The Sun. — London, England, 1836-04-21 00:00:00

tion f it„"" - s : --- -_—__________ ° --silt, and in a state of internal war, and extensive disturbancese prevailed, vet our trade had increased with it in t•! 3 , lamest rapid and promising manner. Again, the prospects !II Opened On the side of Persia were equally favourable. Our trade to Trebizond during the last three or four years had in creased from 450,000/. to 8.50,000/. or 860,000/. though a disputed and doubtful seceession and an internal war (both so and to commerce) prevailed all the time. If his lion • heou• F need 'bad s h own that prosperous trade with thes e . entr.ies had fallen away of late years, then indeed he would "'iv had a right to call on and stimulate the dormant energies of th e ''' nth_Government ; but now the state of the case was far i r `, "wiae—now that the commercial relations of these coun tries with England had not retrograded, but that in despite of 11 the untoward accessaries which beset them, had pros !), rto an unprecedented extent under the policy pursu . ed eutYlat pnegllieend, it was scarcely fair to press an interference with i tidue h .Y. He thought he had made out a case that should e is Hon. Friend to forbear urging his motion, and the buelidacserTed condemnation on his Majesty's Ministers it might would upposed to carry in the eyes of foreigners.—( Hear.) He now turn to the subject of Sweden, and the proofs ad duced of the aggressions which it might be inferred Russia ad was supposed to intend in that quarter. He did not stand ai ry to defend the aggressions of Russia. Neither was there , y t, disposition on the part of the British Government to polderi essarily interfere with the demonstrations made by that judged tboywards its neighbours ; but if any of • these . were aggress' the .British Cabinet to indicate an intention of d state len, and if Ministers were to come to that House, an e dreg, that after negotiating they could not obtain proper r i; va . ss, such an appeal, he was confident, would not be made pri,ll-(llear, hear,) But though he had followed his Hon. that 'end closely tbroueh his details he could not make out g Russia: had com b mitted an recent and specific act of lig itf-ss`°ll. His Hon. Friend's argument appeared to be founded tieerse " apprehensions and anticipations than facts and reali poL In dealing with the relations of the Sultan with other t h at "vra we should not anticipate events. He was not aware D ap a°3' interruption had been given to the navigation of the . uh e I, bad 'I Russia, but if there had, he wished the parties Lay ooni municated the circumstances to him, and he should ally° immediately taken the opinion of the proper legal ehenersri\es to have such a wrong redressed.—(L" D 1 4 ,, •S With regard to the trade with Trebizond, he . wa , s s( ; ' to be enabled to inform his Hon. Friend that his Majesty's leavernment had already appointed a Consular agent . to that with Russia ~also.. Hitherto this country had had no commercial treaty resting . &tussle, the commercial intercourse of, the two countries n e ,„ °lily upon ancient usage ; but there was at present to a e 1 ?e.iation going forward between the two Governments be sais hsh a c ommercial treaty, which he hoped would soon h.s brought l _ t o a favourable issue. These facts would prove to i t 11611...0.Friend and the House, that his Majesty's Governmen te e : 1 .. t insensible to the great interests which the motion before }tad No embraced. He had never said, as his . Hon. a Fr a i i e i n e d . s' eri s t ta ted, that a kingdom could not be exting . u o i e shed, i What he allu ded 6 : Russia and Poland, on a former occasion. rail 7 was, that it was impossible to exterminate, either mo tatiYon°"_Ph3_'sically, a wh o l e nat i on , an d more especially such a th at . as Poland, consisting of many millions. It was true Pin i.ip tn she present time Russia occupied Silistria and the takueePaluies, but by arrangements which were now likely to and place the debt of Turkey to Russia would be discharged, bill,te the latter Power would immediately evacuate all those 1 1 es--- -( Hear, hear.) The feelings of the Government, and o pe_whelieeed of that House, were to submit to wrong from r to n ° er5.. 44 t e e o .0 ` - "eera)—but cautiously to abstain from a provoca d t f War by doing wrong to any other Power—( .. Cheers) — Until th own rights, e end Our but to wait with vigilant caution t h at ose rights were really attacked—(Cheers) —to see that wtheathapd.aaejeusti .ground of war before we ventured . to dis- Prosperit - • vv . iic . was . h so essential to the happiness and or F u 3of all civilized nations.—( Cheers.) All the nations peace o had by this time learned the value of preserving a s , e and he hoped that peace would never be disturbed by But if eri 7 r ash ase of England.—(Hear, hear, and cheers. 1 ,1 ether country attempted to interrupt that peace cheers.) But the Other instantly resist that attempt ; and he was sur i e th th t 3 h t is a i l i l i put.eser_he.r countries, whose interests were identical w si sta e"lng peace, would rally round us, end join in that re , llee•--(Cheers.) be en MAHON said the interests of Turkey had always .. e n : a most forward part of the policy of the Duke of 'Wel Bp, ' ''t4°ns Gover nment. —(Cheers.) In all negotiations re te•rtellg Turkey it should never have been forgotten, as itweeri fel 7 [ led net been by the Government of the Duke of e . - si l e g t r., that we had to deal with a nation much diminished in T u in ri b t er, and greatly broken in spirit. In this feeble state was . lee s e Y When she became engaged in the war with Russia in Ise..' a .nd 1 829. It had been said by the Hon. Gentleman bilok introduced thepresent motion to the House that the to e Ol Wellington's Government of that day made no effort ti a Procer e an honourable peace for Turkey by an intelve i n . - a s c se w ith the belligerent arties • but for a refutation ot this et r _ t ton be could with confidence refer to the documents on- t hat id with the negotiations carried on by the Government o r s f er Y to preserve the integrity of Turkey. He co uld ur. also b our e„, ea to the instructions forwarded to Lord Heytes L o . ", u e 8!la dor at St. Petersburgh, and the despatches . sent Y' by ea° Aberdeen to Lord Exmouth then at Constantinople. It 44 41w aYa been a principal feature in the foreign policy oithe f T er i i e of Wellington to uphold the ancient independence had asi ted e i vi The Hon. Member for Lancaster (Mr. Stewart) ti,ireranient why G o , - s'-lch were the disposition of the Duke of Wellington's did they not go to war in support of the acted that Turkey ; but the Hon. Gentleman should have recol i e s %ar e , ' that at that time Turkey had no specific claim upon this 14 4 4 TY. It came with a peculiar ill grace from Hon. Gentle onf IV e; t lie opposite side of the House to charge the Duke 011 L ngt ore Government Are al . a now with a neglect of Turkey, and a sa ute lty to Russia, because he could not but recollect that the tree tl)rties in 1829 charged the same Government w ith an l l " " Russ en 10 14. ofdlY disposition Turkey and an unworthy jea .t ia - 7( Cheers. to ) For a proof of this he could I P a d i L t , he . opinions of some Whig statesmen of that day. J ames M ac that House on the 14th of February, 1828, Sir tha tt i i ''',„eektintosh said " He was prepared also to contend *ith e wive.&nment of the Ottoman Porte had been treated . xtra ordi ante, and with long suffering, with most exemplary pate- Asti, with most unexpected forbearance. It was but P owe e te Russi a to sa that her dealings with the Ottoman fosb e r for the last seven' years had been marked with a great gui s e a 4 u e ee, as the conduct of that Power . . had been disten- Lord Holt' continued insolence and incorrigible contumacy." 4, and, too, in the House of Lords on the 16th of July, ilieb sa 'd, " Turkey has been called our ancient ally, words No ' "en examined, will be found to be a modern blunder. iiho'llriLords, I hope I never shall see—God forbid I ever end e e , for the proposition would be scouted from one position Rligland to another —any preparations, or . any pro- W,ll the a any attempts to defend this our ancient ally i i • e attack s of its enemies." There was, however, one biaittstatestuan who certainly dissented from the views 2 o B f G rey said in the House of Lords, when speaking of tl h ae con c h °I Navarino—" With respect to the transaction itself, he tie „ re . , 51 With the Noble and Learned Lord (the Earl . o tr es ° o - ) in thinking it most unfortunate ; that the effect which arertaturally to be expected from such an event might be se e od Ile sincerely trusted." What he chiefly found flult with th at P °ll eY of the Noble Lord opposite (Palmerston) for was F orei when b e succeeded the Earl of Aberdeen at the head of the ll ‘hieb gn e Department, be did not persevere in the remonstrances . the d been made by the previous Government against \kb aggressions upon Turkey. What was the consequence ? lo tt ; the fate of'S ria which, by the war that ensued, was fee t 3telle Ottoman' Power, lid left Turkey prostrate at the es ert "; alehemet Ali. Turkey, seeing that she was unable to etieiet"itherself, threw herself into the arms of England !. he a r prop osai a l e lY. She sent two envoys to this country, one wi ! lt ger with 'or.the assistance of a squadron to put down the da.isio t° defr which she was threatened, and another with a promise kerns aY „the expense of the armament, either by pecuniary ll 'ereiZ r u .Ygrantin g to our countrymen certain peculiar com vegrett Privileges in their trade with Turkey. While he . thus 4 ,dOp te r that the proposition of Turkey was not at that time - Lord 'he was free to admit that the position of the it mos t w a, a difficult one. But, while he owned this, it was te e , oilit ortunate that the offer of Turkey was not accepted. th e aff.usaia herself was urgent at the time that - ire should take i n her 4 s ir s f Turkey into lir hands by au armed interference e th e - if .aro te .., i The battle of Corea preceded the treaty . of the 1ii.e!,.... ueosiradquraitnbcC, o al n i st t a h l e iti e n v o et e s; but where was the British Ani l). that went before that battle, and % to that Poi eted treat y ? He believed that Lord Ponsonby was ay tie, Ambassador to Turkey in December, 1828. He was }led44 .v Naple. Where was he in January, February, March, 0 Phrii following ? Certainly not at Constantinople, w hen oft° have been, to watch the important events (C t : , for he only arrived there on the 2d of May.- tr En er i s ' ) He did not say that this absence of the Ambassador ei seu ! and from the scene of his embassy, under such important othergistatices, could not be accounted for by illness, or some eever. ,unavoidable circumstance ; but certain it was that he ne w e'lad beard it accounted for.—( Loud cheers.) He would :rusi te ° „ rn e to the difficult and embarrassing situation in which 4 ty er - J aa was at present placed. The independence . of Tur aeost i an object about which he felt most anxious. It was other-cr,'Portant, not alone for the interests of England, but of li ons '0 wers that of Turkey should be secure. Her rela itepe,with Russia required the deepest attention. It was the tot e l at ive duty 0 the f Noble' Lord to ascertain how far the dtjuoclsoawinat:eiasgeairn:etotyrhe Allied Powers, grounded on their con- O n 4 ° l the Danub rere true. With .. respect to the naviga e, the Treaty of Adrianople c . ould . not affect fee , (4 ) but there were other treaties by which it might be af es,pe and they should be well and maturely considered. With hav e e , e t to Poland he did not see how the Noble Lord Could 6 0 , - ;well acted otherwisetthai he had done. It was a qutese seto'olvd in thet dth f , time expres s the rcaYof hVienna, but he must at the ~,,t-liaring the Noble surpriseLor e e i f i elt l upona former occasion at ie had received no . co _ it becations from Cracow on vo t w he t subje c t of the occupation of th e . th Is, Allied Powers. It was by no means creditable to N e e °b le Lord or to the t Nothing stboortooftehlivdaiz A s sable necessity should Zuuncrey.this country eeilieg,arded the present motion, he saw no general object that Doi0()00 gained by it. He should much prefer leaving the M. the responsibility of the Noble Lord. PossibIyARBURTON said the House should consider the them "nsequenees before they agreed to this motion. Let ,%ild,lnnaintain the independence a Cracow as long as they tin a "by war, but through moral agency, and by sending tsithg;nt there. The short recipe for extending their trade fee ° , I ° VeY, lied preventing Russia from injuring it; was to Thi_ rwrportation from Turkey, by moderating their duties. vent; uld increase the comforts of both countries, and pre_ f was , ,ir, B ' &rot e i hi • HOY doubted whether any benefit would arise tiaed by Rug ru ntion• He believed that the quarantine laws were Purs ued Russia for political purposes, but the same course was In estabebY,4ngland. The conduct of Russia on the Danube, M r. " s blag a quarntine, was a just ground of remonstrace. ll ° .11311CKa said the people of r England sufferedn se. rious difficulties from the last war, and in this time of peace they ought to consider seriously what might be the result of a war. He laid it down as a general principle that England ought not to interfere with the politics of Europe for the idle and nonsensical purpose of maintaining the balance of power. Their power was insular, and they should not attempt to at tack others until they were attacked. They ought to follow the example of the United States--a commercial nation like themselves. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman quoted the authority of Washington in proof that it was advisable for a nation like America to have as little political connexion with other countries as possible, and said that the same rule would equally apply to England. The Hon. Gentleman had di vided his motion into two parts. The one related to the Poles, and the other to the injury which had been, as he al leged, inflicted by Russia on our trade. As to the first part of the motion, it was perfectly obvious that it had nothing whatever to do with British interests, nor did the Hon. Gen tleman say more in reference to it than that this country was bound by treaty to defend the rights of the people of Poland. His opinion was that humanity, like charity, began at home. —(Hear, hear.) War with England would—in point of fact—be war with the whole civilized world ; and was it because the Poles had made an unsuccessful attempt at revolt, that war was to extend itself from pole to pole, to every quarter of the globe? The Poles had failed in their attempt, and they must bear the consequences, for that was the condition upon which parties had always engaged in re volution or rebellion. Much has been said about the ancient partition of Poland ; but he regarded it as a change from a mere aristocratic power to absolute despotism. He was at a loss to understand what the Hon. Gentleman sought by his proposition, inasmuch as the Noble Lord had told him that it was the intention of the Government to send a party to Cracow. If his object was to irritate Russia, he could not have devised a more effectual means of attaining that ob ject. The Hon. Gentleman admitted that, instead of dimi nishing, our commerce had increased. Was this evidence of aggression. " Oh, but," said the Hon. Gentleman, " I shall go across the Black Sea to the mouth of the Danube, and there show you that tolls are exacted, to the great injury of our commerce." The assertion of the Hon. Gentleman was the only evidence they had of the fact which he stated ; but, even admittin g it to be true, how were they to determiue the intention with which that of which he complained had been imposed.—( Hear, hear.) He thought that the King's Minis ters should be left to prosecute their inquiries, and ascertain whether it was necessary to take any steps or not, without coming down three several times to thrust into that House a violent declamation against Russia ; and upon what ? Why, upon the mere assertions of two Hon. Members relative to matters which, up to the present time, had not been mentioned to any one Minister of the Crown.—( Hear. ) Sir R. PEEL—Sir, I beg leave to state, for my own part, my entire and unqualified concurrence, not in the arguments or opinions of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, but in the practical conclusion at which that Hon. and Learned Gentleman has arrived. If the Hon. Member for Lancaster will withdraw his motion, I for one shall not oppose his doing so ; but if he will not withdraw it, if he have resolved on pressing it to a division, all 'I can say is, that it shall have the opposition of my vote, because in much that has fallen from the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath I am bohnd to concur. In the first place, I am bound to agree with what the Hon. and Learned Gentleman has stated, as to the extreme caution which should be exercised, before a step is taken which may involve this country in a war ; and, in the next, as to the unfitness of a popular assembly entertain ing such a subject. On these points, Sir, I feel that I must concur with the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath; but I cannot agree with him in other points of his speech, be cause, for instance, I cannot, like him, ground my opposi tion to the motion of the Hon. Member for Lancaster on any such principle as that England should withdraw from all con nection with the Continent. For my part, Sir, lam one of those who are anxious to preserve the balance of power in Europe, who think that the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe is not a matter with respect to which the Government of this country ought to be indifferent.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman states, Sir, that war with England is tantamount to war with the whole of the civilised world, and if so—if, as he says, the spark once lighted up by us, would involve the whole civilised world in conflagra tion—surely, so far from being inconsistent with good policy, his Majesty's Government would not be doing their duty if they did not do all in their power to cultivate the favourable opinion of their allies.—(Cheers.) Sir, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman has quoted for us the example of Ame rica ; but does such an example necessarily lay down a rule by which we can be guided ? I contend that it does net. It is wholly impossible that we can emancipate ourselves from European politics, and, therefore, the doctrine which might have been good, as America was circumstanced at the time, could have no application whatever to this country. Sir, the Honourable Member for Bridport has expressed his alarm at the hostile manifesto contained not in the resolu tion but in the speech of the Hon. Member for Lancaster; arid I must say that a more harmless motion was never followed by a more warlike speech than that which we have heard from the Hon. Gentleman. It is not necessary et present for us to go into the matter, because the Noble Lord ( Palmerston) says that it is the intention of the Government to recommend his Majesty to send a diplomatic agent to Cra cow. The resolution of the Hon. Gentleman, after stipula ting for the sending of a diplomatic, agent to Cracow, goekon to say--" And that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to take such steps as to his Majesty may seem best adapted to protect and extend the commercial interests of Great Britain in Turkey and the Euxine." Why, Sir, it is the bounden duty of the Government to do this in the Black Sea as well as in the Euxine. It is the duty of the King, as well as the universal rule, that the interests of the commerce of this country shall not only be extended but protected by every possible means ; and if the Government are incapable of acting up to that principle, the power which they hold should be taken from them and placed in other hands.--(Loud cheers.) Now, Sir, I object to the course which the Hon. Gentleman has taken, and the difference between the terms of his motion and his speech. His speech was wholly directed against Russia, and although I do not stand here to defend Russia against any acts of aggression which she may have committed—if, indeed, she have committed any—l still must be permitted to say, that if the House of Commons is to in terpose its authority in such cases in future Parliaments, I concur with the Hon. Member for Bath in thinking that before we do so official proof of such aggressions ought to be absolutely necessary.—(Cheers.) Before, Sir, I consent to any thing of the kind, I must have the documents and treaties before me. Until then, certainly, I shall not be content to tell the King that injustice has been done to England and reparation refused, and that we (the House of Commons) are ready to support his Majesty in any steps he may think tit to adopt for obliging compliance with his demand for redress.— ( Loud cheers.) This, Sir, is the course which I think the House of Commons ought to pursue when an interposition is called for, and this is the course which, when we are involved in war, when the day of real danger comes, will give to the voice of the House of Commons the weight throughout Europe which it ought to have, and which it has ever up to the present moment had.—( Cheers.) Sir, if we are to inter fere at all, let us interpose directly and openly—let us state the extent to which we mean to go—for it should not be for gotten that there is no interval between leaving delicate matter of this kind to the discretion of the Government, and coming forward with a vote of want of confidence in them. With re spect to holding out menaces, all I can say is that I never will be a party to any such proceeding.—( Great cheering.) That is not the means by which the honour and dignity of the coun try can be maintained or war avoided. It is not only the in terest of Great Britain, but of the whole civilized world, that peace should be preserved throughout Europe ; but Sir, while I say this, I am free to admit that if a foreign Power were to insult England, and refuse us reparation, it would be our duty to assume our proper attitude and station, and to exhibit a firm determination to resort to that last appeal—to arms, the greatest calamity which can befal a nation—unless justice were done to us. Before I conclude I must say a word upon that part of the speech of my Hon. Friend which related to the treaty of Adrianople. He appeared to me to cast upon the Government of the Duke of Wellington a reflection that it had not taken sufficient steps to counteract the influence which Russia was held to, have acquired under that treaty. I must protest, however, against now judging of that treaty by the feelings which we now entertain towards Russia, for although II e now entertain a just and well-founded appre hension of the consequences of the hostile intentions which Russia is presumed to hold towards us, it must not forgotton that at the time when that treaty w as con cluded we were closely and cordially co-operating with Russia in securing the independence of Greece.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Duke of Wellington and myself 'assumed the direction of the Government in 1828, and as regarded Russia we were certainly not perfectly free agents. By the treaty of July, 1829, this country, France, and Russia had contracted a common obligation to put an end to the disturb ances in the Levant, and to guarantee the independence of ,Greece. That treaty was not finally brought to a close, in consequence of the rupture in 1828. With respect to that war I will say, without for a moment adopting or wisnmg to adopt any expression of undue conciliation towards Russia, that it originated out of an act ,of gross provocation on the part of Turkey—an act of provocation which I believe was offered to Russia for the purpose of disrupting the alliance of the three Powers. The manifesto on that occasion can only be accounted for on the presumption that war would not ac tually take place, that Russia might safely be defied, for that France and England would not take part in any hostilities. But we felt it our duty to persevere and adhere to the treaty; in fact we had no option. We deprecated the separate hos tilities of Russia against Turkey. We felt the great dif ficulty of that Power acting as a neutral Power in one part of Europe, and as a belligerent Power in another ; but, on the other hand, we felt that to withdraw would be to put an end to Greek independence, and we therefore thought it most advisable to keep the treaty. The Honourable and Gallant Admiral said that the advance on Adrianople might have been prevented ; and he is under the impression that Russia made a proposal to England and France to unite with her in hostilities against Turkey. But the answer of France and England was, " We have no cause of hostility against Turkey ; the treaty never contemplated it ; and the ground of complaint you have does not extend to us." But the pro position made at that time to Russia had reference to the oc cupation of Moldavia and Wallachia by Russian troops, and we told Russia, that if such was done, it was impossible to cal culate what would be the result of so important a movement on the Turkish empire. But suppose we had assented to the Proposition of Russia, and that Russia had advanced into the provinces in question, what security should we have had that xve should no t h ave been parties to operations which would ire annihilat e d T u rkey, and have le ft her a prey to Russia? will ask the Gallant Admiral, whether be thinks it would have been wise in us to have guaranteed the secu r ity of Turkey, unless we had been supported in that course by other co'intries ? The Hon. and Gallant Member seems to think J ~' THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, APRIL 21, 1536. little of the Russian force at that time, and that there were not more than 1,500 serviceable men at Adrianople. Whv, if that was the state of the Russian forces, what must have been the state of Turkey, that she was unable to oppose them ?—( Hear, hear.) Where was the ground for our undertaking single-handed the defence of Turkey, if other countries were not prepared to do so too ? I think that no thing would have justified our going alone to war with Russia, for the purpose of securing the independence of Turkey ; although, on the other hand, I by no means wish to undervalue the importance of that object, for, on the contrary, I hope and believe that the other Powers of Europe will see how desirable for their interest will be the maintenance of that independence. lam certainly of opinion that the speech of the Hon. Mover has not been conclusive in proving the necessity for our inter ference. He says that since the treaty of Adrianople our trade in that quarter has increased; but he should show why it has increased, and how. Has it increased because of the delicacy of our relations with Russia—on account of these motions—these menacing motions—(hear, hear)—on account of the uneasiness and the uncertainty of our position as re gards Russia and Turkey ?—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gen tleman has told us what is the position of Mr. Garnett, and I hope that by withdrawing his present motion, and abstaining from future motions of a like nature, he will do away with the causes of those fears which that respectable gentleman enter tains on the subject of the uncertainty of our relations with Russia.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) But, on the other hand, the Hon. Gentleman will find me perfectly prepared to advocate our going to war when the day of real peril arrives.—( Cheers. ) Mr. •C. FERG US SON said that from his own personal knowledge he could bear testimony to .the fact that the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs bad not adopted the course of sending a consul to Cracow in consequence of fear, arising out of the immediate pressure of circumstances, but that he (Mr. C. Fergusson) had on a former occasion pressed on the Noble Lord the importance of having a consul at Cra cow as being a central point for observation, and for deriving information on the affairs of Poland, the Noble Lord having previously entertained the same idea. The subsequent reso lution, therefore, of the Noble Lord was the result of his own mind and free will. While on his legs he could not help ob serving on the fact that the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath had been the first to defend the partition of Poland.— ( Hear, bear.) The Hon. and Learned Member for Bath had also taken up another position, equally untenable—that this country ought not to interfere in the politics of Europe—a proposition which, if acceded to, would strike at once at the root of the surpassing grandeur of Britain, which was based on that very system of interference which the Hon. and Learned Member so much deprecated. It was the maxim of British politicians that we must not wait till we were attacked, but be prepared to commence hostilities so soon as the dis position to aggression was manifested by foreign Powers. It must not be forgotten in this discussion that it would not be for Cracow that this country would go to war should that be the result of the present and recent manifestations, but that the discussion embraced a much wider range. He hoped, how ever, that the Hon. Member would withdraw his motion. Sir E. CODRINGTON and Sir R. PEEL mutually ex plained. Mr. ROEBUCK denied that be had been the apologist of the partition of Poland. What he said was, that although the act was bad, yet that the consequences of it had been be neficial. Mr. P. M. STE WART, in reply, said that his object had been to impress upon the House that we had a valuable and increasing trade with Turkey in spite of all the disadvantages with which it had to contend, and that it was necessary for us to watch over that trade, and to endeavour to avert the danger which hung over it in consequence of the violation of the Treaty of Adrianople. He was glad to find, from the course of the debate, that the Noble Lord (Palmerston) had acceded to the first proposition he had made, and was disposed in part to accede to the second ; for he had given him to understand that it was iu contemplation to extend the line of consular appoint ments towards Persia from the Euxine. This being the case, lie should withdraw his motion. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at half-past Twelve o'clock. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMARKET FIRST SPRING MEETING, WEDNESDAY. Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 soya. each, for three yrs old. D. M. Mr. Sowerby's St. Luke . Wheatley 1 Lord Chesterfield's c. by Velocipede The following also started, but were not placed : Mr. Greville's Cicero, Mr. Forth's Brother to St Nicholas; Lord Lichfield's Arbaces, Sir M. Wood's f. by Bustard, out of Clare ; Mr. Houldsworth's b. f. by Emilius, out of Flush, Colenel Peel's The Professor, and Mr. Wilson's f. by Emilius, or Comus, out of Silvertail. Betting-7 to 2on Arbaces, 7t02 on Lord Chesterfield's c. by Velocipede (taken); 6 to 1 on St. Luke, 4 to 1 on The Professor, and stol on Mr. Houldsworth's f. by Emilius. Won by a length. Sweepstakes of 100 sovs. each, h. ft. ; 300 sovs. will be paid, in addition, to the winner. Last three miles of B.C. 11 Subs. Mr. Cookes's Sheet Anchor ...Robinson 1 Lord Chesterfield's Hornsea 2 Mr. Mostyn's Birdlime The following also started, but were not placed :—Mr. Etwall's Revenge, Mr. Sowerby's Rioter, Lord Warwick's Pelops. and Mr. S. Stan!ey's Tiber. Betting-7 to 4on Hornsea, 4tol on Birdlime, 7tol on Sheet Anchor (taken) ; 8 to 1 on Revenge ; 10 to 1 on Pelops; and 5 to 4 asst Tiber (taken). Won by two lengths Tuesday Night. Arrivals—Duke of Portland, Duke of Rutland, Duke of Grafton, Marquis and Marchioness of Exeter, Earl and Countess of Chester field, Earl and Countess'Wilton, Earl Jersey, Earl Uxbridge; Lords Manners, G. Manners, Berners, Godolphin, Villiers, S. Osborne, J. Fitzroy, C. Fitzroy ; Sirs C. Watson, J. Shelley, S. Graham and Lady, M. Wood and Lady. C. Coote, D. Baird ; Hons. Gen. and Mrs. Grosvenor, Col. and Mrs. Anson, Captain and Lady Byng, A. Villiers, S. Wortley, B. Craven ; Messrs. C. Wilson, Ettwall, G. Walker, Thornhill, Hawker, Irby, Clive, C. Greville, Thornhill, jun., Portman, D. Radcliffe, Worrall, Gully, Towneley, Stonehewer, Newton, Batson, Waddington, Fitzroy, Neville, Crommelin, S. Stanley, M. Campbell, Sowerby, Ricardo, Gardner, Payne, Fairlie, E. Peel, and a host of others, whose names we could not ascertain. The Two Thousand Guineas Stakes was, in all its features, one of the most important events that has been run at Newmarket for the last twenty years. The betting was amazingly heavy, the race almost unequalled in severity, and the company assembled to wit ness it equal to any that has ever been seen here on any similar oc casion. To try the nerves of the speculators and annoy those who had to obey that troublesome thing " a call of the House," two or three false starts took place : they then got off well together, Elis lcading at a rattling pace, followed closely by the Lamplighter colt and Brother to Nell Gwynne, the others running in good places to the end of the T.Y:C. , w here the y shut u p ; the Lamplighter colt maintained his position to the bushes, where he also cried " pec- cavi," leaving the race to the two favourites. Brother to Nell Gwynne now began to draw upon Elis, and at the bottom was head to head with him, Elis at this time, to all appearance, had the best of the race. The struggle up the rise to the chain was one of the finest ever seen, and finished so near a thing that neither of the jockies knew which had won ; it was given to Lord Jersey by a neck, the Lamplighter colt coming in about three lengths be hind Elis, the other three were beaten a long way, having pulled up on finding their chances out. The pace was very fast through out. In the last race Zingaro fell lame, and was beaten four lengths. BETTING AFTER THE RACES. THE PORTLAND HANDICAP, P.P. (TO-MORROW.) to 2 agst Mr. S. Stanley's Tiber—taken 5 to 2 agst Lord Chesterfield's Hornsea 4 to 1 agst Mr. Mostyn's Birdlime 7 to 1 agst Mr. Etwall's Revenge 103 t t o o a 1 o g g s s - t t Mr. Lo Co rdNv oke's a rwi o S k ht s e e pe A lo ll p ChOr Pelops THI DRIEST. 2to I agst Ld Jersey's Brother to-Nell Gwynne—takes to 2 2 to 1 agst Mr. Osbaldeston's Ebberston—take 7 to 1 20 to 1 agst Mr. Batson's Taisliteer—take 25 to 1 25 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Slane OAICS. 10 to 1 agst Mr. Houldsworth's Destiny—taken Offers to take 12 to 1 about Marmalade. PIGEON SHOOTING. The Red House inclosure was yesterday well attended, it being the day appointed for shooting off the Silver Vase match, open to all England. On the last occasion four of the gentlemen tied, viz. Mr. Taylor, Mr. Horlock, Mr. Swayne, and Mr..Bromley. The latter gentleman was but an indifferent hand at pigeons, although unquestionably a good field shot, until the Chalk Farm match, when he killed ten out of twelve. The match was at twenty-five yards rise, twelve birds each, five traps. 3.1 r. Bromley killed nine, Mr. Taylor nine, Mr. Swayne six, and Mr. Horlock five. In shooting off the tie Mr. Bromley resigned in the ninth round, kill ing three. He had certainly very difficult birds, and Mr. Taylor, on the contrary, very easy ones. The betting was 7t04 on the gun. Mr. Taylor was the favourite at sto 4 against the field. • ACCIDENT ON THE MANCHESTER RAILWAY. — We are happy to find that, to avoid the possibility of similar accidents on the London and Greenwich Railway, Mr. Walter, the Managing Director, has been engaged for some time past in so altering the frames of the carriages that, should an axis break, the fall of the carriage would not be more than three inches, and their being upset rendered impossible. The newly invented break for stopping the engine, which was yesterday exhibited to Dr. Lardner, Mr. Milne, the celebrated engineer, and several Members of Parliament, must ensure perfect safety to the passengers on that road. NEWMARKET PALACE.—There are many curious historical documents connected with the town of Newmarket which, notwithstanding its name, show it to be a place of great antiquity. It is first mentioned in 1227 (12 Henry III.), and probably took its name from a market then established,thoug h no enrolment of its charter has hithero been discovered. Newmarket palace was originally built by James 1., for the purpose of enjoying the amusement of hunting, and to this house was his unfortunate successor, Charles 1., conveyed a prisoner by the Parliamentarians, in 1647, where he remained about ten days. During the civil wars the house as well as racing h a d f a llen into decay ; but on the restoration both re vived under the patronage of " the Merry Monarch," who rebuilt the " house" for his better accommodation, and hence it has the appellation of a Royal "palace," the King making g it his ab o d e , an d not only personally attendin the races, but, according w ith J o hn Evelyn, keeping and en tering horses in his ow n name ; an d then the glory of Newmarket, so long obscured, again shone in meridian splendour.—Sporting Ma gazine. says--,,was THE C OCKLE T R A DE .—An Oversands correspon dentwas informed by t h e gu id e that for the last twenty we eks not On crossing Lancaster Sands the other day I less than 100 carts load of cockles have gone over every week for the manufacturing districts of Yorkshire and Lan cashire, the weight of which would be little short of fifty tons. It has been usual to notice twenty tons a-week during the carrying months these some years back, but to the present quantity no former period affords a parallel. I suppose the trade will cause an annual circulation of 3,000/. in the neigh bourhood."--Kendal Mercury. LITERATURE. EDINBURGII REVIEW, No. CXXVIL Longman, London, 1836. Miss Baillie's recently published three volumes of tragedies, forms the subject of one of the cleverest arti cles in this Number. The Reviewer takes exact mea sure of her dramatic capabilities ; and the frequent passages which lie quotes from her works, fully bear out his a ssertions, that she is one of the most nervous and consummate tragic writers we have had since the days of Shakspeare. There is indeed much of this great writer's spirit in Miss Baillie's plays. Like him, her plots are always progressing ; she keeps too the main end constantly in view ; and seldom or never intrudes a superfluous incident or character. Her dramas are not highly finished detached scenes, strung together without order or 'propriety ; but planned deli berately, and worked out with the most scrupulous regard to keeping and consistency. Occasionally they lag ; but this not from redundancy of description or poetic garniture, but simply because they are over laid with matter. In this respect they present a striking contrast to the tragedy of " Ion," which is also noticed in this Number, and which halts in every scene, from the writer's excessive anxiety to be de scriptive and imaginative, when he should be stern, sententious, and impassioned. "Ion" is a fine dramatic poem, but a very sorry tragedy. It is full to overflow ing of all that a poet should, and a dramatist should not, have. The characters all talk when they should .be acting, and appear never satisfied, or in their ele ment, but when they are making similies, or luxuriat ing in vague descriptions. Yet, if we except these defects, modern times have not produced a nobler work than "lon,"—one more graceful in its style, more refined in its sentiments, or more elevated in the gene ral cast of its thought. " Capefigue's History of the Reformation and of the League" adds little to one's stock of knowledge on the subject—for who is not well acquainted with this singular and interesting por tion of French history ?—but institutes a shrewed com parison between the Leaguers and the Orangemen : " There are no occurrences in the religious wars of France more interesting to us, and more pregnant with instruction, than the formation of the League, and the calamities that flowed from it. At ,this very moment we are threatened with a visitation of the same kind. After slumbering for a cen tury in apathy and indifference, the Protestants of Ireland have suddenly emerged into zeal and activity. Many of them, heated by controversial discourses, and inflamed by itinerant (maws, have become zealots and fanatics in good earnest. Others are influenced solely by their fears of losing the political ascendency they have so long abused. All profess a furious and bigoted aversion to those who differ from theM in reli gious faith. Following the example of the Catholics of France in the time of Henry 111., they have formed themselves into unions or associations exclusively Protestant; and so deeply are they embued with the intolerant and uncharitable spirit of the 16th century, that, like Paul IV., they have no confidence in the sincerity of any man's conversion from religious error, and refuse to admit any. one into their lodges who has ever been a Catholic. From small and contemptible beginnings, in a remote and obscure province, they are now extensively diffused over the empire ; and threaten to become as formid able to the state, and as destructive to the peace and order of society, as ever the League was in France. The constitution and spirit of the two associations arc alike. Hatred of a rival sect, and implicit submission to their leaders, are the funda mental principles of both." • _ _ _ Towards the close of the article, in pourtraying the character of Henry the Fourth, the most thorough Frenchman that ever sate on the throne of that king dom, the Reviewer very properly strips that " ambi guous monarch" of much of the false splendor that has been thrown around him ; and shows that he wanted self-respect, frankness, and gratitude. But these are qualities that France will always forgive him, in consi deration of his characteristic flirtation with " la belle Gabrielle." In the notice of the " Memoirs of Sir Humphry Davy," the Reviewer does justice to a philo sopher, who, towards the close of his life, was the subject of not a little unmerited calumny. The article is an interesting one, and will well repay a careful perusal. " The Irish Tithe Question" is discussed just at the fitting season, and with a moderation and sagacity that do credit to the writer's head and heart. " Sir John Walsh's Chapters of Contemporary History" exposes the pretensions of this would-be historian in a slashing, tranchant style, but not more so than the Conservative Baronet demands. We have seldom seen bombast, sophistry, and self-conceit more success fully exposed. Sir John, we suspect, will smart long under the lash of this expert critical drummer, who lays it on with praise-worthy vigor and alacrity. The notice of " Von Raumer's Letters on England," con tains nothing that calls for particular comment ; and the Oxford Malignants and Dr. Hampden," though ably treated, is a subject that has lost much of its in terest and importance. Altogether the Number is a clever one, though, with the exception of the review of Miss Baillie's Plays, it contains no one article of su perior desert. A DAY IN THE WOODS. Smith. London, 1836. This is a collection of tales and poems, the produc tion of Thomas Miller, a basket maker. They show considerable powers of fancy and feeling, and we hope will become popular. The best article in the volume is one which appeared a short time since in a weekly periodical, and is entitled the " Clouds." COWPER'S WORKS. VoL. Baldwin. London, 1836. Southey's Memoir of the author of the " Task " is here brought to a conclusion. The most interesting— or at any rate the most novel portion of it, so far as this volume is concerned—is the sketch of Hayley and his visitors at Eartham, among whom were Cowper and Gibbon, two names which will live as long as the English language shall endure. The embellishments are two in number, one of which, a view of the Ches nut Avenue from the Rustic Bridge, which, it may be remembered figures in the first book of the " Task," bas been executed by Allen in a very superior manner. NATIONAL EDUCATION. 2 Vols. C. Knight. London, 1836. Mr. Hill, the author of these volumes, has furnished us with a most useful practical treatise, on the present state and prospects of national education in England, which those will do well to read, who are constantly throwing out sneers against what they ironically call cc the march of mind," as being productive of no earthly benefit to the community. The author here shows, by a body of documentary evidence, which there is no gainsaying, the immense advantages that have already accrued to the country from the diffusion of education and proves that the institution of Mechanics' Institutes in the larger towns and cities, has been the means of improv ing the health and morals, by drawing them away from the public-house, or the beer-shops, of hundreds of operatives. Th e materials of the work are we ll di gested, an d the subject itself is one of absorbing in terest. at Ib Mr. d --- ------------ . an Mrs. Temple West have arrived H --o tel, Vere-street, from a continental tour. T HE EXILE AND CONVERSATIONS OF NAPO LE he n ew , c h eap , an d embellished edit ion of this most itl teresting work of the Count Las Cases, which forms a ne cessary been "rapaniork to all other histories of the French Emperor, ha just brought to a close by the publication of the tbvccelitieth shilling part. This concluding part, which is em bellished with three plates, _, o tainin gcorrespondence with the English and Continental G 'ernrnents on the subject of the treatment of the illustrious captive. In the same number of the work are given a variety of curi ous dehils respecting the d eath, funeral, and last will of the fallen Emperor. POST -OFFICE, SCOTLAND.—Ii appears by a Parliamentary Return, that since th e 9th of November, 1833, a mail has been dis atched six day s weekl y from Edinburgh by steam_ packets fr p om Newhave n to Kirkcaldy; and from that period no instance has ever occurred when the passage has not been effected either to Kirkcaldy, or Pettycur, or to purntisland. TO THE ELECTORS OF WEST- MINSTER Vittoria, April 8, 1836. Gentlemen,—Several weeks have now elapsed since the re-assembling of Parliament, during which, venturing to count on your indulgence, I have absented myself from my post as one of your Representatives. In the interim I have received several letters from esteemed friends, personal and political, of your body. From the kind tenor of these letters, I feel permitted to infer, that though unable at once to repair to my place in the House, I am yet considered by you as practically contending here for the same great principles of amelioration and reform, in the most generous and comprehensive sense, of which you, the electors of Westminster, the pre-eminent constituency of the empire, have ever been the foremost, warmest, and most powerful advocates ; and that from the prevalence of this favourable view of the cause of my absence, it was even probable that a further indulgence would be granted me, on the condition of being able to promise my attendance during a remaining portion of the session. It is my earnest wish to fulfil, if possible, this condition, nor do I despair of being able to do so. • I would, however, submit, in extenuation, that my time of absence has, after all, been only from the commencement of this session, a period of leave often granted on far lighter, and even personal grounds, or even in cases of indisposition ; while on the other hand, I may place in the opposite scale a balance in my favour of the whole interval of the recess, during which I have been labouring under no ordinary anxieties and respon sibilities in the general cause—while my brother Members were, perhaps, for the most part during the same period en joying a needful recreation or repose, after their previous fa tigues. May I not even add, in support of this plea, that if the conduct of our opponents be any criterion, instead of being a truant to the public service, I have in reality been promoting it with more than ordinary effect. When supporting in the Legislature your opinions and my own, I have usually had my full share of those attacks to which public men are exposed ; but from the first moment of undertaking my present task, there have been no bounds to the rage and virulence incessantly directed against us, by the well known partisans of ancient abuses ! Can I offer you, my friends, a more unimpeachable test of the probable utility of our efforts—a better apology for the temporary abeyance of my functions as your servant—or a stronger reason for even hoping that I have merited your ap proval? You will naturally expect from me an opinion respecting the progress of this contest. The laws, manners, and customs of the small mountain pro vinces in this corner of the Peninsula, in which alone the in surrection continues with any degree of consistency, have no affinity or resemblance whatever to those of any other part of Spain. They comprehend a fiftieth part of the population, and not a hundreth part of the territory of the kingdom. Ac knowledging ostensibly the authority of the Sovereign, the civil and financial administration has in reality been for ages in the hands of a few dozen cf the more wealthy families, who hold their offices by election. This total peculiarity of system, together with an almost recognised monopoly of smuggling . at the expense of the national treasury, has produced local in terest and feeling, correspondingly distinct from, and at variance with those of the rest of the country ; these provinces, therefore, afford no index of the disposition of the people south of the Ebro. Despotism and the inquisition—represented as they too truly are by the unfortunate and bigotted Prince whose pre tended rights are made the rallying point of this rebellion, after having been driven from the plains, after having been formally and legally denounced by the constituted organs of the nation, -after being all but expelled from Western Europe—thus find their last refuge amongst the least oppressed, it is true by former tyranny, but also the least enlightened part of the kingdom. This, however, there is every reason to believe, will not much longer continue—as there is no doubt it is mainly attributable to the delusions practised on the people on the one hand, and to some original want of address on the other. In short, it is evident that these factious mountaineers have no direct interest in placing a Despot on the Throne of Spain, or in restoring the frightful institution of Loyola—the more crafty and influential of whom among the villagers being sup posed to be solely intent on preserving, within their own limits, the profitable advantages of the local administration and con traband commerce hitherto enjoyed by them—the poorer class contributing to the* same end under a persuasion sedulously impressed on them, that all Liberals are sacriligious destroyers of religion. They arc now, however, it is well known, beginning to feel bitterly the oppressive consequences imposed by the attempt of resisting the united and constantly increasing forces of the Queen's Government. Gradually as this adventitious, almost accidental, support, is withdrawn from the ranks of the Pretender, it will be seen how few arc his real advocates, how truly are his cause and principles repudiated by the great mass of Spaniards of the present day. To the lasting honour of the grandees and higher nobi lity-, with at most, I believe, one unimportant exception, they have espoused, on this great occasion, the cause of Reform, of their Queen, and country. In a case of passing to po pular institutions, such an instance of enlightened and almost unanimous public spirit, is worthy of the highest commendation. Then, again, with regard to the property of the country By the present electoral law, some twenty or thirty of the most wealthy is each district possess the franchise and elect c members Under this law, which was formed by what is termed the moderate party, not a majority, but almost the whole body of the representatives just returned, are understood to be decided supporters of legal and constitutional Government. What can possibly be more tuiequivocal in regard to the tendency and in- fiuence of property ! - Of the loyalty of the majority of the people, the cheerfulness, the alacrity and perfect good will with which the recent levy of 70,000 recruits for the army has been accomplished, with cut the slightest compulsory means, appears to me to be an ample practical proof. As to the respectable middle classes, in all the towns of the least consideration, they are as one body (scarcely even excepting those of the insurrectionary districts) heartily devoted to the general good. But there are still, it is true, a minority of ignorant, per verse, interested or infatuated persons, opposed to all reforma tion ; but such also is the case in free and Constitutional Englarid. But the above facts, concurrent too as they are with the signal events of 1812, 1820, and 1832, are surely, on the subject of the real bias of public opinion, decisive and irresistible. Then arc not France, England, and Portugal the States which surround by sea and land this country ? Either of the two former, perhaps, more powerful than any other in the world, both now—for the first time on record—united, not in ambitious or base league against the liberties or independence of other nations, but in a noble, secure, and benevolent course of foreign policy—are they not, I say, indissolubly bound by treaty, by the honour of their Sovereigns, by their own imperative interests, to sustain the Queen's cause ? How superficial or unreflecting, then, must those be, who can for a moment even waver in their opinions as to the issue of these affairs. - - The insurgent troops are excellent marchers, and good skir mishers, in their woods or mountains, but otherwise of an infe rior organization ; besides which, they are now becoming out numbered by the Queen's forces in the proportion probably of three or four to one. They as yet occupy an advantageous central portion of the theatre of operations, consisting of an immense group of mountains, which, by their peculiar configu ration may be considered almost of the character of a fortress, or of a series of strong positions. But however strong their positions may be, they constantly , avoid decisive affairs, offensive or defensive, when there is any thing like a parity of numbers. A force incapable of acting in the plains, which, were they to attempt to pass the Ebro, except in in small predatory bands, would be immediately trampled on, or dispersed by the Queen's cavalry alone, have been thus enabled, from the nature of the operations, and under protection of their fastnesses, to make a protracted resistance. The Queen's army, which is now daily and rapidly aug menting, while the resources of the enemy arc exhausted and dried up, at present moves on a semi-circle fronting these mountains, guarding, as it would appear, the interior of the country from the partisan incursions of the insurgents, and sup ported by a chain of fortified posts on an extension of more than 150 miles. The enemy are therefore blockaded, but they have as yet a considerable though diminished space within which to ma noeuvre and subsist. Unable, or not daring, to pass the line by which they are encircled, they rapidly march and countermarch from one point of the circumference to the other, without, in most in stances, any further object or result than that of some insig nificant skirmish, which, however (though half a dozen men should not have been killed) - becomes duly manufactured into an achievement of consequence, and the news, transmitted in all haste, with suitable embellishments, to the Stock Exchanges of London and Paris. This forms one of the peculiarities of the contest. A great part of their means has been derived through the active and systematic invention, on the frontiers, of imaginary successes.. About a month since, however, when the snow had blocked up and rendered impracticable the passes between Biscay and Alava, a more apparent advantage was gained by their seizing on the villages of Valmaceda and Mercadillo, which were only defensible against musketry, but which, of course, they could not attempt to retain ; for, in fact, the small ancient castle of Guebara, situated on the summit of a scarped rock, is the sole place which they venture to hold as a fortified post. A blockade, however, is unavoidably slow in its effects, offering few or no chances of general actions or affairs. But as so large a force is now assembling, it may no doubt be an ticipated that forward operations will immediately be adopted, such as may reduce them rapidly—probably in a very little time indeed—to dispersion. On this subject, however, I speak but conjecturally. There is no part of the Queen's army, or, I believe, of any other army that ever existed, which appears to have excited so constant, so bitter, so. apparently exasperated a feeling of political hostility as the British Legion. Destitution of discipline —total demoralization—dissolution of the whole corps, or nearly so, by the immoderate use of ardent spirits—plunder, highway robbery, murder, and the soldiers selling their wives, and shooting and eating their own children, are only a few of the imputations industriously cast upon us from the frontiers of France, in London, and even in Madrid. But anonymous, aspersions, whether absurd or atrocious — whether from party motives, private malice, or from Pel ' " discarded from our ranks, are deserving of little notice. Not in. so, however, distinct allegations made in the Sen ate ' stance—in the H ouse o f Lords, the Marquis of Londonderry is reported to have stated that the British Legion went it t) action on the 16th January in a state of intoxication, and tl a. it retreated to Vittoria in the same state, having murdered a considerable number of prisoners. The Noble Marquis is further reported to have declared, that he had in his possession proofs or these charges. In my relative situation as your Representative, you are interested in this matter. lam there-, fore happy to be able to inform you, and also the Noble Per sonage referred to, thus publicly, that there is not one word of truth in the statements attribtved to him. We were not intoxicated—we did not murder unarmed pri soners—we did not retreat to Vittoria. In the debate in the Commons on the same topic, it was gratifying to observe the contrast presented by th e generou s . and becoming manner the . leader of the Opp os iti o n himself—maintai ning himself—maintaing his objections to the policy of the measure under discussion , but evincin g towar ds us, 'who arc here under the unimpeachable sanction of our Sovereign, the true sympathies of a fellow-countryman, thus preferring truth and the national honour to any petty or momentary ad antage a disingenuous pervers ion of facts might give. And as no one of the least consideration joined in the paltry and vague vituperations ven ted on that occasions by others, they seem scarcely worthy of a thought. Nor need Ido more than advert, with similar indifference,.to the no less paltry and dull personalities respecting the motives of those who have entered the Legion, attributed, in the reports of a subsequent debate, to the Earl of Aberdeen. One misapprehension, however, or mis-statement, which I have observed in the public prints, though anony mous, I feel it but an act of justice, particularly as the imputation conveyed br it does not refer to myself, to remove. An aid-de-camp of General Cordova, who was sent to acquaint me of the retirement of the main body of the army from the heights of Arlaban, on the 18th of January, was pre vented from doing so by some intervening parties of the enemy. It is true, therefore, that some delay took place in my being informed of the retrograde movement which had been made, and awkward though not fatal consequences might have occurred. On this purely accidental circumstance has arisen, it would seem, no less than an imputation against the General in-Chief of an intention to compromise his right wino:, which I had the honour of commanding. The absurdity of this inference will be sufficiently shown when I state, that instead of having been exposed, on the retirement of the centre and left, to the least hazard, the General-in-Chief had already detached to reinforce our column, a brigade of 4,000 Guards and 10 battalions of the line. So that at the time when it is alleged we were left intentionally unsup ported, in reality no less than 27 battalions were at my dis posal, one half of which would have been amply sufficient to have repelled, and probably destroyed, the whole Carlist force, could they have been induced to come down from their mountains, which were not distant more than one mile. For four days they were purposely left that option ; when, the weather becoming bad and severe, we did not retreat, but recrossed the Zadorra, for the mere purpose of cantoning in villages more conveniently situated for supplies, five miles in advance of Vittoria, and equally or rather more open to the at tack of the enemy than the position we had left, had they been t.o inclined; and the passage of the river was effected at night, solely to obviate a skirmish during its operation, which, how ever trivial, would, according to custom, have been immedi ately represented in foreign countries as a grand victory. One remark I should wish to make with regard to the sana tory state of this force. Until our arrival at Vittoria, and some time after, it was as tonishingly good. It was I believe unexampled. On reaching Briviesca, we had not twenty cases of sickness ; on reaching this place, less than a hundred. But I lament to say it is true that our hospitals here became eventually crowded, and the effects of an epidemic fever, of the most ri gorous winter I ever experienced, of some harassing unavoid alAe operations, and above all, of privations (which it may be hoped it is no longer necessary to advert to, as they are un likely ever to recur) were severely felt. But there have been on this point, as on others, extreme exaggerations. We find in Napier's admirable •History of the Peninsular War returns of sick of the infantry of the British army at four different pericds as follow : " January 1810, effectives ...20,000—Sick And many in the ranks still tottering from the effects of past illness."—Vol iii. p. 224. " April, 1811, effectives 23,6l3—Siek ... 9,293 October, 1811, do • 99,530 —Sick ...17,974 January, 1812, do. 3o,222—Sick ...11,414 " Compare these proportions with our present, or even past s' ate, which I allow was considerably worse, and it will be seen that there is nothing ia the latter unusual or unpre cedented. The total numerical strength of the British Legion, officers and men, by official returns of this date, is 8,121 Efflxtives at Vittoria and Santander Sick in hospital, officers arid men Convalescent, in great part rapidly recovering, and capable of stationary duty, but not of long marehe i s for two or three weeks to come livalided at Santander and Vittoria, the greater por tion not in consequence of disease contracted in this country, but because of original unfitness for service previous to enlistment It will be seen that, after all that has been said, the propor tion of sick in this force is not so large as was on several oc casions the case with our own great and veteran army in the Peninsular war, completely officered, disciplined, and organized a$ it was before coming into the field, accustomed to the climate, inured to war, supported by all the resources of the British empire, and led by one of the most experienced and illustrious chiefs of modern or ancient times. With regard to the present state of the effectives of the Le gion, the commencement of the milder weather, improvements re the commissariat and euality of provisions, with the arrival learn London and Madrid of an abundant supply of clothing, &c., have wrong& a most rapid improvemmit. The Legion is now in perfect service order, and presents an excel lent appearance. Its discipline and subordiintion are most satisfactory, and in point of exactness and rapidity of evolution Ciere arc no troops in the army of any nation which equal tl:em, and this I am enabled to state on higher and more im partial authority than my own, that of the General-in-Chief or the Forces. According to the best military authorities that I am ac quainted with, three years arc requisite for the complete in struction of a British soldier for duty in the field, and that, too, under the tuition of a sufficient number of experienced iv:it-commissioned as well as commissioned officers. Scarcely three weeks, instead of three years, certainly not three months, 11-al elapsed when the violent English Carlists, or ultra-Tories, began to raise a cry of astonishment and contempt that the British Legion had not already put down the rebellion, • achieved victories, and sustained, with new lustre, the glory of British arms. In the meantime, by the torrents of abuse and calumnies poured upon us, they deterred and intimidated many military men of experieece from giving us their assistance. They did more L-they shamelessly justified and invited the wretched Pretender by they speeches and writings, in and out of Par li to assassinate their countrymen. Such was the tenor, to my humble apprehension, of their language. But the se rene bravery of the British soldier is not thus to Ise moved, nor his arm unnerved. This, though we have not been en gaged in great affairs, is the result of my observation ; and then, when some few of our men have occasionally fallen vic tims to these arts, hypocritical lamentations arc raised, our declining to retaliate goes for nothing, we arc accused, and Ministers are accused, of being the cause of the barbarities perpetrated upon us, and which, though they so loudly ap p eir to deplore, they no less as intelligibly encourage. But to return from this digression. Scarcely was the order in Council permitting and recom mending the levy of 10,000 men for this cause published than a large part of the civilian public seem to have been led to believe that the measure was already realized, that there was nething more to do than to disembark the recruits, and take part at once in all the operations, of whatever description, hich might be in progress. I did not, however, report this force to be in readiness to partake in general operations till our arrival at this point, hi the first week of December, since when we have been always a:dently willing and ready to execute, and have executed, whatever has been assigned to us. And whether the nature of the operations permitted by the circumstances were, or were not, of a brilliant character, forms a ground to us of neither blame nor praise—it being the execution alone for hich we were responsible. Still the exigencies of the ser vice brought us at an earlier period into some partial operations against the enemy. A few weeks after our arrival at San Sebastian, when only a portion of the force had reached Spain, the organization of that portion being yet altogether incipienti Bilboa became closely invested by the insurgents, and we received urgent in s' anccs from the Governor of that important town to come to • its relief, which was agreed to, and the movement was com pletely successful, the enemy abandoning all their positions and entrenchments on the day of our arrival, a Spanish corps having co-operated with us. While embarking, however, the troops for this service (which was expected to present difficulty), it was thought well to bring some of them first into fire under less serious cir cumstances. For this purpose a reconnaisance was made to- • wards Hernani, in conjunction with an equal number of Spa- Irish troops. In returning, the duty of covering the rear of the column devolved on u., which was done with the steadiness of older soldiers. Our casualties of the whole day were but fire killed and twenty-five wounded, a proof to every military man that the troops were not closely engaged on either side, -and that it was but a mere trivial and partial affair. But the Carlists declared it was a great battle and a victory, and the ultra-Tories re-echoed the statement. A few days after arriving at Bilboa, a division of Spanish troops was unexpectedly attacked by the whole cf the insur gent army, double their numbe rs, under Don Carlos, and owing to an unforeseen circumstance in passing a bridge, of the nature of a most intricate defile, were unavoidably thrown • into disorder, and there being no possible space on which to reform them, they were thus obliged to return into the town, closely followed by the enemy, who, profiting by the accident, and thus passed the bridge, and menaced an attack on the place. At cbtracukctioancroosfs the the n ew this moment, luckily, two battalions (not two companies, as h as b ee n stated), the 3d and 6th of the Legion, advanced in brid ge, wrks round tiuccessfully terminated the affair. Bilboa, and leaving it in a perfectly defensible state, b column,After cdor,o.evrei e t he enemy n a !lie enemy as to our line of march, a j • e, amg junction was effected with t i n e army of the Ebro ; thus, contrary to the expectation of our opponents, avoiding the woods or precipices through and be tween which the direct road lay, an the passage of w hich, without an object, might ha • ..f young troops, one-half of whom siously compromised a corpser havin been bust just dis embarked, had then scarcely any other p re t e nsion t o the clia acter of soldiers than the red . coats which they . Since then, w*thwore. Ai b and the exception of the affair of r a an,