The Sun. — London, England, 1836-02-12 00:00:00

the better protection of the Fisheries en the coasts of England and Wales. The Hon. and Gallant Member stated that the Bill was founded on the resolutions of a Committee which sat on the subject in 1833, and that its principle erects were to prevent the aggressions of the French fishing-boats on the English coast, and to protect at a certain season of the year the brooding fish in the bays and shallow waters off the south - cm coast of England. After a few words from Sir Edward Knatchbull, Sir J. Bul ler, Sir J. Reid, and Mr. Poulett Thornton, leave was given to bring in the Bill. PARLIAMENTARY AND MUNICIPAL VOTES. On the motion of Mr. D. W. HARVEY, a return was ordered of the total number of persons qualified to vote for Members to serve in Parliament in each of the cities and boroughs of England and Wales ; also a return of the total number of persons qualified to vote for councillors in each of the cities, boroughs, and towns of England and Wales under the Municipal Reform Act; such returns to be made from the last registration. PARLIAMENTARY BILLS. Mr. HUME, in pursuance of his notice, moved " That all Bills be in future written in plain round hand, instead of black letter." His object was to facilitate the reading and writing of such documents, which were at present difficult to write, and by no means easy to read.—( Hear, hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had no objection to the motion, but thought it should be first com municated to the Lords, as it would be a strange anomaly if the t Bills of me House we re wr i tten i n plain hand, while tho se of other were engrossed in black letter. Mr. FIUME thought the House of Commons should first agree to adopt the new system, and then communicate to the Ho'ase of Lords the determination at which it had arrived. Mr. CHARLES WYNN defended the black letter. \Vherever the ordinary writing of the time had been adopted, i t had, in succeeding generations, been found more difficult to decypher than even the black letter of the earliest periods. The rolls and records from the time of George 11., for in- St ance, were far less liglble than those written three or four centuries preceding, Mr. JERVIS thought there would be no difficulty in fixi ng a model on which the plain round hand could always be formed. Mr, O'CONNELL t h ought that every reason existed in f avour of establishing a new system. The S OLICITOR-GENERAL said they had the expe rience of a century and a half of the advanta ge o f th e p l an re commended by the Hon. Member for Middlesex ; for, during that ti me , th e w h o l e o f t h e proceedings of the Court of Chane ry had been written, not only in plain round hand, but upon pap e r; and whatever other difficulties might arise in understandi ng t h e procee di ngs o f t h at Court, he had never heard that any one had found any serious obstacle in under stat cndin nt g every dinge word of the records of th e C ourt f or the l aseury anhalf. After a few words from Mr. HUME and Mr. GOULBURN, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL observed that the old system of writing was inconvenient. Many Members could not understand it. It often puzzled himself; and he believed that even the printers and the printers' devils could not read it. Sir F. POLLOCK had no objection to the alteration pro posed, if it would tend to the convenience of any Honourable Member. At the same time ho hardly thought it worth while to adopt it. Lord JOHN RUSSELL was understood to support the the resolution, and to approve of the suggestion that all Bills should be re-engrossed, after amendments had been intro duced. Mr. HUME would, with the permission of the House, with draw the resolution he had proposed, and substitute the fol lowing That a Message be sent to the Lords to desire !heir concurrence in the arrangement, that all Bills before Par liament should in future be engrossed in plain round hand, in stead of being in black letter." Col. THOMPSON was of opinion that every document that came before Parliament ought to be printed. The amended resolution was then agreed to. LAW OF LIBEL. a B Mr. O'CONNELL then rose to move for leave to bring in ill to amend the Law of Libel. As this subject would be f ully discussed on the first or second reading of the Bill, he triosted the House would not think it necessary for him now to ,go furth er t h an to state this fact—that every one admitted the taw of libel to be at present in a most unsatisfactory state. The Noble Lord who lately filled the office of Lord Chancellor, was certainly of that opinion ; and the Noble Lord who now filled that office, when in that House, spoke at length and l 'et lt Y ably upon th e same su bj ect. T he obvious necessity of altering the law of libel would be shown, if he were to state nothing else than this fact—that as the slightest written im putation upon character was, in point of law, a libel, where the smallest exaggeration occurred in any one paper, which should be copied in nineteen other papers, any speculative at torney might bring twenty diff eren t act i ons againstthe par .tles, and if he got but one farthing'• in damages, he punished 'no and in penalties perhaps of 500/. in the shape of costs. There was another part of the law of libel which required 4 triendment; though he admitted it should not be approached Without caution. At present it was a criminal offence to Charge any man of any crime, or of anything that might make him appear ridiculous, however he might merit the charge. It was a crime to tell the truth—indeed, it hack been said that a libel was aggravated by the force of its truth. Now, with out concurring at all in that opinion, or of being supposed to give any countenance to it, yet there was no lawyer, in or out of th e House, but who must admit that it was no defence in the case of criminal proceedings for a libel to prove the truth of the words,—( Hear, hear.) And this anomaly also existed— that if a person published the truth of another, with however innocent a motive, yet, in the case of criminal proceedings against him, ho was convicted and punished; but if he pub lished the truth, with however malicious a motive, and how ever injurious it might be, yet, in a civil action, no redress was made to the injured party, and this arising rom the cir cumstance that in a criminal Proceeding the truth was nolusti fication, while in a civil actionP it . svas.-,„( Hear, hear.) With out entering further into the subject, be begged to move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Law of Libel. Sir F. POLLOCK admitted that the law of libel was not its a satisfactory state, and that it required considerable alte ration. It was impossible for any one acquainted with the proceedings of the courts of law upon the subject, not to be impressed with the truth of the remarks which had fallen from the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. He, for one, should be happy to contribute whatever was in his power in the t ay of suggest i on, to the amendment of the present law ; at e same time, if the Bill should be introduced with the same amendments as were proposed last session of Parlia ment, he must in candour say, that he could not give it his en tire concurrence. Mr. O'CONNELL begged just to explain that if the Bill should be read a second time, it was his intention to move that it bo referred to a Committee up stairs. Ihe ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that one great evil arising from the present law was thi s; that the most atr oc i ous libellers were affo r d e d th e p re t ence of complaining that in the present state of the law of libel justice could not be ob tained. The most atrocious libellers defended themselves by Mi xing up their cases with the cases of those against whom some pettifoggin g a tt orney h a d b roug h t the most union's,. 1 actions. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had' Pointed out two imperfections in the present law, upon I v . l tich alon e h e was f ully entitled to ask for leave to bring in 1) 15 , Bill. The fi rs t was , t h at any speculat i ve attorney might becausepocket; (by an absurd di s ti nct i on ma d e w h ere no rea l dif ference existed), if, i n an act i on b rought for a written slander, Where no real injury had been sustained, the jury gave only ° lle farthing damages, that would carry full costs; whereas, if the action were for words spoken, and the jury gave a verdict of one farthing damages, the plaintiff would be entitled to no More costs than damages. Another fault pointed out was, that at present the truth in all criminal cases was excluded. He thought the trutn ought always to be admitted to be given in evidence, and that it should go to the jury for them to say whether the publication was bond fide and justifiable, or Whether it was done from malicious motives. Ample justice would then be done to the party, and a sufficient protection Would at the same time be afforded to the public which they did not now enjoy. He gave the motion of the lion. and Learned Member for Dublin his entire concurrence. Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. C OMPENSATION TO OFFICERS OF TIIE MOUSE. Mr. HUME moved for the appointment of a Select Com mittee to consider what compensation should be given to cer tain officers and servants of the House, in consequence of the recommendation of the Committee of last Session that the fees and gratuities now paid to them should be abolished, and fixed salaries be substituted instead thereof. Mr. O'CONNELL, when the subject should come before the House, s h ou ld propose that the compensation should be C ommitte e to the full amount of their present salaries. The was then appointed. THE BRITISH MUSEUM. Mr- ESTCOURT moved that a Select Committee be ap pointed to inquire into the condition, management, and affairs of the British Museum. Mr. WARBURTON was glad the lion. Member had lroved for the appointment of a Select Committee on this sub eet ; and he hoped, that in addition to the opinions expressed by the wi tnesses who were examined before the Committee of last Session on the subject, the opinion on the Constitution of the Board of Trustees, which had been published within the last few days, would be laid b e f ore th e C omm ittee, b ecause lie r co nsidered it to be the o pi n i on o f one w h o was a great autho ,titY on th e su bj ect. It was that of a late President of the ' l oyal Soci e t y , Sir Humphry Davy. The Hon. Gentleman then read an extract from the publication to which he had re frs ri e-, and whi c h state d that of late years the trustees had lways been chosen from a branch of the aristocracy, or of gentlemen who possessed some Parliamentary influence. Mr. ESTCOURT thanked the Hon. Gentleman, and b egged to assure him that one of the first names he had inserted in the list of the proposed Committee was that of the Hon. Gentleman himself. Mr. HUME was quite satisfied that the inquiry of the Committee would, as it ought to, lead to an entire change of system. It was clearly shown, by the evidence taken last Session, that until some responsible persons should be ap pointed, it was utterly impossible to expect a proper applica tion of the public money granted towards the maintenance of the British Museum ; and he should,--for one, unless a proper check and eoutroul were established, oppose any further grants being made. After a few words from Sir ROBERT INGLIS, Mr. E WART said that in Paris 'no fewer than five public libraries were open to the people at all times; and he saw no reason why the library at the British Mnseitm should not be conducted on the same system of general utility. Lord SANDON objected to the indiscriminate admission of the public to institutions where valuable libraries were deposited. In Paris many books had been taken away, which were shortly afterwards discovered ticketed on the book -stalls. .. ...-:t`. :: S: OMK~ After a few ivet-& from Mr. HAWES the question was put and carrieti, and a select committee was appointed. BUSINESS OF THE IlOl.5l''JE. Mr. WAKLEY moved tie ballot for entering the names of membleki the " Public Business List," should be taken; ht tblure, at every sitting of the House a quarter of an !lair before the time which Mr. Speaker may appoltlt or taking the chair. Lord .TOTIN 1tt,8814,1.4 gait niltibb tha't an Thursday, March d, he would move fora COMMlttet on the Acts con z:erning Gaols. ENIAN(tifiTION OF THE JEWS. Mr. P. nAIZING presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Portsmouth in favour of the removal of the civil disabilities imposed upon the Jews. Several Dills which different .Hon. Members had obtained leave to bring in, were severally presented and read a first time. The Itouso adjourned at a quarter past nine. HOUS'E OF LORDS, FEBnuißi- 11. The LORD CH ANCELLOR took his scat on the Wool. sack at 5 o'clock. The Capital Punishment for Letter Stealing Amendment Hill was read a third time, and passed. Lord WYNFO RD 'presented a petition ftom Lincoln. shire, complaining of agricultural distress, and praying for enquiry into its causes. The Noble Lord gave notice, that on Tuesday next he would move for a Select Committee to enquire into the subject. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved for returns from the Court of Exchequer and the Court of Bankruptcy, similar to those he had moved for relative to the Court of Chancery.— Ordered. Lord WHARNCLIFFE moved for a return of the names of gentlemen returned to the Home Office, as being fitted for the office of magistrates by the Town Councils under the Mu nicipal Reform IRISH EDUCATION. The Earl of RODEN had taken the very first opportunity of bringing forward a question of the ♦ery greatest import ance connected with the welfare of Ireland, and he had thought it proper to do so in the form of a question to the Noble Marquis opposite. Last session lie had moved for returns connected with education in Ireland ; all of which were promised but one, point ing out the religion of the children attending the schools under the new Board. He thought there must be some reason for the refusal of that which was the most important of all he had asked for, and none could be more easy. One of the questions he would put would be relative to that paper. He had the Report of the Commissioners in his hand, and on it he had a few words to say before putting his questions. tie felt himself bound to deny many of the facts stated to the House by the Commissioners. It was his duty and privilege to live in Ireland, and he trusted he lived with reasonable men, and he had not found one who thought that this systsm was one at all consistent with the feelings of the Protestants of Ireland. With all due respect to the Commissioners, he must differ with the statements of the Report.---( Hear. ) The Report then went on to recommend the system of education, and recommended an expenditure for it; but he was afraid that many of their Lordships were unacquainted with the system, and he was afraid that the country generally knew nothing of it. They recommended an expenditure of 200,0001. in nine years, in favour of a cause which he thought would lead to much mischief and misery. He thought the cause one of vast importance, and had taken the first oppor tunity of getting the opinion of the Government upon the subject, and to enter his protest against the Report and the system generally. He disclaimed bringing forward the ques tion from political or party views—he had opposed it from the first, for he thought then as he did now, it would prove a curse to the country by producing a famine of the word of God in the land, which was the greatest curse that could be possibly in flicted on any country. He had always read in history that when Protestantism was strong in this country, it was strong at home and respected abroad; but that when Protestantism was sacrificed to political expediency she was despised.—( Hear, hear.) He would warn the Noble Lords opposite of the course they were pursuing towards Ireland. He hoped the people of England and of Scotland would show, by petitions to that House, that they were not of those reasonable men who had changed their opinions as mentioned in the Report. —( Hear.) He wished to ask the Noble Marquis, whether he would be kind enough to lay on the table the relative num ber of Protestant and Catholic children attending the new schools, and whether the Government intended to act upon the Report, and disburse the sums of money recommended in the Report of the Committee. The Marquis of LANSDO WNE, after acknowledging the personal compliments paid him by the Noble Earl, said he was sorry that it was not'in his power, or in the power of the Go vernment, to gra,nt him his first request. The Commissioners appointed under the Bill thought that they could not make such a return as was then asked for. They consider that by so doing they would exceed their functions; and if they were to inquire who were Protestants and who Catho lics, they would have kept up the old enmity between the two religions, which it was intended to do away with by the new plan. The teachers had not the religious instruction of the children under their charge. There were certain days in the week when the Protestant clergyman had the right—and he wished that they oftener exercised it—of giving religious instruction to those of the children attending the schools belonging to the congregation, and on other days the Catholic Priest had the same liberty with those belonging to their faith ; but the Master, acting under the Commissioners, had no power to make any inquiry upon the subject. If the Noble Earl wanted such a Return for the purpose of found ing an argument upon It, there was no necessity for them.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Earl had a right to use that argument; for it was perfectly well known that there were many more Catholic children attending these schools than Protestant, and it must be so, for the proportions of the one to the other was enormous, and the plan was intended for the be nefit of all.—( Hear, hear.) But if the Noble Earl would look at the Report to which he has alluded, he would find that from the Protestant province of Ulster there were applications for schekols under the new plan, signed by 260 Protestant clergymen of t!iat province—surely they would not have made such ap... plications if they had not found that it had been of very grekt benefit to the country . by their manner of instruction. The second question was one of much greater extent and import ance. It was to be remember e d that the Report on the table of the House was made by the Commissioners, in consequence of the instructions given them under the Bill. He (the Mar quis of Lansdowne) agreed with the Noble Earl that the amount proposed to be expended in the Report was too large to be granted, except after the most minute examination and at tention to the matter in all its branches. It was to be remem bered, however, that it was not yet taken into conside ration—( Hear, hear)—that the matter had not yet been brought before Parliament—but that it was laid before them, because such information was always convenient to be in possession of the Parliament. He was not prepared to say that any intention had been formed by the Government of proposing to Parliament any scale of expenditure equal to that recommended in the Report : but he bad no hesitation in saying for himself, that he trusted that in some shape or another funds will be raised at no distant period for carrying into effect the extended benefits of education under the same system. Ile was convinced that it was doing no more than educating and civilizing, and thereby reconciling, that portion of the King's dominions. The Noble Earl had said that he did not know any benefits which had flowed from the new system. Was the Noble Earl aware that under even the presented limited scheme, there were 200,000 children receiving education under the plan which was recommended by the Com missioners of 1812, signed by most of the Prelates of that day. At page 65 of the Report it would be found that the Commis sioners had stated selections might be made in which most im portant parts of sacred history would be included; together with all the precepts of morality and instructive examples, by which those precepts were illustrated and enforced, and which should not be subject to the objections which had been made to the use of the Scriptures. They stated further, that such a volume of extracts of the sacred writings, would, in their opinions, form the best preparation for that more particular religious instruction which it would be the duty, and they doubted not, the inclination of also the several minis ters of religion, to give at proper times and in proper places to the children of their respective districts. To this Report was subscribed the names of William Armagh, Charles Cashel, and other eminent Prelates. He could not believe that the attempt to carry into effect the principle recom mended by such high authorities would be attended with other than beneficial results. No person could now travel in Ireland without seeing the great reform it had worked in the mGral and religious liberty of the people. The system was placed in an intelligible shape, and provided for in a manner which ensured to that remote and miserable population the blessings of that species of education which all those learned Prelates, 12 or 16 years ago, pointed out as that which might be ap plicable to the whole population of Ireland. Although he was not prepared to go the length . of adopting the system of the Commissioners to the extent to which it might be carried, yet he would state to the House, and the country, that he was prepared to give still further effect to that which he considered was the greatest of all possible blessings.—( Cheers.) He was sorry he was not able to give the Noble Earl opposite more full or authentic information. A NOBLE LORD said that he could only speak locally as to this system being approved of; and in the place with which he was acquainted, he knew that the Protestant clergymen were greatly satisfied with it. The Bishop of EXETER, although there was no question before the House, would trespass for, a short time upon their Lordships' attention. Ile had listened to the Noble Marquis, as he always did listen to him, with the greatest attention and respect. He felt satisfied that what the Noble Marquis had said he said wi,it the utmost candour, and he believed it was the sincere desire of the Noble Marquis to endeavour to promote the best interests of the country. He believed that it was with the utmost sincerity that the Noble Marquis expressed the wish that he had it in his power to give the Noble Earl the fullest possible information on the subject of his enquiry ; but, as a friend to the system of national education, he would put it to the Noble Mar quis whether great doubts were Rot likely to be raised by so long and so stubborn a silence on a question of such cardinal importance as that asked by the Noble Earl ? He called it cardinal, because if there was not a due proportion of Protestants educated under the system, it would not be considered impartial. Upon this hinge the whole merits of the question turned, and, therefore, it was that the friends of the system of education now at work in Ireland should be most anxious to answer it. The responsibility of returning the rec l uired answer rested with ten-fold weight upon the Commissioners themselves. But the Commissioners had remained silent upon - this point, for they knew that there was no fit and due proportion between the number of Protestant and Roman Catholic children which partook of the benefits of the national system. If the Com missioners were not actually required to make this en quiry, there - was nothing in the ins , - Actions given 't o t h em which prevented th e ir doing so. (;,....Ihe contrary for filo 1:4-1E SUN, toNDON, 1 74 i 4 AIRUAitV 12, is:io, Noble Marquis, with that candour of character which so re diaricahly distinguished him, had informed the House that if the original instructions had been acted upon, the CommisSioners would have had tp answer aciOirdiria tii the Re ltifd doli , tt by Mr. Stanley in his instructions to the Duke of Leinster, the first Commissioner. This was not the first time that the Com missioners b 44 made these e isertionS. ha thebapers published iatt yog., In L' oi,i'espendenee IsetWeeti Sir Henry Hardinge and the Board of Education in Ireland ; the Comniissiciners asserted that it was absoliitelY tiedeStai* that same rileans er other should ht devised to obtain the information required. The reason they gave in support of this was that it was expe dient to put an end to the Kildare-streetSociety ; so far as public contributions Wete necessary. Ile had taken the pains to refer to a Report of the Commissioners of the Irish Educa tion Inquiry of 1824, with respect to the number of Protestants attending the Kildare-street Society's schools in the province of Ulster. It appeared from the Report that the number of children attending those schools amounted on the whole to 53,967; namely, about 29,900 Roman Catholics, and 26,000 Protestants—in short, in the proportion of fifteen to thirteen. In making this statement he did not mean to contend that the Roman Catholic population of that province did not exceed the Protestant in a higher ratio than 16 to 13. He had also an other authority on this point—namely, the Report of the Pub lic Instruction Committee—which showed the proportion to be as 62i to 371, or as fifteen to nine: If this. statement were correct no man could say that the system had worked well, for if the number of Protestants attending the schools had de creased, the Commissioners quite established a case against them. He had also a return which had been sent to him by a Right Rev. Prelate in Ireland. He had only received it yesterday. It was a return relative to the condition of a rural deanery in his diocese. He should not mention the name of the party from whom he had received it, but he should be most happy to give it to any Noble Lord who might require it. From the return it appeared that there were ten national schools within the deanery referred to. These schools were attended by 1,964 Roman Catholic children, and by not one Protestant child. Within the same ten parishes, constituting the deanery, there were sixteen scriptural schools. Scriptural schools ! What an antithesis to national schools " Why, good God," continued the Right Reverend Prelate, "is this England ? Is this Great Britain, a Protestant kingdom, in which we are to be told that there are scriptural schools as contradistinsruished from national schools ? But such, unhappily, is the case." In the sixteen schools to which he had last alluded there were 537 Protestant children ; somewhat more than one fourth of the number of the Roman Catholic children at tending the schools in that district. Of the Roman Catholics attending the Society's schools in the deanery he rejoiced to say that there were no fewer than 145 in number. He did not pretend to say that it was a rare example. He had had other returns made, from which he inferred that the result would be of the same character, though perhaps net quite to the same extent. In the face of such statements as these, would the Noble Irish Commissioners skulk behind the plea that had that night been set up for them, and refuse to answer the question of the Noble Earl ? He (the Bishop of Exeter) knew that it must be extremely painful to the Noble Duke to be prevented by any cause from giving such answers as he no doubt would be able to give if he could ascertain the facts on which to proceed. If the House were to present an address to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty would desire these Commissioners to make the inquiry on this point, then he trusted the Noble Duke would no longer object to give the answers. What had the Noble Duke's col leagues said on this subject ? His Grace the Arch bishop of Dublin in answer to a memorial presented to him by the Dean and Chapter of his Cathedral made use of ex pressions to the following effect :—" He thought that the Protestant Clergy ought to give the system a fair trial, and offer no opposition to its adoption until both Protestants and Roman Catholics had had the opportunity of deciding whe ther any better means of accomplishing the objects they bad in view could be devised." A Right Hon. Gentleman, now Lord Stanley, had said that his desire was to adapt one system to children of different creeds. Whether or not this object had been gained was the question to be decided, before it was possible to pronounce whether the system had proved success ful or otherwise. A great majority of the children educated at the Kildare-street schools were Protestants. These schools had completely failed with respect to the Roman Catholics. The Board of National Education was consequently instituted to remedy this failure--an- end which it was in the progress of securing most completely. In these circumstances, lie was willing to put it to the Noble Marquis whether he would rest the fitness of the is - resent system on the facts of the Commis sioners ? At the same time, he would take upon himself to show that the statements of those gentlemen were anything but facts—that they were not true ; at least to the extent of one half.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped the Noble Marquis would consent to his proposition.—[ We understood the Noble Marquis referred to, the Marquis of Lansdowne, to say, " Go on.") In further support of the view he was taking of the matter, he would cite the authority of Mr. Inglis—a man li beral in all his views. That gentleman said nothing more de trimental to the interest of Protestantism, or more unfair, was ever thought of, than the system of education as administered in Ireland. He did not quote these expressions as an autho rity, or intend to oppose them to the experience of the Noble Marquis. With this he shr uld conclude his observations on the first question proposed by the Noble Earl (Roden) ; in the other question, something had been said relative to the perpetuity of the present system. He believed the Noble Marquis had stated something about national funds being applied to support national education. He (the Bishop of Exeter) should not have been so much struck with that phrase, if one of the Noble Marquis's colleagues, the Secretary for the Home Department, had not suggested that it was neces sary to subdue the licentious and thoroughly demoralized state of Ireland, and the aptitude of the Irish to commit murder, by education. That Noble Lord had also stated that funds were to be obtained from a supposed surplus of the Irish Church to maintain a system of education. In order that there should be no mistake on this point, he (the Bishop of Exeter) would state to the House where his speech was reported to have been made. It was made at a public meeting at Bristol, held in honour of the Noble Lord in question. This it was that made him more alive to the Noble Marquis's observation, which he thought indicated that some such course as that referred to by his colleague was about to be adopted by the Ministers. If the present system were to be continued he most sincerely hoped that a fair, full, and dispassionate inquiry into the matter would be directed, and that all the allegations and recommen dations contained in the Report of the Commissioners would be found to be true, before considerable additional annual charge was thrown upon the country. He also hoped that be fore any measures were adopted a Committee of that House would be appointed to inquire into, and to thoroughly sift to the bottom, the workings of the present system. In proposing this course lie would not conceal from their Lordships that he felt it would be the easiest thing possible to prove to their Lord ships that the national system of education in Ireland had been made the instrument of the most mischievous political agitation.—( Hear, hear.) Another evil of the present system was, that it frequently compelled Protestant children to witness the ceremonials of a religion which they were bound to regard as superstitious and idolatrous. That both these evils would be proved to a Committee he did not for a moment doubt, and lie again repeated that he hoped the House would appoint a Committee before it adopted any measures on the subject. He k new an instance of one school of 512 scholar •• of which were four monks. After two o'cl - 0&. the Priests taught the scholars the Roman Catholic Catechism. In the school-house a political meeting was held to arrange about the tribute, and here also a dinner was given to Mr. O'Con nell. A bust of the same Gentleman was placed in a conspi cuous part of the school-room. He knew of another school which was held within the enclosure of a convent. It was at tended by 127 girls, and the teachers were a Roman Catholic mistress and six nuns. That no Protestant children at tended such a school would not be a matter of much surprise to their Lordships. He should now sit down, relying upon the hope that his Majesty's Government would in some way or other take means for prosecuting this most important inquiry. In conclusion, he thanked the House for the attention with which they had heard him.—( Hear.) The Duke of NORFOLK rose to inquire of the Right Rev. Prelate, whether he intended to intimate that the moral instruction given by the Roman Catholic instructors was not equally in accordance with the doctrines of Scripture as those of the Protestant teachers ? The Bishop of EXETER said, that what he had intended to say in the obseriations to which the Noble Duke appeared to refer was, that in Protestant schools the use of the Scrip tures was held to be an essential medium of moral instruc tion, whilst in Catholic schools the contrary was the case. The children in Protestant schools were taught to look into the Scriptures for all those doctrines and moral admonitions by which their duty. to God and man was regulated ; whereas, on the other hand, the Noble Duke would, be felt assured, admit the correctness of his assertion ; it was held by the highest Roman Catholic authorities, that to teach Christian duty and morals by the use of the Scriptures, was highly un advisable and mischievous. The Duke of NORFOLK had never heard of any autho rities of the kind. The Bishop of EXETER would refer the Noble Duke to the authority of Dr. 'Doyle, and also to that of Dr. Murray. The Earl of WINC HILSE A repeated his opinion, that any system of education not framed upon Scriptural grounds, must tend to the extinction of the Protestant religion in the country, and the consequent destruction of the empire. Lord PLUNKET said that there were one or two points in the Right Rev. Prelate's address which he could not pass over unnoticed. The Right Rev. Prelate regretted that the Com missioners had not made any inquiries as to the relative num bers of Catholic and Protestant children who attended the schools under the new system ; inquiries which they had not been required to make, and in -which, if they had made, they would in his (Lord Plunket's) opinion have departed mate rially from what was their duty.—(Hear, hear !) The object of the Commission was to provide a common means of educa tion for the population of Ireland, without any religious dis tinction whatever. Now if any inquiry as to the religion of the child ren i n th e schools was permitted, it would at once foment j ea l ous i es an al p ar ty f ee lin gs . If, th ere fore a formal motion were to be brought forward to effect such inquiries , it would, if acted upon, produce nothing else than discords, and all the very mischiefs which it was intended to avoid.—( Hear, hear.) He must say, he could not repress his surprise at hear ing the Ri g h t Rev. Prelate speaking of the mischiefs of agita tion. He did not know what mischievous agitation the Right Reverend Prelate might refer to ; but this he did know, that a great deal of mischievous agitation had peen sled throughout Ireland, to prevent the Protestants from sending their children to the schools now provided for them, and that the object of the Commission had been grosvly misrepresented and libelled, for the purpose of fomenting this agitation.— ( Hear, hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate had said that he had been struck with a great degree of horror on reading the dia tinction which had been made in the communications he had received, between National and Scriptural education. He 6driaurred with the Right Rev. Prelate that this was a most iniproPer distinction, a distindtioti ;'bleb . struck him (Lord Phinket) with disgust and abhorrence. saut he woold ask ; vil;id Weret ey s lip liad.made this distinction?—( Hear, hear.) f ß ro lg m ht sv ii ho c m *'' were theY tdrijenigskinert of Education ? No such dis pasoriitdetlnT tinction had been drawn, or attempted td he' m:16, , by them. lie drsiii all hig lnedrrilaticll ; tsho first deviseci the distinction . T 141 1 , 1; 1 17 i hin i :R a e d if s , e o t r up th t e his an d O is ri t y h rn 'c o tion Corrlelsr lietttettii d Ntitidrial and a ScrOttfal system in a Cin:Stian country.—(dfit's kt " No; bd.") He tiiought, if li recol lected rightly, that it was when tilti flight Rev. Prelate wits reading the letter from his anonymous correspdtident that these nidknarties of distinction were first used. If he was mistaken he should be very Odd to he set right. He would ask the Right Rev. Prelate for an ansWef tai the subject, though he certainly should not stake his ( Lord Pitititiet's) ease upon the Right Rev. Prelate's answer.—( A laugh.) The Bishop of EXETER explained that the distinctive terms of national and scriptural education had certainly been used by the Right Reverend correspondent to whose letter he had referred, but he was quite certain that not only the Noble Lord (Plunket) himself, but every other Noble Lord con nected with Ireland, knew very well that the distinction was quite in common use, and perfectly well understood there.—( No, no, and hear, hear.) He had received letters from several other Bishops, containing the same terms of dis: tinsoion. Lord PLUNK ET was very sorry to hear it. He knew that the new system of education had been a good deal can vassed and talked of, but he never had heard used the distinc tive terms which the Right Reverend Prelate had so properly deprecated. All he could say was, that he was very sorry such a distinction should have been made at all ; certainly it had never been used by any person connected with the Board. His Noble Friend had stated a certain number of applications —he believed the number stated was 244—and he (Lord Plunket) had heard of 246 applications. His Noble Friend having made that statement, the Right Reverend Prelate asked would his Noble Friend give up the entire question if he should not be correct in that statement, although his Noble Friend had not stated that as the only ground upon which he rested. But the Right Rev. Prelate's zeal far sur passed his logic when he made such a proposition. Now he wished,, he was most anxious, to bear from the Right Rev. Prelate how many applications were made. If the Noble Marquis had, according to the proposition of the Right Rev. Prelate, stated not the entire number, but half the number, then he would be declared to be quite wrong ; but if the Noble Marquis did state half the number of applications, would the Right Rev. Prelate admit that he was half wrong ? Bishop of E X E TE R— Yes. Lord PLUNK ETT—The Right Rev. Prelate said " Yes." Ho could not ascertain whether that was an affirmative or a negative. Bishop of EXETER—Yes ; it is an answer to a question. Lord PLUNKET could not understand the monosyllable unless accompanied by some explanatton. He now wished to call the attention of the Right Rev. Prelate, and of the Noble Lord who had proposed this question, to another point ; he wished to call their attention - to that which had been said by the Noble Earl (Lord Winchilsea), who declaimed with every appearance of sincerity, and who he believed really felt what he said upon the subject, of the mutilation of the Scriptures.—(Hear, hear.) This had been a very popular topic in Ireland, and nothing had been more warmly remarked upon than what was declared to be the mutilation of the Word of God. The Right Rev. Prelate, whose zeal equalled that of the Noble Earl, but who in wariness exceeded that Noble Lord, had at a very early period abandoned this position.— ( Hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate had abandoned very pru dently the position, that extracts from the Scriptures were a mutilation of the Word. It had been reported and re reported in that House and out of that House ; brit the Right Rev. Prelate had declared that from the constitution of the Board it was impossible that they should agree in extracts from the Scriptures The Right Rev. Prelate had prophecied that a Board constituted of persons of such different creeds never could discover materials upon which they could quite agree. Never was there in ancient or modern times a pro phet so falsified by the event as the Right Rev. Prelate.— ( Hear, hear.) Those members, whom it was supposed would never have amalgamated, had accorded together, and made extracts from the Scriptures, which were now published, and he would challenge the Right Rev. Prelate, or any Noble Lord, to take up that book of extracts, and then lay his hand upon his heart, and declare that there was any thing but sound morality and strict scriptural doctrine contained in those ex tracts.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Duke, his Noble Friend, a distinguished member of the Roman Catholic Church, and whose moral conduct and Christian feelings would reflect honour upon the members of any Church, had stated what were the feelings of his Church respecting the reading of the Scriptures; but then the Right Rev. Prelate knew better than the Noble Duke what the opinions of that Noble Duke's Church on the subject were.—( Hear, and laughter.) Bishop of E ETE R—No. Lord PLUNKET did not say that the Right Rev. Pre late had asserted so much ; but the conclusion he drew from the speech of the Right Rev. Prelate was, that he did know better than the Noble Duke what were the opinions of Ro man Catholics upon this point ; but really he was still more disposed to subscribe to the declaration of the Noble Duke as to the sentiment of Iris community, than to yield to the high authority of the Right Rev. Prelate upon the same point.— ( Hear.) He was glad to know on what authority the posi tion was established, that the Scriptures had been prohibited in the national schools. He had never heard any reasonable person (he would repeat it, " reasonable person," although the term had been cavilled at that evening), who maintained that the Scriptures should be used as a school-book. After school hours the parents or teacher could instruct the children in the Scripures. It was objected to the system followed in the national schools, that it was an anti-scriptural sys t e m. He would be glad if the Right Rev. Pre late would lay his finger upon the printed extracts to show any part of them which was unscriptural, or any part of them which misrepresented the Scriptures.—(Hear. ) Lord CLONC U RR Y observed that, about sixty years ago, sums were granted for the maintenance of the Protestant Charter schools. These funds were intended to rear up chil dren in hostility to the religion of their parents. Many knew that, within the last fourteen years, those schools had been suppressed. They knew that they had been stigma tised with vices the most atrocious, and that their masters had been put upon trial for the pollution of their scholars. The whole of that system was founded upon bigotry and unchari tableness. On the total failure of the Charter schools, a system was proposed to be established, to be carried on, as it was said, without any religious distinction. The persons w ho proposed this, applied to several persons, and amongst others, lie subscribed, under the idea that education would be given to the people without any re li g i ous di s tinction. A short time after, it was declared to be a sine qua non that the Bible should be read as a school-book. If their Lord ships would look they would find that the Bible then in gene ral use, was one that issued from the press of the King's printer; and in the introduction or dedication there was lan guage reprobatory of the ministers of the Catholic religion. It was quite impossible that the Catholic clergy could allow this to be distributed amongst the children, or used by their flocks ; and for this reason also, that they do not sanction the use of : h e Bible, without note or comment, by the vulgar. They, therefore, set their faces against the Kildare-place Society. Ss soon as it was found that the Catholics objected to that society, persons joined it who had never before interested themselves in the education of the people at large. That Society was then joined by persons who, though they do not frequent Protestant churches, cannot forgive the portion of the commu nity who continue to go to mass. The Catholic population of Ireland was six millions ; and for the education of the Catholic clergy at present a sum less than 10,000/. a year was granted. Was it to be supposed that respectable persons would devote themselves to education in college which must afford them such a paltry support as that sum could give them ? It was astonishing-, under such circumstances, to find men of such learning, such good Christians, and such well-educated pastors amongst the Catholic clergy of Ireland ; and it being considered too, that all the property intended for education had been taken from them, he would not say whether justly or otherwise. No persecution, it was confessed, had diminished the number of Catholics. Now then that the population of Ireland was Ca tholic, it was their duty to state, that not only should the Catholics be educated upon their own terms, but their clergy also. Trinity College had been greatly endowed ; it had a re venue of 140,000/. a year. If that college were thrown open to all religious persuasions, the country would be safer, and the people ;happier, and their Lordships would not be tormented with motions, which, though well intended, would not lead the people to respect that House, to which naturally they should look up for protection. Lord MELBOURNE could not hut certainly agree in thinking that unless they wished to introduce discord where there was now tranquillity, they would not, by pressing for such a classification as was sought for, introduce that division into the schools under the national system which unfortunately prevailed in so many other places. Undoubtedly, if the Noble Lord opposite thought proper, he might seek for a return such as he desired, but that House, as it wished to foster tranquillity and cultivate peace in Ireland, would not accede to it.—( Hear. ) An observation had been made by the Right Rev. Prelate which it was important to ndtice—he stated, that the propor tion between Catholics and Protestants ought to be given ; that it should be laid before that House, b ec ause upon that hi nge d the syst em ; an d i t tsou ld b e a test of its success. If there were riot a large proportion of one sect, then the system had failed, and if there were a large proportion, as compared with the population, then it had succeeded. He denied the proposition, he did not admit the inference. The great object with which the measure was introduced, was to give as general a system of education to the great proportion of the population of Ire land as they could find it possible to do.--( Hear, and cheers. ) It was in the highest degree desirable that the Roman Catho lics and Protestants should be educated together.—( Hear.) With that view was devised and framed the present system The great object was to bring them together. With that view they offered the whole population of Ireland a joint system — they respected the faith of both, they respected the religious education of all.—(Cheers.) But if, through fanatical enthu- Siam, if, through the delusion of prejudices, one party abstained front taking advantage of what was offered, could they, on that account, declare that the system sirould be rejecte d? He, for one, would sa y t h at they were not bound to withhold it from the other.---(Cheers.) Because the system was rejected by the obstinacy of Protestants, he would not be the party to refuse it to the Roman Catholic population who were willing to accept it. Hear, and cheers.) Lord RODEN replied.—The House then adjourned. COMMITTEES• The following Gentlemen compose the Committees ap.. pointed last night : ARTS of DESIGN.—Mr. Ewart, Mr. Morrison, the Lord Advocate, Mr. Pusey, Mr. Parker (Sheffield), Mr. Wyse; Mr, Hope, Dr. Doming, Mr. Heathcoat, Mr. Strutt, Mr. Hutt, i N Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Scholefield, Mit.D. Lewis, and Mr. Davenport. HOUSE OF COMMONS (COMPENSATION TO OFFICERS) Mr. Hume, Mr. W. Gladstone. Mr. V. Smith, Sir T. Free mantle, Dr, Dowring, Sir R. Inglis, Mr. Elphinstone, Lord iseount Sandon, Mr. Drotherton. DttrtiFott Muntim.—Mr. Estcourt, Mr. Hawes, Mr. R. Col borne, Mr. John Parker, Sir R. Inglis, Mr. Thorneley, Sir er , Egerton, Mr. E. Denison, Mr. Compton. Mr. Clay, Lord I 'Stanley, Mr. Elphinstone, Mr. D. Daring , Mr. Pease. RAILWAYS. - The following Petitions for Railway Bills were reported last night, and the Bills ordered to be brought in :—Midland CoutitiesArbroath and Forfar—Cheltenham and Great Western—Lot/dun and Brighton—Sheffield and Rotherham —London and Blueltwall—Hull and Selby—and Birmingham and Gloucester. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. It was resolycd that Orders of the Day have precedence of Notices on Mondays, Wednesday, and Fridays. LITERATURE. IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA, DURING THE I :tit ; !‘.YEARS 1833, 1834, and 1835. In 2 Vols. Br TYRONE POKER, ESQ. London: R. Bentley, 1835. ja. an article entitled " Recollections of the Stage," which appeared in the New Monthly some short time ago, an anecdote, of which the following is the pur port, was related of Liston :—Being professionally engaged in a provincial town in England for an entire season, he made arrangements personally with all who were to supply his table with •' yeatables and drink ables," as Diggory would say ; in which number, of course, the milkmaid was included. This last import ant personage, whether from a regard for the health of her customers, or some motive equally charitable, always baptized her milk, and that too by immersion, before serving it out every morning. Liston was by no means pleased that she should give herself so much trouble on his account. He, therefore, watched the first opportunity, when her sweet voiec was heard under his window, rushed down stairs in a mOrning gown and slippers, and, opening the door, presented the wondering milkmaid with two vessels, requesting her to give the milk in one, and the water in the other, as he preferred diluting the milk himself. From that day forth his milk assumed a different hue—the blue ness, before so observable, entirely disappeared—the out-door baptism of the milk-pail was thenceforth dis pensed with. The author of these " Impressions" is something like Liston's milk-maid—too fond of diluting. The milk is very good, but the water predominates. This is extremely annoying ; and the more so, because we cannot understand in what consists the necessity fo r ekeing out a couple of volumes with flippant gossip, amid the immense mass of materials furnished by the briefest residence in the New World. We have no grave charge to bring against Mr. Power. He tra duces no class of persons—babbles no secrets imparted to him in a confidential conversation—retails no family slanders—and never once descends to the mean ness of discovering to the world the weaknesses of those who extended to him the rights of hospi tality. But the instances are rare in which he looks beyond the surface; and moreover journalizes every trifle connected with himself, with an egotism very unpar donable in a professed investigator of the character and institutions of a great nation. In fact, nearly half of the first volume is made up of trifles, .which might have been set down as an extract from the universal common-place book of travellers, to be met with in every Guide Book sold in London. This is rather annoying, certainly ; but where the author speaks of the Americans, - his opinions are sound, - and his esti mate of their national greatness, and their individual worth, invariably cor►ect. The following extract must satisfy every reader that Mr. Power ascribes the pros perity of America to the true cause—the enterprise and industry of the people ; while its conclusion proves him to be a person above the little boarding school prejudices of Mrs. Trollope " My first journey in Sept. 1833, between New York and Philadelphia, was by steam-boat and railway, having cars drawn by horses over thirty-five miles, which thus occupied five hours and a half. In October of the same year I did the same distance by locomotive in two hours. When first I vi sited Boston, the journey was performed in twenty-four hours, by steamer to Providence, thence to Boston by stage; the same distance now occupies fifteen hours, a railway having been last spring put in operation between Providence and Boston. " Again, in 1834, the traveller had but one rough route from Philadelphia to Pittsburg. You can now go a third of the distance by railroad, and, getting into a canal-boat, are dragged over the Alleghany mountains, through a series of locks not to be surpassed for strength or ingenuity of contriv ance. " In 1533, the journey from Augusta, Georgi 2, to New York was an affair of eleven or twelve days; it is now per formed in three. Steam and railroad are, in fact, annihilating time and space in this country. In proof of it, I can safely assert that if a traveller visiting the south-west, say, f rom Sa vannah to New Orleans, will be at the trouble of recollecting this book in the year 1837, he will find the account of the dif ficulties of my journey extremely amusing; since, in all human probability, he will perform that in five days, which took me, with hard labour, perseverance, discomfort, not to say, some peril of life or limb, just eighteen. " It is. these revolutions,' and such as these, that form the true wonders of this country ; that stimulate curiosity, excite interest, and well repay the labour of any voyager embued with a grain of intelligence or observation, to say nothing of philc sophy. "- It is to these results, their causes, and their immediate and probable effects, his mind's eye will be irresistibly drawn, not to spitting-boxes, tobacco, two-pronged forks, or other conventional bagatelles, the particulars of each of which, as a solecism in polite manners, can be corrected and canvassed by any waiter from the London Tavern, Ludgate -street, and by every grisette from America-square to Brompton-terrace, who may chose to display their acquired gentility for the nonce ;' and it is the absence of a spirit of philosophy generally in our writers, and this affectation of prating so like waiting-gentle women, that stings Americans, and with some show of reason, when they see the great labours of their young country with the efforts of its people passed lightly by, and trifles caught up and commented upon, whose importance they cannot compre hend, and which they have neither leisue nor example to alter or attend to. " The groat mass of Americans arc natural, therefore rarely vulgar; and if a freshness of spirits, and an entire freedom from suspicion, and the many guards which ill-bred jealousy draws around the objects of its care, may be viewed, as indeed they ought to be, as proofs of high feeling and true culture, then are the men of America arrived at a point of civilization at once creditable to themselves and honourable to their.women, as nothing can be more perfectly unrestrained than the freedom enjoyed in all good families here. Strangers once introduced find every house at all times open to them, and the moat fre quent visits neither create surprise nor give rise to suspicion. " Hospitality is inculcated and practised, and the people entertain with a liberality bordering on profuseness : the merit of this is enhanced by the great trouble the absence of good domestics entails on the mistress of even the best establish ments. Ladies arc here invariably their own housekeepers, yet, nowhere is the stranger more warmly welcomed, and in no country is more cheerful readiness evinced in preparing for his entertainment. " The hand of welcame is also extended and sympathy en couraged towards the persecuted, whether of fortune or des potism. The exile is sure to find. shelter and security here, without encountering suspicion, whether necessity or choice induced him to abandon his country. " Honoured be the land which offers to the stranger a free participation, on equal terms, of all it holds dearest ! Hal lowed be the institut►ons which hold out to talent a free field, and where honest ambition knows no limit save the equal law ! The following testimony to the industry and filial pi e ty of the Irish emigrants ought to convey a useful lesson to the British Legislature. The faults of the Irish people 'are the natural" consequences_.of the sys tem of misgovernment, of which they have so long been the victims : I shall ever love America for the happy home it has proved to the provident amongst the from Ireland. In almost every part of the land, they torn an important portion of the freemen of the soil. If, on becoming American, :they have not at all times ceased to be Irish in that full degree the political economist would desire, there are many allowances to, be made for them. " Let it not be considered an unp . ardonableeoorrniti thJ the poor Irishman runs a little riot, when suddenly aid freed from the heavy clog by which the exhibition of his opir nions has been restrained at home. It is not surprising that those who limn been for life hoodwinked should fail to see clearly for themselves in all cases; or that, rested guides, they are occasionally led astray. to be, " Wayward and wilful I will admit them sometimes and in evil hands their misdirected energies may for a time falling upon inte rested the instruments of evil. Mistaken in judgment they right and justice they seldom are, and ungrateful , may often be, for such is the lot of humanity, but t :w re u g li a nr i• e d n le e s ro so s f they cannot be, The evidence of their native spirit of enter- j. prise is found in their daily braving destitution in the hope Oi bettering their hard l ot . Th e i r hatred of 4ippression is pro* by their ill-directed, but constant struggles for -e.qual,rigktS ; and, if kind-heartedness and charity cover a multittide of sins, no people on earth can justly claim a larger stock. In iilu - tration of which I will present one proof out of the rr sly I possess, because it will at once serve as an illustration of n assertion, and gratify those who love to contemplate the bright side of poor humanity. " The following statement was enclosed to me by an excel lent Quaker, one of the partners of the house from whose books the document is extracted, with a letter which I need not insert here, but will add, that the statement is incontro vertible: " From the Ist of January 1834, to the Ist of May, 1835, Abraham Bell and Co. of New York have received from the working classes of Irish emigrants, that is, from common labourers, farm servants, chambermaids, waiters, 8.c., to remit to their friends and kindred in Ireland, the sum of fifty-five thousand dollars, in amount varying from Svc dollars upwards. The average number amount of the whole number of drafts sent is twenty-eight and a half dollars each. " New York, May 19, 1835.' " " There is not a part of the country to which I have wan dered, where I did not find that a like gentle recollection of the destitute left at home prevailed. In every large city is some one or more Irish house, which becomes the popular medium through which these offerings of the heart are trans _mined to the miserables at home. When it is reflected that the donors are themselves the poorest of the poor, and that often a. the close of their first summer they are found trans mitting 60,7 earning to some mother, or aunt, or sister, with out providini" N. o:?inst or thinking of the severity of approach ing winter, no euu.'SY can be too strong." LIVES AND TI?IAZS OF THE REFORMERS. F4:vL Muir, Gowans, and Co., Gla b ;uw ; Tait, Edinburgh; Groombridgc, London.- 1836. The Radical Reformers of Great Britain and Ire land will hail with delight the publication of a work, in which justice is likely to be done to the wemory of those martyrs to liberal princixles, whose bloud has been the seed of Parliamentary-. Reform. The - first part, which is published at a price which places the work within the reach of the humbleSt, classes, con tains the trial of Joseph Gerrald, before the High Court of Justiciary at Edinburgh in March 1794, for sedition—accompanied with an original memoir of his i i . fe. l The seditious: language attributed to poor Ger rald is half so strong as the language nocY in daily use among a:1 the public journalists of the kingdom ; found himguilty, and sentenced and yet his Judges him to fourteen years7traizsportation=a sentence from the rigours of which an eariy death delivered him.. The Scotch Criminal Judges compose the only body of public functionaries that has uniformly prostituted it self to the pleasure of the Crown. In the worst of times this body has included within it tho cruellest scourges of its country—the deadliest enemies of that country's liberty and independence. The following interesting letter was addressed to Joseph Gerrald by the venerable William Godwin, the author of " Political Justice," ‘‘ St. Leon," &c., a few days before his trial. It is now published by per mission of the writer : " I cannot recollect the situation in which you are in a few days to be placed, without emotions of respect, and I had almost said, of envy. For myself, I will never adopt any ,londuct for the express purpose of being put upon my trial ; buf f if I be ever so put, I will consider that day as a day of triumph. " Your trial, if you so please, may be a day such as Eng land, and I believe the world, never saw. It may be the' means of converting thousands, and progressively of millions, to the cause of reason and public justice. You have a great stake. You place your fortune, your youth, your liberty, and your talents, on a single throw. If you must suffer, do not, I conjure you, suffer, without first making use of this oppor tunity of telling a tale upon which the happiness of nations depends. Spare none of the resources of your powerful mind. Is this a day for reserves, a day to be slurred over in negligence and neglect, the day that constitutes the very crisis of your fate? " Never forget that juries are men, and that men are made of penetrable stuff. Probe all the recesses of their souls. Do not spend your strength in vain defiance and empty vaunting. Let every syllable you utter be fraught with persuasion. What an event would it be for England and mankind, if you could gain an acquittal? Is not such an event worth striving for? It is in man, lam sure it is, to effect that event. Ger rald, you are that man. Fertile in genius, strong in moral feeling, prepared with every accomplishment that literature and reflection can give. Stand up to the situation. Be whole yourself. "' r know,' I would say to this jury, that you are packed, that you are picked and culled from all the land by the persons who have at present the direction of public affairs, as men upon whom they can depend. But Ido not fear the event. Ido not believe that you will be slaver. Ido not believe that you will be inaccessible to considerations, irresistible in argument, and which speak to all the genuine feelings of the human heart. - I have been told that there arc men upon whom truth, truth fully and adequately stated, will make no impres sion. It is a vile and groundless calumny upon the character of the human mind. This is my theory, and I now come before you for the practice.' " If you should fail of a verdict [but why should I suppose 47] this manner of stating your defence is best calculated• to persuade the whole audience, and the whole world, for the same reason that it is best calculates; to persuade a jury. " It is the nature of the human mind to be great, in pro portion as it is acted upon by great excitements. Remember this. Now is your day. ' , Never, perhaps never, in the revolution of human affairs, will your, mind be the same illustrious and irresistible mind as it will be on this day. " You stand on as dear ground as man can stand on. You are brought there for meeting in convention to deliberate on grievances. Do not fritter away your defence by anxiety about little things. Do not perplex the jury by dividing their attention. Depend upon it, that if you can establish to their full conviction the one great point, the lawfulness of your me eting, you will obtain a verdict. " That point is fully contained in the Bill of Rights—is the fundamental article of that constitution which Englishmen have been taught to admire. Appeal (for so, upon your prin ciples, you can,') to an authority paramount to the English constitution, to all written law and parchment constitutions-- the law of universal reason, authorising men to consult. Ire land was always the least emancipated part of the British em pire. In Ireland they thought proper to pass a tyrannical law taking away this inalienable privilege. But in Britain they do worse. Ministers are said to have it in contemplation to propose such a law in Parliament, and in the meantime, you, the jury, arc called upon to act as if the law were already in existence. Was ever so atrocious a breach of equity and reason ? They pride themselves in having drawn us and a great part of the Scottish nation into the snare, and over whelmed us with a destruction, which no prudence could foresee and no innocence avert. " The next point I would earnestly recomme nd to your attention, is to show that you and the Reformers are the true friends of the country, that you are actuated by pure philan thropy and benevolence, and have no selfish views—that your projects lead to general happiness, and are the only means of averting the scene of confusion which is impending over us. Our whole effort is directed to the preventing mischief, and the sparin g every drop of blood. The longer the confederates of foreign despots among us go on in their present impious career, the more you will want us. We place ourselves in the breach, to snatch your wives and children from destruc tion. Will the present overbearing and exasperating conduct of government lead to tranquillity and harmony? Will new wars and new taxes, the incessant persecution, ruin, and punishment, of every man that dares ,to oppose them, heal the dissensions of mankind ? No. Nothing can save us but moderation, prudence, a timely reform, the permitting men to confer together upon their common interest, in a benevolent mind, unprovoked by insult, counteraction, treachery, and arbitrary decrees. It is ra- this antidote to the madness of men in power that we have made every sacrifice, and are ready to sacrifice our lives. If you punish us, you punish us be cause we have watched for your good.' " Above all, let me intreat you to abstain from all harsh epithets and bitter invective. Show that you are not terrible, but kind, and anxious for the good of all. Truth will lose nothing by this. Truth can never gain by passion, violence, and resentment. It is never so strong as in the firm, fixed mind, that yields to the emotions neither of rage nor fear. It is by calm and recollected boldness that we can shake the pillars of the vault of heaven. How great will you appear if you show that all the injustice with which you are treated cannot move you; that you are too great to be wounded by their arrows; that you still hold the stead fast course which becomes the friend of man, and that while you expose their rottenness you harbour no revenge? c 1 of this unaltered spirit, whom no perse cution can will f eel your embitt er,value, if public want. The jury, the world , i if you show yourself such a man. Let no human ferment mix in the sacred work. " ' We will be sacrificers, but not butchers, Cassius. We'll carve them as a dish fit for the Gods— Not hew them as a carcass fit for hounds.' (" You will not mistake my ) meaning in this q uo t at i on. I adopt thsspirit, not t he letter." " Imitate the courage and self-possession, but not the bar barity, of Horne Tooke, in his last trial. You will find some invaluable hints in Hawles's pamphlet. F a rewell. —My whole soul goes with you. " Jan. 29, 1794. " W OODWIN." " You represent us all I" ENGLISH AND AMERICAN RA IN. 'Bic author of " The American in England," adverting to a wet day in London, says—." It did not rain with that earnestness and common energy which in our climate conveys the idea of 11, thing to b e d one es a matter of business, an d d e spatched with busines-like rapidity ; but in a deliberate cold-blooded way, as if it mightiocontinue on thus for ever, without exhausting its capacities to annoy." The same writer subsequently adds, that in America an umbrella is useless and disagreeable; but that " in England a man without an pmbrella i 5 its a man without a nose," i o° l 0 0° 0 ill ° ' '