The Sun. — London, England, 1836-07-08 00:00:00

f ( !at ch se, he )r -to, ad his sed per lies• ied. npt nts, 'ent ter int- 'ere lgs, so iese Bill ible Bill act ?ro c of not the sole eet- of for of ing ne rish the the ,unt way by hen ases the the ion to extend the time from three to six months. After ()me time then the Commissioners would appoint valuers, who would make an apportionment for the payment accord ing to rules laid down in this Act. This was the first application. of the compulsory principle ; but the Bill then went on t o f rame regulations for the commutation of tithes, when the parties could not agree as to the Whole amount to be paid. The Bill then enacted, that after the Ist of Oc tober, 1837, if no steps were taken by the parishioners and the titheowners to fix on a certain sum to be paid by the forme r as a commutation, that the Commissioners should come into the parish and ascertain the total value of the tithes, and award the sum to be paid as a rent-charge in lieu of them. The sum to be thus charged was to be cal culated in this way, and it was the most important and most stringent part of the measure. The Commis-1 sioneal would meet and for.n an estimate in this way. They must look at what had been the amount of composition collected on tithes in the parish during a period of seven years, and strike an average founded on the amount of composition for tithes ac tually paid ; they should then award that the average value paid during the seven years should be taken as the actual amount to be paid as a rent-charge as a permanent compo sition for tithe s in such parish. This was to be acted upon, and not otl'.erwise, if the could not Ctithe-owners and tithe-payer s ix on the wjust amount of tithes that should be paid. The Commissioners, in extreme cases, were em powered, to modify the principle, and were to have power in making a calculation of the great or small tithes in a parish •to diminish or increase the sum to be so taken by a sum not amounting to more than one-fifth part of the av erage value ascertained ; subject then to this ad dition or subtraction, the amount of tithes to be paid was fixed and settled by the Commissioners. He had now arrived - at that part of the Bill by which it pro vided that either by voluntary or compulsory commutation all lands in the country, except the tithe-free lands must be come subject to a certain principle. It was necessary, in jus tice and equity, that the payments should fluctuate as to the value of: the produce. This limit and fluctuation was to be pre,vided for in the manner he was about to state. They were to get a fixed money payment to be stated in a quantity of corn ; for instance, if they fixed a money pay ment of 3001, it should be so stated as to be at once trans latable into so many quarters of wheat, so many quarters of barley, and so many quarters of oats, in equal pro portio7,s. They would thus get fixed for a rent-charge on the P , iytrient o f a certa i n quantity of wheat, barley, or oats. is would regulate the money payment from year to year, They assumed as data on which to calculate the average price of wheat, barley, and oats for the seven years ter minating at Ch r i stmas, 1835. By fixing on this period they would prevent all manoeuvring to raise or lower the price of corn during the period while this Bill was in pro gress. h, making the calculation for any particular place one of these seven years would be thrown out, and the 'Ye additional year thrown in. By the addition of this one ar, and by the subtraction of the other, the variations in the prices o f w h eat, b ar l ey, and oats would be -..lowed for sufficiently t o meet any fl uctuat i ons that might m e likely to arise. Many ingenious schemes had been ...started with a v Arent principle.iew to h ave th e ren t- c h arge ma d e on a d i f- Among others, a gentleman, well known m any Noble Lords, Mr. Andrew Knight, President of • I t t l i : o e ug li h o t rti cultural Society, as well as other gentlemen, had it better that the price of wheat alone should be ta r ken as an element to calculate the rent-charge on, instead of taking it jointly with the prices of barley and oats. He .40-Ig.ht that by either of these means the object could be labtained, but not in such a satisfactory manner as by taking he price s of other gr ain as well as wheat. If ey tok :wheat al one, it would be found that it fluctuated more o in :its price than other descriptions of grain, although no doubt th e price of other grain was influenced by the price 43f wheat- He thought if Noble Lords would attentively look into the subject, they would see that by taking the average price of, three descriptions of grain the fluctuation 'would be less. These were the reasons, then, for proposing to take the three qualities instead of one. Under the opinions le had stated they had brought forward the measure, and they moped to r.btain a money payment, either by voluntary or .coulpulso , :y means, and this payment was only liable to the :fluctuations arising from transferring it into a payment de pending on the price of three descriptions of produce. 'The amount, then, would be fixed for such payment by the tithe-payer, and he trusted in a way that would be satisfactory to all classes. This, then, was the outline of the general measure, but, like all general measures, it could mot be expected that it would satisfy the wants of every Iparticular.case. He might he told that it would have been Lban each ette r t o tak e t h e actual amount of composition in payment And un . eas e ; b ut h e thought it would be both impolitic t h e "'I cxeltale the variati on o f th e one -fif t h part o f uaverage 1 Commission \f aille, which it wa s proposed by t h e Bill t h e lers should have the power to deal with, either itnereasilg or diminishing the- sum .taken in the amount tue ce mposition. By this means they would allow for laehiPteur.diar circumstances of each case, as well as for the of the individual tithe-receivers both in those cases 'where less has been paid than should have been, and where had been exacted than should have been paid. ,is might not meet the - particular justice of each case, it it would afford substantial justice, and it would 'prevent the measure operating severely in many in rsiances.—(Hear, hear.) If the animosities and ill feel rings which the present system created could be set takt rest by this Bill, and if, above all, the springs of in ustrY could be set free, and the farmers of this country al - new ''.rat when they paid the rent-charge proposed to be Fixed, that no further imposts could be fixed on them for er improvement they might adopt, or increase they might ".,,y . tain to their produce, great good would be effected. V ery indu cement wou ld b e held out to employ capital on the land when it was known that under this Bill the owners 'of it would have nothing to fear in conse quence o f t h e i ra ieterpri se . If this couldbe accomplish e d, an d a un if orm 3 . stern of law throughout the country could be adopted, incalculable good would be done. He felt that this Act, troznbined with others now in operation, would contribute 16 ° invigorate the springs of industry in the country, and 'would tend materially to increase the property and to pro 3note the well-being all classes, and, above all, of the inha litants of the agricultural districts.—(Cheers.) He had eßill ndeavoured to avoid going into detail en this stage of the ; but he should be happy now or at any future period to give any f arther explanations that might be required ; lut lie trusted that he had said enough to induce the house to adopt the general principles of the Bill, and to educe the House to go into Committee.—(Cheers.) The Earl of MANSFIELD admitted that the subject 'was one of the greatest importance, and ever since he had lad a seat in the House he had been most anxious for a settement of th e question. It was impossible for him to the admirable working of the Poor Law Bill, which I °T - letly 'caused so much evil, and also the advantages 'which had resulted to the inhabitants of Scotland from the commutation of tith es in that country, not to be anxious :that the operation of the Poor Law Act should be ex tended, and the commutation of tithes should be adopted .in this country. Although he differed in some points from the Noble Marquis he was still most anxious that an carry this Bill 'into effect. In this country, happily, that difference of religious opinion 'did not interfere with the settlement of the question wlikth 'was so great an impediment to it elsewhere. The agree bent between the tithe -payer and the tithe-receiver was essentially different in every principle from the contract 'entered into between landlord and tenant. The tenant :knew that when he made an improvement he would derive Q. profit from it, and the landlord wont& not come in to de prive him of a portion of his additional- gain ; but in the !Payment of tithes there was an anticipation of profits, and there was interference with property in a way which he thought inconsistent with justice.—(ear, he ar .) H e there was so me thought H exaggeration with reference to the evils of the tithe system, and he did not think it interfered 'with the improvements in agriculture which had often been ztated ; but still it was most desirable that a commutation sh ould t a k e p l ace. H e was h a ppy t o fi n d that the clergy innd left the matter to the consideration of Parliament, and lie trusted that, in consequence of this, neither that nor t hat oth er H ouse wonld neg l ect to regar d th e interests o --at body. The contrast of the conduct of the lay im . pro f : priaiors and the clergy, as regarded the collection of tithes, Was highly cre di ta b le to the character o f the latter. Ti t h es We re rigidly exacted by the lay i m propriators ; but so f ar as regarded the clergy, they never received—to their h - . s our he said it—they never attempted to exact upon anything o li n ke th e i r just demand. He hoped that in legislating ) his subj ect the moderation of the clergy would not be suf fered to work to their disadvantage. He thought that a a l ulatien should b e ma d e , not on l y o f t h e t i t h es which ~e , receivea, but also of the tithes to which thoy were k•ittitled. F ormerly he had had some doubts as to the po "Y of having compulsory commutation, but he was now in idueed to think that it was desirable to combine the volun tary with the compulsory principle. He also went to the extent of thinking that no measure could be satisfactory if it 'Old not contain compulsory clauses. As far as regarded the 1 C od t h e rent charge the arrangement appeared to ~Tri to b e goo d . Th e re did not appear in any part of the 43i1l clauses enacting that land now barren and taken into cultivation should pay any tithes, or that the' tith e - owner abouid. receive eny part, however small, of the produce. t ithe i " 4- e might be t o ld t h at i f these lands were made to pay t would prevent their cultivation, for by means of and railro a d s , lands not now worth cultivati on m i g ht be made producti ve at a fair profit. It Scotland he knew , 1131. some hand which fifteen years ago was barren, which 'lad since been brought into profitable cultivation, not r,,ithstanclin e , the fall i n th e pr i ce o f agricultural produce. aby tin e Bill, then, was lie to understand that although the S er e'Yman tvould receive tithe to a certain amount for all - ra n d • , , inclosed at present, that he would not receive any for 9s.hereafter enclosed ? There was another point to which he wished to make an allusion. The value of tithes taken at one-tenth were called the tithes of ordinary culti vation. If lands were under the cultivation of hops, mad der, and other things, they were what were called extra- ordinary tithes ; and if this kind of cultivation was aban doned, the land lapsed into the payment of ordinary tithes. Now might not this principle be applied to grass lands in this way ; supposing a parish partly in grass and partly in corn cultivation ; on the hay grounds there was a very small modus paid to the clergyman. Now, if these lands were thrown into cultivation, would it not be fair that some arrangement should be made by which the titheowner might receive some addition ? He perceived arrangements of this kind were provided for in the case of hop lands. He would not detain the House longer than by saying that he hoped the Bill would receive the sanction of Noble Lords. He would not answer for others, but he could not help saying that he should feel disappointed if his Noble Friends near him, who were opposed to his Majesty's Mi nisters upon political grounds, and differed from them in foreign and domestic policy, did not give every assistance to his Majesty's Government to carry a measure which all parties must feel and believe to be for the public advantage, and which was not crippled by any compromise of political opinion, to which Noble Lords could not be expected to assent.---(Cheers.) Lord DACRE observed, that as he had introduced a Bill into the House for the Commutation of Tithes, he would take the opportunity of saying that he should give the Bill, with some few exceptions, his most cordial support. He regretted, however, that his Noble Friend did not ad dress himself to adopt some plan by which justice could be done to all proprietors of land under different courses of cultivation. He was induced to think that some such course could be adopted without difficulty, and he was con firmed in this opinion, when he found that there were four thousand parishes in England which were subject to a rent charge as a composition for tithes. This was found alike beneficial to the titheowner and to the cultivator. Lord Althoep had obtained returns of the amount of rent and tithes paid in 14 counties in England. These were made up as accurately as they could be. According to these returns, it appeared that the tithe paid in these 14 counties amounted to 532,536/. If a proportion of the rent had been taken as an estimate for the tithes in a way which he had formerly proposed, the amount would have been 547,659/. The difference, certainly, was not very great. He regretted, however, that the principle had not been adopted. He thought, however, the Bill on the table might be made to work beneficially with some slight alterations. The Bill might be divided into three chief parts :—The first, to obtain the accurate amount of tithe paid ; the second, to ascertain the proportion to be paid by landowners in a parish, when the general amount of tithes to be paid had been stated by the valuer. By the 34th section, the Commissioners were required to ascertain the amount of the gross value of the tithe during the seven years preceding. 'Were they t o t a k e th e pos i t i ve and actual receipts of te tithe-collector, no regard whatever being had to the cultivation of the land ? If so, he con ceived that they would proceed upon a principle of the grossest injustice. He would contend, that unless the Commissioners in their calculation were at liberty to take the gross amount of the tithe, regard being had to the inherent productive fertility of the land, great injus tice would be committed. This provision might be amended by the introduction of the very words which were made applicable to the valuers, in detailins , the pa rishes after the amount of the gross tithe had been fixed. If the Commissioners were to be guided by the receipts of the tithe-collector alone, the gross amount being fixed, they would proceed to apportion between the parties the amount of tithe which should be paid by each ; if they found that one-half of a parish had been inclosed seven years before, and that great capital had since been ap plied to that land, and rendered it more productive, then they would fall back upon the other half, and render it liable to double tithe, because they must make up the gross amount. It might be contended that the 35th clause, applicable to extreme cases, would meet one of this de scription ; but it was no extreme case ; he apprehended it would be one of very general occurrence. He was not sure either that even under the 35th clause the Commis sioners would have the power to allow the fertility of the land to form one of the elements of their consideration. He was quite sure that unless they had this power, no ge neral principle which should be applicable to every case could be established. With such an adaptation of a proper and amended principle, however, he believed the measure would he productive of all the benefits which had been an ticipated by his Noble Friend in his opening speech. Lord ASHBURTON hoped thilt the present measure, like that for the amendment of the poor laws which had been adverted to by the Noble Marquis, would be considered without reference to any party or political considerations ; and having this great advantage in ad dition to those of which its provisions were likely to be productive, he thought there was a fair chance of the country being benefited by it. Undoubtedly the conversion of tithe into a per centage upon the rent, if it could be done upon equitable terms, would be most desirable. It would simplify the adjustment of the matter, and would leave nothing open for wrangling or dis cussion, however trifling the matter which the Bill left to be settled between the tithe-receiver and the tithe-payer mig!it be, it did involve an annual settlement which might occasion some dispute. As any observations on the diffe rent clauses of the Bill would be out of place on the motion for the second reading, he would only say with reference to the principle involved in it, that he should wish to see some further time allowed for the voluntary settlement of the tithe. The time allowed by the Bill extended only to Octo ber, 1837, and if a voluntary agreement were not then come to, the Commissioner would proceed to make what he might consider an equitable adjustment. Many persons might apprehend that too extensive powers were proposed to be entrusted to the Com missioners. They were certainly very great and very im portant powers, but at the same time any person who con sidered the su!iject dispassionately must feel that it was only by means of such powers that any satisfactory settle ment of the question could be honed for. He admitted that those powers might at first sight appear ohjectienable, but still on further consideration so many difficulties pre sented themselves that it was judged right to vest them in the Commissioners. He would merely add upon this point, that the office was a most important one, and that it was indispensable that its duties should be discharged by sonic person in whom the country could repose implicit confidence. The Bill which the last Government had intended to bring forward was based entirely on the principle of the voluntary agreement; at the same time they held out to the parties, as a stimulus to action, that, if the voluntary agree ment were not made within a certain period, Government would interfere and effect a compulsory one. He did not know, upon the whole, whether the present plan was not quite as good, or even better, inasmuch as it at once provided the machinery by which the compulsory arrangement was to he effected. He could not help thinling, however, and it was a question which would arise in the Committee on the Bill, that it would be necessary to allow some time for the vo luntary agreement. He was of opinion that, if, instead of one year, two years were allowed, the compulsory agree ment would come sufficiently quick upon the parties to pre vent their sleeping over the matter, and to induce them to set about arranging the differences, which would other wise be settled at a very considerable expense. lie was the more anxious upon this point, because, though the mea sure had been a long time before Parliament, lie did not think that the country generally were aware that such a Bill was 'so soon to come upon them. These were all matters of detail. As to the general principle of the Bill, although it would not be difficult to find objections to that also, he considered it, as good as any plan of that de scription could possibly be made. He was very anxious to obviate the objection which had been made by the Noble Lord who had just spoken ; but he feared no legislation that could be devised would have the effect. He was happy to see, and he felt quite sure the country would' be happy to see, that a measure which had been so long tried in various ways was at last likely to pass into a law. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY had every reason to expect that the present measure would prove a satis factory adjustment of the question, and would, wiile it relieved the land from the pressure of the tithe, also do justice to the Clergy. He would fairly admit that he saw touch that was satisfactory in the measure, and that it more nearly attained perfection than he could have supposed possible in a compulsory measure, which affected such ex tensive and complicated interests. Standing in the situation he did of representing in some degree the interests' of the Church, be could not pledge himself to support any measure which would be unpalatable to the Clergy generally ; and at present, owing to the change which had taken place in the Bill, neith er the Clergy nor the great body of the tithe owners of England had had a sufficient opportunity of ascertaining what its principle really was. He should be most anxious to see it in Committee, when all its provisions improveme nt , permoveinsit, and the expenditure of provision undergo the f u ll est d i scussion, and when he was sure it would be the desire of th e i r L or d sh i ps to do just i ce to all P• arties With respect t o waste lands which might be brought capital,into t a i n was made by the Bill, he agreed that to give the cle rgy t i t h e upon suc h l an d s would be to prevent the expendit ure o f cap i ta l ; but when n va d ti for on which bYi n n inclosures of waste lands took place, he saw no reason why the clergy should not participate in the benefit by having a portion of the land set apart for their use. If this system were now for the first time established he should not have objected to the tithe being made a per centage upon the rent, but a large system and many considerable interests had grown up, and the case was materially altered. Al though, in some cases, the tithe came very hard upon the rent, it.did not prevent the cultivation of the land, because in many districts, such as Hampshire, Kent, and the southern part of Oxfordshire, where cultivation was expen sive, and the productive power. of the soil great, there was more capital expended in cultivation than in richer lands, THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY. JULY 8, 1836 which produced good crops at a less expense. He would only add, that his present feeling was that the measure was calculated to be a very beneficial one.—(Hear, hear, hear.) There were certain amendments, to which he trusted there would be no objection, which would be pro posed by him in the Committee, in - no other spirit and vith no other desire than that of improving the Bill. Be fore he sat down he felt it but justice towards those who had been concerned in framing the Bill to say, that in his opinion the country was greatly indebted to them for having devoted their fullest attention to the subject, and for having framed a measure as little liable to objection, he believed, as any that could be introduced on so difficult and delicate a subject.—(Hear.) Lord WI NFOitD was of opinion, from the evidence he had heard before the Committee above stairs, that the tithe-owner was likely to be the great gainer by the Bill. and that more land was likely to go out of cultivation than to come it. He wished to hear from the Noble Marquis what was meant by the " extreme cases" mentioned in clause 35. Concurring in the propriety of giving the Com missioners great powers, but thinking at the same time that there should be some appeal from their decision, he would on!y add, that he highly approved of the principle of the Bill, and that any amendments he might suggest in Com mittee would be merely brought forward with a view to its improvement. 'flie Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, with reference to the words " extreme cases" in clause 35, although they had accidentally crept into the margin, they did not appear in the enacting part of the Bill. The discretion which the Commissioners were enabled to exercise was founded upon an application from a portion of the landowners, stating that the value of the tithe was not fairly represented, in which case they had the power of varying the amount by one-fifth, either way ; but they could not do this without reporting' the grounds of their decision to the Secretary of State, who would lay them before Parliament. With regard to an ex tension of the period within which the voluntary settlement should be allowed, if it should appear advisable to many o f their Lordships to make it two years instead of one, he should offer no objection.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Tuesday.—Adjourned. sanction of the highest authorities in the country, and they had before them the lawfulness and prudence of the objects they desired to accomplish.—(Hear, hear.) He had no particular interest in this subject, further than to advance the general interests of the country.—(Hear.) Having a large property in Ireland, it was probable that some portions of those lines would pass near or through his property. He assured them that for no private views of his own would he even support any line, which would have not for its object the greatest public advantages from point to paint.—',Hear.) There could be no doubt that there was a great amount of capital in Ireland—there was, too, the greatest possible disposition in England, and especially in 1 this great metropolis, to vest that capital in Ireland. He I hoped then that his countrymen in Ireland would be guided by that prudence and forethought which he believed to ex ist in this metropolis, so that English capital might not be engaged in the undertaking of any measure that was not well founded, and that they would look to the promised advantages which may be held out to them in consequence of this work being carried into effect. There was no way so calculated to establish confidence in Englishmen as this —to refer the railroad lines to competent engineers —to engineers active, intelligent, assiduous, and disinterested, not connected with any particular parties seeking for a railroad, but to be nominated by a Board hereafter to be named—he would say by the person named by his Right Honourable Friend the Knight of Kerry (Colonel Bur goyne), that he was disposed to place in him every con fi:lence. That gentleman was at the head of a Board for administering large sums of money for the interests of Ireland. It would be wise and expedient, if the labour imposed was not too great, and make use of that Board, for objects of the description they now sought for. He for one, would feel considerable confidence if the subject were referred to that Board. This matter could riot be placed in the hands of the Government exclu sively as it was in foreign countries. These speculations should be left to those who risked in them the capital earned by their own industry. Such an object could only be accomplished when their own public officers, engineers of the highest character, engaged to lay down plans for rail roads—these officers, not immediately concerned in carrying any Bill through Parliament, ought to do this.—Hear, hear.) It was obviously the d es i re o f P ar li ament (h e be lieved it was at last disposed) to put a check upon the great number of speculations now afloat, and which had .not vet reached Ireland, except in one or two instances. He thought that this object might be attained, and that Ireland wovld not be oppressed with a multitude of railways, spoil ing the country, and wasting capital in fruitless undertak ings, and injuring public as well as private property.— (Hear, hear.) There was in Ireland a great anxiety to improve p ro p er ty ; b u t w h a t he dreaded in any of those undertakings was a failure. If this occurred, it would throw the country back, and that he dreaded much more than the money which would be lost. If they unanimously concurred upon this subject, they would, he thought, confer very great advantages upon the country. Perhaps they, as Irish proprietors, would give an example to the English people, by proving to them that they were resolved to look cautiously around them before they took any de cided step on a matter so deeply important as the present. The Marquis of HEADFORT seconded the resolu tion, which was passed unanimously. . The subsequent resolutions were proposed and supported by Lord Clonmel, Mr. G. Evans, ALP., the Earl of Charle mont, Mr. O'Connell, M.P., the Marquis of Westmeath, and Sir William Somerville. Mr. O'CONNELL observed, that there was but one railroad in Ireland, the Drogheda and Dublin railroad, now before Parliament. The opposition to that railroad had been abandoned. As in the resolutions it was not their intention to interfere with that railroad, he wished a reso lution to be adopted which would express such to be the feeling of the meeting. The Earl of CHARLEMONT would be satisfied with any resolution which merely expressed this—that they had no wish to interfere with the line of railroad then before Par ,• Imment. Mr. G. A. HAMILTON considered that what had occur red with respect to the Drogheda and Dublin railroad was a perfect illustration of the advantages that might be derived from a system such as these resolutions suggested, and the evil consequences of entering into a ruinous litigation before a Committee in Parliament. It was suggested, with a view to prevent Parliamentary litigation, that an engineer should b e select e d t o d eterm i ne w hi c h wou ld b e the best line to be fbrmed.from Dublin to Drogheda. He preferred the coast line ; but he stated that if the engineer should determine upon the inland line, he would give it every support in his power.—(Hear, bear, hear.) At a subsequent meeting held in Navan, it was suggested to lay the inland kind sea coast lines before the Board of Works, and to abide by their award. This offer was subsequently made to Lord Killeen. He did not mean to say that those who sup- Ported the inland line did not believe themselves to be right ; but this he might say, that if the opposite party had accepted his offer, a vast deal of money might have been 'saved.—( Hear.) He only mentioned this as an illustra tion of the propriety of the course they proposed to be adopted for the future. Then he suggested that the matter should be determined by an engineer, acting under the directions of Government, or to leave the decision entirely to the Government. Mr. O'CONNELL observed that the expenses before the Committee were enormous. The parties there certainly had very able Counsel, who had no reason to regret an adjourn ment to another day.—(Laughter.) Even his professional prejudices had been completely overcome by what he wit nessed. Mr. G. A. HAMILTON begged to say that there was a gentleman in the room, a capitalist of Manchester, and who had invested a large sum of money in this Irish Railway. Ile could state how ruinous, in his opinion, was the vast expenditure of public money before a Committee. The. Marquis of WESTMEATH—There can be no doubt at all about it. Mr. FITZSTEPHEN FRENCH remarked that, in 1824, the Government of the United States advanced a certain sum to hare surveys made for the best lines for railways and ca nals. So soon as those lines were completed, the works were undertaken, and out of the general works the expenses' of the surveys were defrayed. Mr. WALKER wished to say one word with respect to the Dublin and Drogheda Railway. He would say this for himself and others, shareholders in Manchester, that they would not have subscribed to the Drogheda Railway if they had known there would be the litigation about it that there bad been.—(Hear, hear.) The majority subscribed und er the idea, that by d o i ng so th ey would serve themselves and confer a benefit upon Ireland. It was with that idea he subscribed, and thus did many others. The resolution submitted by Mr. O'Connell and amended by the Marquis of Westmeath, was then unanimously adopted. Mr. BIRMINGHAM wished to submit to the meeting a series of resolutions which he had prepared for their consi deration. Ile thought their adoption would save a vast deal of time and money. He would recommend to the dif frent Companies who were now having ourveys made, to form one Board, by w hi c h th e ma i n trun k - line would be de termined upon. Every one of the distant parts of a line pay the least. The main trunk paid the best, and every one of the most distant parts from the main trunk could gain by the adoption of the resolutions ha had now the honour to read to the meeting : Resolved—That each party now seeking for a railroad to particular places, shall survey their own lines at their awn expense, and that the instructions to their respective engineers be to select a line out of Dublin, which each shall, in his opinion, consider as affording the best common line for the greatest distance, for the north-west, west, and south-west, and from whence other lines may diverge, thus confining the exit out of Dublin for those parts of Ire land to one main line, thereby saving an enormous expense in the purchase of property in the vicinity of the metropolis. Resolved—That in order to ascertain the best main trunk out of the metropolis for the north-west, west, and south west, a Commission be appointed by Government, with powers to examine the result of the explorin g s, and receive evidence from th e severa l eng i neers employed by the respec tive parties. And that the decision of the Commission ers, after such investigations, shall determine Parliament as to the best main-trunk line out of the metropolis for the por tions of the kingdom already mentioned. Resolved—That after this Commission shall have reported on such trunk line, an equal number of the Directors of the varioas Companies now seeking for their respective lines shall be selected to constitute a general board, so that the respective Companies may have a common interest in such main trunk to the north-west, and west, and south-west of Ireland. Mr. LEFROY objected to the resolutions. They would tie up all the Companies now forming from doing anything until the main -trunk was determined. Mr. R. PLUNKETT also objected to the resolutions. ,The main principles embodied in them had already been adopted: The KNIGHT of KERRY complimented Mr. Birmingham upon his'useful labours upon this subject He, however, considered if they adopted these resolutions, they bound themselves down to a specific 'line. Mr. BIRMINGHAM withdrew his resolutions. Mr. LYNCH stated that it was in contemplation, he un derstood, to bring forward a proposition that at the end of 9..'5 years there should be a power of revising or abolishing tolls on railroads. If a Bill containing such a proposition were to pass, it would bo difficult to procure money for establishing railroads. The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE—If there be any such proposition, it only shows the necessity of our again meeting. The Marquis of WESTMEATH—What is it Mr. Lynch says that it is ,to be proposed for Parliament to do ? Mr. LYNCH—To abolish tithes.--(Loud laughter.) I beg your Lordship's pardon, to abolish tolls on railroads. The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE was then called to the chair, and the thanks of the meeting offered to the Duke of Leinster, for his conduct as Chairman. RAILWAYS IN IRELAND• Yesterday, a meeting was held at the Thatched-hous e Tavern, St. James's street, of noblemen and gentlemen having large landed properties in Ireland. The object of the meeting was to obtain the sanction of the Government for the purpose of a general system being adopted, with respect to the great lines of railroads to be laid down in Ireland, and thus, if possible, prevent a competition amongst private individuals, likely to be ruinous to the speculators, - . I and injurious to the country. Amongst those in attendance were the Duke of Lein ster, the Marquis of Downshire, the Marquis of West meath, the Marquis of Headfort, the Earl of Charlemont, Lord Carbery, the Earl of Clonmel, Lord Clonbrock, Daniel O'Connell, M.P. ; the Right Hon. the Knight of Kerry ; Sir R. Nagle, M.P. ; G. A. Hamilton, M.P. ; M. L. Chapman, M.P. ; Sir William Somerville, Bart. ; N. Ball, M.P. ; Dr. Lefroy, M.P. ; A. H. Lynch, M.P. ; R. Plunkett, M.P. ; H. Bridgeman, M.P. ; A. Lefroy, M.P. ; G. Dunbar, M.P. ; Hon. Mr. Plunkett ; George Evans, M.P. ; Captain Jones, M.P. ; Colonel Perceval, M.P. ; Sir C. Morgan ; W. S. O'Brien, M.P ; Hon. T. Vescy, M. P. ; Fitzstephen French, M. P. ; Hon. N. Fellowes, M.P. ; Pierce Mahony, Esq. ; C. J. S. Walker, Esq., of Manchester ; Captain Bridgeman ; Captain Stubbs, &c. &c. Upon the motion of the Marquis of DOWNSIIIRE, the Chair was taken by the Duke of LEINSTER. Mr. G. A. Hamilton, M.P., and Mr. M. L. Chapman, M.P., were appointed Honorary Secretaries to the meeting. The resolutions prepared by Mr. Hamilton, and intended to be submitted to the meeting, were then read. _ Mr. HAMILTON observed that these resolutions were left for their consideration. The object of them was two fold ; first, that a Board should be established—that there should be some test, to which all surveys of intended rail roads were to be submitted previous to their coming before Parliament ; this was to be done to prevent ruinous litiga tion between contending parties. Next the Board was to examine the south and western coasts of Ireland, with a view of establishing the best lines •of communication across the country. The resolutions were devised without the least reference to any matter of a local character, or to any particular project. The Marquis of WESTMEATH had a conversation upon this subject with the Marquis of Lansdowne. The Noble Marquis told him he was only waiting for the decision of the Committee of the House of Lords upon Railways to be able to give him a satisfactory answer. The Noble Marquis, he was certain, was quite disposed to go along with the present meeting. The Duke of LEINSTER had an assurance to the same effect from the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. O'CONNELL remarked, that before the Session com menced he understood from Lord Morpcth that he was strongly of the same opinion. The Duke of LEINSTER read a letter from the Marquis of Clanricarde, in which he expressed a hope that no plans would be adopted by the meeting likely to check the spirit of enterprise. The Noble Duke observed, that they had no intention to check that enterprise. The KNIGHT of KERRY had listened attentively to the resolutions read by Mr. Hamilton, and he felt hound to say that he was inclined to go farther than they did. In those resolutions there certainly was no check imposed upon what Lord Clanricarde called private speculations. These reso lutions left all such measures to private speculations. Now, he thought from the Report of the Committee of the House of Commons upon Railways, and which was subsequently adopted by the Marquis of Lansdowne, that from the prin ciples laid down in that Report, the Government was bound to interfere with respect to Railroads, which were of infinite importance to Ireland. The Select Committee regretted that a check was not placed upon private enterprise in England—that time ought to be given to examine the grounds upon which each parti cular Railway is sought, and that they ought all to be con formable to the general interests. They then say that so much capital has been expended upon railways already, that it is too late to remedy the evil. Now, in Ireland there was a clear stage—there railways could be established upon the best principles, upon those the most advantageous to the public and the parties themselves. He thought it was ex tremely desirable, that before any resolution was enter tained by Parliament or the Government, that an engineer should be selected—that he should be nominated by some competent, authority, and unconnected with the country, to lay down what Lord Pitzwilliam called a system of rail ways ; that in this way a general system of main lines might be laid down, to which all the subordinate lines should be conformable. In an accidental conversation that he had with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he found it to be that Right Hon. Gentleman's opinion, that such a course as he stated would tend to a general eco nomy upon the subject —to a more extensive use of railways, and at a cheaper rate. Assuming that the East, or Dublin, were to be the general point of departure, then there were the cases of the three other provinces to be considered—as to what places in Ulster, Munster, and Con naught were the main tracks are to be laid down ? Every engineer could tell them that the general interests of the country would be promoted by doing this. He had no doubt, from his conversation with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that every facility would be given to such a mode of proceeding as he had stated.' He should wish them to go beyond the Resolutions submitted ; by leaving the matter over until the next Session, every-separate case in which a railway was projected, would seek to make out that it would be serviceable to a main line from Dublin. They ought, then, to have the inierposition of some Board ; for instance, the Board of Works, and at any Board they could not have a more honest and able man than Colonel Burgoyne.—(Hear, hear.) By such a Board the main trunks to the north, south, and west of Ireland could be laid down.—(Hear.) Lord CARBERY proposed the first Resolution, which was seconded by the Earl of Charlemont, and unanimously adopted. The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE, in proposing the next reso lution, said that he attended that meeting with very great pleasure. He was gratified in seeing so large a body of the landowners and proprietors in Ireland directing their atten tion to this very important question. He must premise what he had to say by stating that he had no very san guine expectations as to the fortunate results of the many railroads which were now carried on to so great an extent in England.—(Hear, hear.) He did not think that which was proposed for England could well be applied to Ireland. With respect to the latter country, it was plain that, there must be lines to the four provinces of Ireland ; that was a principle which must be equally manifest to them and the public, and must be acted upon. —(Hear.) He considered the objects of this meeting ex ceedingly important—important for the purposes of the public, equally important for the interests of private indi viduals. In all countries persons could be found ready ra pidly to enter into all such projects as they were then con sidering ; for the protection of such persons, of their pro perty, and their families, they were bound to be cir cumspect, where so much was at stake. The Duke of Wellington had most properly proposed a resolution referable to these railroads that had been adoptcd by the House of Lords ; approved, but not wholly so, in the House of Commons ; and it had received the sanction of the Government. He was happy to hear from his Noble Friend and relation in the Chair, that his Majesty's Go vernment approved of the objects for which they met that day.—(Hear, hear.) They commenced their proceed ings auspiciously--they had. the sanction of such a meet ing --one equally respectable and numerous ; they had the TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. 1 (From the Dublin Patriot of Wednesday.) " Hereditary bondsmen, know you not, Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow London, 4th J u ly, 1836. FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN----I address Irishmen of every rank and profession, of every creed and station, from the peer to the peasant—from the wealthiest merchant to the poorest labourer, from the highest archbishop to the most humble of curates, Protestants, Catholics, Presbyterians, Dissenters—l address them ALL. I do call on them—on each and on all—first, to under stand the' precise state of Irish affairs, to understand it thorourrhly ; and, secondly, to act as integrity an d h onour shall and do dictate. This then is the state of Ireland. It can be peurtrayed in a few distinct propositions. FlRST—lreland is one of the most fertile countries in the world, and of the most productive of all the necessaries of life. She has the poorest population of any other coun try on the face of the globe. SECOND—Abundance and starvation go hand in hand- provisions are exported in abundance- - the rishing from s t arva ti on . p.ople PC. THIRD—In Ireland the church established, and endowed by law with national wealth, is the richest in the world. It has the smallest number of votaries—the Protestants are comparatively the smallest number in any country called Protestant in the world. FOURTH—Again, the richest Protestant church in the world is surrounded by the poorest Catholic population. FIFTH—This poorest Catholic population in the world are compelled by law to support one church with which they hold no spiritual communion ; and compelled by con science to support another church with which they are in communion. Thus the poorest Catholic population in the world is burthened with two churches—its own, and a strange one. SIXTH—The lands of Ireland produce in rent, it is cal culated, twelve millions sterling annually. The precise amount is not material to our present purpose, it` being certain that. such rents amount to many millions. Yet there is an almost complete deficiency of capital for agri cultural improvement. This almost unnoticed phenomenon is, perhaps, one of the most significant of general poverty and distress ; but this, alas ! is not a matter of theory, for— SEVENTH —Ireland pays to absentees a tribute amount- ing certainly to more than six millions—probably exceed• ing seven millions of pounds sterling annually ; whilst, out of the eight millions of her inhabitants, the enormous and, most appalling number of more, much more, than THREE MILLIONS are actual beggars, living for a considerable part, or for the entire of the year, on alms and charity. EIGHTH—The people who are thus immersed in poverty are the most ready and anxious for employment. They are amongst the best, if not the very best labourers in the world ; indeed, they traverse the globe to find employ ment. Besides the swarms they send out as permanent operatives in the factories and cities of Great Britain, scores of thousands of them travel *on foot ONE THOUSAND MILES and upwards, in coming and going, from the re motest part of Connaught to the extreme of Kent, and all intermediate spaces, to earn the wages of a few weeks in each harvest ! ! ! NINTH—The climate of Ireland is very salubrious—the soil of Ireland is exuberantly fertile—the mineral treasures of Ireland in coal, lead, and copper ores, are known to be abundant. The impetuous streams of Ireland furnish a mill-power cheap in its nature, and, at the same time, greater in efficient quantity, than in any country of five times its extent in the world. Its•navigable rivers intersect the fairest and richest parts of the island for hundreds of miles, and form at their mouths estuaries which furnish se cure ports for the heaviest vessels, for scores upon scores of leagues. The other harbours of Ireland arc open at every hour of every tide, and secure from the violence of every wind that blows—whilst the position of Ireland, the wes ternmost land of Europe, the best eastern point for the trade of the myriads of new nations of America, entitles her to he the cntrepot of the commerce of the universe. TENTH—The people of. Ireland are active, industrious, shrewd, intelligent, faithful, honest, moral, religious. In no country upon earth are there so few crimes committed in proportion to the population, against property or good morals—if you deduct, as you ought, the agrarian outrages which belong to a state of war, and partake altogether of the criminal nature of warfare. Again, the tenacity with which the Irish people have adhered, through proscription, plunder, and blood, to the faith they deemed best, entitles them to the admiration even of those who believe that faith erroneous. ELEVENTII.-Vi r ith such a country, with such a people, the manufactories are few—the mines nearly unexplored— the commerce confined to the export of provisions, and the imports little more than for the consumption of the garrison, police, revenue, and church establishment ; whilst—it must be repeated—more than three millions of the inha bitants are living upon alms and charity. Such is the state of Ireland—such are her capacities—such is her destitution. Understand this well—lreland, the most capable of wealth, and strength, and comfort, and happiness, is involved in distress and dissension, destitu tion and faction, pitiless pelting oppression and misery, in every shape and form ; evils great and pressing, for the present—miseries fearful and appalling in the prospect of the future. Now, this being understood, are there any facts—clear and undoubted facts—to explain these strange anomalies? Yes there are—clear and undoubted facts. Let us begin another series of numbers. FIRST—The Irish people have not for the last six cen turies governed themselves. They have been ruled by English taskmasters, with one short and evanescent ex ception. SECOND—The English government has uniformly, under one pretext or another, refused to admit the Irish people into a community of legal rights and privileges. THIRD—The Irish people have repeatedly, indeed almost continuously, demanded, implored, beseeched to be ad mitted into a community of laws and right with England. They have been uniformly refused, except when they hap pened to be the strongest, and extorted a part of that which would otherwise have been withheld. FOURTH—JUSTICE—JUSTICE TO IRELAND required that equal participation of rights with England. It was always refused upon one pretext or the other. The alienage in blood and in language was at first the pretext— the alienage in religion became the second. FIFTH—It is 500 years ago since this amalgamation of these two nations into one was pressed upon the paternal attention of Ed , :vard the Third. That Monarch favoured the plan ; but history tells us that then, as now, justice t 3 Ireland was refused by •' the great Lords," because, as they at that time candidly avowed, they had an interest in con tinuing the abuses. Five hundred years have not taught any wisdom the " great Lords" of the present day. There is nothing new under the sun. SIXTH—One gleam of sunshine brightens the murky pages of Irish history. It is the glorious era of 1782., and a few succeeding years. The progress of Ireland in com merce, in comfort, In wealth, in literature, during that bright and transitory period, appears unequalled in any other story. But something like madness lies in its contem plation. I turn to other topics. SEVENTII—The value . of domestic government was known to Ireland only to embitter its loss. The Union was determined on—and by treachery and blood—by cor ruption and military force, the Union, was effected. Let us not dwell on these things for the present; but they must be noticed. _ _ EIGHTH—The pretext—the assigned cause—the justify ing purpose of the Union was to do complete justice to Ire land—to -amalgamate both nations into one—to give Ire land a full, an equal participation of all the rights, of all the liberties, of all the privileges of .the English nation. NINTH—By the Union there were not to be two nations, but one nation—conscience was to be respected and free— the "paribus se legibus," the "invicke genies," the "elerna in fcedera," were repeated until the repetition distrusted ; they were proclaimed, and praised, and sworn to by King, Lords, and Commons. TENTH—The principle of the Union was justice to Ire land—equal justice—any other principle would have been a crime. . _ ELEVENTH —The compact at the Union was justice to Ireland—equal justice. It was, t o b e sure , a f orce d com pact on our par t —but up on t h e part of England, which used that compu l s i on , the compact was only doubly bind ing on that account. TwEtrrit—But this compact, like every other thereto fore made by the English Government with the Irish people, was violated so soon after it was made as it was perfectly safe to do so. TiilllTEE NTli—lreland was admitted into a full partici. potion of all the burthens of England ; she has been to this hour depri ve d o f any equal or j ust part i cipation of the li berties, rights, and privileges of England. F OURTEENTH—Tbe first instalment of the debt due by England to the Irish people, by virtue of the Union com pact, was not conceded voluntarily, hut was extorted by the concentrated energy of the Irish people, after a struggle of no less than twenty-nine long and tedious years. FlFTEENTit—lrcland continued, as before the Union, to be governed by and for a faction. That faction was en couraged daily into greater insolence and more organization. Lord Anglesey—heaven help him—re-armed the entire of the yeomanry of that faction! ! ! Thus, until the last appoingnent of Lord Melbourne's Administration—until, indeed, Lord Mulgrave became Lord Lieutenant, admirably choosing Lord Morpeth for his Secretary—until the Government of Lord Mulgrave, jus tice to Ireland was a name and a mockery ; the faction were every thing—the nation nothing. The bench, the crown lawyers, the officers of the revenue and customs, the magistracy, the grand jurors, and as often as possible the petit jurors, the sheriffs, the police— . all, or nearly all, 0,610 d to the faction ; and rank, and station, and honours, an I emoluments were distributed in the evact proportion to the rancorous and successful exhibition of hate, m a li g _ nity, and peculating bigotry. Such is the epitome of Irish history ; such are the causes of Irish misery. The government has been upon a wrong.basis ; the people of Ireland have been governed with a wrong intention. Injustice, iniquity, partiality, the with holding of franchises and rights—in short, INJUSTICE has been the foul but continued basis of Irish government. What man of common reflection, or gifted even with the slightest glimmering of common sense, but must see these two things , first, the prolifi c cause o f th e woes an d destitu tion of eland —next, the obvious mode of changing her fate, and improving her fortunes. Injustice has been the bane and curse of Ireland. Upon justice she builds her hope of amelioration and improvement. But a new era opened upon us ; a new prospect brielitened before us. The renewed administration of Lord Melbourne felt the necessity as well as the propriety of doing justice to Ireland. Lord Mulgrave at once carried into practical effect all that the existing state of the law would allow him of fair play and impartiality : discountenancing every faction ; looking to merit alone for the objects of his choice ; banishing all considerations of sectarian preference or sectarian exclusion ; despising with manly firmness the threats and the calumnies of are infuriated and sanguinary party, and calmly doing equal justice to enemies as to friends. A young and a new hope sprung up for Ireland—ancient injuries and recent prosecutions and coercions were all, all forgotten or forgiven —and Ireland at length exulted in the expectation that her resources would be developed, her in dustry encouraged, her feuds healed, and her people com bined in one bond of allegiance, interest, and freedom, with the hitherto more favoured people of Britain. But if the prospect of these , blessings were to depend on the active virtues of individuals for their only support, they must in their nature be precarious and transitory—the brightness of a moment to make the permanent gloom more terrible. Accordingly the King's Government de termined to give permanency to the measures of justice, and in effect to give to Ireland at length the benefits of the Union. Alas ! how many topics of the deepest interest am I obliged to pass over, in order to hurry to those practical measures which the exigencies of the present portentous cri sis of Irish affairs absolutely demands. The King's Government, then, in the present session, contemplated three great measures: — First—The amendment of the Irish reform Act, by giv ing a more easy and honest mode of legislation, by diminish ing the amount of the franchise to the more reasonable di mension contemplated by the legislature, and preventing the fraudulent creation of votes, especially in towns and cities. There is not the least chance that the House of Lords will pass that Bill. Second—To bring within a more reasonable compass the enormous revenues of a sinecure church, and to appro priate the surplus, after supplying the spiritual wants of the Irish Protestants, for the purposes of the moral and religious education of all the people. This Bill is also doomed to meet its fate, by being strangled in the House of Lords. Third—The Municipal Corporation Bill—mark its his tory and blush for shame—l know you are men, and that the burning blush of shame is already on your cheeks. Mark its history : It passed the House of Commons shorn of some of its utility. The selfish and base hostility of the Tory slavish faction in the Lords was known ;' and, there fore, to appease its virulence, the Ministry made a con cession, which they ought not in my opinion ever to have made. They consented to deprive the Reformed Irish Corporations of the power to nominate persons for the office of sheriff, and they limited the power to nominate • magistrates. Yet, with these concessions, the Lords contemptuously mutilated, disfigured, destroyed the Bill. Not a single vote was obtained by these concession:,—nay, they were used— and it was retributive justice that they should be so used— as an argument against the Bill. Well—the mutilated Bill came down to the Commons, the Ministers again made concessions—more concessions than in my conscience I am now convinced ought to be *made—l mention these things as part of history, and to protest to the people of Ireland, that I, for one, will never again, directly or indirectly, assent to any such concessions.. But this moderation—this disposition for conciliation has had one good effect ; it has placed the Ministry and the Commons more in the right ; it has placed the haughty and arrogant Lords more in the wrong. The Lords received these concessions contumeliously, and contemptuously restored the Bill to all its original mis chievous operation, as it came out of their hands. Mark the consequences : Scotland enjoys reformed and popular Municip.3l Cor porations. England enjoys reformed Municipal Corporations. Ireland is refused any such reform. To this injustice is superadded Is not the injuries enough—is not the injustice sufficient —no—one thousand times, no. Misery has been borne by Ireland—injustice has been endured for centuries by Irishmen. •But insult—daring, foul insult, has been superadded— insult from the ungenerous and heartless tyrant Welling ton--f-insult from the mean and creeping Vesey Fitzgerald— insult from the basest of the base, whose foul name shall not pollute my page. Insult—lrishmen---insult. The lion in the fable was dying when the asses dared to kick him. Ireland is not dying—neither slee2s she—nor shall the asses kirk her with impunity. • 6‘ The nations have fallen but THOU STILL ART YOUNG." Yes, Ireland, my country—thou art young in the strength, the energy, the patriosm of thy sons. Yes, by the concen tration of thy energies hast thou already burst the manacles of ages. But let us at once commence the organization of the public mind ; the combination of the virtuous and the good. We already succeeded in the strife where only some of the Irish were • interested in that success ; where our efforts bore, in site of us, a sectarian character. Shall we not now succeed when all Ireland—when Irishmen of every creed, sect, and persuasion are equally interested—when every Irishman that lives is involved in one common in justice, and is tarnished and tainted by one common insult. Rally, then—let us rally round the King's Government and the rights of Ireland. JUSTICE to IRELAND is our watch-word, our motto, our daily cry, our only object, our great reward. Justice to Ireland—speedy, equal, complete justice to Ireland. Let us not consume one moment in reproach or in anger, in expostulation or in resentment. The injury—above all, the INSULT—is too deep, too degrading, to find any re source in complaints or words. Let us be up and doing. We are degraded below the level of human beings as long as the foul stain of this daring insult remains upon . us. I have been amongst those who have led you already to victory—the lowliest, but amongst the most zealous of them all. I offer myself to you again to lead you to success more certain and com plete. England MUST do us justice, or we WILL . do justice to ourselves. . But the course of this struggle must be like the last— v:ithout a breach of any law—without a violation of any duty—without a crime before man—without a sin before God—unstained with any injury. to the property of any human being—entirely free from the pollution of one drop of blood. Hasten, then, to another moral combination—hasten, then, to procure a remedy for the past, to prevent the more hideous mischiefs with which the future threatens us. If the Lyndhurst gang in the Lords are allowed with impunity to rejoice, over their insolent injustice to Ireland, success will necessarily encourage them to further darings. The sword of destruction was ()nee before threatened by Wel lington. I believe him to be now as willing, though less able, to wield it. That sword may sweep over Ireland for destruc tion, unless every honest and good man arouses him now at my call and the call of Ireland—unless there be a vow unspoken, but recognised in the heart's firm determination to exert every faculty of mind and body to wipe off the foul insult, and to procure JUSTICE FOR IRELAND. • This, then, is my manifesto to the people of Ireland, to the Reformers of Great Britain, and to the friends of ra tional liberty all over the world. I proceed at once to the plan which I most respectfully and earnestly press on the consideration and for the adop— tion of the people of Ireland. Let us first. see what are our duties. They seem to me to be three-fold :- Ist. To rally all our exertions for the support of the King's Government. The safety of Ireland—of tha lives and properties of all classes in Ireland—its freedom from the horrors of anarchy and a. servile war—all depend on the stability of the present Ministry. Let us, then, rally round the Government of Lord Melbourne, and give it all the aid we can in and out of Parliament. Heart and hand let us aid Lord Mulgrave in Ireland. Our second duty is to exert all the influence we possess to preserve the internal peace of Ireland—to prevent or to suppress agrarian outrages of every description—to advise, control, protect the people—to protect them from their r, own natural resentments, as well as from the insidious equally with the open machinations of their enemies. • The third and chicfeet duty, because the best instill went of th e other two, is the immediate formation of an active Society, to regulate all legal and constitutional exer tions in the paths or peace and with the fervour of free_ dow—a body free Nan any legal objection; or any moral reproach. I propose that we immediately form an assoc ataon, to I e called tt THE GENERAL ASSOCIATION OF IRELAND." The name National has been suggested, but I pref . ( r that of General—simply because the present experiment • most have completely.faiW—and this Association, intended for other purposes, must stand dissolved before we form