The Sun. — London, England, 1836-06-15 00:00:00

their own ridiculous obstinacy, they might have stayed where they were. We are persuaded that they already feel themselves in a false position, from the strange arguments at which they grasp, in order to defend themselves. Drowning men catch at straws. Lord John Russell would have the House of Commons and the public believe that the conduct of the Lords is very much to be resented, because their Lordships have adopted plans which were proposed in the Commons, and rejected. But in the very speech in which this com plaint is made, he proposes to the Commons new clauses, which were proposed to the Lords and rejected ; thus doing himself the very act which he complains of, as being in the nature of an insult, when done in the House of Lords. Can any thing more clearly show that his Lordship scarcely knows what he is saying or doing ? He is merely urged forward by the breath of Mr. O'Connell's anger, and on he goes, with little more sense or recollection than a shrivelled leaf that the blast sends whirling along the ground. The recollection of his advocates is not a whit better. They tell us that differences between the two Houses of Parliament were of comparatively little moment, when they were in fact but one assembly, under different names ; but now that they are, by the accomplishment of reform, really and truly distinct assemblies, the Lords must not be suf fered to differ from the Commons. This is a remarkable instance of luminous argumentation. When (by the hy pothesis) there could be no rational cause for a difference of opinion botween the Houses, then it was all right ; but now that there is a rational cause for such difference—namely, the re-establishment of the constitutional distinction be tween the two assemblies, it is all wrong, and must not be suffered ! Is it not evident that when principals and secon daries use such wretched inconsistencies as these for argu ments, there must be something very rotten in the cause they want to uphold ?—Morning Herald. ~l i ICES OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Bank Stock .. 2lO India Stoek — 1 3 per Cent [led. 3 per Cent. Cons South Sea Stock — 3% per Cent B% Old Annnities — Ditto Red..... 983 x% 14 3 / 4 New Ditto — New 3g, per Cent 3 per Cent. Annuities, 1751_ New 3 per Cent Exch. Bills, £.1,1100 ... . . 11 13 pm. Bank LongAnnuitiestoexpire Ditto 500 ll 13 pm. Jan 5, IMO ...............154( 13-16 Ditto Small Oct 10, M5O Ditto C0mmercia1.......... 5 pm, Jan 5, isa , — Ditto Advertised —-- plr• Jan. 5, 1580.... .... ............ -- Bank Stock for Account — April 5, 1830 — India Stock for Account — Jan. 5, 1870 ' Consols for Acconnt 92% 2 Omnium pm. ; PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK Austrian Bonds — I Peruvian Bonds , Belgian Bonds — I Ditto Account Ditto Account . ... ......... Brazilian Bonds — Ditto Accomit — Diito Account — Ditto New Bonds SlMYs i ‘ Buenos Ayres Bonds — Ditto Account — Ditto Account Ditto, 3 per cent 53i4 2% Cnillian Bonds Prussian Bonds Ditto Account — Russian Bonds, IRE — Columbian Bonds — Ditto Account.. Ditto Account Columbian Bonds, 1821 . 20 1 ,1 Spanish Bonds — Ditto Account Ditto Account Dinish Bomb Ditto Account ..............• Greek Bonds , French, 5 per cent........... —f. —c. Ditto Bonds, 1315 - 4 per cent. ....... .•• — f. — c. Ditto Account I-- 2 per cent. --r —c. Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent — ,-- Exchange —f. —c Ditto Account . ;Dutch, 2 1 4 per cent. Ditto 0 per cent. Ditto Account Ditto,— 5 per cent. 1 0114% Neapolitan I . Ditto Account — PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Share. 2% 4% 2 :-I Bristol and Exeter Railway Company Commercial Blackwall Railway Company Eastern Counti , Railway I I% Edinburgh and Glasgow Great Western'ltailway Company 2O 45 1 ,04 F-full and Selby - Railway Company 5 8 Brighton Railway Company London Grand Junction Railway South Durham Railway Company 214 3 , 4 3 South Eastern Railway Company 2 4l/. COURSE OF EXCHiI Amsterdam C.F. 12 634 Ditto, at sight Rotterdam U. 1 0 61' LNGE YESTERDAY Leghorn Genoa . Venice vaples aoti Palermo per oz. lin Lisbon SBM Oporto 5l 9 Rin Janeiro 3ti; Bahia 2t; Buenos Ayres Dublin, 9.1 days' sight Cork 1!•4 _5 83 Antwerp Hamburg A1tena........ ... .. : PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ. Portugal Gold, eon, ..C3 IS 3 Foreiyu Gold, in bars 3 17 9 New Mubloons New 1)ollars Silver, bars. standard 0 5 le 5 ...M.B l3 14 13 14 Paris, 3 da r i T P sight.... Ditto .. '25 CO " Us. 25 90 iClarseines Frankfort on Maine, Ex. M 154 Pctersbui gh, ruble `I Us. 10 0 Berlin Vienna, effective 11 M. 19 12 Trieste ditto lO 12 Madrid 16:1i Cadiz Biiboa Barcelona Seville C;thraltar ...... COMMERCE OF THE BLACK SEA. This day, in 1 vol. Bvc., with a Map of the relative position of the Commercial Depots, and Statistical Tables of Imports, Exports, and Produce, price 10s. 6d., REPORT on the COMMERCE of the PORTS of NEW RUSSIA, MOLDAVIA, and WALLACHIA, made to the Russian Government in 1835, in pursuance of an in vestigation undertaken by order of Count Wnronzo. By JULIUS DE HAGEMEISTER. Translated from the original published at Odessa, By T. F. TRIEBNEII. Lonlon : Effingham Wilson, 83, Royal Exchange. HAMBURG, RINE 10, 1836. N approach of WEDNESDAY the 22d instant. the First Day of Drawing or the 68th HAMBURGH GREAT LOTTERY, HEINE BROTHERS, the CONTRACTORS, request those, desirous to purchase at the first Price of 8/. to LOSE NO TIME _ _ . in ordering by one of the Mails reaching this before the 20th instant. To those, whose remittances of £lO, £2O, or £3O, reach them before the 20th instant, HEINE BROTHERS will on executing the order (and sending a Scheme with full particulars) return £2,-.E-1. or £6, (viz. Two Pounds on each Ten Pound Note) by return of Post. Orders for more than Two Tickets must be declined, there not being Tickets enough remaining unsold to allow them to attend to orders of greater extent. Orders for less than a wholzi Ticket will also not be attended to. DIRECT to HEINE BROTHERS in HAMBURG. • P. S. Orders arriving after 20th instant cannot be executed below 10f. per Ticket. Tickets warranted undrawn will sell from 22d inst. till the establishment of a higher rate at Ten Pounds sterling. A higher rate will follow this first rise in price very soon. TO ADVERTISERS. It will be seen by the following extract from the Stamp Qffice Returns, that THE SUN is now the Leading Evening Paper, in point ofcirculation, as the Lists for the Months of March and April last will show : Sun Globe and Traveller Courier . 136,000 132,000 70,500 True Sun, and Weekly True Sun 58,500 Shipping Gazette The publication of Tun SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day at 50 minutes past Three o'Cloch. ,„, - 1 / _ , v - . :-;-,s# l g:i - ' - ---,4-zt ...,,,, .--- - k- mc r i pt„=;,.,1,,,, z , , _,J,, / , „,..4-,4-...._—_,,,A.,,,,,,w,-,...- wog 'Xt,ll,+ LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 15, 1836. A public Meeting of the parish of St. Marylebone took place on Monday last, on the subject of the Irish Municipal Reform Bill, at which Lord NUGENT, who was present, said, " The very bulwarks and sanc tuary of the Constitution were now menaced by attack from the Lords ; and if the people, giving effect and spirit to the House of Commons, did not press for ward and nobly discharge their duty, then he would say that centuries might elapse before they would re gain that vantage ground which the Commons and the people now enjoyed. All rights and privileges being given for the benefit of the people, if the Lords en deavoured, by systematic attempts, to neutralize the best efforts of the Commons for improving the condition of the people, then it was high time that the Lords should be checked in their career. Neither the hallu .cinations nor the violence of their Lordships should be indulged at the expense of justice to the people. Let it not be disguised, Ireland should no longer be go verned by, or for the Lords." These are the words of truth—the convictions of an experienced statesman — and will no doubt make the requisite impression on the minds of all who read them. , It is, indeed, full time, as Lord NUGENT aptly remarks, that the Tory Peers should be " checked in their career." There is no necessity to wait till they have perpetrated more mis chief, and placed themselves "still more in the wrong ;" they have done quite enough mischief already, and are quite as much in the, wrong, as they are ever likely to be. They cannot be more inveterate in their hostility to Reform than they now are ; why, then, delay the period of " checking them in their career ? " They do not thank us for our forbearance. They at tribute it, as a matter of course, to fear, and act ac cordingly. As at present established, the Constitu tion is like a man palsied in one side, and the House of Lords is its paralytic side. Let us hasten then to apply a prompt, searching, vigorous remedy, propor tioned to the exigency of the case ; otherwise the dis order, now confined to one portion of the Constitution, will assuredly spread over the whole system. The Lords' " Amendments," as they have been jocosely termed, on the Irish Corporation Bill, were last night disposed of by the House of Commons in the summary way that such amendments deserved ; and the usual form was gone through of appointing a Com mittee to draw up reasons for not agreeing to them. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD made a motion for re placing on the footing on which they stood in the ori ginal Bill, all the towns which had been excluded by the Lords. This motion, as might have been antici pated, found hardly any supporters. The circumstance of its being seconded by Mr. Sergeant JACKSON, in consequence of ° Bandon, which the Learned Sergeant represents, being the town selected by the mover to begin with, occasioned no small merriment in the House.- The Tory party made no attempt to disturb the unanimity of the House, being doubtless con vinced of the impropriety of such a proceeding, after the declaration of Sir ROBERT PEEL that it was their duty to bow to so " great and decisive a majority" as that of Saturday morning. Sir ROBERT may well call it a great and decisive majority. It is within two of double the majority which carried the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, against a Govern ment of which the Right Honourable Baronet was a Member. On that occasion the Tory leader of the House of Commons felt it his duty to yield to a deci sion of his own House against himself. In the pre sent case he is similarly situated, with this very striking difference, that his own House has given it against him by—as we have said—nearly twice the former majority. We do not find, however, that there is the same harmony among the Tories out of doors, as there is in the House, with respect to the course to be pursued by the party. The organs of the factious portion of the Peerage are in that very unenviable state of mind, which is, in common parlance, called a " quandary." They must say something, and they know not what to say. The thunder" of Printing-house-square sleeps for the present. To the vote of the House of Commons, therefore, may be applied the words inscribed on FRANKLIN'S tomb—Eripuit fillmen ccelo sceptrum gue tyrannis. The thunder-bolt and the thunderer, to he sure, are somewhat different ; but the tyrants are the same—the same perverse, blind, and besotted Oli garchs who lost Great Britain her American colonies, and thtis threw away the brightest jewel in the British crown. But without pursuing this illustration farther, we return to the tone assumed by the Opposition Pa pers. The Times is pacific, and the Morning Post is all bluster and braggadocio. The Lords surrender, indeed ! No, never ! This was our Contemporary's lofty tone on Monday. " The Lords," says he, " have taken a position from which nothing can remove them, or nothing at least which the present House of Commons can hope to accomplish, or dare ven ture to attempt." And again, " Their Lordships have hitherto acted upon principles and feelings which identify them with the people of Great Britain. They are invincible, and omnipotent in the unity of their principles and feelings with those of a mighty nation. They have nothing to retract—nothing to rescind—nothing to qualify," &c. This is in the true vein of King CAMBYSES, or rather of Captain I3OBADIL. It is all very high and very fine as far as words go, but it is mere swagger, and most injudicious swagger too. If this' writer speak the sentiments of the Tory Peers, or if those Peers regard him as their oracle, we can hardly he surprised at any folly or in fatuation of which they may be guilty. The House of Peers, " invincible"—" omnipotent"—and what, reader, is the great element of this omnipotence ? Only mark—" the unity of their principles and feelings with those of a mighty nation !! !" A richer piece of bur lesque than this has seldom come under our observa tion. We have only to substitute the words impotent for omnipotent, and contrariety for unity, and the picture is true to the life ; for if there be one feature In the character of the House of Lords more pro minent than another, it is its notorious want of sy party with the principles and feelings of the people. S►r GREY S K IPW T H has announcTd his intention of offering himself as a candidate for the Southern Division of Warwickshire. As this gentleman is a Reformer in the most enlightened and comprehensive meaning of the term, we trust the 'Warwickshire Reformers will exert themselves to the utmost to secure his return. They may rely on it they will not easily find a better man to repre:•rent- them. In his address, Sir GREY observes, " MY .attachment to the principles of a wise and temperate Reform is not diminished. Evety circiunstance connected with the public affairs of the empire convinces me that a reform of the abuses which have crept into the management of them, is ab solutely necessary." These are just the sentiments of a man who understand:; the character of the age in which he lives ; and South Warwickshire cannot do better than secure him for her representative. Madrid papers to the 6th inst. have been received. The account of the defeat of Colonel VALDEZ by the Carlists under CAB RERA, had reached that capi tal. It differs in no respect from the report of that affair which we published yesterday. In the French papers received this morning, the number of Christinos made prisoners is 700 ; in the Spanish journals, 600 ; in the former, the number of officers shot in cold blood by command of CABRERA, is 70 ; in the latter, 54. One atrocity connected with the death of these gentlemen deserves to be recorded. When led out to execution, CABRERA ordered a band of music to play the most lively airs, and the brutal sol diery were ordered to dance while the officers were be ing shot 1 This trait of cannibalism will render CA BRERA d6ubly dear to the bands fighting. under his rebellious standard. It is rumoured that the Government is more than ever persuaded that the war cannot be terminated this year without foreign intervention. CORDOVA will not move unless assisted by a French army. He even told IsTuatz that he could only act on the defensive. Yet this poltroon and traitor to his country is loaded with honours, while the brave EVANS is left to make what head he may against the whole army of Don CARLOS. As for General BERNELLE, he can do nothing without a large reinforcement, and that he is not likely to get in the present temper of Louis PHILIPPE. The provincial authorities begin to send in their adhesion to the new Government. The country is tranquil, as far as regards the change of Ministers. Senor OLIVAN has been appointed under Secretary for the Department of the Interior. He was a mem ber of the late Cortes. The German Papers received this morning are filled with accounts of the processions, reviews, and rejoicings at Vienna, during the festival of Corpus Christi. All the members of the Imperial family of Austria vied with each other in honouring the French Princes. It was supposed that they would be induced to prolong their visit, and that, on their return to Paris, they would remain some days at the Court of Turin. The Brussels Papers state that the KING, QUEEN, and PRINCE ROYAL, were about to set out on a visit to the King of the FRENCH. On the 10th inst. the Duchess of GLOUCESTER left Liege, and proceeded on her tour to Germany. DUTCH FUNDS—AMSTERDAM, JUNE 13. Money. MN. Acts Al Debt, 2% per Cent. 56 561 i Loan (1530) 5 per cent. A wort Syndic, 434 per cent g7 3 i 98M Ditto, ditto, 3% per cent Bl4 52 Commercial Company, 4'4 per cent 174 175 N Ditto (1832 and 1833) 5 per cent. The whole of the French journals of Sunday have been received. They are more taken up with disserta tions on the late freaks of the House of Lords, and the chances of a " collision" in England, than with their own affairs, with the exception of the African expedition. The following extracts from them include all that is either new or interesting to our readers : PARIS, JUNE 12.--The Ministerial journals announce that the King of Naples is to come to Marseilles. Notwithstand ing the semi-official character of the intelligence, we hesitate to believe it correct, because all our letters from Italy state that his Majesty is going to Vienna; and letters from Vienna of the 4th say that he was expected there. The cholera has penetrated into Upper Italy ; it is at the gates of Milan, where it is every moment expected to appear. We are informed that this circumstance has contributed to the change in the route of the Dukes of Orleans and Nemours, and induced them to give up their visit to Italy. It seems that their Royal Highnesses will leave Vienna on the 13th at the latest. PARIS, JUNE 13.—Yesterday morning, (says a journal), the President of the Council received dispatches from Madrid. It is said that St. Aguirre Solarte and Gen. Alava were im mediately sent for ; they, too, had received letters from their Government. The reports are, that the inte r v en ti on be comesmore and more a question on which the exi s t ence o f th e Government of the daughter of Ferdinand VII. depends. However, the President of the Council eluded, as before, THE SUN, _LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 15, 1836. every explanation which might be construed as a formal re fusal. He mentioned the circumstances of time, place, and ents, which might induce the Cabinet from the course which it has laid down for itself in the affairs of the Peninsula., The conduct of England is not a rule for us. " The treaty to which you appeal," said he "has its spirit inseparable from the latter. We are faithful to the former : let the nation really assist itself, and we shall come to its assistance when it shall be necessary ; but in the present state of things, we shall do nothing more, nothing less. However, I have given orders to our men-of-war to observe the coasts of Biscay." This an swer was not very satisfactory to the honourable Spaniards. M. Thiers then went to Nueilly, attended only by one ser van t.—Messager, June 13. AUSTRIAN FUNDS.—Five per Cents., 104 ; Four per Cents., 99+ ; Three per Cents., 75i ; Bank Shares, 1,369. —Allye metne Zeitung, June 9. FRENCH FIJNDS.—Pants, JUNE 13. Five per Cents., IfSE 10c. 20c 1::c. Four and a Half ner Cents. 104 f Sic. Three per Cents. 80f. 79f. 95c. 60f. Rank Actions. 9,290 f. Rente de Naples, 100 f. 5c 10Pf. 100 f. sc. Roman rive per Cents., 102 M Spanish Actives, 41% 14%. Spanish Differes, 19. Spanish Passives, 1214%. Belgian Loan, Five per Cents., 103. Portuguese Loan, Three per Cents, 513 i. Haytian Loan, 395 E 400 f. 397 f. 50c. EXCUANUE ON LONHON. One month, paper, —c. ; money, 251 37%c. Three months, paper. —c.; money, 25f. 25c —Cours Authentique. BOURSE, QUARTER TO FOUR.—Three per Cents. opened at 80f. 5c., sellers; but they have since rallied, and are quoted 80f. 10c., buyers. Spanish Active Stock has been steady all day, between 41* 41k, but no business has been done. LAST PRICES.—Five per Cents., 108 f. 40c. ; Three per Cents., 80f. 20c. ; Five per Cents. Spanish, —; Three per Cents. Spanish, —; Cortes, —; Coupons, ; Gueb bards, —; Differes, 14a ; New Loan, —; Actives, 41* ; Pas sives, 128 ; Ducats, 100 30 ; Romans, 102,1 —; Pedros, —; Belgians, 103 ; Dutch. —f. —c. ; Haytians, 397 f. 50c. ; Miguels, 17 ; Brabant Bank, —; Belgian Bank, 19 ; Con tinuation, --c. ; New Differes, 19; Five per Cent. Perper tuelles, —; Royal Loan, —. certain, from his high character, that the claims of Mr. Buck ingham were just when they received his support. That Hon. Bart. was a most worthy and a most excellent man, and he bad written and spoken of these claims as being founded in justice, and ought to last as long as the charter of the Com pany, and that which might follow it. The meeting had also the countenance of the Noble Lord in the Chair, a man of the highest character and of the most eminent talents. They had the support of those two good and great men, as well as many others. Then how could it be accounted for, that a measure so supported should not receive the support of the House of Commons ? It was a most extraordinary fact, and the only solution he could give of the matter was, that the oppressors were too strong for the oppressed. The poor man could not stand up and contend success fully with the wealthy man. The fact was that many Hon. Members found it necessary to stand well with the India Company, and therefore they were afraid to vote in fa vour of Mr. Buckingham. Only two years ago the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies was the Chairman of a Committee which reported favourably for these claims, and that Noble Lord, then Mr. Grant, supported them nobly, and with very great ability. Had his mantle fallen on no one in the House now ? Alas ! no. All was mute. They talked of neutrality but gave the most bitter opposition to that which only a short time ago they supported. The friends around him were free and independent. These gentlemen, however, were now in office, and certainly there were many difficulties to overcome in office ; but he regretted that Government had felt bound to oppose a case of equity so strong as Mr. B.'s. Was it possible that a man who had been approved of by such a Governor-General as the Marquis of Hastings should . . be sent away, transported and ruined Without any compensa tion ? Was it possible that now the Government of India was based upon the principles of Mr. Buckingham—was it pos sible that now when those principles were found to be just, and were recognised and acted upon that he should be refused com pensation for the injuries inflicted upon him for advocating thos e same principles ? Upon every principle of moral justice the India Company ought to grant compensation ; they might have some technical objection, but most certainly no honest one. They had been defeated by votes, not by argument ; but he was certain that the people of England would not allow Mr. Buckingham and his family to be consigned to total destruction. Mr. Buckingham was a man, he would venture to say, who had never addressed anything to passion or to popular excite ment-4 Cheers)—but to principle, reasoning, and dispassion ate argument. This had been the universal custom of Mr. Buckingham. Was he not, therefore, a man of all others who was entitled to appeal to universal society—( Cheers) — to have something approaching to justice done to him. There was, indeed, no want o talent in the world, but there was a want of looking to the real interests of those who were humble and destitute; this was the secret of all our ills, this was the secret of the misgovernment of Ireland.— (Cheers.) This country had forgotten that there were six millions of people in Ireland, but let them forget that no longer—(Cheers)—but let them come handsomely forward, according to their respective means, feeling honestly and affectionately the wreck of an honourable man from entire destruction.—(Great cheering.) He did not wish to detain the. meeting, but he could not conclude with out congratulating the meeting on its being presided over by the Noble Lord who was now in the Chair. The case of Mr. Buckingham was now out of the hands of the House of Commons—they had rejected it; it was now in the hands of the people of England, and if the people deserted the cause of an oppressed man now, it would be the first time he had ever known them do so.—(Cheers.) • Colonel STANHOPE said the meeting had heard a great deal on the subject of Mr. Buckingham's claims, and the unjust manner in which it had been treated by the House of Com mons. He would not trouble the meeting now upon that, for in his opinion the case of Mr. Buckingham was one of the most just he had ever witnessed.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Buckingham's property had been valued at 40,0001., and bring ing him in an income of 8,000/., and it was confiscated because Mr. Buckingham had the hardihood to republish a work of his (Col. Stanhope) on the-subject of the British Press, for this conduct Mr. Buckingham had been ruined.— (Cheers.) He considered Mr. Buckingham most harshly treated. He was a Radical, with his Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. O'Connell) ; and he was somewhat of a Conservative, with the Honourable Baronet (Sir C. Forbes). (Cheers.) Of all despotism, he hated the despotism of in novation.—( Cheers.) This was an innovation. No one de tested the license of the press more than he did, but he felt conscious there was a remedy for the evil ; and he had the highest authority for making that statement—the authority of Bentham himself. What was the object of libel ? Was it gain ? Remove that, and libel would soon fall to the ground. He was only surprised that there was so little licentiousness —that there were so few papers of this sort. When he consi dered the ready means of libelling, and the difficulty and the ruinous expense of preventing and putting them down, he was only surprised that they should be so few in number. ( Loud cheers.) Let them establish cheap courts—give the means of readily and cheaply putting down this sort of scandal, and the remedy would soon be effected. But it was not only in England that this would be an innovation, but in British India also. He had the authority of the great historian Downes for stating, that the writers and historians of Asia wrote with greater freedom concerning per sans and things than we did in the West, and it .was a proverb in the East that they were more afraid of the pen of Aben llama than of the sword of their monarchs. In the time of Warren •Hastings the liberty of the press existed. Warren Hastings himself was the object of daily libels—he was called the Great Mogul ; but Warren Hastings, though in many re spects a great tyrant, had the magnanimity:to pardon his li bellers. There was some liberty of the press in the time of Sir John Shaw, and it was not till the time of the Marquis of Wellesley that the liberty of the press was suppressed, and the censorship was established. But the Marquis of Wellesley seemed, no doubt unintentionally, as if he did this duty to Add to the glory of Warren Hastings, for when Hastings returned from the scene of his military glory, after a moment's consideration, he abolished the censorship. This was the greatest, the most useful measure that had ever been effected by any one individual.—(Cheers.) It was said by a commentator on the British Constitution, that if they established a sanctuary in the East, from which the daily pro ductions of the Press issued, liberty would soon be established. —( Cheers.) That sanctuary the Marquis of Hastings esta blished, but it was to the genius, the perseverance, the cou rage, and the sacrifices of Mr. Buckingham, that that sanc tuary was indebted for its establishment.—( Loud cheers.) It was by his elocution, by his power of writing, that he had enlisted persons under his generalship, so as to raise up a feel ing, an unanimous feeling, even amongst the servants of the Company in favour of reformation.—( Cheers.) So far they had gone when the Noble Lord who then presided over that meeting was placed in the Chair cf British India, where he had for so tnany years presided with advantage.—(Cheers.) He would not trespass further than merely to say, that nothing was more absurd than the measures taken against Mr. Buck . ingham.—(Loud cheers.) He was first turned out of India merely because he took notice of a public abuse—of the fact of a Clergyman who was exercising functions that were incon sistent with his sacred duties. Another accusation against him was, that he had republished a work of his (Mr. Stan hope's) on the Liberty of the Press. If he had that work present he would defy any man, after reading the book, to say that there was in it one immoral sentiment, an irreligious sen timent, or a sentiment that was dangerous to good govern ment, from the beginning to the end. He would not trespass longer on their attention.—( Loud cheers.) Colonel THOMPSON had a claim on the attention of the meeting, founded upon the fact of his having been in India at the time when Mr. Buckingham was attacked. He had the judginent of another in his favour when he rejected what he had said in another place—that the appearance of Mr. Buck ingham was really like that of water springing from dry ground.-,(Loud cheers.) He was an European, proceeding with his family to a strange, new land. He did not wish to speak disparagingly of the Press in India, but when Mr. Buckingham went there, it was of a very different descrip tion to what the Press was in England. The passing events of the day were certainly laid before the public, and the proceedings were sometimes commented upon with much eloquence, but as far as anything like literary discussion, still less political discussion went, it was non-existing. They ven tured indeed, occasionally, to . sing the praises of a fortunate General, or the success of a military Commander.—(Laughter and cheers.) Mr. Buckingham had to his knowledge contri buted in no small degree to the improvement of the people of India. When he had the Calcutta Journal in his hand it re minded him of home, and brought to his recollection those free institutions under which the British empire had attained the glorious eminence on which she was then placed. But Mr. Buckingham spoke and wrote with the independence of an Englishman. and for this offence his property was ruined, and himself and family flung destitute on the world. The opinion of Lord J. Russell, and others of his Majesty's Ministers, had sanctioned the resolution which declared that Mr. Buckingham had been unjustly treated, and was entitled to compensation for the loss of his property, and yet the House of Commons had rejected his claim. His case was now in the hands of the public, and he trusted the appeal would not be made in vain. The Hon. and Gallant Member concluded by proposing the next resolution Mr. 0. CAVE seconded the resolution. • He did so with a deep feeling of humiliation, regarding as he did the denial of justice to Mr. Buckingham by the House of Commons as a standing national reproach. To the British public they were now compelled to appeal, and from that never-failing source his Hon. Friend he was sure would receive that justice which had been denied him elsewhere.—(Cheers.) Mr. O'CoNtsten then came forward, and was received with loud and long continued cheering. The claims which he had upon the meeting were not those which had been in so elo quent a manner stated by his Hon. Friend the Member for Shaftesbury. He had no claim upon them but this. He was brought there by an indignant sense of injustice, of wrong perpetrated, and of redress deferred. (Cries of Hear, hear.) There were no two propositions more capable of demonstration than these ; first that Mr. Buckingham had been robbed,—robbed,by means of a power entrusted to indi viduals by British laws—that was the first proposition which he said was clear—(Hear, hear)—and the second is equally clear, that upon one paltry pretext or the other, or upon one sinister motive or the other, Mr. Buckingham had been to tally without redress to the present moment.—(Cheers.) How did he show he was mashed ? Mr. Buckingham went to India, and he published a newspaper valued at 40,000/. by his friends, and 7,000/. by his enemies. He was proprietor of that property, it was the means of giving him self support and comfort—it was the means of earning wealth for his family. He had been denied it all.-4 Hear, hear.) Had he committed a crime? —No. Did he publish a libel?—Heaven knew there was nothing so indefinite as the law of libel ; anything was libellous that hurt the feelings of any body else. But Mr. Buckingham was not guilty of ibel. He had been accused of it in five instances ; in two or three he had given explanations, which had been so satisfactory, that the persecutions had ended upon them ; and upon two or three more of them which had been brought in before Judges removeable at pleasure (and they knew what Judges removeable at pleasure were), he had been deprived of his property. What was he deprived of his pro perty for ? Let it be learned that a Presbyterian parson had arrived there. He had the charge of a respectable flock ;he had the emoluments of his office, but not thinking this suffi cient, he took charge of stationery, and had recourse to the sealing-wax, red tape, and letter-paper, which every Indian subject was to use.—( Loud cheers and laughter.) Mr. Buckingham had submitted in a letter, that this said parson'; business was to pray, and not to cut red tape—(Laughter)—that he had duties to attend to in his spiritual capacity, and that somebody else ought to be ap pointed the Secretary of stationery.—( Hear, hear., and laughter.) For that offence the father of a family hal, been robbed, and his family thrown destitute upon the world. It was really horrible to think that such iniquity should be capable of being perpetrated, and that there should be any human being in existence with any other sensation upon him than that of hurrying forward to remedy a great wrong.—(Cheers.) Were the facts he had stated disputed? Not one of them. When Mr. Buckingham's newspaper came over to the Direc tors of the East India Company, and they saw the appoint ment—did they say Mr. Buckingham was wrong? No : the Directors said he was right. They took away the stationery from the parson, and left him to his prayers.—(Laughter.) The East India Committee refused him justice. Mr. Buckingham then made another appeal—he appealed to a Committee of the House of Commons, at the head of which was the present Secretary for the Colonies, Lord Glenelp,-. ( Hear, hear.) Before that Committee the East India Com pany had their Counsel ; they produced their witnesses, the case was gone into, and the Committee a g reed unanimously to the resolutions .—( Cheers .) Who had drawn the resolu tions? Lord Glenelg, belonging to the Privy Council, and Cabinet Minister at that moment, had drawn the resolutions, declaring an atrocious r o bb er y h a d b ee n committed on Mr. Buckingham. They were not exactly couched in those words certainly, because his Lordship was more polite—( Great laughter)—but he bad used language almost as strong. Resolutions had been drawn up that this robbery was per-. petrated they were unanimously adopted by the Committee, and the Report of the Committee had been unanimously adopted by the House of Commons. That was Mr- Buck ingham's case.—( Cheers.) One of the persons left in charge of Mr. Buckingham's :'property, after he had been sent away, was afforded compensation, and yet it had been refused to Mr. Buckingham.—( Hear.) There never was such a sample of British justice as Mr. Buckingham's case exhibited. A man had been robbed for saying that a Presbyterian parson ought not to be Secretary of Stationery ; robbed by Englishmen ; and—up to that moment—Englishmen had not vindi cated the man who had been robbed.—( Cheers. ) If they were to take the value of the paper at 7,000/., and the interest and the commercial profit that would have accrued by this time to Mr. Buckingham, the compensation that ought to be awarded to Mr. Buckingham, according to the admission of the East India Company, was 20,0001.—( Cheers.) The robbery was manifest, and the plunder was inexcusable.— ( Cheers.) Let them follow him now, while he showed them how Mr. Buckingham appealed for redress. The Directors of the East India Company met and heard the statement of the wrongs of their servants. They admitted that Mr. Buck ingham had been robbed.—( Hear, hear.) True, they said so, but their masters wont make compensation, and thus they got rid of it? Why had they done so? There was no reasoning against their reply, because they did not choose to do so. All logic was thrown away upon such men, and thus was justice refused. Mr. Buckingham next went before the Court of Proprietors, and he (Mr. O'Connell) was almost ashamed to belong to a country—he almost wished for a mo ment that he had been an " alien in blood "--(Cheers and laughter)—when he thought of the atrocity of the Court of Proprietors in confirming the Don't choose "of the Direc tors. Mr. B. next came before Parliament, and the Bill was read a 2nd time by an overwhelming majority. Some men ob tained praise for being good lawyers ; there could not be worse praise to them for their cool. of laws was a tissue of technical absurdities.—(Laughter.) Mr. Buckingham was met by one of these technical rules, and between the squeak of one voice and the broken shout of another his claim was defeated. He was told that it was a public Bill, and that it ought to have been a private Bill. A resolution of the House was passed, but he ( Mr. O'Connell) never knew a man the fatter of such a resolution.—( Cheers and laughter.) On the next occasion the Bill was thrown out. He (Mr. O'Connell) did not come there to talk politics, but he did feel a bitter sting when he saw a Cabinet Minister coming forward to oppose a resolution which went nearly to re-assert what Lord Glenelg had pre viously recognized. It was pitiful to think that individual wrong should not obtain justice, and that its voice should not be loud enough to overpower the buz of political con nexion and East India power.—(Cheers.) The Ministers would not have succeeded if they had not been well backed, he having received the support of those who in his (Mr. O'C.'s) idea were seldom right ; although he admitted there were some excellent and honest men among them.—( Cheers.) But that party was generally cautious, and their cry was—. " if you redress one wrong, the ghosts of hundreds will rise before you." So it was, that justice was banished from the Senate House, and injustice triumphed. Mr. Buckingnam now came before a British public, and he (Mr. O'C.) raised his voice, and demanded justice for Mr. Buckingham.— (Loud and repeated cheers.) His cry bad hitherto been, justice for all men—freedom—liberty of conscience, and political freedom.—( Great cheering.) It was no small gra tification to an humble individual like himself that he had been able to raise his voice, not alone for the profession to which he belonged, but for that principle which would give freedom to the whole human race.—(Cheers.) Not for the land of his birth alone, and he loved that green land, but for every British subject, and his humble voice had been wafted across the Atlantic, and the streams of the Missouri, with the thunder of their cataracts, could not stifle that voice when it called loud for liberty.--(Applause.) Yes, the victim of oppression, wherever he might be, whatever was his caste or creed or colour, had an humble but zealous advocate in him. The success that had attended his exertions in that cause, was an ample reward for all the paltry calumnies and slanders that had been heaped upon him.—( Hear, hear. ) There might be more expanse of mind and a feeling of higher gratification to the bosom that was swelling with an ocean of utility to the human race; but was not Sterne right when speaking of slavery generally, that although it might raise mighty emotions, it did not come home to the human heart as the picture of the solitary single prisoner on whom a dim light was shed, notching another day of miserable captivity upon his stick. ( Hear, hear, hear, and loud cheering.) The people of England might be wronged in the gross with impunity, but an individual wrong being committed, they were roused, and that it was that deluged the streets of London in blood in the time of Richard 11. It was not the exactions of that day, but it was the insult offered to the daughter of Wat Tyler. Here was individual wrong committed upon Mr. B. The Directors of the East India Company were foolish, the proprietors were absurd ; they had committed an individual wrong, and the people of England would be roused to ask how many crimes they had been guilty of towards the poor people—the thousands of natives 'over whom they had tyran nized so long.—( Cheers.) If they allowed this claim to re main unredressed they would rouse the people to insist upon a a new law, which would dethrone the paltry kings of Leaden hall-street. How was he or the meeting to know whether the law of 1806 was yet in force or not ? And ho thanked them for that opportunity of telling the meeting that that law was for the purpose of turning out from office every Indian who had the atrocity to turn Christian. Did the people of England know anything of such laws ? No ; or they would not remain in force one day longer.—( Cheers.) The Com pany ought to settle this claim, even if they were obliged to pull down and sell the stone building in Leadenhall-street and go into lodgings.— ( Cheers and laughter.) This was the cr , of a persecuted family, and he was sure that it woul be responded to by the people of England—it was a cry against tyranny and injustice, which never failed to interest the British public. The India Company had been guilty of gross and infamous cruelty, and injustice, and the people of England were stained by permitting it so long.—( Loud cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman, after passing a high en logium upon the Noble Lord in the chair, concluded by moving the next resolution. The Rev. Mr. RANDALL rose to second the resolution, and during the Rev. Gentleman's speech, Mr. O'Connell retired. The Learned Gentleman had hardly reached the bottom of the room before the greatest confusion took place, in conse quence of the young boy who calls himself Master O'Connell following him out, exclaiming "Do justice to me." After order had been in a measure restored, Lord George Bentinck quitted the Chair, which was taken by Mr. Tulk. The Rev. Mr. Randall then proceeded with his address to the meeting, and concluded by seconding the resolution. Mr. 'Wm. VICARS, of Sheffield, advocated the claims of Mr. Buckingham, thinking him an extremely ill-used man. Mr. RUTT also bore testimony to the great hardships thal had been inflicted on Mr. Buckingham. The resolution was then put by the CHAIRMAN to th meeting, and by him declared to be carried unanimously. Mr. HINDLEv, M. P., would not occupy the meeting long, but begged to read the resolution he had the honour to propose. He would be content to leave the case of Mr. Buckingham in the hands of a generous public. He would let the case stand on its own merits—it did not need the testimony of any one to recommend it.—( Loud cheers.) What were the simple facts of the case ? Mr. Buckingham had spent twenty thousand pounds in India. In consequence of his objecting to the ap pointment of a Scotch parson, which appointment was subse quently universally admitted to be improper, and which was cancelled by the East India Company, for this simple circum stance Mr. Buckingham was banished from India, and his whole property was destroyed. This was the simple statement of facts; and were they not sufficient to rouse the feelings of the people of England Loud cheers.) He hoped that the British public would take up Mr. Buckingham's case in the manner they should do.—(Loud and repeated cheers.) That cheer convinced him that his hopes would not be dis appointed. Mr. SNOW seconded the Resolution, which was unani nimously carried. Sir C. FORBES came forward and was received with loud cheers. He would not occupy much of their time after the splendid speeches t h ey had heard, and after the case had been so fully gone into. His only object in rising was to show that when he once took up a case, he was not the ma n to desert s deeply as cheers.) On the present occasion he felt as ho did the first day the justice of. Mr. Buckingham's claims, and the grievous wrongs that had been done him. ( Cheers.) He would not enter into the question of the legality or the illegality of Mr. Buckingham's deportation from India, as he decidedly thought that the chief wrong done to Mr. Buckingham, was the destruction of his property.— Where was the necessity for that? The Government of India took away Mr. Buckingham's license from the person who con ducted his journal, and it was generally understood that a Ii- cense would,not be granted to any purchaser of the jot. The consequence was, the destruction of Mr. B.'s property. There was one peculiar feature of hardship in the case of Buckingham which had not been noticed. Mr. Buckiet lam applied to the East India Company for leave to go to India, not to re-establish his paper, but to collect together the wreck of his property, and even this just and reasonable demand was act ually_refused. With respect to the private character of Mr. Buckingham, there was one fact which would prove the high sense of honour which influenced his conduct. He had been advised by some friends to extricate himself from the difficulties in which he was placed from the ruin of his pro perty, by availing himself of the benefit of the Insolvent or Bankrupt Laws, but this he declined doing, and expressed his determination to discharge all the claims against him, if ever his circumstances should enable him. The Hon. Baronet trnal. concluded by proposing the resolution. A GENTLEMAN in the body of the meeting se conded the resolution. He came to the meeting with feelings adverse to the claims of Mr. Buckingham, but from the exposi tion he had heard he was strongly convinced of the hardship of the case, and he thought it would reflect disgi ace on the peo ple of England if they hesitated to render him justice.- - ( Cheers. ) Mr. PEASE, M. P. , addressed the meeting in support of the resolution, and trusted the people of England would evince their sympathy for the injustice which Mr. Buckingham had suffered. Lord DUDLEY STEWART moved the next resolution. The Noble Lord apologised for not having been present at the commencement of the proceedings, and went on at some length to advocate the claims of Mr. Buckingham to the sympathy and support of the public. He was glad to find that many of the large commercial towns had already met to con tribute to this object, and he trusted the metropolis would not be bahind-hand on such an occasion.—( Loud cheers.) He believed it was a mere accident that a vote adverse to the claims of Mr. Buckingham had been passed. He had always looked upon Mr. Buckingham with admiration and venera tion ever since he had become acquainted with his history, having by his own study and honorable exertions raised himself to the proud station—inferior to none that could be pointed out—of holding a seat in the British Parliament. It would be a disgrace to the country, if people were not to be found who would come forward and advocate his cause heart and heart. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving the 7th Resolution. Mr. JEREMY seconded the Resolution, and stated that he had had occasion for himself to appeal to the Legislature for same redress, and although that application might be consi dered in some way as having interfered with Mr. Bucking ham's claims, yet he had always found Mr. Buckingham one of his most staunch supporters.—( Cheers. ) The CHAIRMAN then read the list of subscriptions, which was burg, and amounted to a considerable sum. Among others were the names of Lord William Bentinck, 20/. ; Sir Charles Forbes, and five relatives, 601. ; D. O'Connell, Esq., 101. los. Col. L. Stanhope, 10/. ; D. Gaskell, Esq., M. P., 201. ; Mr. W. Vizard, 20/. ; I. L. Goldsmid, Esq., 201. Mr. WYSE M. P., moved, and COI. STANHOPE seconded , a resolution of thanks to the Chairman, which was passed unanimously. It was then announced from the Chair, that the subscrip tions, in various parts, had amounted to upwards of 1,0001. (Loud cheers.) The meeting then, after a vote of thanks to Mr. H. Tulk, which was unanimously agreed to, separated, The following resolutions were proposed at the meeting :-- 1. That a Select Committee of the House of Commons, in cluding three of the King's Ministers, and other Members of both political parties in the State, was appointed in 1834 to consider the circumstances connected with the case of Mr. Buckingham, and his treatment by the, East India Company ; and after hearing evidence at great length on both sides, the said Committee, in e very full sitting specially convened, adopted the Resolutions drawn up by Lord Glenelg, then President of the India Board, and Member of the present Cabinet, as Secretary for the Colonies, de claring it to be the unanimous opinion of the Committee that com pensation ought to be made to Mr. Buckingham for the losses en tailed upon himself and his family, by the proceedings of the Go vernment in India. 2. That these proceedings were characterised by two distin guished individuals, now Peers of the realm, and judges of the land, in their places in Parliament, in the following terms :—Mt• Scarlett (now Lord Abinger) stated " that the Government of India deserved the severest reprehension for punishing a man without trial; and that its conduct was not only oppressive bat cor rupt." And Mr. Denman (now Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench) said, " he considered the treatment of Mr. Buckingham by the India Government to be one of the most cruel, oppressive, and unjustifiable acts which he had ever known to have been com mitted by a British Governor in the history of the Colonies, bad as they were." 3. That the conduct of Mr. Buckingham, which was thus visited with such extreme severity, was characterized by Lord John Russell, as Chairman of the Select Committee before whom all the evidence on the case was heard (and now Leader of the House of Commons), in the following terms :—" The conduct of Mr. Buckingham, so far from attach in.. any blame to him, is, in my opinion, perfectly conformable to those' rules of conduct, and those examples of freedom, which We are accustomed to admire and hold up for imitation by others of our countrymen • those portions of his writings which were parti cularly found fault with by the Indian Government, being such es would do honour to any man possessing an honest zeal for the wel farea of the community in which he lived, and entitled him to the thanks of his fellow-subjects, and the approbation of a wise no benevolent Government." 4. That notwithstanding these solemnly declared opinions of the. eminent individuals named, and the almost universal expressiolfrof . public opinion from all parts of the country in favour of the Buckingham's claims—this Meeting has seen with deep regre t a refusal of the East India Company, of the King's Governmen t, an of the House of Commons, to adopt the unanimous resolutions of the Select Committee appointed under the sanction of the King's Ministers, with the full concurrence of the whole House, and with out opposition from any quarter, specially to examine into and re port upon all the facts of the case. 5. That this denial of justice by every constitutional authority from whom redress might have been expected (this great wrong being wholly without remedy in any court of law) leaves but one other tribunal open to the injured individual—namely, that of the British public—to whom this Meeting now appeals, with a confi dence that in them will be found a greater abhorrence of oppression , and a more generous disposition to repair the wrong, than has been evinced by those constituted authorities to whom Mr. Buckingham has so often appealed, and hitherto always in vain. 6. That a public subscription having been already commen ced by Mr. Buckingham's Constituents in Sheffield, and followed UP by the inhabitants of Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Bristol, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dublin, Belfast, and other towns in Englancit Scotland, and Ireland, for the purpose of purchasing a moder%e annuity, on the joint lives of Mr. and Mrs. Buckingham, who, t t their children, have been despoiled of their lawful property, wi thout even the shadow of a crime, this meeting resolves to do its utmost e' induce the inhabitants of this metropolis to join their countrymen in the provincial towns in this generous effort to make some repera; tier' to an injured and innocent family, for the ruinous losses to which they have been so unjustly and unnecessarily subjected. 7. That a London subscription be now opened at the banlcMg ' houses of Messrs. Williams, Deakon, and Co., Birchin - l ane Messrs. Coutts and Co., Strand ; and Messrs. Ransom and C o " Pall Mall East, and that the following Gentlemen do constitute the Metropolitan Committee, for the purpose of carrying this o b i ° into effect : Charles A. Tulk, Esq., M.P. Joseph Hume, Esq., M.P. E. W. Pendarves, Esq., M.P. Sir C. Forbes, Bart. Lord Dudley Stuart, M.P. Col. T. I". Thompson, M.P. E. C. Lister, Esq., M.P. John Rundle, Esq., M.P. Charles Hiudley, Esq., M.P. Col. the Hon. L. Stanhope R. Potter, Esq., M.P. E. R. C. Sheldon, Esq., M.P. 8. That the thanks of this Me tinck, M.P. (late Governor-Gen ness in taking the Chair upon thi nor in which he has presided oyez J. Scholefield, Esq., M.P. Joseph Pease, Esq., M.P. Mark Philips, Esq., M.P. J. S. Poulter, Esq., M.P. v Sir W. Trelawney, Bart. , N. John Wilks, Esq., M.P. The O'Connor Don, ALP. John Torvill Rutt, Esq. , William Williams, Esq., A" • Thomas Attwood, Esq., I‘l,PO- Joseph Brotherton, I%l ' Thomas Wyse, Esq., M-P• upo eting be given to Lord Vi r • d. a " icral of India) for his great kin_ s occasion, and for the able m r the proceedings of the day. THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) TWELVE 0' CL 0 CA: k Consols opened this morning at 92 for the Account ; notht°b of consequence doing. Consols, 92 sellers; Exchequer 13ip*" 11 13 ; India Bonds, 1 dis., 1 prem. ; Bank Stock , 209 21°. 0 In the Foreign Market it is settling day ; and th ere is 13.0 doubt that the account will go off well, as there is so little Ij. 2 settle. Spanish Active, 411 • Passive, 124 ; Deferred, 1 8 1 33 ; Portuguese, 81* 4 ; Colombian, 301 ; Mexican, 32 t g. Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents., 56i 57* ; Five per en to io; 101 l k. The defeat of Valdez causes the Spanish S tock heavy. HALF-PAST 0 ent In the Foreign Market there has been a great iroprovr i te p i e in Greek Bonds of 1825—about 4 per cent. Spanish '''„n-rtu- Bonds, 41i ; Passive, 124 ; Deferred, 181 194 3 01. guese, 811 Cents., ; Three per s2i 53 ; Colombian , a Mexican, 33 ; Dutch Two and a Half per Cents., 5 7 11 . * Shares little doing. CIC THREE 0' CL 0 Consols for the Account, 92 to 924. e 1 ----- Mr. Brockendon's lecture last night at the society Mr. of Arts afforded us some singular facts of the qualities ° , va caoutchouc, or India-rubber, as applied under Mr. Siei ler t, i n tent, to the purposes of cables, gun-breachings, whale-03'1 lines, and rigger-bands for driving machinery. A very strouo illustration was given by the lecturer in a breaching used board his Majesty's ship Excellent, at Portsmouth , beenunder direction of the Board of Admiralty ;he stated it had s used on board in their daily exercises for these last two Ye ri t r ii ; and its durability seemed not to have been impaired. ;. 0 lecturer tried an experiment to show the advantages o f 80 elastic rope in resisting a jerk by attaching and letting it fall until it broke ; he then tied a Piecei 0,: t he same cord to a piece of the elastic rope, and by lett ill b a t , weight fall four times the same height, it resisted the Jerk, and remained unbroken ; this' proved that it resisted atr-- a weight t: a i t - ie 30 times the weight that broke it in the first instance.---°‘ illy Paper. ..""""1".... (ADVERTISEMENT. ) IV A TCHES• BROAD, Watchmaker, Deceased. T. COX SAVORY, 47, Cornhill, having purchased of the Executo rs of Wm. B roa d, Watchmaker, late of Leadenhall-street: deceased, the whole of the SPLENDID STOCK, consisting 9t GOLD and SILVER WATCHE, oers them at prices highlf. advantageous to Purchasers. The whole arc arranged, ca,„'s whaving the price d, and may be seen hy application to ' l , atclunaker, 41 COX SAVORY, Goldsmith, Silversmith, and Cornhill, London. .---1.--"------81/TT-HS. C• westley, Pie cal ' This morning, of a son, the wife being the sixth. ....... 7 _,,„„ 2 _,..,,,, !f . 2 -.-.2.' -- 1 _ _______; No. ''''''''' T"..--T- 70iJI • TG , ("" ty ----7---.'"-'-----.----"------and Published by I% of 31r. F• C uRDO the Nun London : Printed _ n Office, 0. N 112, Strand, in 112, Strand, at The hYu olu of Middlesex. _.......„....ii11y, MR. BUCKINGHAM. A public meeting took place this day at Freemasons' Hall, Great Queen-street, to take into consideration the propriety of entering into a subscription to compensate Mr. Buckingham for the losses which he had sustained by the suppression of his Journal in India. On the platform we observed Lord W. Bentinck, late Governor General of India; Lord Dudley Stewart, M. P., Mr. Hume, M. P., Mr. O'Connell, M. P., Mr. Tulke, M.P., Mr. Poulter, M. P., Colonel Thompson, M. P., Mr. Otway Cave, M. P., , Mr. Lister, M.P. Mr. Gaskell, M. P., Mr. Hindley, M. V., Mr. Curteis, M. P., Mr. Bridgeman, M.P., Mr. Wyse, M. P, Mr. Rundle, M.P., the Hon. Leicester Stanhope, Sir C. Forbes, Sir H. Strachan, &c. &c. There were several ladies also present Lord W. BENTINCK, on taking the chair. said'that it would be unnecessary for him to trouble the meeting with any of the details of Mr. Buckingham's case, but he felt it his duty to state what he knew from his personal experience to be the feeling of the people of India in reference to this subject. He (Lord W. Bentinck) arrived in Calcutta some years after the occurrence took place, and even at the time when it might be supposed that all public feeling haisubsided, he could state that a deep sense of the injtritice which bad been inflicted on Mr. Buckingham pervaded the public mind—the very great majority of the people being of opinion that his case was one of great and unexampled hard ship.—( Hear, hear.) In bearing testimony to these facts, he (Lord, W. B.) was solely influenced by a desire of render ing justice to Mr. Buckingham, with whom he had hut been re cently acquainted. An, appeal had been made elsewhere on his behalf, which he deeply regretted had not been attended with success. He therefore trusted the public would now do that justice to Mr. Buckingham which the House of Commons had refused. —( Cheers.) Mr. HUNIE said it was now thirteen years since he, as a pro prietor of East India Stock, felt it his duty to represent the case cf Mr. Buckingham to the Board of East India Directors. But the great majority of that tribunal entertaining peculiar views with respect to the liberty of the p. ess, rejected the applicator, with but one dissentient voice. Having failed in obtaining justice in this quarter he (Mr. Hume) and other friends assisted Mr. Buckingham in bringing his case under the Loasideration of the King in Council, but here again he failed in obtaining justice. The Governor- General possessed under the law a discretionary power, and upon this ground the Privy-Council decided against Mr. Buckingham. The case was then brought under the consi deration of the House of Co:nmons, and two Committees of which he (Mr. Hume) was a member, unanimously decided that an act of gross injustice had been in flicted on Mr. Buckingham, and that he was entitled to compensation for the destruction of hia property.—( Hear, hear.) The House of Commons, however, he regretted to say, had not acted in conformity with the opinion of the Com mittee, and Mr. Buckingham's claims were disregarded. Un der these circumstances there was now no other course but an appeal to the public, and from what he (Mr. Hume) knew of the people of England, he had no doubt but that appeal would be promptly and liberally responded to, and that Mr. Buck ingham would not in his old age be allowed to suffer unre dressed the losses which he bad sustained. The Hon. Mem ber concluded by moving the following resolution. Mr. CVItTEIS was not fond of attending meetings out of the district he represented, but he felt sincere pleasure in second ing this resolution, because he had been long- convinced that Mr. Buckingham had been most harshly and unjustly treated. Nothing could have been more complimentary to Mr. Buck hgharn than the manner in which he had been spoken of in the House of Commons the other night. All hhcl agreed that nothing could have been more mild or gentlemanly than the conduct of the Hon. Gentleman. This could not be viewed as a party question ; for did they not see on the plat form an Hon. and Venerable Baronet, from whose politics he had the misfortune to differ, supporting the oppressed, putting party views aside, and coming forward to show that he sym pathised with one who he thought had been unjustly oppressed. And it did infinite honour and credit to their Noble Chairman who had showed to them that his exalted rank did not pre clude hint from sympathising with one of inferior rank,. %/horn he also thought had been oppressed.—( Cheers.) He hoped that meeting would cause the subject to be taken up through out the metropolis, and that an enthusiasm would be created throughout the metropolis in favour of Mr. Buckingham. He was not unwilling, as he had stated in the House of Commons, to set a precedent for allowing a subject who had been pp pressed by a law which ought never to have existed to appeal to the highest tribunal of the country ; and although he pro fessed himself as great an economist as his Hon. Friend (Mr. Hume) who had just spoken, he should not have hesitated in voting 10,000/. to Mr. Buckingham from the public revenues cf the country.—( Hear, hear.) He apologised for' having trespassed thus long upon the meeting ; but he believed, in his conscience, that the case of Mr. Buckingham was one well worthy of their consideration.—( Cheers. ) The Resolution was then put fronethe Chair, and carried unanimously. Mr. TULK, M. P., rose to propose the next Resolution. The most distinguished man in the empire had expressed their opinion, that great injustice had been done to Mr. Buckingham in sending him from India without a trial, to the utter destruc tion of his property.—( Here the Hon. Gentleman was inter rupted by an immense burst of applause, occasioned by the entrance of Mr. O'Connell.) Mr. Buckingham , while re siding in India, was subject to the laws oflthis country ; and if he offended against those laws, he was liable to be sent out of the country ; but for which the India Government would be liable to this country. The power given to the India Government was arbitrary and tyranical, and nothing but emergency would justify the exercise of that power. But in Mr. Buckingham's case there was no such emergency. If Mr. Buckingham had been guilty of a libel he ought to have been tried, and if convicted, punished. It might be said there was an emergency which justified the Go vernment in sending him from the country ; but, so far from that being the case, it was well known the supposed libel was approved of substantially by the East India Company in this country; and Dr. Bright, whom Mr. Buckingham was said to have libelled, by stating his office was incompatible with his sacred duties (for that was all that Mr. Buckingham com plained of), was after wards dismissed from his situation or ap pointment.—(Hear, hear.) No emergency, in his opinion, could justify the Government of India in so shamefully send ing Mr. Buckingham away from his property, to his utter ruin. It was obvious that the next step which Mr. Bucking.. ham should take was to appeal to the authority of the East India Company in England, as he could obtain no re dress from the legal tribunals in India.—(Hear.) He had been referred by that Company to Parliament and to the House of Commons. Mr. Buckingham appealed in the year 1826. A Committee was appointed, of which he (Mr. Tulk) had the honour to be a member ; that Committee sat for many days successively, and there was no doubt that it would have come to the same decision as a Committee afterwards did in 1834, namely, that the East India Company, in sending Mr. Buckingham away, had done a grievous inj u sti ce to hi m . That Committee was suddenly broken off, but anothe r Com mittee did certainly Bucking ham come to the reso luti on th a t Mr. had just claims upon the East India Company, and leaving it to that Company to determine the amount of the compen sation. Application was accordingly made and refused, and it was not until he had been twice refused that Mr. Bucking ham's friends again brought his case before Parliament once more. A Bill was then introduced to give him some com pensation, and with respect to this Bill a gr ea t d ea l of mis understanding was abroad—it was supposed that i t was in tended to compensate Mr. Buckingham to the full amount of his losses, which were at least 40,0001. Mr. Buckingham had no hope of obtaining more than one-fourth of that sum .— The Bill was again introduced during the present year, but by some unaccountable change in the sentiments of gentlemen who had on all occasions supported Mr. Buckingham, the question was lost. Under these circumstances Mr. Bu c ki ng h am h a d no other alternative but to throw himself upon his country f or that redress which bad been refused in other quarters,.— (Cheers.) The resolution which he held in his hand ex pressed what the sentiments of Lord Denman and Lord Abinger were upon the hardship andillegality of the pro ceedings against Mr. Buckingham, and the same sentiments had been expressed by Mr. Cutlar Fergusson, Mr. O'Connell, and other eminent individuals.—(Cheers.) It was, there fore, quite obvious that, although the East India Company had the power to send away any persons who attempted to in terfere with their monopoly, they had no right to make it an instrument of oppressing such individuals as offend e d t h em ,— ( Cheers.) He had the honour o f submitting the resolution to the consideration of the meeting.—( Hear.) Mr. P 0 ULTE R had much pleasure in seconding the reso lution which was proposed by his Hon. Friend. When they saw the Hon. Bart., Sir C. Forbes present, oppos e d as h e was , they must be to all the political opinions of Mr. Buckingham 74, h