of minor articles. In time of peace no doubt all would go well. Things would only be wanted in moderate quantities and at regular intervals. There would be time to examine and reject, and to check the con tractor in the approved way. But it must be re membered that armies and navies are not wanted for peace. It is the hurry and push of a war which is the real test of a system, and unless it can stand ' that it is useless. The contract system is wo suspect essentially one for peace. It is when largo quanti ties of munitions are ordered on a sudden, when there is no time to examine and reject them and wait for others that thecouutry might suffer greatly from having no establishment on which to rely. Re collect one or two incidents of the Crimean War_ A large quantity of boots was ordered for a regiment then setting off for the East. They were to be sent to Malta, and, in due course, the cases would pro bably only have been opened on Turkish ground. But the troops for whom they were destined were detained here, and the boots were delivered before they left England. It was found that they were wholly useless. They would have fallen to pieces in a day's march. What would have been the fate of a body of men who had been supplied with them in presence of the enemy ? A week's campaign would have laid up three-fourths of them. Do not let us forget, either the intrenching tools furnished by con tract about the same time,—how the iron of spades and picks bent double in the hands of our men, erne barrassing to the utmost the ooerations of the siege. Turely, the conviction that we can always have a good article and plenty of it at the hour of need may welt be purchased by a little extra expense. The Government establishments insure the nation not only excellence of materials, but independence in the supply of them. They enable almost any amount of whatever is wanted to be Wilted out on any sudden emergency, and preserve the country from being left at the mercy of any trade at the hour of need. As regards the production of articles for which there is a great demand in the Army or Navy, and which are not likely to be superseded by the progress of science, we think that Govern., went works, producing them regularly, rapidly, and of the best materials, are advantageous to the nation. - Where, however, the manufacture is in a state of transition, and the model of to-day may be superseded by that of to-morrow, there is undoubt edly much to be said in favour of Government keeping itself unpledged to any particnlar system, and free to choose amid the workshops of the country. POST--It is now just three weeks since we pub lished a very remarkable series of despatches be lieved to have passed between the Courts of Russia, Austria, and Prussia. These pointed in unmis. mistakable language to the re• establishment of the Holy Alliance. The authenticity of the documents was denied by some of the Governments from whom they were supposed to have proceeded, and those who regard official denials as conclusive were doubtless convinced that this singular correspon dence was spurious. But there were others who were not prepared to accept without reserve the asseverations of the Cabinets of Berlin and Vienna. If the documents in question were forged, it was impossib'e to deny that the forgery was so skilfully effected as to defy detection, except when submitted to the searching glances of Count Rechberg and Herr von Bismark. But, indpendently of that air of genuineness which an examination of their con tents did not fail to discover in these despatches , it so happened that surrounding circumstances tended to corroborate the conclusion to which their perusal irresistibly led. It was not merely as if the Go. vernments of Austria, Prussia, and Russia had inti• mated a desire to form an alliance for the protection of their common interests and for the establish ment of a pure despotism in Central and 'Western Europe, but those overt acts which they were daily committing, and which were patent to all the world, by a curious coincidence pointed to a pre cisely similar result. In Northern Europe a war has been raging the chief ad v i ser o f t h e Prussian King, in a moment since the beginning of t he y ear, which Jf unacemmtuble frankness, declared was mainly 1 drected ngclthFA liberal i m titatzon. ISt/ 10ng,., said Herr von Bismark to Lord Wodehouse in December last, " as democratic institutions exist in Denmark, peace cannot subsist between that country and Germany." As the Dano-German war proceeded, attentive observers saw that this state ment of the Prussian Minister furnished the key to the real motive of the hostilities. All that the German Powers ostensibly demanded was granted, or at least guaranteed, before the Austro•Prusstan army crossed the Eider; but, nevertheless, the tide of invasion pressed on unchecked. Alarmed for the safety of the sister kingdom, as well as for her own, Sweden thought seriously of assisting Denmark, when at once, without a note of warning, Russia- - the friendly counsellor of the Danish monarchy-- threw an immense army on the frontier of Finland. The concert between Russia and the German Powers then became apparent, and in Denmark Western Europe was justified in believing that she saw her own liberties threatened. Under these circunsa stances the despatches which we felt it to be our duty to publish, and which it is needless to say we should not have done if we did not feel perfectly assured of their authenticity, disclosed facts which bore all the stamp of credibility. By one statesman they were at all events regarded as genuine, and the testimony of so veteran a diplomatist as Lord Strat ford de Redeliffe may fairly be balanced against the doubts of those who are officially bound to attach implicit belief to the assurances of persons having the strongest interest in proclaiming them to be spurious. Believing, as he does, that in truth an attempt is being made to revive the Holy Alliance, Lord Stratford de Redeliffe was right in bringing the subject formally before the notice of Parlia ment; and it is not the first occasion on which a solemn protest has been made in the House of Lords against those principles of government which the Holy Allies would fain lay down for the guidance of European States. Into the in trinsic evidence of the genuineness of the documents which we published, and on which Lord Stratford de Redeliffe based his obser vations, it will not be necessary to enter at length ; but we may observe that the reply given by Earl Russell tends rather to confirm than to remove the opinion which we have always entertained. Lord Stratford de Redeliffe pointed out that in Prince Gortschakoff.s private communication to the Russian Minister at Berlin, accompanying a despatch dated. February 10, 1864, the Vice•Chaccellor stated that its contents had been privately communicated to the English Ambassador at St. Petersburg, to which the only reply that it was in the power of Earl Russell to make was that a conversation had been reported by Lord Napier which might certainly be considered as referring to the contents of that de spatch, but which also supply the groundwork for the fabrication of the document in question. The same answer was given in explanation of the state ment in another of the despatches that communica tion had been made to Mr Layard regarding its contents, It is, of course, easy to meet assertions with denials, and to argue against the presumed authenticity of documents by showing the possibi lity of their being forged, but it must be admitted that, in the two instances in which a tolerably fair test of their genuineness was furnished by the in' trinsic contents of the despatches, the result was favourable to the presumption that they were not spurious. But assuming that these despatches are what they purport to be, and that an attempt is actually being made to re-establish the Holy Alli ance, has Europe anything to apprehend ? Such was the question put by Earl Russell last evening, and answered by him in the negative. The Holy Alliance, says Earl Russell, has been inoperative for upwards of thirty years, and it is useless to revive it. It is true that in the year 1821 the Holy Allies crushed a revolutionary movement in Italy, and that in 1823 France marched her armies iaoto Spain, and, in conformity with the principles on which the Alliance was of iginally projected, stifled the voice of the Spanish people. On both those occasions England protested, but her protests were unavailing. But in the year 1830 the tide turned. The French nation changed its government, and those who de clared that the voice of Sovereigns alone was the voice of God made no attempt to coerce the popular will. In 1848 revolution spread like an epidemic across Europe, and the Holy Allies made no ef f ort to check its progress. In 1860 the Neapolitans dethroned their monarch, and, two years later, the King of Greece was driven in exile from his domi nions, but in neither the one case nor the other did any State stand forth as the champion of monarchical rights. The scheme of a Holy Alliance may there fore, as Earl Russell reasons, be considered as exa ploded, and its resuscitation as impossible. But to our minds it seems that it is precisely because the despotic Powers of Europe have for so many years been unable to exercise that dictatorship which they at one time actually set up, that every attempt made by them to revive their ancient policy should be most jealously watched and unhesitatingly frus trated. It is because kingly authority has fallen of late years into so much disrepute that the Czar of Russia, the Emperor of Austria, and that champion of Divine right, the King of Prussia, are desirous of establishing it on a more secure basis. But they may rest assured that they will fail. What is now passing in Germany ought to satisfy them how idle it is to suppose that Europe, in the middle of the nineteenth century, will consent to be governed by a council of crowned heads. In Southern and Western Europe there is not a State which has not passed at some time or other through the throes of revolution, and which has not adopted the doctrine, so blasphemous in the opinion of the Holy Allies, that kings are made for peoples, and not peoples for kings. But, independently of these obstacles, the promoters of a second Holy Alliance must knew that a combination of States which threaten must lead to a counter combination of those which conceive themselves endangered. Any attempt to realise the scheme broached in the despatches which we published on the 2d and 4th of July must lead to a defensive and, if needs be, an offensive alliance between the Westera Powers. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL-FRIDAY. There was a good attendance to-day of town dealers, and fair of the country trade, but wheat met only a liaii!ea business at about last Tuesday's prices. Flour in taw request, at fully previous rates. For oats and oatmeal the demand is limited, and no improvement in prices. Beans brought last Tuesday's prices, Indian corn in moderate demand, and 6d less money. STAMFORD-FRIDAY. White wheat, 44s to 478; red, 39s to 43s per 36 stone• Barley, malting, 28s to :448; grinding, 27s to 29s per qr• Oats, 20s to 24si per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to -- 8 pe r qr. ; new, 35s to 38s. WAKEFIELD—FRIDAY. The wheat trade was firm to-day, and the prices of last Friday fully realised, but the demand was not BO active. Beans and oats rather dearer. Averages for the week : Wheat 1,811 qrs., at 43s 11Id LINCOLN--FRIDAY. White wheat new, 468 to 51s ' Barley, grinding..27s to 30s Red do. 4ls to 46s Oats, - old, .. 248 to 27 0 Old white 43s to 469 New.do 20s to 23s Red do.. 38s to 42s Beans. 378 to 400 Barley, malting.... 32s to 34s ` Beans, new 34s to 369 CORK—THURSDAY. The following were the quotations this morning :.-1 1 0 wheat, 8s Od to 8s 101; white, 8s Od to Os 8d , barley', Id to Os Od ; oats, Gs Gd to Os 8d ; black do., Os Gd t° 5s Ild. BRISTOL SUGAR-FRIDAY. There has been very little doing here in sugars, and the sales have not exceeded 200 hhds Barbadoes. Prices are fully Gd lower than last week, and a further decline looked for. Refiners' produce continues to come forward freely. Ruin quiet, and the sales for the month have net exceeded 100 puncheons Demerara, which brought le 'lid to is lOU per proof gallon. Births. BATKURST.—On the 21st inst., at 27, Hertford-stree t t Mayfair, the Hon. Mrs. Allen Bathurst, of a son. COLEBROOKE.—On the 22d inst., at 37, South-street, Lady Colebrooke, of a son. VERSCHOYLE —On the 20th inst., at 23, Chapel-streo t, Belgrave-square, the wife of Lieut.. Colonel Versehoyl e t Grenadier Guards, of a daughter. Marriages. EARLE—CODRINGTON.—On tho 21st inst., at St. Paul . % Knightsbridge, Lieut.-Colonel William Earle, Grenadier Guards, second son of Hardman Earle, Esq., Allertoa Tower, Liverpool, to Mary, second daughter of Genera l Sir W. J. Codrington, K.C.B. 11 HAELAND—HOnSFALL.—On the 21st inst., at Colto Church, the 11ev. ;award llarland, vicar of Colttich, to Elizabeth Dorothy, eldest daughter of T. B. llorga"P Esq., ALP., of &glamour Hall, Staffordshire. Deaths. BRTSCOE.—On the 21st inst., at Deal, John Briscoe, Bat of 9, Arundel-square, Barnsbury, aged 44. GAnDNErt..—On the 21st inst., at Bognor, Thos. Gardner, Esq , formerly of Stonehouse, aged 82. llAznissoN.—On the 21st inst., in London, Everson gad. risson, Esq., of T o l e th orpe H a ll , county of Rut l an d, age 68. HAEDINGE.—On the 20th inst., at 32, Hyde-park-squa re, Major-General fl chard liarding,e, Royal lery, aged 74, younger brother of the late Field-Mars hal Viscount Hardinge. LE MARCHANT.—On the 21st inst., at Belmont, ItO c t the Rev. John L e M arc h an t, M.A., only son of the late 11ev. Joshua La Marchan, of Sidmonth, Devon, aged 71. London: Primed and Pi.2llshed by WILLIAM AND.Li.I3;;VS. of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TuE SUN Office No. 112. V Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, :n the CQi l l Alitidleux.—Saturthy, July 23, 18014