The Sun. — London, England, 1818-02-28 00:00:00

PARLIA MENT. 1-1011 Ct LOIIIIP-. FRIDAY, FEB. 27. PETITION 6F- THE LIVERY OF LONDON. Lord 1-lott.ANO presented a Petition from the 'Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery of London, in-Common nail assembled, against the Intim— "nit y . Bill, which, his Lordship ; stated, was signed; wording to . the invariable custom of the Common Ilan, by twelve Members of that body. The 'LORD CHAN:b.:II6k said, the petition Could only be received as the petition of those who had signed The petition having been read, wa, ordered to lie Upon the Table, as the petition of those who had signed it. • • CLINIBING-hOYS. , . . . _ . • •. Lord. HOLLA'ND presented a petition from the parish of St. Mary. ¶Vbitechapel, in favour of the Chintney;-sweepers' Regulation Bill, and against the employment or Climbing boys.—Ordered to lir on the Table. His Lordship also presented a petition to the same effect from the Governors and Directors of the Poor of the United Parishes of St. Andrew, Holborn, above the Bars, and St. George the Martyr, which stated, that Paupers from the Workhouse had been employed to use the Machinery in sweeping-the Chimnies of the Inhabitants, And that it had in no instance failed of effect.—Ordered to lie upon the 'table, Earl GROSVP;NOR presented petitions from Samuel Ba- - guley and Elijah Dickinson, complaining of arbitrary impri sonment and harsh treatment. Ordered to lie npon the Table. A Local and a Priyate Bill were brought up from the 1-lOuse of Commons by Mr. Thornton and other Members, and read a first time. Mr. Johnson presented several Papers from the Office of the Chief Secretary fur Ireland ; and Mr. Nrerrall the .1 al Account of the Commissioners of Shoreham Harbour.—Or dered to lie upon the Table. INDEMNITY BILL. The Order for summoning their Lordships on 'The - subject of this Bill being read, The Doke of MoNtraosa rose, in' pursuance of Ids notice, and observed, that it appeared to hint to be proper to offer a few observations to their Lordships res'pecting the measure he was about to feettomend.to their Lordships' adoption. As to the 'occasion for its being brought forward, he would trnoble their Lotdships to recollect in what situation the country stood at the commencement of the last Session of Pariiatnent, and also its Situation for some time piecediug that period. A great deal of what he was about to refer to were well -1(116+1.n and recorded-facts, Their Lordship; most remember rite state in which the counties of Nottingham and Leicester bad long been. Ilbuses were destroyed, fetones broken, and murders fre quently committed. These excesses were don ' germ's and alantriog in the extreme. It appeared . farther, that these crimes and excesses were, ac "l'ding to the dying confessions of several-of the malefactors, the result of a deliberately organized system ; that prices or rewards were - granted for the commitsion of various descriptions of crime a certain price had been set on the life of an .ordinary individual; so much also for the_ de struction of a horse, and another fixed sum for the ."destruction of a frame. Not content with these, They went higher, and set a proportionate price upon the murder of a Judge, or for lying in to fire upon one. From these tnirt id I Ow,- rages, a more general and extensive system sprung up, and their designs were communicated to each other, no longer by weans of written corre spondence, but Lv word at mouth and other means, which could only be known to rheinselves. Meet -ings were then called in vatiturs parts of the county ; treasonable doctrines were promulgated,- and acts of traitorous outrage - resolved up In, — The trade, commerce, and manufactures of most of those districts were nearly annihilated, and multi tudes deprived of support, which tended to vender them the fitter objects for designing traitor's to work upon. This dangerous spirit of action was ere long communicated to the Metropolis, and they all well knew bow his loyal flightless the Prince Regent, in the exercise of his must important func tion, was insultd, and eveu his person violently attacked Their Lordships thought proper to in stitute au inquiry into those circumstances and events, and the result was, that a temporary sus pension of` the Habeas Corpus Act was (teethed ne cessary, so far as related to the commission of, or to the suspicion of, Iligh•Treasoo. This was a most tvise and salutary measure ; it operated chiefly in the way of prevention, aud . was well calcolatedfor the protection of those persons.. who were most likely to become the, deluded victims of the mituirod leaders in sebemes of traitorous : in surrection. ;t was afterwards deemed advisable , to continue the measure of Sospension-; but this system of precatetiooary conduct would in a man ner be incomplete, unless billowed up ley a dlea isdie such as that now proposed,. which was ren• tiered necessary by circumstances, end' may be re garded as a 'species of corollary flowing from _it. The procceedings which took place subsequent to those he had alluded to, were of a more general, and still more alarming tcodency. Seditious clubs were established, and numerous meetings called, at some of which it was resolved . to petition the Throne, but far from the usual way, and in a manner to prepare for attempting to enforce a compliance with their claims. What occurred in the Metropolis, in which repeated meetings were called, and the most dangerous doctrines broach ed, their Lordships were no strangers to; but those wise and precautionary -measures adopted by Parliament andthe Executive Govern- Mem were happily such as to frustrate and render -abortive those machinations. The coadoct of the Executive Government throughout, and those who acted wider it, was declared , by their Lord ships' Committee to have. been. called for, and amply justified by the circumstances that oc curred ; and they in their turn were fully entitled vs the protecting measore now called for ; ,and without a legislative interposition of the kind' it could not rationally-be expected that such dam . gees in future could be put down (as in the case before them) by measures merely cautionary and ;preventive. -Froa• his view.of the whale case he telt perfectly satisfied the gleam e now proposed was not only justifiable hut necessary, and should detain the House 00 longer, but move that the Indemnity Bill he now read the second The ;Marquis of LANSD'OwNE sa'i'l, he rose not so much for the purpose of optiositig the motion of - the Noble Duke, as to take sonic vi-ew of th e nature and very questionable et-tent of the Bill - in quest ion, and with reference to its legal conse quences, which went to affect not only the per &atoll rights, butt the, properties of British sub . jeer. wlks with n‘o small surprise he heard the measure - cheiracterised as a necessavy'consequenee of the Susocusion of the Habeas Corpus Act last . propo - sition, 1;e tel :sot maintainable. A short explanation took place between his Grace of Montrose and the Noble Marquis, prin tipally with reference to the real import of tire former Peet's expression " corollary," as used by hini, and which he explained to tall short of that absolutely and decisive constitictioo.Which the lattee,seetted t . 9 wit gpqp The Marquis of LANsi)oWNe proceeded.—fie would not controvert the- statements sanctioned by the Committees, that the risings, stich as they were in the Midland Counties, .anti the South of Scotlamt, and its the Metropoiis, had for :heir object the overturning by violence the laws and constitution of the rptilltril contend, that the fair question was, whet4er those were of that tirt ture and extent as to render such an unconvito doltish measnre necessary. In London they only at rested under the Act two persons, both Speu cean philosophers; and as to the character of the insurrection in the cottony:parts, the leaders were never able to bring more - than from fifty to one !doodled persons to act in any one point, though their ascribed range was through a population of 800,000 persons. Front his view of all the circumstances he choir; ht it would have been more wise if Parliament had - consigned the detention' of - those supposed leaders to potter receptacles than those of his Majesty's.. pistols, in places e where Dr. Monroe would feel no necessity of applying for a Rill of . Intlemnit frit- what be 14 done. Much - stress was• laitl on. the expectation entertained in the' provinces of co-operation ft ow Lotidon ; but he believed that much of this expectation was entertained from tln assurances given to those persons by the Dele•• gate from Lomrit, Oliver, who, there was great _reason to suppose, had much exceeded the instruc tions given to him. With respect to,Derhyshire, what occurred in that platter principally. stewed the strength of the offenders was snoh, that it was found easier to-ittbdne than to pursue them ; and it tended additionally to skew , that no necessity'ex isted for the suspension of that great bulwark of personal liberty ; but that the ordinary course of law would Ls amply sofficient for the rest iii %vino of the public peace. Directing .o.e view tior,h wards, it would merely appear as if the left wing of the insurgent force hal tak ett to -the commis sion of burglaries; anti with respect to die neigh bonrhood of Iludderslield, the men brought to trial would have been convicted, were it not for the prevarication of an old woman, the principal sufferer ! And - with relation to Scot land, the facts 'shoved that thv operatiou of the ordinary course of - lasi' was amply sofficient to put down what had occurred. Glancing more in detail at a great part of the c;retonstances which had taken place, the Noble Mat cluis expressed his conviction that all that had elicited Was nor sufficient to call for such ass invasion of the Constitution s -and the setting aside the vene rable evablished law of the country—that tower of strength, which the wisdom and r:rtne of their ancestors bad erected for the security - of the inva luable Constitution of England, -and' which he lamented.to think the measure now under consi deration would fOrm a more serioui inroaq.:npoo, as being of a more permanent eltar act et and effect. In various former Suspensions Of the habeas Corons Act there was no instance Vxrept that of ii 3 -01) of seal) a measure being' carried to the ex tent of that now 'proposed,. The operations and effect of the measure, the Noble Marq u is argued, would be of a most injurious:as well as of a most unconstitutional nature, with respect to numerous whose cases he must think called for serious inquiry, and who certainly should have some chanty' left open to diem for preferring or attetnpiing to sobstantiate their complaints ; .the most eligible mode of doing which, a mode more than once adloptcd; especially in the hstarflVilliarn and Mary, he thought would- he to refer the Petis Lions to a Select Committee. Pursuing this line of argument farther, he declared his opinion, that the characters, descriptions, or even s n i,posed worthlessness of malty iodividuals, shoold not he a reason against their so doing, and advised their Lordships to pause ere they wear to the full ex-' tent of adopting the measure as now proposed, withont further i n q u iry into all the merits of the case which gave rise to it ; and to afford a regular opportnoity for so doing, he would .move as an Amendnaeor, that instead of " stow," the Bill be read a second time that day fortnight. The Earl of LIV-PAINIOL observed, that the prin cipal stress of the Noble Marquis's objections dearly lying against certain provisions of the Bill, their discussion was applicable to the committee, not to The 'present Stage, in which the principle -of the measure, merely, was to be discussed. In the, next'stage, it would be open to arty Noble Lord to suggest what alteration he might deem proper. The question of tha principle was now only before them, Which, front tt view of the ge neral' nature of the proposition, was, whether a Bill of Indemnity did not properly grow out of the circumstances of the case, the proceedings. of the last. Session, and of the Report now upon the ta ble. His Noble-Friend was greatly mistaken, it supposed' to have said, that a Bill of this nature MIS a corollary, or a consequence, of a Bill of In den-miry.; but he regarded the measure. as appear ing of the same description, as corollary; and whien he thought would appear from a fair aod impartial view of the whole case. At the time the situation of the country was known, and avowedly one .of extreme danger, Parliament, taking the circomstances . • into consideration, found it necessary to vest in the a Ex ecutive Go vernment a power .of'titking up and detaining persons, with:out bringing them to trial, Ott suspi cion of treasonable niacin-es. Again, alter some interval, Parliament' inquired ; and-the result Was, a decision that the powers so eivensWere neces sat yto be farther continued. On the first day of the. present Ssssion, his Maiesty"s Government thinking the state of the country to hell() longer such as to require the• Suspension, they proposed 'its immediate repeal. Its following 110 that mea sure, they did not propose the present-its the way of corollary ; hut they. were- ; anxious that farther itiquiry shotild-be made as to the condoct of Go vernment under the Suspension, and a Secret O ont oittee was appointed to inquire accorlingly.- Ou the result of Such i 4 quiry, it was free for the Llonse- to exercise its• discretion, and on the that the potters r. belief , of the Committee,. . so - Vrsleo were n.at abesed by his Majesty's Ga. verninew , but that, on the contrary, they %%ere fully . justified by the circumstances ; and on that ground.the•present -measure was proposed. With regard 'to the question, whether the es tent of the danger Was sufficient to call for the extraordinary oo‘ver granted, the sense of Parliament general}'' had decided. In the oflir mative. The question Was wit to be derided as to the individual opinion Of Pity Noble Lord. Every thing bat had %recoiled 'confirmed the ne s cessiiy of it: 1146 of the drculieoees on tYhieb the-system of triertsureS were founded, to6k place, he - believed, while the Noble Marlatis was absent frotn't he country; but he believed no one would Say that a con s iderable degree Of danger did uot the tithe.. With respect to the state of the rcetropolisoliete May have been only two per sons taken under the particular. 210116111 y ; bat it was well known that several' were brought to trial for 1 heir criminalcondnet; and he undertook to say, that from the moment the Suspension -Act passed, it had the inlutary preventive operation of (H.:heartening numbers, and of paraiSsiog their effors in their traitorous. career. The effect of the measure was not to be judged of from the number of its Victims, but fron: its - effects in the more humane way of deterring . anti Preventing.--: The ground Upon which they stood in proposing the present Act, was not only the foil Hiification of their conduct and of Parliament, but pro,pee tively, and . with reference to its effect, with respect to tutute possible instances Of the same kind. lie never contended that in all cases of traitorous con spiracy, a noTension of the Habeas Corpus Act was necessary ; the extent and nature of the caae s was always to be considered: In the case of CO. Pespard, one rarely exceeded in atrocity and ma- : Itguity, it was not des nted-necessary to suspend the Art, because it was son insidated case, nut ex e tended sor ramified into different conspiracies, or into other ;daces. the present instance it - Was extended through various parts of the coontry, arad for all the characters of a general inSurrec prevailing too in the most lu parts of the country, and I.eith respect - to these, he •'initst again contend the measure pros - duced tl e most salutary effscts in preventing the further delusion, of unfortunate ntonbets whom the. temporary distresses .of the times might hare rendered the More facile objects 'or those traitorous agitators to practice upon, The verdicts of Jories in many cases, though they might not have attached upon Abe accused indi viduals, yet, combined with What elicited upon trials, proved the actnal existence of ,dangerous conspiracies. What hail actually appeared preyed the existence .- of an extensive and regularly or ganiaed conspiracy, and for objects upon which no rational . doubt could be entertained. The whole formed a case, which, in the deliberate and wise decision of Parliament, called for the vesting of Government with these extraordinary rowers ; as the ordinary 'course of laws were held by it to be inadequate _to the suppression of so dangetons a and extensive conspiracy. A ricer of theactoal state of the Metropolis from early is NoVember, rrntli nesrly July, was '1 . 4 powerful corroboration of the conclusiim which Parliament had formed.. react to a certain individUal, on whose conduct Mitch. stress, at different times., bad been laid, partisotarlse with references the- occur rences in You shire, he would observe, that they knew nothing of that - person until the month of April ; whet eats the conspiracy, in Ali' its parts and b?anches, had existed for weeks, nay tnonths, before tha t _period : and with relation to Scotland, the objection Was easiiy refuted—the ordinary operation of the - laws, which were very different trout the/se of England, were there found suffi cient for the purpose; the suspeut ion was there fore unnecessary, to be extended to that part of the island. As to the idea that no persons of pro perty or considerable influence were implicated in these transactions, butt that they were confined to indiriduals oino property, he believed, when the dreadful transactions which took place in London in the year. 1780 (and of 'which a Noble aod Learned Lord opposite had reason to know some thing), ti Bich all proceeded from persons of- no property, or a low description, were reconrcted, not much stress could be laid upon that argument. They had the sad experience also of what oc curred in France at the early periods of the revo lution, in - %vhich those who had nothing were cm balked against those who.h4d every things anti in some degree of what took place in Ireland, to decide their judgments as to such an objection ; and they had wisely decided not to let it mili tate against the atloptioti of a policy, which was' no less guided by the principles of laistice and humanity than it was directed to the secu rity of the Laws, Constitution, and Property of the Country. On these great and' saving princi ples, the extraordinary powers Were entrusted by . Parliament to the Executive Government, upon the fullest examination had decided that the Government had exercised them with jrstice, mode ration, and in a way fully called for and justified by all the circumstances of the case. Com . mittte, it was falsely alleged, was composed solely •of the friends of Government. The fact was no : torionsly otherwise. His Majesty's Ministers were anxious that their conduct should. be fully nisi:lir ed into by individual 'Peers, and ;.lembers of both i narties ; and their deliberate decision teas What he had stated. 'No apprehension had ozoecessarily taken place ; they were all on the: very eve of differenst insurrections, and thseconsequences were most salutary. All they asked for nOW vrovs, that on 'a fair view of the whole case, (not resting th e metlsure on any particular precedent>, that w a s extended in thti way of pi otectioo,„ to- the persons so acting,' and as circumstances avowedly war ' ranted. It was not individually wanted for them selves,. but- on those obvious grounds and prinvi s pies upon which measures of the kind generally proceeded. Lord Lsrasnowts.s. said' a few words-in explana tion. Ile wished foe an adjournment, on the ground that the psovisisms of the Bill of Indent oitybad hot been long etiough before the House to be sufficiently known. • Lord- ERSKINE , agreed that it became necessary, towards the close of the last Session, to inquire into the risings thnt had taken place. But the qnestion was, whether a- Bill, for whieli he could: see no reason, should be read a:second time oc be left to stand over for a.fortnig.ht ?. It ap-. , . Pea-..ti,1 preposterous ti.l that those Who born sin justly detained, and were not guilty, were to he shut. tP4 againSt all the remedies whiA the laws of England afforded thou:. inusi enter his protest ugaiast Snell an idea. The ' Nol;te Lord iaassed calo4l;ius on the character of:iLe. Noble ViSeount, tut said, that if .it was his own brother he woald not bon - sent to such ti Bid of Indemnity, wit-boat P:11 exaniination of the,e't•iilence that tniglpt now be fairly laid ht fore the House. - lie - then argued that many ;persons had •be.2n iUtprisone.l, who, if they hail been brought t o must have !mun aritti ttel, bnt Who now Could nut vindicate their charaepers. Whirr the question was, whether these powers entrtiited to Ministers hail been abused, it was no longer neeessary to lie steret almi*e ail, nothing /ought to he. done that ai"eted the charaet of Parliament. In such eases dun_ iii the last Sais4ion there were CertaiWy • risings, and if the torneeedings hid been dir-ircnt, there woad 4 I>, - en ru.nty and Indeptinoleut eyries would dime their duly. Bat t foongb. in proper eases, there woctl4 hare been C•vrilicts, tb'erc Would bare been an enthusiasm in behalf of thOse who wo l dil have been found innocent: IV . lit ARA the factious case, Itnio, - that we were toll cos to be re,- silt-04.1'ns example' Bt•port said that the great boollr, of the petiple renialiced Untainted. "What more was to b e wished for in any country in -.. the world ? There was no Simi larity between' the state o f the public mind now and at former- periods after tlte, French Revolution. The linSur reciions of last year were of small consideration and insig nificant in thwmselies, and there were other Acts in forcer to quell them, *nitwit haviii; retourse to the Suspension of the Habeas Crirpus Act. He Would say the responsi.. filthy of the Noble Viscount was doubled by shattii t g out the possibility of a defence, though he by no m eans I nea p t to- say that he could toot grape a good ono. He'sras not at all satisfied by what he had heard from the Noble Unke, and if the Bill were thus rapidly hurried, the I-lutte wonlot lay-down a precedent of the most dangerous consegticrice for rpo v nets that nkfit'in future he conntotted by the worst and wieliedest a,f wen. Fur. if a Minister was never to bare hi 7 seiiroduct investigated lint a Jury called by liinipAl, would produce a danger to the Constitution m o o, - g " r o i r • t that had ever been eXpeeienecd. That the petitions of ',the rit-ople had nut met with proper eonsideratloti was, in his the wain, if not the site ca u l-e of all the discnittrin That te; whose &filet justice was the ad: , miratino of all the world, should pursue the eoursw, of. 41- Itiwing the Ministers of the Crown to shild thentsel'Ves der such a BM, whether they were innacetet or guilty, iwould .excite.. astonishment all user the world. he :Nubile L9rti concluded with declaring his opinion Ihat - all Petitions that had been laid un the Tattles of hut'[, flurries, or' "'urea vet come, Wo-uld be a dead letter, "it the motion of his Noilk,i- Vriend were not acceded ru... The LORD CIIANCELLOR observed, that when the goes- Von Tor the .Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act was de; bated, it was hardly possible to suppose that there would nest Ikea 13i11 of Indemnity It was alma' a century and a halt ag‘;, in the reign Of Omit's - 11. that our ancient rights aunt liberties Were secured by this Act ; ai n he wooht say, that the history of the country, since the Act of Charles li , had proved, that in order to secure our liberties, it was necessary that that very Act should be occasionally sus.; pended. knew that the g'reat hotly of the people were sound but would the Noble Lord say, that the people were not sound in the time of sing William? and yt tt the Act was suspender} three times in that reign. if the Notate Lord; would take the trouble to look at the. Acts of In demnity of that reign, he would find theycontained the san words. Those Acts admitted that there had been a violation of the law in Sitspendiag the Habeas Corpus Act, but they , justified it on the eligencies of the Junctures; and though lit etividnals might complakt of hardships which those exigencies rendered unavoidable, yet good subjects were not to be ptt tts the trooble and expences of lawsuits who hail only do r c then-duty to their country. Those riglits atol libertits vele secured by that of 14-trliatnent... Sinnibar circumstances ut- , curved in the year 1715 and 1748, and in the whole hi.z. toty of the chuotry three w‘ 11 : eStithli - Stierl proofs, that whet e tLe public satety and necessity repined it, Bills:of Inden,. oity might be granted ; for Satus ettpre;snit le.a .' "itiuthiis 1,41 oc,tiered that or, old not instify it in this in stance. The Suspension Act that e ries) in 1795 teas hit liv a Bill of Indiminity till Ins. But nui a senile; person had; tholicht proper to bring any ',Tit, till, iii iStl(l, ail those Who had '.:en silent came forward with their conld , - plaints, nod Parliament thought pr o pel to indemnity the ; inisters. It hut been acknofiled4ed that this was a Par.; fiddly...wary procteculin,z, and w' were now uniter the sai:!es circumstances. lie conhl therefore see no reason for 1)0,1 - ponins; the second Parti•ament had passed 111.2 Suspension Act under great and serious considerations, wi't the lkports of two Seceet Conceptives, and nolsiu Who teeullectcdt Ole contents of those Reports could believe that there were not strong gronnds foe giviug streh power', to the Ministers of the Crown. The Noble :and Le,,rocil Lord then proceeded to justify the proevediito in the forma- , tiott of the last :Secret Coma - Inoue, argiiiiii; that there was toy way so satisfactory to the feelings of Munster,' as to forra it t:y ballot. When Noble lords argued that there had beers only little riots in tsfpiutields, and insignificant disturhatrers in other parts, they seemed entirely to forget what had beet prevented by the linspensiint of the Habeas Corpus Act, wit,t which it might base happsord that some o: those persot,s of high rank alight net have been present at this time to debate the question. before then.;; for, as was well huowti,.. ail open enemy was fiat so.diiagerous as those who pianist their designs in secret. That :man tmist have a stout Beare. who would say, that in November, IFSIai, he d'd nut see itx London cause for very seriwis alarm. As to the second meeting in Spa-fields, although . he was tint inclii-ed to say that those peisons were guilty of treason, yet he would say, that those, Ministers who hail not th,ught .proper to submit the ease to the il,cision of a Jury, would have I,ieen guilty of a great dereliction of their &illy, as . the' would if those in Derby and Nottingham hall , 'well. left: at g e. Ipersottil stick as w an t e d Reforux in Pa rliamentVe?re those No; it was nothing less th it they aimed at than the destruction of all the constituted authorities oe the realm, and their oliect was to march With arms in their hands to the ex.ecution of their purpose. Then to, ;that wits the pi esent state of the country owing ? Those. who bad &waled a true opinion, knew that its tranquillity Vviii• Moil! the result of the Suspension, of the I Linea. Corpus Act than of any other proceeding, anti the operation 01 it bad been merciful; and preventive of mischief. After farther arguing:. iu bi- ball of the second reading of the Bill, and skewing why the iiitortirition received by Government otught not to be ex— posed, the Noble Lord. concluded with contending, that the proccedimgs were in exact conformity to those of Charles 1I - and Max this country would not have been the great awl, powerful nation that it is, if it had not had the good SeltSC, utt dilrefellt oCCaSltilts, to make a. tempocary sacrifice of its li berties roc the general welfare. Lard HOLLAND svAid be wtoutd not confine himself to the suestinn r Whether the second reading of the UHL should take place that night, tot would state the . nature, Cha rricter, objects-, athti ruotiNes of it, which he could not do , without feeling indignation aa►d abhorrence of the prin— ciple on which it was founded- The precedbnts ernoteil bir th.e Noble Lords- were at complete variance with ottst another. Tbe argn'inents of the Noble Lord who spoke last had tended rather to cntaugle than. to elucidate teav subject. The Noble Dukc who brought in, the Nil bat% thought proper to - give it a title beforehaml; and call it a Bill of Indemnity. This reminded him of 'au argument of Tristram Shandy, on the propriety of christenings - . a •child before jt was burn. If no men had been arrested except ott information upon- oath, it tern; clear that no Bill of Indem nity was necessary. fur MMetters, for if they had not- ex ceeded the powers •given them by the SuspenSion thc Habeas Corpus Act, they incurred. no penalty. To say that the Bill was. fur 'the purpose of preventing. terns from disclosing evnlenee, had no Meaning. • But it was ,trot' for • the Secretary of State for tbr Home Department that the 13111 had been bromtht •forward, it was for the protection, of Mr. Oliver, artil those men who were to be secured from :he conseytences of the !avv ; fur that wretch. in particular. who. was to he secured by thy shield of power, and in whose behalf all law was to• be trampled driven. The Noble Loot theta went at considerable length into anexasnination of tht., precedents (looted by the Lore t Chancellor, eontendimr.that they were mostly periods,of civil war, and consequently the •Mittistets thought themselves entilled.to haw recourse tole measure which he was far froiu approvit4. ViscOunt SiDMOUTH deuluredthat be had' no wish to. Mk" for any indemnity, on his own account, for he knew that her had conscientiously performed his duty; while, in the situ,- Con in which he /1:mod, it was.nOt for him to take apart in..t.ts