The Sun. — London, England, 1838-01-10 00:00:00

IItELAND. (BY EXPRESS.) (FROM OUR OWN CORRLSPONDENT.) DUBLIN, MONDAY EVE:NINO. O'CONNELL AND THE TRADES COMBINATION. (THIS DAY.) The me e ti ng between Mr. O'Connell and the deputies of the Trades, which was to have taken place last week, was postponed to this day. At one o'clock the great room in the Corn Exchange was crowded with artisans, and the gallery with their female friends, anxious to be present at the pro ceedings. The reception of the Learned Gentleman, who entered the meeting at half-past one o'clock, was most enthu siastic. PETER PURCELL, Esq., was placed in the Chair. " THE SUN." Mr. O'CoNNELn then rose and observed, that he had a pre liminary subject to note. The Sun newspaper, which arrived that morning, and every one knew what an excellent paper that was, and what attention it paid to Irish affairs, had stated that he (Mr. O'Connell) bad two years ago consented to the pensioning of the Catholic clergymen. He did not know how such a mistake could be committed. He never did, and never would, consent to the clergymen of his religion being paid by the State. He wished the Press to let this go dis tinctly before the public. It was but right to say, that he was confident it Wes only a mistake of the editor of the excellent journal in question. The CHAIRMAN read a production from the mail-coach makers in his employment, protesting against the illegal com binations that exist in the city, and denying any participation in it. Mr. O'CONNELL then rose. He COMBINATION was about, he said, to address the meeting at great length, and he trusted he would not be interrupted. He pledged himself that every tradesman who addressed the meeting should get a patient hearing. He rose for the purpose of proposing a series of resolutions, in which he wished they would all concur. He congratulated himself on the fact, that a great degree of unanimity pre vailed between him and the trades. He had attended in that room for th ree d ays toget h er, an d for many hours each day, and listened to the clear statements of many of the tradesmen. They agreed in this,—that there was a great depression in trade, and secondly, that trade was fading and decreasing in that city. But they differed as to the causes of this decrease. He thought it proceeded, in some degree, certainly not alone from the exis tence of illegal and unjust combination. They did not think se. And he was there that day to maintain his position. Well then, they agreed that trade was not in the state it ought to be, and there were not so many men employed in Dublin as there should be. He agreed with them also as to the fact, that disgraceful outrages had lately occurred in this city. He held in his hand a resolution to that effect, adopted by the meeting of the 26th of December —enquiry into the causes and nature of those outrages was absolutely necessary. Every honest man would join with him in obtaining such inquiry, and it was challenged by the resolution of the meeting in De cember. He had not gone to the meeting. He wished he could have been present at it. He would be very sorry to think that the sentiments expressed by the speakers at that meeting were the sentiments of the majority of his fellow subjects, or even of the tradesmen of Dublin.—( Cheers.) He had to complain particularly of Mr. Richardson. He hope I he was present.—( A voice, "He is.") Mr. O'CONNELL proceeded to say that he had been ob liged to get Mr. Ray to write to say that he was unable to attend on account of sickness, and he had a right to be be lieved by his countrymen.—( Loud cheers.) He then read from the report of Mr.;Richardson's speech the part where he insinuated that he was not sick, and that he (Mr. O'Connell) would be out next day. Mr. RICHARDSON said he never said it as it was reported. Mr. O'CONNELL said that was what he complained of. Persons said behind him what they would deny before his face. Mr. LEVEY, who reported the speech in question in the Register, from which Mr. O'Connell quoted it, testified its accuracy. The Saunders's News Letter was handed in containing a similar report. Mr. O ' CONNELL—Mr. Richardson had a right to his poli tical opinions, but he, a newly created freeman, who put him to the expense of defending a petition, had no right to attack his character. Why was there not an honest Irishman present who would defend him ?—(A voice, " He would not be heard.") Mr. Patrick O'Brien was the chairman on that cc sion. He was sorry that he was not now present. He ( Mr. O'Brien) would be there, it was said, only his employer would dismiss him if he attended. That was his pretence for not meeting bins (Mr. O'C. ) face to face. A TRADESMAN—He would be dismissed, not for attending, but for not being at his work. He would bring him to the meet ing in half an hour, however, if Mr. O'Connell desired it. Mr. O'CONNELL observed it was clear lie could have been there if he wished if he could be brought.—( Hear, bear. ) He was blaming Mr. O'Brien for not interrupting Richardson. The object of the meeting was, they declared, not to abuse him, but to defend themselves. What had they had given the Orange press to cast at him? What had the Times said ? Why, that he had trained up the trades to blood, and that he was frightened at the increase of the mur ders, and quarrelled with them, and they therefore were angry with him fur deserting them. The Mail, and the whole Orange press were against him, and the name of O'Brien was a kind ef sanctio n to the meeting. But the worst man that ever Iva in Ireland, was an O'Brien not Jemmy O'B r i en , b ut Mur rough O'B r i en , o f Inchequin, who burned 154 Friars at Cashel 'Cathedral. It was a saying " Oh, he's worse than O'Brien," because it was an impression that Ireland was always to be betrayed by an O'Brien. Well, then, Mr. Patrick O'Brien had said, perhaps, they were about to be betrayed now, like the children of Manchester, and when he (Mr. O'Connell) asked him what he meant, he said, he used the words because he understood that Mr. O'Connell had seconded Sir Robert Peel's amendment of the Factory Bill. So ignorant was he of the whole affair—M r . Finlay had charged him with keeping the engraving of their notes of the National Bank from Ire land, and giving it to Englishman, and a voice at their meeting exclaimed " This is the man who wants justice for Ireland." It was because he wanted justice for Ireland that he had done so. In looking at the tenders, he found that the engravers undertook to give them a note that could not be imitated—that is, that it would be too expensive to be imitated. He found that the Company who were to get the engravi ng were also t o g i ve a runn i ng guarantee of 100,0001. that the notes could not be forged, so as to impose on the least dis cerning. He w as as k e d , cou ld h e get that guarantee in Ire land ? And he was obliged to say that he could not ; and that was the reason the engraving was given to an English Com- Pany. He came to another charge made by Mr. M'Donagh, a very able man. He had charged him with buying his car riage in England. The fact was, that when he was eight Years at the bar, he could not drive his carriage. Since the Union lie had bought five carriages, three from Hutton and two from Cooper, and two of his daughters had bought one each. But that would be no excuse, if he had bought one in London. Well, his answer was, that it was a falsehood. -- (Cheers ) He always got his clothes made by his excellent relation, Jerry M'Carthy. He even sent from London to Dublin, when lie wanted a waistcoat; and yet such a false charg e was m a d e aga i nst hi m, and behind his back ; and thi s was what the Trades called vindication.---( Cheers. ) [At this time O'Brien, who had been Chairman of the former meeting, entered the room, and was received with partial dis approbation. ] It was not so much indignation he felt on his own sake, as that a person representing himself as at the head of the Trades should calumniate him, as the representative of that body. His ( Mr. O'C onne ll' s ) character was part of the Property of the Irish people.—( Cheers.) He had led them to victory. Richardson and his followers, his Orange confe derates, were the masters of the Catholic people once, but now they were but their equals. In that struggle he had Spilt no blood, if one drop of blood hes been spilt, unless, in deed, his own, he would have given up the struggle. The People of Ireland would look with greater detestation 'Von combination—( Continued cheering, and cries of Hear) that it had led them to misrepresent him when he was lying 'hint Sport his death-bed. And what had they done to compensate . When they found he was out, and that they had spoken falsely, had they written one line to apologise ? Not one - -(Cheers.) If they met to vindicate themselves, what had attacks upon him to do with their defence? What had the children of Manchester to do with their defence ?—( Cheers. ) But the people of Ireland would not respond to them.— ( Cheers, and cries of " No, no.") It was the Orangemen in the trades who had attacked him—the Orangemen that he had courted for four years, when he could have triumphed in success, but they were not to be tamed. He was, however, e ngaged in another experiment, in which, if he succeeded, he Would have attained a victory that would make his name be hailed even in England and in Ireland, whispered with delight as many a fond mot h er w hi spered it now to her darling child, a the name of the friend of Ireland.—(Tremendous cheers.) O'CONNELL then said he would submit to the meeting 1,-_ doc ument conclusi ve on th e su bj ect o f com bi nat i on, to w hi c h "'s entreated them to give their best attend ion. I ‘!r. Ray, the Secretary to the Meeting, then read the fol ,._ossing letter from Air. Grimsliaw, an eminent merchant in tielfsos ass -.... Cl the English and Scotch printers in this market, or abandon the business entirely. The journeymen not only refused to comply, but induced all the apprentices to abscond; and by intimidation drew several families from the concern, whom my brothers had brought from Scotland to work, at similar work to that which is done by women in their own country. What has been the consequences? Not only the loss of a large property to my brothers, but the throw.. ing out of employment of ahout one hundred families, who were earning about 1001. weekly, and living in comfort and content. I may remark that, since that time the workmen came to my brother's, and, with tears in their eyes, deplored the course they were obliged to take, in quitting a place where they had lived from infancy, to wander they knew not where, in search of employment ; but such was the power of the trades, that they dare not remain ; and I do assure you that many of those families, who little more than a year ago were living 'in much comfort, are now wandering about in rags and in want, and would wil lingly now work at half their former rates. But the mischief has been done ; the printing trade has been driven out of this part of Ireland ; and I am ready to prove before any court of inquiry, that the main cause of such a disaster to the country has been the interference of workmen with the rights of employers. Often were the workmen warned of the consequences of their folly ; but to no effect; they clung to their darling unions, and vainly thought they could enrich workmen, when they were ruining their employers. In this country the number of of tradesmen being few compared to England and Scotland, the trades are more likely to accomplish their object of dictating terms to their employers ; but they seem quite to forget that unless they allow employers to make some profit, that all manufacturing business in this country must cease and be transferred to other places. Where the number of workmen being so great and the employers so wealthy, that an effectual stand can always be made against unreasonale demands, and where in almost every instance illegal combina tion has always resulted in injuring in the first place the employers, and in the second, in lowering the demands of the work. people; I should rejoice to see all operatives earn sufficient to sup.. port them in comfort, for " the labourer is worthy of his hire," but this can never be accomplished by seeking to perpetuate the old sys tem of monopoly—or in any way cramping the enterprise of the capi talist on one hand, or of the most humble aspirant to work at a trade on the other. I regret to see by the public prints, that you have had a severe illness, but I trust it will be of short duration; and - that you may live long to ser, e your country, is the sincere wish of Yours, faithfully, ROBERT GIMISIIAW. Daniel O'Connell, Esq. After Mr. Grimnshaw's letter had been read, Mr. O'Cots- NELL proceeded to correct some misreport in a Dublin paper of a former meeting. He then said he read Mr. Grimshaw's letter to show that one trade had been ruined by the misconduct of the workmen. He ( Mr. O'Connell) would add that he could produce before a Committee of the House of Com mons the partner in a Dublin house, who would have laid out one million sterling in Dublin but for combination, which sum he was forced to lay out in London and elsewhere. He was told that persons were able to go to Glasgow, and see the country, and save all their expenses by buying a suit of clothes there instead of Dublin. This should not be ; it was one cause of ruin to Dublin. Mr. Kirman, a clever stonecutter, had a controversy with him (Mr. O'Connell), but he would state one fact that should be a lesson to his trade—it was a custom daily increasing to bring chimney-pieces from the city of Armagh, instead of having them made in Dublin. The painters, too, he must also mention, he had a fact for. He could assure them that there were no less than six houses in Merrion-square, being painted at the present moment by painters from Glasgow. The Sackville Club, too, was fitted up by ScOtch artizans. Thus the money that should enrich the Dublin tradesmen went into the pockets of foreigners. The ship-carpenters of Dublin should recollect that the ship building trade was going to Drogheda from them, though the timber used in it had to be bought in Dublin. A man was murdered in that trade not long since —not, he believed, by ship -carpenters, but certainly for a breach of these rules. Last week, several men would have been convicted for a com bination outrage, but that they could produce a young man to prove an alibi; for the worst of the system was, that the inno cent too often suffered for the guilty, as they might have done in this case. hi some instances employers were attacked for using machinery, though it absolutely increased the num ber of persons they employed. He could quote in stances of the fact. But, perhaps, the best prcof of the evils of combination to the workmen themselves he could pro duce was one of very recent occurrence. Mr. Fagan had built two boats for the Ulster Canal, which were found so excel lent, that seven more were ordered, but he was prevented exe cuting the order by the men combining to raise their demand so much as would affect the order he received to the amount of eighty pounds. What was the consequence ? Why, the boats were now being made at Belfast by a person of the name of Conwick, who would have to get every stick of the timber from Dublin. He ( Mr. O'Connell) had in his hand a docu ment from a house which, within the last twenty years, had expended a sum of seventy-nine thousand seven hundred and thirty-three pounds in wages in Dublin, and the son of the principal partner assured him that if the tradesmen did not give up their system of tyrannism over their employers, he would close the establishment, and give up the trade.—(Hear,) Mr. O'Connell, after entering at considerable length on the subject of combination in its several bearings, concluded by reading the following resolutions, which were after a few words severally seconded. I . Resolved,—That the first duty of every honest and wise Statesman is to attend to the interest of the Operative Classes, and to procure for them adequate remuneration for their skill, labour, and industry ; and that we solemnly pledge ourselves to use all the exertions in our power to attain so desirable an object for the trades men of Dublin. 2. Resolved--That we deprecate and condemn in the most emphatic manner any system of terror, of violence, or of outrage, employed either by or for the tradesmen to control their employers to control the free circulation of labour. 3. Resolved,--That we solemnly pledge ourselves to use all legal means in our power to terminate the system of terror, of base, in human, and unchristian outrages and murders perpetrated in the City of Dublin and its vicinage. And whilst we utterly disclaim imputing these outrages and murders to the Trades of Dublin or any of them, we call upon every honest and conscientious trades man to assist us in putting down these frightful crimes. 4. Resolved,—That we deem a Parliamentary inquiry highly useful to ascertain all the causes that affect the state of trade of the City of Dublin injuriously to the Operative Classes ; that by means of such inquiry all errors and misapprehensions will be detected and exposed, and the real nature of the combinations either of em ployers or of workmen fully and fairly displayed. Before the resolutions could be put, a scene of confusion and recrimination, commenced by O'Brien, the Chairman of the former meeting, took place, which had not concluded at post hour (six o'clock).: MR. SMITH O'BRIEN—COUNTY LIMERICK. Mr. Smith O'Brien has addressed a letter to his consti tuents, in which he states his determination not to incur the enormous expence consequent upon the defence of his scat ; but that he feels so convinced of the validity of his election, that he anticipates no unfavourable result notwithstanding. He will rest his defence on the cross-examination of the wit nesses produced against him, and the evidence of the High Sheriff of Limerick and some other gentlemen of the county who will be present in London at the period of the investi gation. EXTERMINATING SYSTEM. Mr. Cooper, of Sligo, has caused notice to quit to be served upon a man named Bryan Flynn, in the parish of Kil ross, county Sligo, for no other reason that can be conceived, but th.t he was appointed a pacificator by the late General As sociation—an appointment which is an excellent evidence of his good character. This is the way the advice of Darby O'Grady, the exterminator, is carried into effect. MEETING IN SLIGO. TO ADDRESS TI-FE QUEEN. On Saturday last a meeting was held in Sligo, to address the Queen on her accession to the Throne. In the absence of the High Sheriff, Sir James Crofton, Bart., J. P. D. L., was called to the Chair; William Kely, Esq., acted as Secre tary. The following gentlemen were present :—Right Rev. Dr. Burke, R. C., Bishop Sir William Parke, J. P. D. L., Daniel Jones, jun., J. P. D. L., Edward Howley, jun., J. P. D.L., Gonville Bromhead, J. P., Patrick Howley, J. P., Va lentine Irwin, J. P., Bernard Cogan, J. P., Martin Madden, M. I. Burke, barrister.at.law ; Andrew Kelly, sen., Andrew Kelly, jun., James Madden, Alexander Henry, M. D., Patri , k Murphy, John Callagher, George Fenton, James Beatty, Thon.as Kelly, John Tucker, Esquires, and the Rev. Messrs. O'Callaghan, P. P., Dowdican, P. P., Goodman, Kelly; Heb bits, Feeny, and Henry Egan, Esqrs. • The Chairman having explained the objects of the meeting, the first resolution was proposed by MARTIN MADDEN, Esq., and seconded by VALENTINE 'awls, Esq. The second resolution, one of confidence in the Ministry, was proposed by J. MADDEN, Esq., and seconded by P. How- LET, Esq. The Secretary then read the Address, Sir W. PARKA moved its adoption by the meeting, the resolution was se conded by Elm/um HOWLEY, and passed unanimously. The meeting then separated. The Rev. H. Choirriondeley has addressed a letter to the Editor of the Morning Register on the present state of Irish politics, enclosing 100/. towards the O'Connell Fund for 1836.37. 1) "R Belfast, January 1, 1838. y our have read with much attention, and great satisfaction, ad monition and advice to the trades of Dublin; and I feel so teerlyinced of the evil effects of that system of combination which in :: er es with th e rights of labour, that should you succeedin con. neil 'g the trad es of the injurious effects of their error, you will ren derl serveVeice to your country, by promoting her wealth, which will add n to him to whom she owes her liberties. 10 E h man has certainly a right to sell his labour in an open market, highest bidder, and the law of the legislature which would fix a ty r ,, iTht n of wages, wou ld not b e more unjust than that spur i ous t c , act y, Y, whi c h tells a workman to quit an employer because he dares 4frairBeentrary to the law of the trades in the management of his own 1 an, not im mediately interested in the question, but you may, per. have heard, that my father and my brothers have been for u3',,, year s extensiv e l y engaged at White House, in the cotton trade, we ' te Y brothers expended upwards of 30,0001. in erecting as corn. Th e a Concern in cotton printing, as any in the United Kingdom. aYa understood their business well, were attentive to its stit t gem ent, and kind and just towards their workpeople. r,o_.tnheY could not make money— and they lived . in f erev ut e l ual conflict with the workers caused by their constant inter. 1, 0 , 1 7 i With the management of the busines—at one time objecting to amr n eeejunction with machinery—at another time to the number sva„._l_ rees, and above all, compelling them to pay the same rate of 1v,6"%t the botch, that they paid to the good workman—frequently eoul d oansi im perfect, and wh en them iserable man was dismissed, they when,„ em ploy such hand s as b e l on ged to the trade. Occasionally, 1)1 0a , ,, ‘ , y broth ers asserted their just rights of employing whom they , voul d ' t he men of the trades would immediately strike work, and l eidati o n°t O nly leave the concern themselves, but by bribery and inti. At 1 0 , 11 ,_ I b'ee off ap rertices and others who bad taken their places. , 114, 0 - 0 - g t 'l the system P of tyranny became not only intolerable, but f ore .4.--- and they determined to make a stand against it. They there. Pow4gave their workmen notice, that they must either have t° man age their busine ss according to their own views, so as the to THE SUN, LONDON, WEl:ilk/ES DA Y, JANUARY 10, 1838 DUBLIN.-MONDAY. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT. " Non mews hie sermo, sed qua?. prxecpit Ofellus, Rusticus abnormis sapiens-"—HofiAcE. I have stated in a late communication that there would be no expression of the sentiments of Irishmen on the recent in telligence from Canada, and its effects upon the condition of this country, and p u bli c a ff a i rs i n general, till after the Metro politan dinner on Thursday next. The subject is too pregnant with interest and importance to the people of Ireland, how ever, to suppose that th ey h ave not b een active in their thoug h ts and speculations on the result, ever since the arrival of the first news of Papine au ' s re b ellion. The analogy between the two portions of the British Empire is too great to admit of in difference or want of sympathy for a people demanding, no matter whether right or wrong, a larger share of the freedom of the English Constitution than they have hitherto enjoyed ; and at no former period, perhaps, in the history of th:s country, would our sympathy be confined to calm and tempe rate wishes, for their reconciliation with the mother country. But the feelings and views of my countrymen are wonderfully changed in this respect within the last few years. I shall en deavour to account for this ch ange , so f ar as i t h as yet mani. estcd itself ; and, in doing so, shall, I think, anticipate much of what will transpire upon the subject on the occasion just mentioned. In the first place, then, I venture to assert unhesitatingly, without meaning to bestow on Lo r d M u l grave ' s G overnmen t any greater meed of praise than it is substantially entitled to, that if the same intelligence had arrived here three years ago, during the Vice-Royalty of Lord kladdington, the demonstra tion of Irish feeling on behalf of Canada would be such as might add considerably to the difficulties attending an adjust int nt with that Colony, Lnd greatly embarrass, if not com pletely prevent, a Tory Government from effecting it. But there is now prevalent such a general belief, that the Wh i gs are not only disposed, but capable of diff us i ng , a lib era l s h are of Reform all over the dominions of Great Britain, as makea us all auxiliaries of, instead of being hostile to them in their efforts to do so. And it is not a little curious to follow and trace this developenaent of public opinion on this subject in Ireland. When the accounts of the insurrection first arrived the tendency of mind in the great majority of the people was in favour of their fighting for liberty. But as soon as the opinions of the Tory Press hero and in England became known, and it was discovered that the faction looked upon the event as one which they might pervert to the injury or annoyance of the present Government, we all became Loyalists, and we now look upon the revolt of the Canadians in no other light than an admonition to the present Government not to be tardy in ex tending to British subjects in every part of the empire equal laws and equal justice. Ireland, therefore, instead of being a, source of weakness, or an object of distrust by England, en gaged in warfare, as on former occasions, may now be re garded as the most steady and unanimous in support of her Majesty's crown and dignity in every part of the world You may be assured that Ministers will not receive better sup port from any quarter during the present Session of Parliament than from our represeatativeF, in:all their measures for securing the obedience and loyalty of our fellow-subjects. But this will be conditionally, and, in the confidence of their ho nesty, working out the principles of Reform. Should they, however, relax their efforts on behalf of Ireland under any pretext or pretension, and seize upon this question as an apology for delaying those measures of relief which have been so long postponed, the people of this country will not be de luded by either the Government or their own Representa tives, but will be prompt and energetic in bringing about such a state of things as may most favour our improvement and ad vance in the scale of nations. The revolt of the Canadians is in fact looked upon as a moral symptom of the necessity everywhere existing for a full concession of rights and pri vileges. If they, with much fewer grievances to be redressed than we have had to complain of for centuries past, en deavour to procure emancipation, for a few thousand persons, from the dominion of a party comparatively just and indulgent, how much more earnest and deter mined, ought not the millions of inhabitants of this country be, in seeking for and obtaining the full enjoyment of that , Constitution, in the presence of which they have been mocked, and insulted, and trampled upon, by a miserable faction, for ages ? Tho universal feeling here is—that Canada should be retained as a British colony. But we think, with Burke, thpt i❑ doing so we should not be too nice in considering whet iier it be admitted to hare an interest in the Constitution as h matter of right or of favour. In the adoption, therefore, of any measures for the future tranquillity and submission of this colony, Government ought to bear in mind that they receive cordial support from Ireland, only on the terms of their ful filling, with as little delay as possible, their promises to this portion of the United Kingdom. LEEDS. MEETING OF THE WORKING MEN'S ASSO CIATION OF LEEDS. A large meeting of the Working Men's Association of Leeds took place on Monday evening, at the Commercial Buildings in that town. The large room of those Buildings was completely filled. We should suppose that there were present not less than from 1,500 to 2,000 personß. Amongst those present we observed Sharman Crawford, Esq., Charles Crawford, Esq., Dr. Taylor of Glasgow,. A. H. Beaumont, Esq., of Newcastle, F. O'Connor, Esq., Mr. R. Buchanan of Huddersfield, Mr. John Hanson of ditto, Captain Wood of Sandal, Mr. Crabtree of Barnsley, and Mr. Wilkinson of Halifax. At half-past seven, ROBERT MARTIN, Secretary to the As sociation, was unanimously called to the Chair. He stated, in introducing the business to the notice of the meeting, that when he considered the great importance of the cause on which they were met, and the necessity there was of taking the matter into their own hands, he should regard himself as guilty of a dereliction of duty, if he did not lend himself to the business of the evening. However much the factions of Tory and Whig might differ in some things, they were unanimously agreed in one, and that was to plunder and oppress the people.— ( Cheers.) The late declaration of Lord John Russell in the House of Commons, that the Reform Bill should be a final measute, had precluded all hope of any amelioration of the condition of the working classes from the present Government; therefore it remained for the Radicals of Leeds to come for ward with a ' , mice, as determined as it would be irresistible, that the tide of Reformshould still flow forward.—( Cheers. ) Thet a. change was necessary no one would attempt to deny. Who could look around and behold the grandeur and profu sion on the one hand, and the want and degradation on the other, without admitting the necessity of a cnange. If that change, then, was necessary, it was clear that some means be taken to effect it. If the evil that affected society proceeded from bad government, as it did, and that bad government was the effect of a limited and corrupt constituency, it followed that the remedy was to be found in the attainment of Universal Suffrage.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) To accom plish this was the great object for which this meeting bad been commenced. The Leeds Working 11.1ens' Associa tion, together with others who had lent their aid, had deter mined no longer to submit to the galling chains of slavery without, atall events, making an effort . to emancipate:thern selves.—( Hear, hear.) He requested undivided attention to the sentiments that should hereafter be expressed. GEORGE WIIITE Came forwa:d to propose the first resolu tion, which was--." Resolved—Firstly, That in the opinion of this meeting the present system of representation is a shameless mockery of the producers of all wealth. That a Property Qualification can have no semblance of justice, un less all men shall be endowed by nature with the same mental and bodily acquirements, and by the arrangement of society with the same means of acquiring property. That knowing by experience the monopoly of law-making usurped by the monied orders to be the chief cause of all the social misery, end political degradation of the working classes, we demand, as a remedy for this state of things, that the right of voting for Members of the Commons' House of Parliament be extended to all who are called upon to pay taxes either directly or otherwise." This resolution had been framed by the working- men of Leeds —men of the class of which the meeting was composed, and who could have no interest in gulling those whom he addressed. The terms Whig and Tory ought to he abolished, so far as the working classes were concerned, the Whigs were the worst of the two. He compared the Tory to a highwayman, who would boldly take their money and return them no thanks, he having power and the army on his side. The Whig was a Radical out of place, and the Whigs had row beer, long enough living on the plunder of the people, to require to be rejected. —( Cheers.) What motive could he (the Speaker) have in loosing his time, and taking the trouble cf coming there to deliver his sentiments, except to en courage those whom he saw in a state of starvation to step forward and make their complaints—there being such abundance to make them happy if they only lived under a pro per Administration ? When he saw an accursed Whin- Bill passed, limiting the wages of the working men to Ad. a week, he could not but suppose that true Englishmen would bestir themselves to shake off a yoke of Bastile slavery._ ( Cheers. ) _ _ _ _ G. ROBERTSON seconded tho resolution. Tho working men of Leeds were determined to take a part in their own con cerns.—(Cheers.) He would not have presented himself before the meeting, if it had not been for that determination. The working men of Leeds either ought or ought not to have the elective franchise.—( Cheers.) If the Reform Bill had gone too far let it be rescinded, but if it had not, and if it was intended to confer a benefit on society, then where was the line of demarcation to be drawn 2—( Cheers.) Surely there was not a man present who was not worthy of being invested with the franchise, and nothing short of Universal Suffrage ought or would satisfy the men of Leeds.—(Cheers.) Mr. SHARNIAN CRAWFORD then stepped forward, and was hailed with loud; cheers. He said, Mr. Chairman and Gen tlemen, I am proud to have the honour of standing before the assembly which I now see before me. The originators of this meeting did me the honour to invite me to attend it. I am aware of what was the motive of the invitation ; I con ceive it to have been a desire to express the disposition of the Radicals of Leeds, to concede real justice, equal rights, and Iherties to their Irish brethren.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) I conceive that that invitation proceeded also from an approval of the principles I have put forward in pubhc, and that there should be no dissensions in the respective appeal for 'rights, from England and Ireland from any petty considerations. He conceived that Ireland and England were engaged in a common cause of policy. Believing the invitations to have originated in these principles he had felt bound to honour himself by accepting it. Whenever the hand of friendship was held by Englishmen to Ireland, he held every Irishman bound to accept it with cordiality. The resolution embraced great and important ob jects, of which the chief was the universality of the franchise. This and all the other measures contemplated by the meeting, he considered as so many ends for the attainment of one great object—the obtaining equal justice for all the classes of the people.—( Cheers. ) " You feel," said he, "and justly, that you have nut equal justice either in the formation or adminis tration of the laws at present." The laws were constituted for the benefit of a section of the people only. In proof of this he would refer with confidence to the duties by whose ope ratic ns the prices of bread were raised upon society, for the support of one particular interest. Although himself entirely dependent ors an income arising from land, he would never support the coutinuance of an impost by which the interests of that class to which he happened to belong, were kept up at the expense of every other class in society.—( Great cheer ing.) The operation of those duties to increase the price of the poor man's bread, and to diminish the amount of profit able labour which might have been created by the exchange of foreign produce for our manufacturers—this pressed hardly upon the industrious classes of the country, whether agricul tural or mercantile ; and why was this. What was the reason that the interests of the great mass of population was sacrificed to those of a numerically insignificant class? Because the peo ple had not their just and right share in the making of the laws. What, then, he would ask was the remedy Why, that every man who contributed either directly or indi rectly to the resources of the country, should have a voice in the election of those who made the laws, and imposed the taxes. He would admit that there must be exceptions to the universality of the Suffrage. Persons of unsound mind, who knew not, or were incapable of estimating the order and inte rests of society, that is to say persons insane, and persons also whether of a high or low rank, whose characters were diffused by crime, should be excluded from the Suffrage.—( Hear, hear.) He did not, however, consider these exceptions as as entitled to any weight in consideration of the principle of universality which was not affected by them—( Cheers.) No Suffrage was calculated to secure the just rights of the people, which was not universal. Extension of the Suffrage was a vague term which, though much used by some, con veyed no certain presage of the restitution of right. Mr. C. then went on to speak of the Reform Act, observing that the operation of that Act was to confine the Suffrage to a very great extent to the landed interest. He protested against this prin ciple as unfair and unjust. It was said that the vote should be confined to those who had what was called a stake in the country. Now, he maintained that the mechanic and the ar tisan had as great a stake in the country as any body.— (Hear.) Who was more interested in the prosperity of the country than him whose whole dependence was in his labour, which was sure to fail if the country was not prosperous, and if it did fail, he had no prospect but starvation and death while it was possible that the wealthy man might lose much in the confusion of an unsettled state of things, and not yet come into that condition.—( Hear, hear, and cheers) It was necessary, moreover, that the extension of the Suffrage should net be limited for the election of Mem bers of Parliament, but that it should also be also extended to all corporate offices. One of the evils of the want of the Suf frage, was the enactment of the New Poor-law Act, which would never have been enacted, if the artisans of England had been put in possession of the Suffrage. This system of legis lation ought to be carried out to every department of govern ment, whether local or national—whether munieipel or Par liamentary ; and it wan the only principle which could be pro ductive of real and lasting interests of the working classes.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He thought that the fashion of appointing Commissioners, as under the New Poor-law, was only constituting a despotism, under a different name. It was giving a despotic power, not under the name of kingly power, to Commissioners, and giving to them despotic authority.— ( Hear, hear.) He maintai n ed that th e mec h an i c w h o sup ported himself by his toil, had as great a n i n t eres t i n th e pro sperity of the country as any other inhabitant; and, therefore, had as good a right to possess the elective franchise. Even the man who was blessed with landed wealth, who had his thousands of pounds in the year, might lose some of those thousands, and he brought to beggary-4 Hear and cheers)—but if the poor man should lose the profits of his industry, he in marked out as a beggar, and is obliged to throw himself upon the charity of the public. He did not wish it to be supposed at this meeting that there would not always, and necessarily, be an inequality in the circumstances of the people. This was the prase in every country ; there must be high and low, rich and poor, in every country ; but no means should be used to make the poor man poorer than ha really was.—( Hear, hear.) He wished that the poor man should be sustained at the cost of those who were more fortunate.—(Hear, hear.) He iv as of opinion that the poor had the first claim on the land, and that it never was intended by the God of Nature that the land should be so monopolised by those who call themselves its owners, as to exclude the po or f rom th e i r share in its p ro d uce . Mr. Crawford proceeded to show the necessity of the Ballot in connection with Universal Suffrage, and the evil of granting to the 101. constituency any protec tion before the labouring classes were put in possession of the same privileges. He adverted to the inefficiency of the Reform Bill, and deprecated the system of granting rights by instalments, without a sufficient guarantee that the whole of ,hem should be paid. The Learned Gentleman adverted to a variety of other interesting topics, with which he engaged the attention of the meeting, and concluded amidst the most enthusiastic cheers. The resolution was then put to the approval of the meeting, and was carried unanimously, with the exception of two hands being held up against it. ALFRED MANN proposed—" That in the opinion of this meeting, the exercise of the elective franchise should be re • warded by every voter as the means of promoting, not personal or party interests, but the common weal; and that, therefore, with a restricted constituency, it should be open to the inspec tion of those from whom it is unjustly withholden, while at the same time this meeting is of opinion, that with an Universal Constituency, every individual should be protected therein worn the possibility of influence or intimidation : that this meeting consequently deems the Ballot Box a necessary ac companiment of Universal Suffrage, but will net consent to its enaction on any other terms." Surrounded by men of splendid eloquence and first-rate abilities, he would not attempt to detain the meeting by many observations of his own. He could, however, express the determination of the Radicals of Leeds to raise an invariable standard, on which they would inscribe, " No taxation without representation"—( Cheers) —and no Ballot without Suffrage.--( Cheers.) This standard they were determined to maintain and support, even at the ex pense of the loss of limb by limb.—(Great cheering.) JOSHU A JONES seconded the resolution. Dr. TA VLOR, of the Glasgow New Liberator, rose and said —Men of England, working men of Leeds, it is indeed a triumph for me to see such a meeting as this, assembled for some purpose, and under such auspices, at a time when the po litical aspect of the country looks so threatening—when we are called upon to witness poverty and starvation at home, and scar and desolation abroad. As a delegate from my native land I come here at your request to witness your proceed ings and see in how far the spirit of freedom animated the breasts of Englishmen. This splendid hall, this crowded audience attest your anxiety to press onward in the march of liberty, and the cheers with which you have responded to the sentiments of others who have preceded me, are alike honourable to them and to you.—( Hear, hear, hear.) To me there could be DO higher gratification than after many years struggling almost alone to make head against a tyrant aristocracy in defence of the inalienable rights of man, thus to find myself welcomed by the working men of Leeds. I have been at Newcastle. I have witnessed their enthusiasm there, and yours is not the loss—it shows that the spirit is abroad, that you are fully alive to your just rights, that knowing them you dare assert them ; and that assures me, it will not be long e're you attain them. I have travelled a good deal in my day ; I have visited othe r la n d s an d converse d with many dis tinguished men; but I have never felt myself more honoured than in standing forward along with that truly noble man, Sharman Crawford, who deserves so well of his country and mankind.—( Hear, heir.) Throughout the whole of his career, his character has stood out in bold relief, pure and unsullied, amid the apostates around him, one of the very few who, unawed by the breath of faction, unchanged by ch. patriot and the man.—(T re me n do us c h eers .) moue, u as ni t n h fl e aenced by praise, has held on his un d ev i a ti ng I might fear to tread over again the ground which he has oc cupied with so much ability and effect; and the resolution to which lam to speak alludes to a subject on which he has Arcady addressed you; but as a good blow cannot be given too often if it hits in the right place, I shall take the liberty" of saying a few words upon Universal Suffrage. I hate all mone y qualifications, for they necessarily lead to absurdities, since no amount of wealth can ever be a test of intelligence or virtue. The man who possesses a ten-pound house has a vote; the man next door, his equal in knowledge and virtue—his superior, it may be, in political acquirements— . ays only nine pounds nineteen shillings and elevenpence, three farthings ; he has no vote ; the difference between them is just one farthing, therefore in that farthing consists the poli tical qualification.—( Cheers and laughter.) Lord John Russell must be a cleverer fellow than I take him for, if he has succeeded in so measuring out men's sense that he can distribute with such exactness a farthing's worth of political poet• • - All money qualifications are liable to the same ab surdity, and until it pleases Heaven to draw such a line of demarcation between the virtue and intelligence of the rich and the poor as cannot be mistaken, I will never consent to any man being deprived of that right which he inherits along with his existence, the right to have a voice in the choice of representatives, who are to legislate over his property, his labour, and his life.—( Cheers.) I stand, then, on the broad, the only honest principle, upon Universal Suffrage, community u sh ni a t l y l never large.__(vercea Cheers.) cease agitation until I see it secured to the ori Be was pas sed, y ou were a firm end united body, bound Reform oundin the adamantine links of interest and friendship; you pressed for ward with one accord, and victory crowned your efforts. Now, however, how different is the scene 1 Society is divided into castes envy and j ea l ousy h ave taken the places of affection and esteem, ; s teem, and the bonds of equality and friendship rent asunder, since one man has the power to tyrannise, while the other is under the necessity of submitting. As I insist that the s u ffrage is th e natura l r i g h t o f every one, so I insist has he alsoa right to be protected in the conscientious exercise of it ; and know no means b y w hi c h th i s can be more simply or effectually done than by the Ballot. Tell me not that it is ineffectual , and will not insure secresy ; it is because—and our enemies know that—it will be too effectual, that they oppose its introduction. Tell me not that it is un-English and un manly I know nothi ng t h at i s se b ut what is dishonest, and this, the conscientious discharge of a sacred duty, never can b e . I a dmire, as much as any man can do, the fearless devo tion to principle which a man shows in voting in the teeth of opposition ; but I must regret the temporal ruin which is too often the only reward of such devotion to principle ; and, therefore, alone. with Universal Suffrage I demand the Bal lot. The speaker then denounced, in no measured terms, the atrocious Poor-law Amendment Bill, and declared every man ought to strike down the villain who dared to put it in operation, to separate a man from his wife or family. He then passed a high eulogium on the noble conduct of the workmen of Eng land towards the cotton spinners of Glasgow, and in energetic and glowing colours expressed in their name his grateful sense of a support which had enabled them to proceed to trial with some hope of justice, after which he resumed his seat amid great cheering. lor iV i l n r. su H p r p e o n r , ting editor of the No r th ern St ar , f o ll owe d D r . Tay the resolution. He said he must he allowed to congratulate himself, the chairman, and the meeting, on the noble demonstration of sound, honest, and Radical feel ing evinced by this large assemblage of true-hearted working men. This was the position whieb, under present circum stances, working-men ought to assume, and, as an Englishman, he was indeed proud to contrast the bold spirit and determined character of coolness and intelligence, now manifested by the toil ing millions of this much lauded,but ill-starred country, with that quiescence which, in former times, had been moulded into chains they o havefthrald been holden to the omandforgedinto fetters of bondage in which present themselves.—( ( e C people hrs) t oa cheers.) He h a d b een long convinced thats en t the peopl e was i n their own hands, and could be wrought hen out only by re th t e i m salvatione.(leo time.—(Loud c of those who recommended of their grie vances into their own hands—to seize by the han d of rudene ss , or of physical violence, even:that which appei tamed ee He was e the was r n e ° l — r e one of strictly to them and was thir own. God forbid that ever he should live to see the sabre glitter and the firebrand glare upon the peaceful homes of Old England.—(Hear.) There was enough of moral force within the grasp and ma nagement of this great people, to strike the chill of terror into stouter hearts than the milksop sucklings of a Government like ours, without resorting to the musket, the pistol, or the pike. Leave the contemplation of violence and the threaten ing of bloodshed to the leeches, the vultures, and the herpies, with whom rapine is a trade, murder a profession, and robbery a virtue.—( Cheers.) The men of England desire not the de struction of the persons of their enemies—they wish not even to interfere with the property which, by unrighteous laws, has been accumulated from the sweat of their brow, and the waste of their bones and sinews in excessive labour. They ask not even for a restitution of their rights ; for that would include far more than is demanded by the boldest democrat of whom he had any knowledge--(Hear, hear)—but they do seek to res gain that footing of equality with others of like farm, and flesh, and blood, on which God and nature placed them ; which has been wrested from them by the subtleties of vice, practising upon unsuspecting virtue, in the ore instance, and ele vating itself to a position, by the assistance of that vir tue, which enabled it, with shameless front, to over throw the structure of society as originally coastructed, and victimize its benefactor. This was " the head and front of their offending." They sought to destroy the dominion of wrong—to hurl oppression from her enimence ; and to restore the Crown to righteousness and the sceptre to justice in the land.—( Loud cheers.) They had lately heard the sacred name of " Eternal Justice" desecrated by the most hollow and deceitful leader of the most base and treacherous faction that every soiled the annals of political intrigue, or cursed a con fiding country with the name of freedom, which, though ever rife upon their Ups, was their hearts dread and fear. They hid heard the words " Eternal Justice" glibly gliding from the mouth of Rice, and echoed by the honest Peel, in reference to a measure of the most unblushing fraud and barefaced rob bery that could be practised upon any country, or endured by any people. Whet was " Eternal Justice" ? Was it for one man to bang a shoal of rich, ill-bred, and dissipated lordliugs, and for another man to cast the burden of a few abandoned women, as an addition to the millstone hanging round the people's neck, while that people, wh e n thei r e nergies have been ex- Tended, and their lives worn out in the support of these lo custs, are thrust into a dungeon to spin out the miserable remnant of existence, upon black bread, and hard cheese, doled out in starvation morsels three times a day, from Mon de), morning until Saturday night ? Is this an exhibition of " Eternal Justice."—(" No, no," and loud cheers.) Is it justice that the coward ruffians, " who talk big when danger hides afar," should lavish the resources of this country, col lected from the labour of the people ; that they should dip their hands into your pockets and into mine, and take out our money for the purpose of keeping up the establishment of money-mongering despotism in Canada, when thousands of our countrymen at home, are, through the operation of its ten der mercies, famishing with want, dying with hunger, which a portion of that money might relieve for the moment, while the destruction of the system under which their misery is in duced, would afford them permanent salvation. Is this the operation of " Eternal Justice."—( No, no.) Well, then, if none of these be justice, what is it that the principles of " Eternal Justice" dictate? If the praters of eternal justice had been as conversant, as was their duty, with the depository of that religion which they affect to tell us is port and parcel: of the law and constitution, they would have known that the ; " principles of eternal justice" teach us to render unto others that full measure of right which we expect in return.— ( Cheers.) " Eternal justice" disclaims all deeply studied guises —it seeks no pretext for dissimulation—its theory is simple— its tactics " each for all, and all fur each."—( Cheers. ) These were the principles maintained by every honest Radical ; and because they were so, it had been his glory, ever since his name became at all associated with the public move ments of his countrymen, to be known and stigmatized by the enemies of justice, as a red-hot Radical.—(Cheers.) Such had been his character ever since he had been known to the public, and such a character he hoped to carry with him to the grave.—( Cheers.) The principles of " eternal jus tice," while they accorded to every man the possession of his right, would also protect him in the exercise of that right. Hence, therefore, the Suffrage and the Ballot-box were twin sisters, whom " eternal justice" had joined together, and whom, if he rightly estimated the intelligence and spirit of the working men of this country, they would never allow to be put asunder. There were not wanting those, as ho, prating about justice, and talking loudly of an adherence to principle—aye, to Radical principle—had yet the bold effrontery to tell the working millions, still holden in political thraldom, that the Ballot was the " ques tion of questions," and the one thing needful now to be struggled for. Needful for what, or for whom ? Was it needful for the larger portion of the audience whom he saw before him?—(No, no.) Was a protection for the vote need ful for him who had no vote to be protected ?—( Cheers.) Or steed he fear the result of publicity who voted for the main tenance and establishment of "eternal justice ?" It was well, and perfectly consistent, for those who sought to uphold the tottering faction now in power, or to upraise the prostrate fac tion now grasping for power—'twas well enough for those who studied not the public good, but the aggrandisement of party,. at whatever cost—'twas natural that they should ask per mission to indulge in the amusement of public spoliation' secretly. But were the people ready to allow this ? Were , they ready to confer the cloak of secrecy on those who wanted no other refuge to make them independent of the people—and enable them to spurn with safety the bridge that saved them ?—(" No, no ; net so." Cheers.) Let them not be deceived into the lying supposition, that the Ten-pound Voters were favourable to their interests, and would return more liberal members under the protection of the Ballot. He must indeed know little of the turpitude of human nature who could perpetrate the conception of a folly like this. Every man's observation must have shown him that it was contrary to the very nature of things to expect it; and if he had not wilfully shut his eyes, in passing through the world, he must have known that all experience was against the supposition. Every man is naturally desirous to get what he can, and to keep what he has ; and so long as this principle is inherent in human nature, so long will a large majority of men act under it influence, and develope it, in every action of their lives, whether political or other.—( Cheers.) Away then with the cant about those who have the franchise being anxious to ex tend it to their neighbours, if their landlords would but let them. He had had some experience and some opportunity of obser vation amongst the very parties on whose behalf the ne cessity of the Ballot was most vehemently insisted on—the farming tenants in agricultural districts, and he could now tell the meeting that the landlords, from whose coercion liberty was prayed, were not more hostile to Universal Suffrage than the tenants who complained of their tyranny. With Universal Suffrage, the Ballot would be necessary as a defence against individual acts of tyranny and intirnidetion ; because, the franchise being then placed in the hands of the whole people, no man would or ought to be re sponsible to another for the way in which he exercised it ; but so long as the Suffrage was restricted, within whatever bounds .the restriction might be confined, that portion of society, which had the franchise, held it in trust for the well-being of the whole community, and was answerable, to every one who had it not, for the way in which the most sacred of all trusts had been discharged.—( Cheers.) The present elective body were answerable to the people, whose trustees they had been improperly constituted, and it was only under the surveillance and wholesome control of the people that the trust could ever be honestly and faithfully executed. The people had now a moral force, in the control which they could exercise over the votes of the electors, which when well directed was irresistible a:.d sufficient to overturn the machinations of any faction a hundred times more powerful than that with which they had now to deal ; but if they once parted with this moral cudgel they would soon find the battle to be lost. If they once con sented to them the mantle of secrecy over any restricted fran chise, their moral power was annihilated, and the only re source then left to them would be an appeal to that physical force he so earnestly deprecated. After further insisting on the necessity of resisting all attempts to carry the Ballot with out Univeral Suff-age, Mr. Hill sat down amid several rounds of cheers. The resolution was then put and carried unanimously, with the exception of one hand being held up against it. William PALLISTER moved :—." That in the opinion of this meeting, long Parliaments have a necessary tendency to cor ruption ; and are contrary to the spirit of the British Consti tution ; and that, therefore, Parliament ought to be elected every year," and DAVID WALTON seconded it. The CHAIRMAN then called upon Mr. O'CONNOR, who was received with tremendous cheers. He then said, Mr. Chairman and brother Radicals—Lord J. Russell—(Cheers)—is a very clever fellow.—(Laughter)— and he knows the state of Leeds much better than you do— ( Hear, hear)—because the two hands that were field up in that corner against the first resolution, were the two first indi viduals in Lord John Russell's list of highly favoured friends, who had 'the franchise bestowed upon them.--( Hear, hear.) These were the two men who had the franchise themselves, and did not want to give it to you.—( Cheers.) That's the poet's corner. If you recollect some two years ago, when from this spot I shewed you my infant Radicalism, these were the two men, and the only two men who hissed in that corner. —(Loud and continued laughter.) Now, my friends, I stand before you upon different principles, and I may say, that I am now a prouder man. I showed you the infant then ; now, behold me a monster, grown to gigantic size, and let Whiffs and Tories, or both, unite in their endeavours to defeat those principles which all honest men have at heart: we bid them defiance, and tell Lord John Russell that all his attempts at opposition will be fruitless, feeble, and vain against the great majority of a determined people.—(Chcers.) The last resolution that was proposed, was proposed as one of the most important measures that are to be acquirA by Universal Suffrage. Let us obtain this, and we shall then be put in the same position as the Connaught man was in reference to his horses : he said they had two great faults —one, that they were very bad to catch ; and the other, that when he had caught them, they were good for nothing.--( Cheers.) So would it be with the Whigs : once let the mass of the population obtain the Suffrage, and we are very much mistake❑ if we shall catch many Whigs in office. And we are sure that whenever we do catch them, they will be good for nothing--for they will at best have only one year's plunder.—( Loud cheers and laughter.) This meeting makes me proud, because but a very short time ago, the men of the Gomersal had one political creed—the men of Wolbeck ano ther--and the men of Leeds another. But the three divisions are now united, and we have only one political creed.--(Tre mendous cheering.) If you had annual Parliaments, it would destroy that damning system so ably described by my worthy contryman, Sharman Crawford—that pettifogging system of paying by instalments. —(Cheers.) Insteal of having those who are vieing in the march of corruption, it would be to raise us men who would be most anxious to exalt themselves by performing the ,greatest services to their country. Why is it that the Radicals of England have been blamed? Why is it that the anathemas of the Whigs and Tories have been hurled against us ? Why ? but because we would not submit to their pettifogging system—( Hear, hear)—and then we are to be charged with disobedience, becauselwe will not sacrifice prin ciple to expediency.—(Cheers.) Mr. O'Connor honoured the men of Leeds for their steady adherence to principle. He honoured them because they had raised the standard of free dom and had inscribed in lasting characters the motto of equal justice upon that banner, and let the advocates of justice to Ireland, and of universal justice, aid the cause of Ireland, and, if necessary, draw aside the veil of moral force from that of which it nas only the shadow, and let them show the physical f rce that would be found concealed under that veil. His friend, Mr. Crawford, laid made one mistake, but lie, perhaps, ! atter all, might be right. Ile might wish to forget and forgive, but he ( Mr. O'Connor) could not do so. Mr. Crawford had said give the Whigs another trial." If he could bring back the men of Dorchester—if he could set at liberty the men of Glasgow .1, - - .'e 1E ) _ who had been so shamefully imprisoned, and were in all pro-- ba ,, ility row before their Judge; if he could resuscitate...those who had been deprived of life, leaving others helpless', and defenceless to mourn their loss ; if he could meal thosi who, crA hat been banished for ndliering to ti countries' interest, and in whose bosoms had burnt as an extinguisheble fire the flame of patriotism—he would then give to the Whigs, the condemned Whigs, another trial. —( Hear. and cheers.) We had tried them session after session, an 1 for year aft er 'year ; but in spite of all our iednag ence, their ,nun :lets had been their own accusers, for, after all, they had promised, they had brought forth measures which, at best. had been ill-sustained, and which ultimately they had Lever been able to accomplish. —( Cheers.) He would ask what the Whigs had done for the people ? They had literally done nothing : end they had not only done nothing, but they had artnaily been carrying measures in unison with the Tories, which the Tor:es could not carry themselves. While the Whigs were on the apposition side, they Mould not have allowed the Tcries to carry such measures as they had lately carried, but would have joined with the people it, opposing by all their power thoie very mea stires which they themselves had passed. But he thanked God that the loud storm of political indignation was hanging around then,, and that at lent it would condgn theta to that oblivion and disgrace in which they would meet tviih the loudest execrations of the people. The Whigs had tried us, and had seen what we had been able to a ,- ) for them. We had carried the Reform Bill for them ti hen they were not able to carry it for themselves; and they had even said to Radicals, " Come, you have had the bent it of the Reform Bill, do take a little journey with us—do accompany us a little further—and if you do not feel disposed to go all the way to Keighly, do ecort us es tar es Bradford.—(Laughter and cheers.) We had gone with them many a very weary journey—( Hear, hear, hear)—bet we had always found, that, when we got to the end of Whig lane, they had travelled with a dark lantern, and having cc complished their wishes, have turned round eon us, end flash ing the light in our faces and bid us good night, saying they could find the rest fof the journey thernselves.—(Cheers and laughter ) Such was the position in which we were placed. We had tried the Whigs as representative:, and we had con demned them for their performances. They had loosened their powers of agitation and found what their principles were, and that they seemed as determined to struggle for wielding authority in this land of freedom as ever they had been. But . they had deceived us, and it was time to appeal to the indus trious classes of the country to commence vetting up business on their own accounts. It gave him pleasure to attend this meeting, because the working men had taken the responsi bility of it entirely into their own handy they had consulted no one as to what course they should pursue, cr what measures they should propose. He had been gold that Leeds was a rotten place; but they saw what could be done in a short time, and this meeting was a sufficient proof of the untitimity aed determination of the men of Leeds to depend upon their own resources, and put into operation their noblest exertions in the cause of freedom. He had never interfered with their arrangements, for his interference was altogether unnecessary; they were able to manage themselves. Since he had come among • them he found he had come to a good schotl, where he could learn many useful lessons ; and, indeed, where he had already obtained much valuable information. He eased much to the opinions of these men, and he was determined to stand by them at alI hazards to assist them in the protection of their rights ; and he would appeal to the opposers of this system, whether it was not much safer for the general good of the country that work ing men should enlighten each other, and come 'forward in this bold, manly and independent manner to maintain their principles, rather than plod together in ignorance and anger, when God knew where it would stop.—(Cheers.) Had they had Annual Parliaments, would they have had the Whigs in office for the last five years, under the guise of being friends of Reform ?—( Hear, hear, and cries of " No, no.") They would have taken better care of themselves, and would have lacked more closely after their friends, the Whigs, than to have allowed'them to usurp that place and that power which they had thus so shamefully abused. Mr. O'Connor proceeded in a lengthened and powerful address to show the advantages of Anneal Parliaments, calling to his aid many powerful illustrations, and bearing away the applause of the meeting. The inconvenience, however, to which the report ers were subjected in consequence of the speakers being called to occupy the small gallery intended fur their u'e, and the tre mendous rapidity with which Mr. O'Connor spoke, renders it impossible to give anything like an accurate report of his speech. The resolution was then put to the meeting, and declared to be carried unanimously. Mr. JosnuA Hoßsox proposed that a Property Qualification for Members of Parliament is absurd and unjust, unless i can be shown that preperty causes talent or honesty in its pos sessor. That every man is equally interested in the safety and prosperity of the State with all his fellow townsmen, and that, therefore, every man ought to be equally eligible for a Member of the Commons' House of Parliament, every man equally represented by its Members and equally protected by the law: DAVID GREEN seconded the resolution. Captain Woon, in support of the resolution, said, he could not conceive that any one present at that meeting could be selected who would come forward to oppose the resolution.— (Cheers.) It had undoubtedly been intended that the elec tive franchise should be extended to the mass of the people of this country—(Cheers)—and every day's experience proved the necessity of its being extended to all, and that extension could only be usefully given by the protection of the vote by Ballot.—( Cheering.) Sir William Blackstone had declared in his Commentaries on the laws of England, that no man could be taxed without his consent being given, either by him self or by his representative. A similar principle WAS laid down by Lord Brougham, in his speech on the reform Bill, wherein he stated that representation was the right of all the tax-paying individuals of England.—( Cheers.) Upon such authorities, as well as others which he should refer to. there could be no rational doubt ente,rtain , d of the free:nen of this country being entitled to Universal Suffrage, and to have that suffrage accompanied by the Vote by Ballut.—(Cheers.) If there were Universal Suffrage, corruption would be root e d up, and intimidation at an end. - -( Cheers. ) If the Radicals proceeded with their labour in the spirit in which they had begun it, he could entertain no fear that tht:ir vigorous efforts would be crowned with success.—( Cheers. ) The resolution was then put, and carried unanimously. Mr. PETER TEMPLETON moved, " That while this meeting contemplates with feelings of the deqest regret the civil .dis cord which now unhappily rages in Canada, it also rejoices at the noble, heroic, and independent spirit which the Canadians have manifested in their opposition to the unconstitutional inter ference of the British Government ; and that' it hereby pledges itself to oppose, by every constitutional means, any measure which• may be proposed either by the present or any other Ministry, for the purpose of coercing the Canadians into subjection, until their real grievances are satisfactorily re dressed." This resolution was accompanied by en energetic speech well delivered by Mr. Templeton, who forcibly applauded the con duct of the Canad:aes in their attempts to have what he con sidered to be justice dune to them, and in which he condemned with an unsparing hand the plunder, the injustice, and misrule of the Whig Government. Mr. AceusTea BEAUMONT came foraerd to support the fifth resolution. He said, that after the eloquent speech of his young friend who had preceded him little was left to be said. He stated that he should prove that the Ministers in their con duct to Canada were guilty of treason, robbery, arson, and murder. He should not have recourse to any oratorical arts, but by a reference to the laws of the land prove that the Mi nisters were guilty of ell those crimes in -Canada, and if ever the people of this country should be represented by an honest Parliament, one of its first acts would be to bring to the block Lord John Russell, Lord Melbourne, and all their. Tory and Noble supporters.—( Loud cheers.) What was treason ? Not merely violating allegiance to the Monarch.—(Hear. ) There was an allegiance due to the people and Monarch, only exerted on the supposition that they were beneficial to the nation. It was the duty of the Members to support the Con stituti in of the Colonies, not less than of the Parent State, a id every act of violence committed by them on colonial right, which necessarily compelled them to revolt from the mother country, was an act of treason to the nation. The Colonies were as much entitled to the observance of the common prin ciples of justice, as Great Britain and Ireland. The Ministers had no more right to commit robbery, arson, and murder in Canada than in Leeds.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") To violate the Constitution of Canada, and so to compel them to take ap arms, was a violation of the allegiance due by the Sovereign to the people, and upon the principle of Ministe rial responsibility, then Lord John Russell and Lord Mel bourne ought to be tried, condemned, and executed.— ( Hear, hear, and cheer s.) Lord G *Sorel and Sir John Colborne were equally liable to execution for the murders and arsons they had perpetrated in Canada, anal which the Whig and Tory papers gloried in. He should shortly refer them to the law on the subject, anterior to the rebelien, as it was then called, of the British North American Colonies, witch are now th© United States of North America. --(Cheers ) . The British Members had claimed the supposed right of taxing the Colonies. When the American rebels, about 1778, were on the point of achieving their independence, the Ministers of that day, finding that all chance of suc cess on their part was at an end, passed a statute of Parliament, for the purpose, as they said, of quieting her Ma jesty's subjects in her Majesty's Plantatims in North America. B this statute, there was a solemn declaration, that Britain would never tax the Colonies, nor apply the proceeds of any impost to any other than colonial puToPes. This statute failed of its purpose to conciliate the American revolts—they regarded the Act rs a fraudulent piece of parchment, which was passed in a moment of fear, to be violated in the hour of rapacious confidence in tyrannic pow. r. They steadily pur sued their course of rebellion, and became a great republic.— ( Cheers.) This stantte was, however, still the law of the land, and it had finally sett'ed the long disputed question between parent state and colony, by abandoning all esumed right on the part of the former to tax or plunder the latter. So stood the Act of 1778. In the year 1791, when Great Britain, or rather her Tory Ministers, were on the point of entering into an unjust tvar ;with France, they, in order to conciliate Canada, conceded a Cce.stitution to that colony. By this Act of 1791, the sole poser of levying taxes was assigned to the House of Assembly of that country. He denied the power of Parliament to alter the Constitution without the consent of the c Amy, but for the argument's a tke, admitting the supposed right of the Lega=la , ture of this na ti on to alter the Canadian Constitution without tac will of the inha bitants of that cou.itry, it was evident that it could only be repealed or modified by another statute of Parliament. Now what had the Ministers done ? They had proceeded by reso lution—the very act charged against the Long PaAiarnent as (ee of its most atrocious decels. A st,e,A, of Parliament Ind been t:as^:.i.d which vested in the eanarla As;;;;1yt113 power of levying taxes, and having the exAusive control of their public money—s preceding Statute had solemnly aban