The Sun. — London, England, 1836-08-13 00:00:00

Insult towards their Lordships.—( Hear, hear.) It certainly did appear to him (Lord Wharncliffe) that it little became the first Minister of the Crown to come down and adopt such !stone of lan guage towards their Lordships.--( Hear, hear.) The Noble Viscount seemed to take it in great dudgeon that their Lordships should look with a jealous and watchful eye at the measures proceeding from the House of Commons. It Was certainly true that their Lordships did consider with vigi .lPt and j ea l ous attention every measure proceeding front 9e other House ; and, in his ( Lord Wharncliffe's) opinion, their Lordships would grossly fail in their duty towards the country if they for a moment relaxed in their close con sideration o f the proceedings of the House of Commons, under the peculiar circumstances under which that House was at present pl aced.—( Loud opposition cheers.) The Noble __ visc ount app eared to be altogether blind to the position in Which he and his colleagues stood.—(Hear, hear.) In the ile a !se of Lords they had no power whatever—( Hear, hear) — a the House of Commons their power was barely kept up by the precarious support of a party, who on all occasions une quivocally declared their political opinions to be far in ad vance of those of Government, and their determination to Promote the full success of those views by every means in a u e.ir power. But for that party the Government would be re in in the minority, and a very slender minority they would t av e.--( Hear, hear.) He was jealous, then, of the Minis _ers, because they had no power in the House of Commons I:ithout the support of that art Hear hear.) They /b a d, a right, in fact it was their business—it was per e et'Y consitutional for the House of Lords to interfere with , v ery act of legislation for the country. It was their duty to 13441c1 between the people and the Crown, to see that the aa re w,°, on the one hand, did not tread on the heels of the on the' and that the people on the other hand, did not infringe that the prerogatives of tbe Crown.--( Hear, bear.) He know re were persons in the House of Commons who made li v, ° secret —he was not accusing them of anything which they e i ti,id deny ; on the contrary it was language which they a nt * Used—they made no secret of saying that they desired Burll organic change in the Constitution of the country, and how en had measures been brought before that House, mea es b e winch had been introduced by the Government, which o_ e v alne so altered by clauses foisted in by that party, that even tilo eminent was ashamed of them. This was the case with agar a present measure, which absolutely contained clauses iost which some of the Ministers of the Crown had voted. ,doWag this state of things in the other House which called for e utmost vigilance on the part of their Lordships, whose a l ! ti ,den duty it was to guard the country from the mischiefs i t le a must inevitably ensue from the organic changes which "as the grand object of the party in question to bring about. i.(4ear, hear.) He would now proceed to state the altera t;lr'ss which it was his intention to suggest in the Bill. In Pre e first place, he wished explicitly to declare that he was Parod to give every fair and reasonable facility of proper IPOistration to the voter, and every fair and reasonable faci aty 4a .'or the proper exercise of the franchise, and he was of to to clear up all those doubts which had arisen out en!"c opposing decisions, in many cases, of the revising sters ; but he would not in any degree permit the fran- I se to be tampered with. He would neither suffer it to be con e in one sense, nor extended in the other.—( Hear, pee r ') What he proposed to do was, to bring the Bill back apa t i tY . nearly to that which was brought forward in 1835 ; and 7, 4 In this year, except in one instance, for he should pro- Ps e to strike out that clause in the Bill (clause 65) which ,a°vided that no building occupied with land should give a hear ') unl ess i t were o f t h e c l ear yearly value of 5/.—( Hear, This clause he most decidedly objected to, on the 1 (trend that it tended materially t o na r row th e f r a nc hi se .— e ar, hear.) A ga i n , i n respect to t h e vo t es o f mortgagees el4l trustees, there was a clause in the Bill which stated that 8 mortgagee should have a vote in right of any mortgage 0 8 4 e except e he actually received its rents and profits to his all use. What he proposed was, to extend this principle t o trustees. Again, doubts had arisen, in consequence of usin g in the Reform Bill i the word " occupy," i as to whether asehold or c o pyh o ld n a town gave also a vote for the a a llu tY, and pe r f ec tly con t ra di c t or y d ec i s i ons h a d b een g i ven di the p o i nt b y t h e rev i s i ng b arr i sters . T o o b v i ate t hi s tilituculty for the future he sh o uld pr o pos e th a t l an d " h e ld" p er way should confer a vote in towns, if of the value of 10/. t h e annum ; but that it should not also confer a vote in a county. It had been said in the other House that the deductionin of such a principle would altogether vitiate the • d the Noble Viscount appeared to threaten that if t he ere t introduced the Bill would be lost ; but this species of lafat amounted to a species of dictation, which their Lord (l,ll,a could never permit to be exercised towards them.— p‘ r g e e ar, hear.) . There was another alteration which he had to T a Pose in reference to the appointment of revising barristers. s me Bill stated that there were to be eleven revising barris tbrs, three of whom were to constitute a court of appeal. and ta e other eight were 'to be taking their circuits constantly e -r ° l lgliout the country. The whole of these barristers were 'named in the Bill. Of these the principal was the present Chief Justice of the Court of Review, whose salary in respect a t als new office was to be 1,000/. a year ; but every succeeding t "lef Judge of Appeal was to have 2,0001. a year. The other t i l 7o appeal barristers were to have 1,5001. a year each, and e_ remaining eight barristers were to have 1,000/. year a elt• Thus eleven places were at once created, worth from t t °oo /. to 2,000/. each, and a patronage of 13,000/. a year w rit, to the Lord Chancellor.—(llear, hear.) This was aot'ht it not refrain from entering his protest against, 11 as it gave a vast additional patronage to the Lord Chan the or, a political character, and as it tended, in common with jelled multiplication of the other legal offices, to endanger the rod e of the bar, an independence which it was most Iparable to preserve uninipaired.—( Hear, hear.) This pro 41°0, therefore, he should propose to alter. In reference to a a P e als, the most simple course would be that in any case of j ec i f i r lA or diffi culty the appeal should be made to one of the as gas of the la n d. H e f u ll y b e li eve d t h at i n a very f ew years sa o S PPeals a t a ll wou ld occur, b ut w hil e they did t h e most h ad and m os t efficacious course appeared to be that whi c h J aci "ad stated. Indeed, u n l ess f or t h e p ur p ose o f g i v i ng t h e tre e of the Court of Review something to pass aw a y th e . 11 40 • With, he could not c once i ve w h a t h a d ac t ua t e d Mi n i sters m a pi e generally ng such a p •ovision. Having thus stated hi s by W '' he (Lord Wharncliffe) would conclude his observations ta 4 k a s 4ll l assuring the Noble Viscount that he might fully th e up his mind to having all the measures brought up from th e Other Hou se wa t c hed with the most jealous vigilan ce by (j a i ' l ouse of Lords.—( Hear, hear.) It was at all times the hp„Y ef that H ouse to pay c l ose at t en ti on t o th e measures l e Zht before them, but . it was peculiarly their duty so to do v present state of affairs. th o Ise oUnt MELBOURNE—It was hardly necessary, he i a r u ht, for the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Wharncliffe) to : 1•11 1 their Lordships that he regarded the measures of the da e lse of Commons with " peculi ar j e al ou sy ;" for the con (Nit' of th e N o bl e L or d , and those with whom he acte d , was th at ° a sufficient proof of the s i ncer ity an d t ru th w ith w hich the" Noble had been used by hi m . Th e course w hi c h judi t`c } hle Lord had taken was net, in his opinion, a very oat ebs as one; for he had exhausted all his arguments, with- It Waiting for the opportunity on which they were required. sur • PP ti les prised him that the Noble Lord did not perceive that ear ar guments would be worn out—that all their beauty mar d freshne ss wou ld b e d es t ro y e d by b r i ng i ng th em for leva„when they were not wanted, and when they were irre the " a a to th e present course o f procee di ng. He t h oug ht ar a ‘°hle Lord wou ld h ave d one b e tt er if h e reserve d th os e khan o ents for th e fr e q u ent occas i ons lik e ly t o ar i se , an d o n 1, t hey might be fairly used. "It is not," said the las t viscount, "my intention to go into the debate of (e ipight. Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof:— tay,".er, hear 1" f rom L or d L yn dh urst .) Id o not mean, I Par ed ° go into the debate of last night, though I am pre tty to defend the meaning of the expressions which I used al afa e course of it. When I say that I admit that it is not is e , , 3 's Possibl e t o use i n d e b ate t h e f orm o f express i on w hi c h eap r a etla within the strict bounds of propriety—to use such aio aa s i s l°o, in fact, as may not be a little over what the occa sPe C al ms ; but I have no hesitation in saying that with re laste .to the general import of the observations which I made re beg i li ght--with respect to their meaning and substance—l to aw eave entirely to stand by them—(cheers) —nor do I mean I sit i.ract any , part or tittle of them. —a Renewed cheers.) And tO IS not the way to produce cordiality—it is not the way to _reduce union between the two Houses—it is not the way ke u t stab lish a good understanding between them, or to pro th,e Public service, for the Members of one House to aa av _wah distrust and jealousy the measures proceeding from d eei pier, ari a u to be continually imputing to them sinister mh o as and intentions of injuring and overreaching those `a(e' c wla a part o f th e legislative body with themselves. thirk°atinued cheers.) I say, wh a t ever th e N o bl e L or d ma y d i of it, th ere i s no suc h groun d for susp i c i on as that wh i ch hot eela res ; and when the Noble Lord tells me that I do axpli.ulderstand the situation in which lam placed, I beg to her fn toy beli e f t h at t h e N o bl e L or d d oes not un d erstan d , ass aei toe sligh test d egree perce i ve, h ow h e or those who lin o with him stand with the country.—(Cheers.) I a ee i ci it i s mere assertion on both sides, and time alone can is as which i s r i ght ; but I f ee l as con fi dent that there to ale uch blindness on the part of the Noble Lords opposed tv t hi e h Is there can be ignorance on my part of the situation , in am Placed.—(H ear , hear, and cheers.) The Noble ure aph s•tated w h at was certainly true—that this Bill was referet into t h e House of Commons last sess i on : that it was t terri e m a r to a Select C omm i ttee • t h at i t h as been for an ex ug tl Inllg time un d er the co n s i derat i on o f t h a t H ouse dur the ic Present sess i on • that it has gone three t i mes t h roug h titsc° Present n of Committees of that House ; and that epelieneral provisions have been agreed upon by those who sat t eeea tl PPosite sides of the House. There was undoubtedly t o concertand Political communication between those opposed thliat the opinions opinions upon this measure, because I believe erop os , names of the barristers who were to constitute the sea () aeu, Court were settled b the agreement of Gentlemen the Salter ton diffe rent s i des of the House . . But with respect to a a • eettio ations which may have been made in the Bill, the geieLtln ja, not whether such alterations have been suf they Y discussed, but whether it is prudent or wise that sta ted hold be adopted?—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord li thi g a t t ' a u k at a .discussion on the alterations which he proposed t he e place in the order in which they were submitted, h e shall therefore reserve what I have to say upon them for pet -frPPortunity which will be affarded when each of them is Lo c rn the —( Hear chair." 1.440ri WHARNCLIFFE, hear.) dth observed, that the first clause e e Whol rri,ter_ under e question with respect to the aointent of t t oo a the new tribun a l. U n d er the present m system 175 barrister 3,800 days in the revision of the lists. the ac 175 to barristers 3,800 change, it would require . that t • Year s ho b ldconsiet of 490 days, in order to enable eight ae r i e to er at th at Part g o o f through the business. He proposed, then, the clause i which referred to the constitution l ieW court should be omitted. t he e AIEI URNE observed, that with respect to ta eh, aet a il a h did ' not mean to enter into any opposition to totb . "; but h e e wished to state the situation in which the matter stood, and to mil-trail tit with that in which it was pro- posed to be placed. At present there were, as the Noble Lord stated, 175 revising barristers to correct the lists throughout the kingdom. They all knew that these barris ters were young gentlemen at the bar, who had not a great deal of business. The consequence was, that the decision of these courts of revising barristers, in which were involved questions of title and real property—questions which were often very difficult, and which would require experience in de ciding them—were to a certain degree unsatisfactory, and did not carry with them that importance which they ought— ( Hear.) But there was a greater misfortune than that, viz., that the decisions pronounced were different and conflicting, with respect to several parts of the country, and even with re spect to different districts of it ; for two revising barristers went a particular circuit one year, and decided a class of cases accor ding to their view and judgment, and on the next year came two other revising barristers, who reversed the decision of the firmer, and who, being perhaps yGung• lawyers, and therefore not only liable to the charge of inexperience, but of being led away very often by their fancy, and by an opinion that they were superior to others, or by a desire to distinguish themselves by some new or unexpected course, gave a judg ment which created a difference of decisions in the same place and between different parts of the samo county.—(Hear.) Now it was necessary, in his opinion, that as much uniformity should mark the decisions of such a court as it was possible to procure; and it did appear to him that a settled number of barristers of greater experience than those who were ap pointed at present, and, from that fact, having the greater weight of authority in favour of their decisions, would be in finitely preferable for deciding the important subjects which were investigated by such tribunals. —( Hear, hear.) In the next place, this Bill took away any charge of having the patronage which was afforded by the present system placed under the, controul of the Government. He did not think that the power could be better placed than in the hands of the Lord Chancellor. At present the junior barristers were, to a certain degree, made dependents upon the judges, to whom they were obliged to look up for these appointments, whilst the Judges themselves were liable to a certain degree of im putation for those whom they did appoint.--( Hear, hear.) He did not see any real objection to this measure, however it might be opposed, on the ground that this party or that party were favourable to it. In his opinion they should look to the nature of the measures, and not to the quarters in which they originated.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord ( Wharncliffe) admitted that he had prejudices on this subject; but it did strike him that in questions of such importance as those which were submitted to the revising barristers, their decisions should be distinguished by uniformity, steadiness, and regu larity ; a result which was more likely to be effected by the Court which it was intended to institute, than by the present system, which it was, he believed, the object of the Noble Lord ( Wharncliffe) to continue. He ought to mention that the proposed alteration would cause a consider able diminution of expense, for it was calculated that the ex penses of the present system amounted to 33,0e51., whilst the salaries of the proposed judges would amount to 11,0001., and their travelling expenses to 8,000/. So that the proposed alteration would effect a saving of 14,0001. a year. He did not say that this saving was of very great importance, but it was certainly a consideration worthy of some attention. Lord WHARNCLIFFE observed, in explanation, that his great objection to the proposed tribunal was, that it would be composed of barristers who would not have time to attend to any other business, and who would lose all legal habits and knowledge of the proceedings of the courts, Lord HOLLAND—Although I have never heard that it was the duty of this House to regard " with jealousy" any measure proceeding from the other House of Parliament, I have always heard and always acceded to the opinion that it was the duty of both Houses to regard with jealousy all measures for the extension of patronage. Therefore, so far as the opposition to this measure is grounded upon an objec tion of this nature, it is perfectly Parliamentary, usual, and proper. Yet I cannot help thinking that the common ground of opposition taken to this Bill, when it is urged by the Noble Lord, in a declamatory style, that it has been suggested by certain parties in the House of Commons, is unconstitutional and unparliamentary.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord has told your Lordships that this Bill has been carried by those who have not the command of the House of Commons. The command of the House of Commons ! My Lords, is it a part of the duty of a Government to have the command of the House of Commons? I have heard that it was the part of the duty of a Government to have the confidence of the House of Commons; and what makes that confidence but the agreement of the majority in the acts of those who are Ministers, and the affirmation of the propriety of the selection of the persons and characters of those who constitute the Government ?—( Cheers.) But in accordance with the declamatory spirit in which the Noble Lord has indulged, and in which he has thought -proper to arraign a particular party in the House of Commons, he has told your Lordships that this clause did not form a part of the original Bill produced by the Government to the House of Commons. So, then, the matter appears to stand thus, that the Representatives of the people of England have thought proper to increase the number of appointments under this Bill, and to swell the amount of salaries, profits, and emolu ments to be attached to them. This is not at least a very heavy charge against any Government, and I do not think it is the duty of this House, with respect to matters of that kind, over which the other House of Parliament have an especial jurisdiction, and in which the franchises of the people are directly Concerned, that your Lordships should regard such measures with " peculiar jealousy" or " peculiar anxiety."— ( Hear, hear.) So far from its being true that it is the part of this House to regard with jealousy a measure sent up to it from the other House of Parliament, in my opinion it is the duty, and it has been the practice of either House of Parlia ment to look upon every Bill with fair consideration, and gravely to deliberate upon any measure which either directly or indirectly affected the constitution of that House from which it was sent. I think that I shall be borne out by your Lord ships' recollection when I assert, that any measure which re lated to the elective bodies in your Lordships' House has been treated with great delicacy, and passed as rapidly as possible by the other House of Parliament. I confess I do not see the policy or the wisdom of urging on a subject to which we are desirous to give our strict attention—for I take it for granted that it is the wish of your Lordships to give a bona .fide effect to the desire of the House of Commons—our jealousy and ap prehension of the popular views entertained by a particular party in that House.—( Cheers.) Lord WHARNCLIFFE said that when he used the word " command," he of course meant that the Government did not possess the confidence of the House of Commons. That sen timent he would repeat, and would maintain that his Majesty's present Ministers did not enjoy the confidence of the House of Commons—(lronical cheers)—but were kept in office by the support of a party who knew that they could in the moment put an end to their tenure of it, if they were disposed to ex ercise their power.—( Opposition cheers.) Lord HOLL AND—I am willing to take the meaning of the word " command" in the sense in which the Noble Lord has interpreted it—that of " confidence ;" but I wish him to recollect his own sentences, and to ask him if we do not enjoy the " confidence" of the House of Commons, what is the na ture of his reasoning ? Mark what his reasoning is—he says we do not enjoy the confidence of the House of Commons, and that we are commanded by a portion of that House, so that he, in fact, says this—the measures you propose are not yours, but they are the measures o f the House of Commons. Well, thee, I maintain that any measures regarding the people, and the internal affairs of the House of Commons, whether they are directly or indirectly concerned, ought to be the measures, not of a mere party, or of any set of indi viduals, or even of the Executive Government itself.—(Cries of Hear.) We have got into so lax and unconstitutional a way of debating of late, as would lead one to suppose that legislation belonged exclusively to the Executive Government of the country, and we have now at length begun to regard with jealousy the conduct of those who constitute the other branch of the Legislature, and to ask, upon a measure being submitted to our consideration, whether this man or that moved it—whether it was supported by such a man, and with what view he gave his adhesion to it. My Lords, all this is unconstitutional and unparliamentary ; and although sometimes, by way of giving variety to a dull debate, such insinuations or allusions might have been formerly permitted, it was not till the present session of Parliament that we hear gravely and constantly alleged, as reasons against your Lord. ships' assenting to any measure, that this man who supported it was a Whig, that that was a Radical, that a Tory, and that one was a Roman Catholic, and another a Protestant—all which distinctions are repugnant to the principles of the Con stitution, and would seem to imply that we had a command or controul over those who belong to another branch of the Le gislature.—(Cheers.) This is not the way to bring about a good understanding between the two Houses of Parliament. There is no man who would regret more than I should any collision between the two branches of the Legislature, but I am of opinion that the constant practice of indulging in insi nuations, of criminations and recriminations, by recurring to every unlucky or indiscreet, or coarse, or angry expression, that this man or that may have used, and then quoting these words as reasons, forsooth, for judging with severity and jealousy the deliberate acts of the representatives of the peo ple of this country, does unfortunately tend to bring about that result which, if it ever arrive, all must deplore.—( Cheers. ) Lord FITZGERALD said that lie did not think it had ever been considered unfitting, or unbecoming, or unexampled to quote the authority of those Members of the Government who had introduced a measure into the House of Commons in accordance with the views entertained by their opponents ; or to refer to the labours of a committee of the House of Com mons which recommended for the adoption of the Govern ment those views. The Noble Baronet had stated that it was not expedient or wise to quote the expressions of individuals as a means of directing the decisions of their Lordships, but he had heard of expressions imputed to Members of their Lord ships' House taken as a ground for charging them with miscon duct. He had heard of accusations made through such quota tions of contumelious and insulting conduct towards the House of Commons ; and for this only reason, that their Lordships had exercised an independent a n d unquest i ona bl e r i g h t i n deal ing with the proposit ions submitted to them.— (Hear.) This at least was not in accordance with the observations which had been made by the Noble Baron opposite. He altogether con curred in the view taken by the Noble Baron of the necessity of maintaining a good understanding between both Houses of Parliament; but lie could not help considering it a departure from the rule which had been laid down, that a Member of the Government should, after assenting to a proposition—no doubt with a reservation that future legislation on the subject should not be prejudiced—have concurred in a measure which had obtained the support of a majority in the other House of Parliament ; and with respect to which, so far from recom mending a conciliatory mode of reconciling the differences which existed, called, in language which was not to be mis understood, upon that majority not to lose six days, six hours, or six minutes, in rejecting that plan to which the speaker of that language had himself been a party, and to which he was now the first to raise the standard of rejection, by deprecat ing the course which he strongly recommended on a former occasion. The LORD CHANCELLOR supported the clause, and said that the evils resulting from the inconsistent decisions of 170 revising barristers were seriously felt, and required to be remedied, and the plan proposed by the clause was calculated to obviate them. He apprehended that the Noble Lord would not deny the existence of those evils. Nay, the very proposi tion of the Noble Lord assumed that there was something which required correction, for he proposed that all the ques tions arising out of the decisions of the revising barristers should be referred to the Judges of the land—that was to say, that the right of votinc , for Members of the House of Com mons should be referred to the Judges. Lord A BIN G E R.—And why not? The LORD CHANCELLOR—Why not! Because it was a direct political question. Lord AB ING E R.—lt was a question of law. The LORD CHANCELLOR—So were all questions o_ political franchise questions of law in one respect; but were they not questions also of politics? From whom were the judges to take their law? Would it not be from the Com mittees of the House of Commons, who, after all, would have a paramount jurisdiction? Was this a task which the judges ought to be required to perform? To refer to them questions involving the interests of political parties was most objection able in principle ; for, decide as they might, it would subject them to the reproaches of one party or the other. It had been objected that the now revising barristers were required to abandon their professional pursuits at the bar. He saw no ground for that objection. The experiment had been already tried with respect to the commissioners of bankrupts, and it had succeeded. Besides, the barristers would have ample em ployment, so that if they were not required by this Bill to confine themselves to their own especial duties, yet, in point of fact, they would not have time to practise at the bar. Then the evil of contradictory decisions, which, under the new system, would, no doubt, occasionally happen, was pro vided for by having a court of appeal. What could be more wholesome or convenient than the establishment of a central court in London, to which all the various decisions of the bar risters might be referred ? The Noble and Learned Lord con eluded by saying that the proposition of Lord Wharncliffe ad mitted that the present system required a remedy ; but he trusted their Lordships would feel that the proposition itself was so objectionable in principle as not to be proper for their adoption. Lord ABINGER said that his Noble and Learned Friend had assumed that the judges could have no jurisdiction over the right of voting fora Member of the House of Commons, —(No, no, by the Lord Chancellor.) He was glad to hear that disclaimer, as his Noble and Learned Friend must remem ber the decision in the case of Ashby and White, which the House of Lords confirmed, by which it was decided that the question of a right of voting was a proper question to be tried at law. His Noble and Learned Friend said that it would place the judges in a delicate position to determine the right of voting ; but why should he suppose that the judges would be affected by political motives, because the question they were trying concerned political men ? The question the judges would have to try was a question of law only, of which they must necessarily be the most competent judges. His Noble and Learned Friend had said that the decisions of the judges would be guided by the decisions of the Committees of the House of Commons. For his part he had never known any judge receive, as authority, any decision of a Committee of the House of Commons. He had never heard any such decision quoted, or any such citation encouraged. He had always un derstood it to be the opinion of the most sensible, learned, and constitutional men, that it would be desirable to have a separate tribunal to decide the difficalt questions arising out of the deciions of the committees of the House of Commons. He did not approve of the system of registration, but the true objection against that system was the urging on of registra tion after registration every year without any interruption. The proper course to adopt would be to have the voters once registered by the overseers, and then allow them to remain on the register till a certain period had elapsed, when the regis tration might again take place. But this perpetual registra tration, year after year, kept the country in a state of excite ment most injurious to the quiet and peace of society. He had always thought that the present system of registration never could succeed by the means of any machinery that could be adopted. With respect to the differences of opinion amongst the revising barristers, nobody knew better than his Noble and Learned Friend that differences of opinion among professional men became the subject of constant conversation among them selves, and that at last the better opinion prevailed. Many contradictory decisions had already become settled ; and he was satisfied that the differences of opinion would diminish every year, and that as the experience of the barristers in creased, their decisions would finally become uniform. With respect to the appointment of the revising barristers he dis claimed anything like patronage. He was not aware of any change having been made except in cases of resignation or death. On the borne circuit he had not made a single change, and the only new appointments made were to sup ply vacancies occasioned by death. He believed his prede cessor bad acted upon the same rule ; and all the appoint ments were originally made by Lord Denman. If there were any mode by which more uniform decisions might be obtained, it was that which his Noble Friend had suggested—namely, that written cases should be prepared by the barristers where any question of doubt arose, and these cases submitted to the Judges. He was quite convinced that after a year or two such cases would be very few indeed; but when such ques tions arose, why should the Judges be supposed to know for what candidate, or for what party, the persons whose votes were in question were going to vote ? If any person should have the audacity to tell the Judge, " Your Lordship will have the goodness to consider, that if this register be decided so and so, it will be favourable to so and e so," would any Judge submit to it? He had not, therefore, the least doubt that the plan of his Noble Friend would be most efficient, and he did not believe that twenty cases in a year would be brought before the Judges, after the first year. Another objection to having this tribunal was, that as the barristers would have nothing else to do for a great part of their time, in the course of a short time they would not he competent to do even that ; they would lose all their connection with the profession to which they belonged, and would, by confining their views to one class of cases, have their attention so narrowed that they would lose all knowledge of general questions of law. He therefore thought that upon principle they would constitute the most objectionable tribunal that could be established. Their Lordships then divided— For Lord Wharncliffe's amendment Against it Majority Clause 2 and 3 was agreed to Clauses 4,5, 6,7, and 8 were struck out ;- and clauses 10 and 11, with amendments, were agreed to. Several other clauses were agreed to, some with amend ments, at the suggestion of Lord Wharncliffe, the nature of which was not ascertained in the gallery. Lord NV HARNCL IFFE proposed the insertion of a clause with a view to prevent persons having borough property to vote both for Members for the borough and for knights of the shire, by virtue of the same property. This, the Noble Lord said was, as he apprehended, strictly in accordance with the original intentions of the framers of the Reform Act, although doubts had since arisen as to the fact. The insertion of this clause, therefore, would have the effect of settling that dis puted point, and that in the way originally designed. Viscount MELBOURNE opposed the insertion of this clause. If a doubt did exist upon this subject, he would rather have it referred for decision to the tribunal which was now open for it, namely, the judges of the land, than run the risk of altering these interests as established by the Reform Act..--The House then divided—. Contents 54 Non-contents Majority in favour of the clause —34 Clause 65 was, after a short conversation, struck out. The House then resumed, the Bill was ordered to be reprinted with amendments, and the report ordered to be re ceived on Monday. The House then adjourned, at a Quarter to One o'Clock, until to-morrow (this day). . -36 On Monday night last, as NV. Earle, master of one of the fishing-boats belonging to Mr. James Goring, was trawl ing in this bay ( Seaford), he caught a perfect clawed lobster, whose size exceeds, beyond all comparison, anything of the kind ever seen by the oldest fisherman in this town. This fine shellfish measures one yard in length, from the extremity of the feelers to that of the tail, 22 inches from the nose to the tail, 16 inches in girth, and the claws or pincers are sib; inches long and nine inches round. A gentleman visiting here, who has been much amongst the lobster fishery in tht; West of Eng land, says, that the largest he ever saw or heard of weighed seven pounds, and the Dover and Deal pilots in the roadstead have seen them from six to seven pounds ; whereas this asto nishing fish weighed nine ponnds and a half. It was taken, we understand, to Brighton market. Trawl fish are exceed ingly plentiful here, and soles are selling for 4d per pound.— Br.gliton Gazette. GEORGE BUCHANAN.—The monument erected to the memory of this distinguished scholar and historian at Kil learn, the place of his nativity, has been suffered to fall into a state of dilapidation. It appears, however, that a subscription is in progress to restore it. The probable expense is calcu lated at 2001. or 3001. Of this, 561. 14s. is subscribed, and of the 18 individuals contributing it, 13 are of the name of Buchanan. The Court of Assizes of Arlon (Luxembourg) has recently been occupied with a trial which has caused great interest in that province. The servant girl at a farm-house at Rodeshausen was accused of having a tt em pt e d t o po i son twelve persons, by wilfully mixing ar sen i c w i t h t h e panca k es which she prepared for their dinner. The mistress died from the effects of the poison, and the other persons were seriously ill for a considerable time. The motive of the girl, whose name is Mary Catherine Balm, was supposed to be jealousy towards the young farmer, who had promised her marriage, but afterwards united himself to another young woman of the neighbourhood. Bhe is described as being a girl of extremely manners and app earance . Sh e interesting; and prepossessing persisted throughout the trial that she was innocent of the crime laid to her charge, but was found guilty by a majority of the jury, and condemned to death.. PRICE OF. BREAD.--TIIE WEATHER.--The long tract of bad weather has, as might have been expected, raised the price of wheat, and, as a necessary consequ ence , we observe that a rise of a half-penny is to take place on the 41b. loaf today. The first quality is to be 7d. to 7i-d. (cash or credit) and the second 6d. to 6id. Flour, 2 s . Bd. per stone. Should, however, the fine settle weather which we have en joyed since Friday, with a. similar amount of sunshine con tinue a few weeks, we may expect to find a corresponding fall in prices. We were sorry to see numbers of Irish labourers passing through the town eastward yesterday. They have ar rived too soon by several weeks.—Caledortian Mercury. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 13, 1836. IRELAIsTD. DUBLIN, AUG. 10.—At the General Association yester day, Mr. O'Connell, in a long and eloquent speech, brought forward his ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF IRE LAND, of which he had given notice at the last meeting. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman took occasion to deny Mr. Sharman Crawford's assertion relative to the Munici pal Reform Bill. Mr. O'Connell declared that there had been no compromise in the House on that subject. With respect to the Government appointments in Ireland, Mr. O'Connell said " Lord Mulgrave is at present placed in a peculiar position—he may be considered as in a singular trial. I saw in the ilicraing Chronicle of to-day, and I saw it with feelings of horror stated, that now Lord Mul grave may deal with Orangemen as he likes, the system of Orangeism having been done away with. I differ from this altogether. The men who have always possessed the con- fidence of the people—the men who have worked an ex erted themselves honestly in the cause of tile country— should be the objects of preferment. Never was anything more fallacious than that which was thrown out in the Chronicle. But Lord Mulgrave had too much good sense —too much knowledge of mankind—ever to attempt con ciliating a party—a faction, who, it was plain, would not be conciliated." He then drew attention to the notice on the placards—" England has a measure of corporate reform— Scotland has corporate reform—lreland has been deemed unworthy of corporate reform. Irishmen ! attend !" (Cheers.) After the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had spoken at great length on the question of corporate reform, and justly ascribed to Lord Mulgrave the merit of seeing the real character of the faction fights, and of ascertaining the condition of the country, Mr. O'Connell said— " I intend moving that this address which I hold in my hand, and which I shall presently read to the meeting, should be printed, and circulated widely through all parts of the country. I intend to send copies of it to tile Ca tholic prelates, and to such clergymen of every denomina tion as will receive it, in order that it may be distributed throughout their respective parishes and districts.—(Hear.) Perhaps the former might deem it advisable to have it read from the altars of their country chapels. I would wish to have it obtain as wide and extensive circulation, if possible, as an address I formerly wrote got in the south of Ireland, and (of which General Lambert got 30,000 copies struck off at the expense of the Government." He then read the following address : TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. Your friends, your zealous and faithful friends, address you. The General Association of Ireland, formed to pro cure an effectual extinction of tithes, and a thorough re form of corporate abuses, now, for the first time, calls for your attention. It is for your own sake that we ask that attention. Our object and design are wise, and just, and useful. We desire to ele va t e te social and moral character of Ireland ; we wish to procure wages for the labourers, comfort for the far mer, activity and emolument for the manufacturer, prosperity and extension for commerce, liberty and happiness for the uni versal people of Ireland. These are the purposes for which we have associated—these are the patriotic and Christian designs with which we are ani mated. We recognise amongst ourselves no distinction of sect or persuasion, of cast or station; our common fervour in the cause of our common country is the bond of our asso ciation—the divine charity of our common Christianity if, the sacred seal of our union. Deserving your confidence, and determined daily to increase our title to that confidence, we address you`with a firm reli ance on your own good sense and shrewd understanding. We are.as unwilling as we should be unable to delude you. Listen to our advice, and then consider whether any of you can be the worse for following that advice. We assert positively and distinctly that every man will be the better, that his family will be the more comfortable fur his following the advice we now offer. The advice we offer—would to Heaven that you would obey it as if it were a command—is :To abstain altogether, and for ever, from riots at fairs or other meetings, from waylaying or beating one another. Any man who, afer this solemn warning, engages in any riot or fight at a fair or meeting, or who waylays or beats any other person, must be considered as an enemy to Ireland, and as a contemptible and despicable creature, totally unfit to be the associate or companion of the honest men who are desirous to make Ireland what she ought to be— " Great, glorious, and free, First flower of the earth, and first gem of the sea." The reascns why you should totally refrain from rioting with, or beating each other, are these—consider these reasons well, and let every man judge for himself whether they are persuasive or not— First—lt is a foolish—an absurd practice to fight with one another, from which no kind of good does or can arise—no man is one shilling the better for this practice —no man gains any property by it : it gives him neither house or land, cattle or provisions. In short, it is no advantage whatsoever to any man or to his family ; neither his father or his mother, his wife or his children, are one bit the better for all this fighting. No ; but they are all much the worse. It is, indeed, very, very foolish. Second—The Irish are the only people in the world who continue this foolish practice of beating one another. They are therefore laughed at and scorned by every body who hears of this habit. Is it not shameful to do that which makes our country scorned and ridiculed? Third—This custom of fighting one another is exceedingly brutal. It is a propensity unbecoming men, and fit only for ferocious beasts. Its folly makes us laughed at—its brutality makes us despised. Fourth—This fighting with and beating one another, which does no good ; you all know that it does a great deal of mis chief to everybody; it interrupts fairs and markets; prevents honest and quiet people from buying and selling, occasions consequently great loss and damage to persons not engaged in the fight, and much destruction of property. The persons who are engaged suffer still more ; some are cruelly beaten and hurt; others are killed; almost all have to undergo the loss of time, vexation, and expense of summons before Magis trates—of flying flout or being dragged about handcuffed like felons, by the police—of lying in gaol, and being tried and punished. All these vexations and miseries are frequently the consequences of these fights. Fifth—The Government are resolved, and wisely and justly resolved, to put down by the strong arm of the law and of the military force these riots and fights. This 'is the first Government in Ireland for six hundred years that gives the people the protection, as far as it can, of law and justice. It will protect the people against themselves ; and if they do not obey our advice, and abandon the custom of rioting and fighting, this wise Government will compel them to do so, and make the people, to their shame and sorrow, desist. Sixth—The Government has very properly appointed an attorney in every county to prosecute rioters. No compro mise or " making up" will be allowed between the parties. They will be compelled to prosecute each other. The most severe punishment the law allows will be inflicted. There will be heavy fines, long imprisonment, hard labour, and transportation. Recollect, the present Attorney-General, who js a Catholic, is determined to put an end to riots and fights. We, your friends, warn you of the evil consequences to your selves unless you refrain now and for ever. From all this misery the obeying our advice will save you. We show you—what every one of you must admit to be true—that these riots and fights arc foolish, absurd, brutal, mischievous, ruinous; certain to be punished. and liable to the most severe and cruel punishments. We proceed to reasons of still more cogent and awful importance. Seventh—These riots and fights are criminal not only by the human law, but still more so by the laws of morality and sacred religion. The law of God commands you to love one another; but you hate one another. God—blessed be his holy name—commands you to be charitable and kind to every body; you fly in the face of his commands, and beat, injure, outrage, and kill those you arc directed to love and to serve. God commands peace, and good will, and benevolence, and charity; you exercise rancour, and hatred, and malice, and brutal violence towards each other. The red arm of God's vengeance is bare for the punishment of th ose w h o s h e d t h e blood of their fellow-creatures; yet you not only fight, but on many occasions MURDER one another. Every good man hates and detests your crimes. Take care lest you be not the means of stirring up the wrath of God against yourselves and your long-oppressed country. Such, brother Irishmen, are some of the powerful reasons why these foolish and abominably wicked fights should be abandoned for ever. Let good and honest men associate together to put a final stop to these silly but horrid crimes. We call upon every parish in which this practice prevails, or is likely to exist, to form immediately an association for the purpose of suppressing riots and fights. Let us hear in what and in how many pa rishes such associations are 'formed. Let every worthy and estimable young man enrol himself in such an association. Let all the wise and considerate old men join in such an associa tion. Let their only purpose be the suppression of all riotous or turbulent crimes by day or by night. We will send down a deputation to any parish where we have reason to know a riotous disposition exists, in order to meet it by organizing a local association. People of Ireland, you have enough, and more than enough of enemies to combat with, without fighting amongst your selves. We intend to organise your mighty strength peace ably, legally, constitutionally, to assist in the channels known to the law and recognised by the Constitution, in order to ele vate your country in the scale of nations, and to give her a political existence, as well as the full participation in all that is valuable in British institutions. Assist us —you can assist us. Join us—you may join us effectually. But it must be by your abandoning, in the name of your country, and in the presence of your God, those faction fights—those party dots—that brutal violence towards ea:1 1 other which have hitherto degraded you, weakened your friends, and given tenfold strength to your bitter and unre lenting enemies. Recollect that the present government has dissolved the Orange confederacy—a confederacy dangerous to your lives, liberties, and re li g i on— i t i s gone— i t has d i sso l ve d as if into thin air —complicated and powerful in its machinery as it was it has disappeared for ever, and scarcely loft a " wreck be hind." Well, believe us that the government which dissolved the Orange lodges has the wisdom and the energy to suppress every other secret society, and all the brutal organization of factions and party combinations. Depend upon it, that the beastly practice of beating each other must and will terminate without delay. Do not wait then to be put down by force—laughed to scorn—and severely punished—take our sincere, our cordial, our affectionate advice—we are your friends--your brothers— We a re anxiously labouring for the liberty and prosperity of old Ireland—give up the follies and crimes we denounce. Let peace amongst ourselves be the basis of that combination and strength, which, regulated by the law, and sanctioned by the constitution, must make us irrNistibb towards our and your enemies. _ __• _ _ DANIEL O'CONNELL, Chairman of the Committee. Among the numerous new members admitted was Mr. S. Robinson, a member of the Society of Friends. Mr. O'Connell then rose again and said, that be felt it his duty to press for the aduption of an address to the people of Great Britain, and than on Thursday he should submit a mo tion with this object :—" I expect," continued Mr. O'Connell, " such support from Scotland and England in obtaining jus tice for this country as will, I trust, make the repeal of the Union totally unnecessary:—( Hear.) We have worked so much now upon this principle, that I have brought mys e lf to wish we may succeed without having recourse to that expe dient; and I defy any man to say, since I pledged myself to that trial, that I have not given the experiment I am making every fair, impartial, just, and uninfluenced opportunity of working it fully out." The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then proceeded to make some remarks regarding the course pur-' sued by Ministers regarding the English Church Temporalities Bill, which he said had disgusted the Dissenters, and was also one cause why the Newcastle election was lost by the Liberals. With respect to church-rates he promised his assistance to the Dissenters in order to get rid of them, pledging himself to bring the question to a division next session. Speaking of the spirit of Toryism, he said that its essence was Plunder, and that the Tories were " regular Irish rob bers, and their very name is a corruption of the Hibernian thurich,' or ' stand and deliver,' which the footpads address to those they meet." Mr. O'Connell then contrasted the amount of the National Debt at the time of the Union, which burdened England and Ireland respectively, and inferred from the disproportion, that Ireland was in fairness entitled to an equal participation in all the advantages England enjoys. With respect to the Address, he said that he relied a great deal on its efficacy, but added that he would not abandon his suit ; if he should fail through that to get the popular voice of England, he would press again and again the question of his country's rights; and if, said Mr. O'Connell, " I do not get for her—if Ido not obtain for her—full and complete redress, then will I come back to my native mountains and say— ' Ireland, you are too mighty a people to be kept in slavery.'-- (Loud and continued cheering.) Yes, eight millions of people were too many to be made the slaves of a few." After some further remarks on this subject, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman sat down amidst immense cheering. The Justice Rent for the past week was announced to be 152/. Bs. Mr. Galloway addressed the Meeting, counselling them to follow their great leader's advice--and the Meeting then ad journed. GENERAL ASSOCIATION OF IRELAND. THURSDAY, AUG. A very numerous meeting was held this day. THOMAS DICKSON, Esq., K. C., was called to the Chair. The minutes of the last day's proceedings having been read, nearly forty new me m b ers , severa l o f t h em Englishmen, were admitted, and a very considerable sum of money was added to the Justice Rent. Letters from various parts of the country, with signatures to the National Address to the King, and others, describing the feelings of the country people in conse quence of the indignity offered to them by the House of Lords, were -read; after which Mr. O'Connell mentioned having re ceived a letter from Mr. More O'Farrell, in reference to the attack that had been made on him by his colleague Mr. Ruth yen; and although Mr. O'Farrell thought lightly on the sub ject, now that the matter had been brought fairly before the public, yet he (Mr. O'Connell) considered that the conduct of Mr. Ruthven was exceedingly improper and unjust, in de nouncing his colleague in such unmeasured terms, without first having ascertained the real facts of the case. As a public man, Mr. Ruthven could not have written a more injudicious letter. The first motion he had to make was for the appointment of registry reporters in each county, city, and borough in Ireland, whose duty should be to aid the existing Registry Clubs, where they might be found, and to establish others where they were re quired. He should not interfere with those Clubs in any man ner, but merely report to the General Association the state of the Registry, as assisted by those bodies. In the city of Dublin no new Club was necessary. They had the Registry Association, and the Central Club ; and, better than all, they bad the Trades' Union of Dublin, a body that effected infi nite service to the liberal cause, and deserved the highest gra titude of the country. The city was therefore in a most effi cient state of organization.—( Cheers.) In the county of Dublin there was a Registration Society, but they had not been as active as they might. He did not wish to excite jea lousy by the observation, but he hoped the county of Dublin would be up and stirring. The present patriotic Member for the county of Dublin has given 501. towards forwarding the Registry, and on Sunday next, he (Mr. O'Connell) hoped that means would be adopted for registering all the liberal voters to be found in the county.—( Cheers.) The value of having the country well registered, was of the moat vital im portance. They had arrived at a most extraordinary crisis, and every man, who wished well to his country, should exert himself for the approaching struggle.—( Cheering.) Let a new election take place ; and if the struggle be successful, there would be an end to Toryism in these kingdoms.—(Cheers.) The Reform Bill deprived the Tories of their corrupt and wealth, and they would endeavour to effect such another state of things. The Whig Ministry fell into disrelish in England by their apathy, and by the declara tion of Lord Brougham in Scotland, " That little had been done the past session in the way of reform, but that less would be done the next." These were the circumstances which in duced the Duke of Wellington to seize on the Governmeat, and by filling all the offices of the State for several weeks, became, as we say, Cook, Slut, and Butler to the Tories.— (Laughter and cheers.) Then came the general election. Great exertions were made by the Tory Ministry to secure a majority. Money was sent over here under Government franks. Their efforts nearly returned a majority. On the election for the Speakership, the Liberals had but ten majority. On the second division it rose to seventeen, and on the next, which was the appropriation question, it was twenty six. On the Corporate Reform question, the Liberal majo rity came up to eighty-six.—(Cheers.) Thus it will be seen that Toryism is sinking, and if the people be true to them selves, they may destroy it for ever. The hope of the Tories is in another general election. If they even obtained a ma jority, they could no more stop the progress of Liberal opinions, than they could put a stop to the waves.—( Cheers.) Yes, but they have the power to give the people trouble, and keep them in a state of fever and excitement both here and in England. The Presbyterians and Dissenters owe nothing to the Tories. Let them look to the conduct of the Tories of Northampton. The Mayor of that town actually compared a Dissenting-house there to a low public-house which was near to it. The Tories hated the Dissenters now as much they did in the time of Charles 11., when hundreds of them died in dungeons, and, to the immortal credit of the Dissenters in those days, when James 11. came to the throne, they refused to avail themselves of the satisfaction they might have ob tained through that bigoted Monarch over their former perse cutors.—(Cheers.) The Presbyterians and Dissenters of the present day hated tithes just as much as the Roman Catholics; therefore the people of Ireland might rely on their co-opera tion in demanding the abolition of that unholy impost. Mr. O'Connell complained of the appointments which had been made by Lord Plunket in the magistracy, and considered his Lordship an incubus to the Government. Lord Melbourne should look to this subject, and have magistrates appointed in Ireland in whom the people could confide. It was a fact, that when Lord Manners came to Ireland he expressed his de termination not to appoint either lawyers, attorneys, or clergy men to the Commission of the Peace ; he kept his word with the two first professions, but he forgot the parsons. In fact, the Magistrates of Ireland had been allowed to exist too long in their present situations. He would call the attention of Par liament to this subject, if Lord Melbourne did not rectify the evil complained of in the mean time. As to the Catholic clergy of Ireland, what could they think of a Church that would malign them as they have been lately by the Tory par sons—that Church which demanded its taxes by Rebellion Writs, and when the bayonet becomes blunt with blood, then they fire their bullets on the people ?—( Cheers.) When the Catholic clergy read the doings of Forgery ill' Ghee they only find a specimen of the language of the Tory party; and when they read in the Timeg, the organ of that party, such language as " surpliced ruffians" applied to them; will they not use their influence to keep out of power the faction that would sacrifice their lives as well as their characters? Mr. O'Connell com pared the difficulty suffered by the Catholic Association the amazing success of the General Association for r ,e e ci land, which had in the course of the first three weeks received thes for sum of 4781. 9s. 21d., whereas the Catholic AssociationTLearned the same period was only 27/.—( Cheers.) Gentleman then proceeded to nominate a l banisters, who were present and gave their consent,num ber ~e• ber of to young as - Reporters of Registry in the different partsoftieocnonuen leaves ntry. It was mentioned in the room that Mr. o c town on Saturday until November. ATTEMPT TO BURN TH HALL OF W ATERFORD. E WATERFORD, MONDAY, TWEL VE O'CLOCK.—It appears that about one o'clock this morning a watchman stationed in the neighbourhood of the Town-hall observed smoke issuing, as from the door of the building, he thought,wreathing it self around the columns of the portico, which i s ent i re l y com posed of wood, and of massive dimensions. Being apprehen sive that fire bad broken out on the premises, he immediately hastened to the spot to alarm the p ersons i n care of the build ing, when to his astonishment he fou n d f our men emp l oye d i n tar ring the . llars of the portico, while a kettle o f b u rni ng ta r or pitch lay at their feet. I may here observe that the prin cipal window of the Assembly -room is situated immediately over the entrance, and, being hung with heavy draperies, they must inevitably hav e caug h t f i re if the incendiaries. had suc ceeded in igniting the portico, so that nothing could have saved the building fr om d estruction. They immediately fled on find ing that they were discovered, and succeeded in effecting their esbape, not, however, before the watchman had identified three of them. I am informed that they are respectably connected, and heard th e i r names ; b ut unt il the result of the inquiry pending before the Mayor is made known, I do not think it would be prudent to publish th em . H av i ng l ear n e d that such inqury was proceeding, I went, a few minutes since, to the Mayor's office, accompanied by several gentlemen who were anxious to be present, but we were informed that the investi gation was a private one,' and of cou rse instantly withdrew. I have since heard that warrants have been issued for the ap prehension of seven or eight individuals said to be concerned in this outrage.—Dublin Pilot. PUBLIC ENTRY OF TIM LORD LIEUTENANT INTO WATER FORD.—We regret that the immense quantity of matter on Irish affairs, precludes the :.ossibility of our giving an account efthe interesting proceetK,rs connected with Lord Mulgravea public entry into Waterford' Monday, Monday, and of the dinner given to his Lordship on that O',ftion. Lord Mul grave was deeply affected the detnonstratio%4 enthusiasm with which he was hailed, and the trial for popular strength was never Ilknore decisively displayed. The Pilot says„—" If we regard that reception as connected with the immense,,concourse of people, the rank and respectability of those who joined in the homage to our excellent chief governor, the array of female beauty assembled to greet his triumph, even the arrangements an d quality of the entertainment itself—all concurred to ren der it a reception which it was impossible to excel, and which we cannot believe has been equalled in any other part of Ireland." r WRITS OF REBELLION. —lt does not seem wholly improbable that the decision of the Barons of Exchequer will be reversed. MEETING r.:l , THE TRADES' UNl ON . —Y es t er d a y an extra ordinary meeting of the Trades' Political Union was held at the Circus, Lower Abbey-street, in order to afford Mr. O'Con nell an opportunity of addressing the body on the occasion of his return to Ireland. The building- was thronged to excess. Shortly after two o'clock, Mr. O'Connell made his appear ance on the platform, amid the enthusiastic cheers of the assembly. The lion. and Learned Gentleman addressed the meeting at great lenft.th. SCFPRESSION OF FACTION FIGHTS.—The police throughout Ireland have got special directions from the Inspector-General, Colonel Shaw Kennedy, to consider it one of their first duties to attend all fairs and country markets, to prevent riot or dis turbance In those places of populous resort. .—Dublin Evening Post. ORANGE INCENDIARIES.—ht reference to the attempt to barn down the Town-hall on Sunday night, the Waterford aronick suggests that a public meeting of the citizens be called, to adopt such measures as will be likely to bring the diabolical perpetrators to punishment. The Mayor has already offered, on behalf of the Corporation, a reward of 501. for this object. Lord Mulgrave's progress through the South occupies a great portion of the space of the Irish journals. The details are interesting, as demonstratin g the great popularity of the present Viceroy, whose kindly disposition and substantial ser vices to Ireland arc appreciated and acknowledged in the gratitude. warmest spirit of SPORTIN G INTE LLIGENCE. THE DOVE HOUSE MEETING—THunszA Y. The Pinner Stakes of 5 sons. each, with 40 added f rom t h e Fund ; three wars old, 7st. 41b.; four, Bst. 71b. ; five, 9st. ; s i x and aged, 9st. 41b. ; mares and geldings allowed 31b. H eats, twice round a distance; the winner to be sold for 150 sovs. if de manded, &c. Mr. W. Smith's br. c. Ruinous, 4 yrs ... Sly 1 1 Mr. Lambden's b. g. Revealer, aged ... Mr. Jones's b. m. Miss Ann, aged The first heat won by a neck, the second by a length. The Harrow Stakes of 5 sovs. each, with 35 added from the Fund ; the second horse to save his stake; weights as for the Pinner Stakes. Heats, once round and a distance; the winner to be sold for 120.sovs: if demanded, &c. Mr. Bacon's ch. m. Tiara, 6 yrs Brick 1 1 Mr, King's b. c. Swallow, 3 yrs Mr. Balehin's hr. in. Levity, 5 yrs Mr. Edwards's ch. f. Amazon, :, yrs ... 4 4 Mr. Seffert's ch. g. Master Walter, 6 yrs Mr. Bishop's b. in. Jenny Wren, 6 yrs ... 6 6 The Hunter's Stakes of 5 sovs. each, with 25 sovs. added from the Fund, for any horse carrying llst. 71b. Heats, twice round and a distance. Four leaps in each heat. The winner to be sold for 100 sovs. if demanded, &c. Mr. Nightingale's b. in. Lewes Lass ...Owner 2 1 1 Mr. Fairley's gr. g. Spicey ... 1 dis. Mr. Hall's b. h. Miss Kent 3 dis. Mr. Brown's b. g. Gambler After the first race an invention by a, French gentlema n , f or de taching a horse from a buggy w h en i n the act of running away, was exhibited by the inventor. Being seated in his buggy, the horse was urged into a gallop, and, on a sudden, by his using a lever rein, the horse became detached, and the buggy prevented turning over by a contrivance at the hind part. The invention, however, though ingenious in theory, is never likely, we fear, to become popular among our Jahns. LEWES RACES—THURSDAr. Match, 100, h. ft. Two miles—Mr. Bainbridge's Speculation, 12st. (Dockeray), beat Mr. Robertson's Rupert, 12st., by three lengths. 5t02 on the loser. Two-year-Old Stakes of 15 sovs. each, with 25 added, 10. ft., for two yrs old. T. Y.C. 4 Subs. Lord Egremont's f. by Chateau Margaux...S. Rogers 1 Captain Berkeley's Grapeskin Won by a neck only. 5t02 on the winner. Plate of 501. Three yrs old, 7st. 51b. ; four, Bst.. 71bs. ; fve, 9st. 21b ; six, and aged, 9st. 51b. ; mares and geldings 31b ; winners once in 1836, 41b, and twice, 71b. extra. Horses that have started once in 1836 and not won, allowed 41b ; twice, 71b. The winner to be sold for 80 soya. Heats, one mile. Mr. Shelley's Albania, 4 yrs Conolly 1 Mr. Smith's Ticket, 3 yrs Mr. Houldsworth's b. f. by Emilius, 3 vrs Mr. Jones's ch. f. by Langar, 4 yrs Mr. Pearce's ch. m. Brandy Ann, aged ... 5 dr Each heat won by a length. A Handicap, of 3 sovs. each, with 40 added. T. Y. C. Heats. 9 Subs. Mr. J. Day's Foozool, 3 yrs, 7st. 111 b, S. Rogers 1 0 1 Captain Fairlies's Aristocrat, 4 yrs, ist. 611, ... 2 1 0 Mr. Shelley's Albania, 4 yrs, 7st. 121 b. Lord Tavistock's Oak Apple, 4 yrs., Bst. 131 b 0 0 0 Duke of Richmond's Tiber, 4 yrs., 7st.lolb 0 0 dr Mr. Cochrane's Rara Avis, aged, Bst. 61b 0 dr First and third heats won by a head, and the second by a length. HUNTINGDON RACES, TVEDNESD4r. Sweepstakes of 15 sovs. each, 10 ft. ; for two years-old. half mile. The winner to be sold for 200 soya. 5 Subs. General Yates's Castaside, Bst. 21b Paris 1 Mr. Pettit's e. by Tranby, Bst. 51b 2 Mr. Greville's Marietta, Bst 21b A Sweepstakes of 5 sore. each, with 15 added, for three yrs old. Heats, once round. The winner to be sold for 300 sors., &c 7 Subs. Col. Peel's The Professor, Bst. 31b...Pavis 2 0 1 1 Mr. Fellows na. b. c. by Tramp, Bst. 51b.. 3 3 3 2 Ld Berners's b. c. by Lamplighter, Bst. 51b 1 0 2 dr THURSDAY. Last The Huntingdon Stakes of 5 sovs. each, and 15 added. The winner to be sold for 120 sovs. Heats, once round, 7 Subs. Mr. Knight's Mozart, 4 yrs, Bst. 71b Mr. Pettit's Menas, 3 yrs, 7st. 31b Mr. Tilbrooke's b. f. by Emilius, 3 yrs, 7st 3 dr The Members' Plate of 50/. The winner to be sold for 250, &c. Heats, once round. Mr. Smith's Eagle, 9st. 51b ...G. Edwards 2 3 1 1 Mr. Pettit's Menas, 3 yrs, 7st. 21b Colonel Peel's New Light, 3 yrs, 7st. 71b 3 1 2 3 A Handicap of 5 sovs. each, with 35 added. Mile heats. Mr. Tilbrook's f. out of Ross ton's dam, 7st...Pavis 1 1 Lord Berners's br. g. by Merlin, 5 yrs, Bst. 101 b... 2 2 Mr. Newbold's b. c. by Tramp. 3 yrs, 7st. 41b... 3 dr POTTERY MEETING, WEDNESDAY. A Free Handicap of 10 sovs. each, h. ft., with ICO added by the Right Hcn. W. T. Copeland, Lord Mayor of London. Two miles and a distance. Mr. Allanson's Lady Moore Carew, 6 yrs, Bst. 11b, Jones 1 Mr. Mostyn's b. In. Birdlime, 5 yrs. 9st. 21b. The following were not placed :—Lord Chesterfield's b. m. Lustre, 6 yrs, Bst. 31b; Mr. Johnson's Jupiter, 4 yrs, Bst. llb ; Mr. Painter's Mezereon, 6 yrs, Bst ; Mr. Mostyn's Torn Shipman, 3 yrs, 6st. Sib ; Mr. J. Peel's ch. f. Posthaste, 3 yrs, 6st. 61b and Mr. Dawson's The Prince, aged, 7st. 111 b. Betting-6 to 4on Birdlime, sto 1 agst Jupiter, 4to 1 agst. Post haste, 6 to 1 agst Lady Moore Carew, 10 to 1 agst Mezereon, and 2 to 1 on Mr. Mostyn's two.—Prince took the lead at a tremen dous pace, closely followed by all except Mezereon, who could not live the pace. At the last time round Lady Moore Carew took up the running at the distance • Birdlime then challenged her, but was defeated by a good length, after a most excellent race. The Maiden Plate of 50 sovs., added to a subscription of 2 soya. each, for horses, &c., of all ages that never won any plate, cup, match, or stakes up to the time of starting ; three-yr. olds, 7st ; four, Bst. 21b ; five, Bst. 81b ; six and upwards, Bst. 121 b. Mares and geldings allowed 21b. The best of heats twice round and a distance. Sir J. Boswell's Calendar, 3 yrs., W. Jones 0 3 1 1 Lord Chesterfield's b. f. Wish, 3 yr 5......... 2 1 2 2 Mr. T ecdham's b. f. by Young Phantom, 3ys 1 4 3 dr Mr. Walker's b. f. by Lottery, 4 yr 5.......... 0 2 dr Mr. Thompson's ch. f. Lady Frances, 3 yrs 0 dr Mr. Kirby's br. g. Qmepalite, 4 yr 5...,,.... 0 dr Mr. Berruyton's b. f. Misprint, 4 yr 5....... 0 dr Four capital heats. The first won by half a neck, the second and third by a length, and the fourth, after a good race, by half a neck. Sweepstakes of 5 soya, each, with 25 added, for horses, &c., not thoroughbred; three-yr-olds, 9st ; four, lost; five, lOst. 101 b• ; s i x and aged, llst. 71b. A winner of any Stakes, within one year preceding the day of running, to cart y 71b, if twice 91b, if more than twice 121 b extra. Heats, twice round and a distance- Capt. Lamb's be. f. by Memnon, 3 yrs Darling 1 1 M 1 i r ; Smith's Bradford's b. Wilmott's ch. m. Mi ss F ann y, age d 3 2 br. g T h r . a lj i a p r , k 4 F y o rs r . ward, 5 yrs 4 3 1\ 2 dr The first heat won easy, the second, after a good race, by a length. The racing on both days was very superior, and the com pany assembled to witness the Handicap race more numerous than has ever been seen on the second day. PIGEON SHOOTING. Amongst the distinguished individuals who have been shooting at the Red House during the season are Lord Macdonald, Lord Albert Conyngham, Lord Suffield, Lord Gardner, Lord Chesterfield, Cap tain Rouse, and Mr. Macleod. The latter Gentleman the last day of his shooting killed 25 birds running at 32 yards rise, five traps. Lord Suffield killed 18 following at 25 yards. The whole of the Gentlemen have departed for the North. An account has been published of the original cost, expense of maintenance, and revenue, of the Railway from Brussels to Antwerp, with the general results of the under taking, forming on the whole a docume and that to Antwerp,ntofsomeinterestt railway projectors and speculators. The line from Brussels to Mechlin was opened in May, 1835, which completes the undertaking, on the Ist of May of the present year. The cost of the whole line, including the pur chase of land, with locomotive engines and carriages, was, in round numbers, 179,000 1 . The expense on tho line to Mechlin for the first year was 7,3501. The sum received was 14,3761., and the clear profit, after charging 5 per cent. as 0. During the month in terest on the capital , was 3.1 per cent. Th e num b er o f pas sengers durin g , the t fi b r e st tN yi l c o a l i e • I ; n w as e 5 was 6 3, open, oo the number of pas soefol‘glearys last,:as w hen 101,000, and th e sum received was 4,3131. Ac- cording to an estimate prepared of the charges and income from May, 1836, to May, 1837, a profit of 11 per cent. was anticipated on the invested capital in addition to the ordinary interest of 5 per cent. The average duration of the passage from Brussels t o M ec hli n, 13 m i les, i s from 30 to 35 minutes , including s t o p pages; that from Brussels to Antwerp, 27 miles, is from 1 hour 25 minutes to 1 hour 45 minutes, including stoppages. The speed originally calculated was two hours. The fare in the coaches is 35.; in the waggons, Is. Before the opening of the railway, from 15 to 20 diligences ran be tween Brussels and Antwerp, carrying a yearly average of 80,000 passengers, at from 2s. 6d. to 4s. cacti ; these have en tirely ceased to run, as well as the canal boats, except a few for the conveyance of goods, for which the Railway has not yet been employed. —Morning Paper.