The Sun. — London, England, 1864-07-05 00:00:00

MONEY MARKET U CO AIT.ISIICIAL INTELLIGENCE. CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK. A decidedly easier feeling is apparent in the Money Market this morning, there being less de mend for money with a larger supply. The rate for first-class bills is 5; per cent., and exceptional transactions have been recorded at even a traction below that quotation. There were no bullion operations at the Bank yesterday. ne Olympus has arrived from Now York with £37,640. The subscrip , ion-list of the Ebbw Vale Com pany will close on Monday, the 11th inst., for London, and Wednesday, the 13th inst., for the Country. The Committee of the Stock Exchange have ep. pointed Friday, the Sth of July, a special settling day in the Bank of New South Wales new shares and the lonian Bank new shares, bath to be marked in the official lists. An extraordinary meeting of Shareholders of the London Bank of Scotland was held to-day for the purposeof considering the terms of agreement made with the Mercantile and Exchange Bank, with a view to the amalgamation of the two institutions. Mr, W. W. Cargi:l occupied the chair, and, in pro posing the resolution confirming the arrangement, said that the Mercantile and Exchange Bank had been started at an earlier date under more favour able circumstances, and possessed a capital of £4,000,000 in shares of £5O each, of which £lO had been paid up, while the London Bank of Scotland had only a capital of £150,000 in shares of £5O each, of which £l3 had been paid up. The latter bank woald pay a premium on the amalga mation taking place, amounting to four ye a r n ' purchase of the profit made by the Mercantile and Exchange B.ok, over and above that secured by the London Bank of Scotland. The resolution was unanimously agreed to. During the last few days there has been very little activity in the Foreign and Colonial Produce Markets. Sugars have been dull, at slightly re duced rates. For coffee there has been a moderate inquiry without material change as regards vatues, while in rice, tea, fruit, and Spices there has been little variation in the demand. The tallow market has exhibited slight depression, and Coe quo►ations for both present end forward delivery show a fur ther downward movement. Two o'CLocK. At Paris, this day, according to Mr. Retver's telegram, the Three;per Cent. Rentes were 66i. 15c. Dull. The English Stock market continues quiet, but at firm quotations. No one seems desirous to specu late till political eff.irs have assumed a more settled condition. The Funds show no alte ration from the prices of y est erd Con sols being 90/ a for money and account. The New Threes and ItAuced Annuities are 89/1 ; the Annuities, 1855, 141 ; MKrch Exchequer Bills, Bs. to 3a. dis., June no., 5 dis. to par ; India 5 per Cents., 104/ ; do. Enfaced 51 per Cents., 114 i; and the Bonus, 10s. dis. There is very little animation and variation in the Foreign Market. Turkish 6 per Cents., 1862, are 68i a ; do., Consolides, 491 1; Mexican, ex all, 28,1, ; do. New, 26 t i ; Greek, 25: I; Spanish Passive, 29i ; Portuguese, 471 1 ; Italian , 67f ; and the Conted-rate Loan, 64 66. Business in the Railway Share Market has been animated, and prices have, in most instances, been firmer. Great Northern A Stock, and Manchester, Sluffield, and London have each improved £1 108.; Midland, £2; Brighton, £1; and Great Western, and Lancashire and Yorkshire each 9. The Foreign and Colonial lines continue inactive, at about previous rates, Rink and Miscellaneous Shares have continued rather quiet, without material change to record as regards values, ChamouPix United Hotel shares are quoted o 1 prem.; Soc.el'aluirale De L'Em. pire Ottoman, 16 2 prem.; and Ebbw Vale Coin. puny, 1 1 , 16 prem. --- BRITISH FUNDS—CLOSING PRICES. GOVERNMENT FUNDS. 3 per Cent,. Consols Ito Acco unt , J u l y 8 3 per Cent. Reduced New 3 per Cent New 2! per Cent. Jan. 1891 Du 5 pet Cent., Jan. 1873 A.Laiumem, ;:;() yr 1,, wxpire e)th. J au. I , lbo — Do for 30 yrs, expire s t h April, 1885 l4l Do (Red tea Telegraph), Aug. 1908 — Mne. Exchequer Bills, £l,OOO, 21 & 3 per C ent. 3 dia arch. die par 1500 Do £lOO and £2OO .. Bank England SLK, 5} per Ct. Do Account.. INDIAN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES. Luau Mock, 101 per Cent., April 1874 — aiDo Account Do 5 per Cent. July, 1670 1)0 Account.... Do 4 per Cent., Oct, 1888 Do .ertiticates Do Enlaced Paper, 4 per Cent Do 5 pe r C en t . , J an. 1872 .. . ... Do 51 per C ent. , M ay, 1879 Do 4 per C ent., Aug. 1866 .. bouus 1 I.t eth Do ni,cler £l,OOO • • 10 die FOREIGN FUNDS —CLOSING PRICES Austrian Bonds, 5 per Cent Do 1859 .. - Brazilian o per Cent. Do 41 per Cent., 1852-58-6 0 ..... Do . 1863 B7 Buenos Ayres 6 per Cent Do Account 95 Do 1 per Cent. (Deferred 3 per Cent.) — Chillan 6 per Cent. Do 3 pet Cent. Colombian 6 per Cara Cuba, 6 per Cent. Danish 3 per Cont., 1825 Do 5 per Cent. 1864 Equador New Consolidated, 1 per Cent.. .Egyptian 7 per Cent.. .. 101 k 21 Do, Second Issue Greek 5 per Cent., 1824-5, ex-Coupons - _Do Account 25} Do Coupons Do Account.... Guatemala 5 per Cent. Do 1839 and 1859 Italian b per Cent.(Maremmana Railway) Mexican 3 per Cent Do Account...... Do Scrip £23 paid ... • Do F r e nc h S cr i p, Ex 25f 20c •• dis— die Do 6 per Cerr. Anglo-French . Ditto Scrip, £23 p ai d Moorish imperial 6 per Cent New Granada 13 Do 2 per Cent..... Do Deferred Do Land Warrants (Hectares) .. Peruvian 41 per Cent. 3 per Cent. (Crribarren)... Do 4/ per Cent., 1862 Do Account Portuguese 3 per Cent., 1853 Do Account — • • —Do 3 per Cent.,1856, '7, '9, '6O, 62 ; 3 •• Do Account 47k Do 1863 Scrip, £lO paid Russian 5 per Cent., i 822, £ St Do 4 3 / 4 per Cent.. 1850 1)0 3 r c Cent 1859 ............ 1)o 6 per Cent, 1862 Do Anglo-Dutch .... — 3 Do Scrip, • £3O paid ...... 4 pm Bar iill),tn per Cent ......... . „, e , 83} Account Spanish 3 per Cent Do Account Do New Deferred Do Account Do cnB,ive . . ........ Po Ac coun . Spvo anish Cert. of Coup not funaed —. Acaouni S wedish, 4 per Cent Scrip, D - 30 laid posh 6 pernt Cent. 1834 v •; ) ,0 Accou a l : 1 0 6 per Cent. 1858 0 A. Oll Do „ 4401, Bonds IT) GAPer Cent. 1862 ° '' e cout 681 Do „„_ _ ...... '101.1onds„. Do Guarat per 1863 6 ,, 4per Cent, 101 Venezuela 3 Do Account. a t- Do 6 per Cent., 168 ...... • • ' .1 2 Do aocoaat 6 per Cent,. ............ .• Do 1e per Cent ..... --- . Dividends on th e • a t b: o :v . e: p . :7 s abi ..Loud on A.ustrian, 5 per Cent Belgian 41 per Cent., E L Florins. -- .Do Account ....... • Dutch 2 3 / 4 per Cent., Ex. 12 Ohl: Do 4 p er C ent. C ert ifi cates . •=1 0 Italiao Account n, 5 per Coat., 1861, Ex. 25 - D ca .. .... 67t Peruvian ••••• '••4 uvian Dollar Bonds, :per Ct.l 4. Is Fiolnahatese, 6 per Cent,, E x . 25f.. ... O' insolee 90 CLOCE. IPQACMCIUltems..tes ..... o••••tis• SCi le all ' 100 (100 ' 100 aTI .'!OLONIAL GOVERNMENT SECURITIES. t 1877-84 - Do. np. e. Feb.& A.m... 101 102 -4 Do. d p.c.Mar.& Sept. 100 1t,2 ;C4 - Do. Ep. o. Jan.•Sz.luly. 10, 89 01 89 - Do. 5 inscribed eta:6 100 89 01 - 1 'ape G. Bops, e p lot , 104 106 Do.Ap &Oct. 1880 100 107 109 Do. 1894 P.O It 9 :11 - Do. Jan. & July, 1591.. 10./ 107 109 - 'Ceylon, N0v.1878, 6p t ldk 111 113 - IMauritius 4 per cent .. 1.00 104 106 - INstal Gov. 6 per cont.. 110 1 1 )6 109 N. 11 .G0v.6p.0...5a.&Ju1) 100 ,CO 1(2 - uO. 6p. c.Ap. & Oot. 109 - N. S. W. G ov. 6 p Ist., 100 994 1004 - Do. Lp. c.,18r a tot 100 903 1004 973 - Do. cia.,1858 &uptvdt, 100 996 1004 - New Zealand 6 p ,tent. 100 109 111 • - Nova Scotia G ov. 6p. e sterling, 1875 lO, 401 108 - Queensland Gcv. 6p. c lOO 103 10 , - Aus Gdp.e.1670.& up lOl., 106 108 ,Vie.Ciov. p.c.Ja.&J ul) pit - - - !Da in ho.c. &o.&Ook. 1100 1091 110 k 110} BRITT SR MINT S. 2 salilirtan Cousot. ()opt 1 3 4d - e,llort Anialgamated 1 - 30 92 - +even G. Cons. (Tavist ; i 565 e)75 - -AO Bassett (Mogan so '6 67 - ast. Clogan Gold Ltd - - - - East Caration ....... 29 10 - i ast Cara 8rea....... '.4.- 71 71 - E. 4i'l Russel (Tavistl, 8.13.. 32 41 Gam.&St.AuDyn(G wen ,8 7 9 - (L eat Soutb Tolgus lFr I 21 !..3 - ;1. Wheal Vor(lieiston to 29 31 - Grenville + 71 71 - iercAl's-F00t......• • . ~ 1 88 40 ~n gston Downs... - lardy Bertha - - dargaret (tiny Lelar 8 10 - larke Valley.. i nyndv Iron Ore (Lim :J. 11 3 4 - New Setun lOl 75 85 - North Downs :3 11 3.1.0 14 2 - orth Wheal Crotty . 2.6.9 41 43 t'ar Consols(EA. Blaze) - - 20 -- rovidence(Uny Lelnt. 10 O. 09 41 - ioutnliaradon(St.Clee. 1 3 455 175 - S. earn Brea (Illogan) - . - Wheal Fran. (Illo%fan 18.18.9 50 55 - Stray Park - farnarSilvaz Lead thin. - - - Pin Croit 9 173 181 West Basset (Illogan) l4 9} 10 3 - 1 W Cr radon (Liskeard; 5 16 18 - West Seton - Whesl Basset (Illogan - )1 53 90 85 - Wheal Buller(ltedruth)l 10 17 29 - Wheal Kitty (U.Lelent); 2.0.6 WhealLlA ott - Wheal MaryAnnil'den )j 8 I 14 16 - Wheal Beton . I 585 I 220 230 - Wheal Trelawney (Li s. ) 7 19 21 - Wheal Union 3.17 15 2 PREFERENCE SHARES. great Eastern, E. Counties, Ext. No. 1, Ditto, 6 per cent pt., 122 Great orthern, 5 per cent., red. at 10 per cent. pm., 113! 14 Gt. Western, Wt. Midland, Oxford, 1 guaranteed stock, 1284 North Staffordshire, ;:2 PREPErzENCE SHARES AND STOCKS. Great Eastern 5 per cent pf., 101 Ditto, 4 4 per cent., 90i FOREIGN RAILWAYS. Great Luxembourg, 101 Turin i-nd 6av,na, West Flanders, 7i FO2EIGN 11.EQES. Cape Copper, 1ira., , ,101 I BANKS. _ Alliance !lim.), 65 4. Australasia. -- Ditto, new, t 7 3 / 4 Bank of ~tago, lim., 4 3 / 4 . City, 145 Consolidated Bank, lim., 12 11; Continental. lim., 19 I, .;uropean Bank, Lim., 111 Hindustan, t-Inna, and Japan (11m.), Ditto, new, 6 Imperial Bank of India, china, and Japan, 11M,, 6 Imperial Ottoman, 181 4 Lana Mortgage Bank of India, lim., 5: f. London B nk of Alexia° and S. America, lim., 6; London Chartered Bank of Australia, 24} London and County, 71 London Joint Stock, 47} 8 3 / 4 Merchant Bank, iiin , it} Mercantile and Exchang.c. lim., 19/ Isiational sank of Ireland, hew, 41t Union of a übtralia, 57 Ditto, new, 51 MISCE Australian Agricultural, 21 LLANEOUS. .terhn Water Works, lim., 9i Crystal l' a t ace, 3 2i gy ,, tian C orn and Trading, E Dm, ' 4 : nglish and Scottish Marine. 11m.. Fin natal Discount, lirn., 5f Gol. Credit and Fina.n.:e of London, lim., 7 Hudson's Bay, 7. Imperi 1 aad ~I creantile Credit A sso,, lim,, 7 ; International Financial ociety, lim., 101 101 Joint Stock Discount, ihn., 7} Land Seen, ities, 1 m , 4a Londou Financial Association, 1i111427a 8 M dras Irr gation and t.anal, Ditto, 2 191 h'ati anal bi-count Company, um., 15: ( in in s. arme (Insuranem 21/ Quetc.da Rail, and Mining, lim., Societe Fine ekre d' , gypte Um., 5 Thames and Mersey Marine (Insurance), UM., 7 i Universal Aistrine, Insurance, Urn., 6} ROYAL NAVAL RESERVE.—By a return issued yesterday it appears that the number of seamen enrolled in the Royal Naval Reserve down to March 31st last wn 17,300, discharged 401, died 639, and entered the Royal Navy 300—leaving, a not number of 15,473 men still on the Looks, Two of the d!..zDalaedT BU 44:1 entered the Con- Ic;derato service, BEARE MARKETS—This day. ;.f K rt' rwayt3. _ i lir., Wol., and Str. ythe and Tyne. ; ost„Sleaf.,andMid.kit, 3rintol and Exeter .7aledoman or:: and Bandon ion] wa it AfA ~ e ts nc dig Do. B till 6 1) 0 .1) an•h" ( been paid to Jublin A-. Belfast Jim fun„Pertli,& A b. Juno. i , ;dinburgh & Glasgow. iasg. and S. Western. :ireatEastern, Ord. etc Ditto A stock Ditto East A nglian Si qrreatNorthof Sootland cireat Northern Do A stock Do 11 do Cat S. ant W. of Irelan , Great Western Do Str Val gm. stock Lancashire & Yorkshire London and Blackwall Lon., Bright.,& S. Coast Lon., Chat, and Dover Lon. & North Western Lon. & Scr.th Western Han., Shet., & Lincoln., Maryport and Carlisle. Dot shArec.. ...... Metropolitan slidland • Do New Do Binning. & Derby Hid. Gt. W. of Irelano Do. a shares Slid Kent DO Cray Line North British idin., Perth, & Dundee Nth. Eastern—Berwio, Do, G.N.E. purchase Do Lecds Do Perk Do Carlisle North London Do New North Stafrordshire and S. W. Junction eieot Li sh Central Scot E., Aber. stoc Do Scat Mid. stock Shrews. and Weiclipo' , Shropshire Union south Devon. :)outh Eastern iScuth Wale 9 York. and River Dui ')Lames, Wok., and Wok Stoezton & Datlingto, Do Do New, 186 G Taff Vale.. Do B Do C 'Ulster Do Do iVtde of Neath r Victoria eta. and Pin: Waterlord Weet Corn r;al I ‘'V • Hartlepool ilar,:z West Midland .ox.ler,! i~oNewpor: Hereford 8 8i 81 91 85 67 1 tVi 1201 ei 7 35 87 16 17 89 91 104 1(6 181 94 7 8 13 136 160 151 128 ;32 g 0 ps 68} 6S 1151 116 k 67 t 9 10! iO.l 41 43 1131 1141 971 98i 59 60 lilt 112. 1331 133! 9} 126 k 106} 611 V AN sTOuf., Closing tiusine, t'rice. done. 49 1 i i i 6S# / 1101 # 1021 4 1!4 2 14 98 7# 61# 1# 152 1} 2i 1 2 ; 129 111 f i 12 1' 135 41 5i 103 1( 5 53 65 24 'ts IC5i IC6, 6t 6: 91 95 126 129 14 24 77i 78.1 lot ;it 125 130 36 38 56 El 55 t 7 92i 93 104 108 8 9 361 371 9,i 10 , 7 4 8 4 163 170 .6 7 3 4 p 107 110 Si ,37 I Lawren. : om.,Barodatz.Cent Gu. 5 per Do. New . Do. E. Shares... isa ?Imo Lam! hurt,' Pre.teruuce raiu. 111 ~,t lalo,Brant,Miojr., f. bde. Aug. 1, 1. Do. do. July I. 18; O. do. jute 'apcTown t Dock Ser /Ca'dtn. Bengal gu. 5 p. } ..ast Inchan. pt. 5 p.c I Do. do. G I D. do. 11 do. .. 'Grand Trunk of Canada Do. let Pre% Bonds.. Do. uo. deferred...... Do. 2d Pref. Bonds.. Do. do. def en ed...... Do. 3d P• ef. stock ... Do. do. deferred...... Do. 4th Pref. stook... Do. do. deferred...... t. In diarentu. gua.bp.o Do. lNew gua. 5 p. a... Do. January, 1882 .. Gt. South.of India (Lim guaranteed 5 per s oent. Gt.:W,oi Canada Sliaree Do. New .. Do. 6 p.o. '73 wlth't opt. Du. 51 p. o. do. '77-8.. Indian Branch Limited Mad= guar., 5 P. o. Do. p. o. Extension Do. 4A d 0........ Do. Fifth Extension. Ntelb•Corp. i p. o. Bun, Melb. & Hobson's Bay. Do. 7 p.c. &lortg. Bds. New Br an smok i Can& Claes A. and 8.. N.itl.C'da6 po Ist pi bds Soinde Do. Delhi Do. do Do. Punjaub Do. Do. Do. Indua.St Flo.) BRiTISH POSsiESSIoNS Closing Price. 69 61 1011 '4,2i par& P 4 ' 3 8) 9i 77 82 77 8 77 82 95 tO 98 100 ,04 106 lu2i 1 34 P 2u 21 P 72 74 6: 61 66 68 55 57 48 5: 43 45 29 31 28 3) 102 103 t 101 103 10 )04 101 101, 8) 91 82 81 o d fp 100 f ,0t 95 97 10 92 57 59 3 5 82 84 104 10 1004 104 pr ip .001) 101. 04 96 Butanes. dot, THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 5, Mt SECOND EDITION• oUN OFFICE, HALF-PAST 4 o'CLoCK. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE—This Day, NEWMARKET RACES—Tni DAY. (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH HANDICAP S WEEPSTAKES. Usher Reindeer LIAPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening, The LORD CHILI\ CELLOR took his seat On the woolsack at the usual hour. scarcely a throne that was not subverted. The King of Denmark, in his character of a sovereign prince of Ger many, was affected by that great movement. The popula tion of Germ,ny, under the influence of the very peculiar excitement of that time, were impelled to redress the grie vances, as they alleged, of their fellow countrymen in the dominions of the King of Denmark, and who were, of course, his subjects. The Duchies of Holstein and Schles wig were invaded, A cruel war was excited by ambitious princes in that country, under circumstances with which we have become familiar. Ultimately, I believe, the whole of the Continental dominions of the King of Denmark were occupied by Austrian and Prussian armies. In 1851 tran quillity had been restored to Europe, and especially to Germany, and the troops of Au-trig ultimately quitted the dominions of the king of Danmark. That they quitted them in consequence of the military prowess of the Danes, though it was far from inconsider able, I will not pretend to say, but they quitted them under certain conditions, and under the influence of Russia, which was as that time irresistible in Germany. The niditiens under which they quitted Denmark were con cluded by the King of Denmark and the Courts of Berlin and Vienna; and under those conditions the King of Denmark entered into certain arrangements, with a view to remedy the abuses complained of; but he never performed or accomplished the engagements thus entered into— partly, I have no doubt, from negligence, because we know it is not the, habit of mankind to perform disagree able duties when the pressure is withdrawn, and partly, I have no doubt, from the re culler character of the engage ments themselves. That was in the year 1851. In the year 1852, tranquillity being entirely restored, the treaty which regulated the succession was negotiated. In that treaty there was not the slightest reference to tha engagements which the King of Denmark had entered into wish the German Powers. It was a municipal, a domestic, or as we now call it, a Federal, and not an international, ques lion. Notwithstanding that it really related only to the King of Denmark and the Diet of Germany, once more it attracted the attention of the Government of England and the Ministers of the great Powers generally, who were the signataries of the treaty of 1852. For some time after the treaty of 1852 little was heard of the Federal question and controversy between the Diet and Denmark. After this ' exertion and exhaustion the queston slumbered, but did not die. Occasionally it gave evidence of vitality ; and not tong after the accession or toe present Government to office the controversy between the Diet and the king of Denmark gave evidence of very great activity and life. Her Majesty's Ministers thought it their duty to interfere in that contro versy. ‘Vhethar they were wise in taking that course of conduct the house can decide as well as myself. I confess my own impression is, and always has been, that it would have been much better to have left the Federal question between the King and the Diet to have worked itself out. But her Majesty's Ministers were of opinion—and no doubt there is much to be said in favour of that opinion—that, inasmuch as the question, though a Federal question, was one which probably, ire its execution, might lead to abuse which would make it an international one, it would be wiser and better to interfere by anticipation, and prevent, if possible, that Federal execution ever taking place. oho cones quence of that extreme activity on the part of her Majesty's Ministers is a mass of correspondence which has been placed upon our table, with which many gentle. men may hase some acquaintance, though they may h av e been attracted and absorbed by the interest of more modern correspondence which has within this year been presented to the house. I should not be doing justice to the Secretary of State if I did not boar testimony to the un wearied perseverance and extreme ingenuity with which he conducted that correspondence. The noble lord found in that business, no doubt, a subject which is genial to h,s nature, viz , the opportunity of drawing up a constitution for the Government of communities. (Laughter.) The Secretary of State is almost as celebrated as a statesman who flourished at the end of the last century for that ability. I wilt not quarrel or criticise any of the lucubra• tions of the noble lord at that time. I think his labours are well described in a passage I observed in one of the de spatches of a distinguished Swedish statesman—l think the present Prime Minister—who, when he was called upon to consider a scheme of the English Government for the ad ministration of Schleswig, which entered into minute de tails, and with that power and prolixity which only could have been acquired by a constitutional Minister who has long served an apprenticeship in the House of Commons, said—" Generally speaking, the monarchs of Europe find it difficult to manage one Parliament; but I observe, to my surprise, that Lord Russell is of opinion that the King of Denmark will be able to manage four." (Laughter.) The only observation which I shall make upon that folio volume of 300 or 400 pages which is on the table, and which relates to the affairs of Schleswig and Holstein, is this— hat I observe that the other Powers of Europe, who were equally interested in the matter, and equally bound as sig notaries of the treaty of 1852 to interfere if required—do not interfere as the English Government interfere. That they disapprove of the course taken I by no means 'wish to maintain. When we make a suggestion upon the subject they receive it with cold politeness. They have no objec • tion to the course hich we announce we are going to take, but they confine themselves, with scarcely an exception, to that conduct on their part. The noble lord follews a afferent course; but it is really unnecessary for me to dwell on this part of the subject. We may dismiss it from our mind. I have - only touched upon it 'to com plete the picture which I am bound to lay before the house, in consequence of the events which very speedily occurred. Ail this correspondence—this elaborate, and I will venture to say, not using the term offensively, but accurately—this pragmatical correspondence—(a laugh)—was conducted in the perfect ignorance of the people of this country, who felt very little interest in this subject. I may say, even in Eu• rope, where affairs of d ploulacy always excite more atter.- tion, little effect was ever produced. This correspondence, h o wever, culminated in a celebrated nespatch, which ap• peered in the autumn of 1862. Then, for the first time, a very great effect was produced in Europe generally, and certainly in Germany and France, and some interest began to be excited in Esgtand. Tne effeet of the noble lord's management of these transactions had been this. It had en courageu-1 wilt not now et ip no , it quire whether it was intentions) or not—but it is a tact that, it had encouraged the spread of the views of what is called the German party in ,his contest. This had been the effect of the noble lord's general interference, hut especiaby of this despatch of the autumn of 1802 But something shortly and in consequence occurred which renewed that impression. Germany twine almost agitated on the subject, and England at last having her attention called to the case in. 1863, which began to pro el a tev c e e dthisegiruittettitedneiloaanddigreecatteldemtoenthoef sthubisjelacot,uasnedbetghiensntiantge ofto ethers a shortly before the prorogation of Parliament amount ing to a degree of public anxiety, it was thought necessary tnut an inquiry should be made of her Majesty's Govern ment and ,hat some means should be taken to still that disquietud e u prevailed in this country by n obtaining from her ike saj,sty's G o vernment a declarati o n of t heir policy generally wi t h respect to Denmark. That ap- P eal was riot made i n any party spirit, or in any way onthe siecL „ tic , ani mated by that disciplined arrangement with which ques tions are by both sides brought before the house. It was at the end of the session, when few were left, and when the forward (Hear.) brought ) y those subj e ct s with the authority o f my hon, friend (Mr S. Fitzgerald), who always spa one who knows w hat he is say ing . (A l aug h . ) A conionu• n i ca tion was made to the Fi rst Mi n i ster on the su bj ect, and it was understo od on t his side of the house, from a p rev i ous d ec l ara tion of the noble lord, an d from our exper i ence of his career generally, that it was not an appeal which would be disagreeable to him, or which would be an occasion which ue would have a ny desire to escape. The noble lord ages not taken by surprise. He himself fixed the moment—it was a morning sitting--when he would come down and explained the views of her Majesty's Government. I am bound tc say the noble lord on that occasion spoke with that perspicuity and complete detail in which upon diplomatic subjects we acknowiedge him to be a perfect master. The noble lord entered into the question, and gave to the house, who knew little about it, a popular but accurate account of the whole question. He described the constituton of the Diet, and elso, tor the first time, what a Federal execution was, He was a little unhappy in his Prophecies of what would hap pen with regard to the Federal execution. It is the only mistake which the noble lord made. He said he did not think there would be Federal execution; and if there were, he thought we might be perfectly easy that it would not lead to any disturbance in Europe. The noble lord described tne position of Holstein as a re - —e7man duchy of which the King of Denmark was th e s overeign prince, and by that means a member of the Diet and subject to the laws of the Diet. He showed that the Duchy of Schleswig was not a German duchy, and the moment that Schleswig was inter fered with an international consideration would arise. (Hear.) He told us, in a re - assuring spirit, that his views upon our relations with Deniteark were the same as they had always been. I will read an extract from the noble lord's speech, not because it is not familiar to the house, but be cause upon occasions like this we should refer to documents, that we may not be accused afterwards of having coloured or garbled statewests. The noble lord's concluding observationanvere—o We are asked what is the policy and courae of her Majesty's Government wide respect to this , tispute. We concur entirely With the hon. gentleman (Fitzgerald), and I tun satisfied with all reasonable men in reurope, including those in France and Russia, in desiring that , he independence and integrity and the rights of Den :cork may be maintained. We are cow:ince:l—l am con vinced, at least—that if any violent attempt were made to overthrow those rights, or inteefero with that indepen dence, those who made the attempt would find in the result that it would.not be Denmark alone with which they would have to contend." (Cheers.) Now that is a clear, manly, statesmanlike declaration of policy. It was not a hurried or hasty expression, upon a subject of that importance, of hat character—on which the noble lord never makes hasty declarations. Ho is a master of his subject, and he could not be taken by surprise ; but on that occasion there was not a chance of his being taken by surprise. The occasion was arranged beforehand, and the noble Iced was perfectly informed of our object. He sympathised with that object, of soothing the disquieted mind of Europe, and he knew he could Out arrive at such a deEirable result more b,ppriiy than by a frank exposition of the policy of the Government. It is my business to-night to vindicate the noble lord, who has treated this declaration as one used only to amuse the House of Commons. lam here to prove the sincerity of that de claration—(hear)—beeause we have now on oar table re cently and long since this speech was delivered, the diplo matic correspondence which was then pursued by her Majesty's Government on this subject. The ri,3ht hon. gentleman then proceeded to quote from despatches written by Earl Russell to our ministers in Berlin and Vienna, stating that if Germany persisted in confounding Scillies wig with Holstein, the other Powers of Europe might con found Holstein with Schleswig. That reassuring state ment of the noble lord was, I think, a wise and judicious policy at that time, because he knew that then France was perfectly ready to co-operate with him in any measure which he thought proper to pursue, with respect to these transactions between Denmark and Germany; nay, not only that France was ready, but that she had spontaneously offered to act with us in any manner which we liked. The right hon. gentleman quoted a de- spatch from Lord Cowley in support of this assertion, in which M. Drouyn de Lhuys expressed himself as desirous of acting in concert with us in this matter. He then went on to inquire how this change of feeling on the part of France had been brought about. For when in September Earl Russell had reminded the French Government of their offer, and reqw?sted them to act in concert with us in event of matters in Denmark requiring intervention, the applica tion had beets first coldly received, and hnally refused. He then went on to say, I stop now to inquire what has caused this change in the relations between the two courts. Why was France, who at the end of the session was Lo cordial and ready to co-operate with us, at the end of two oz three shor months entirely changed P At the commencement of lasi year an insurrection broke out in Poland. Unhappily, in, surrections in Poland are not unprecedented. This insur rection was extensive and menacing, but there have been insurrections in Poland before quite as extensive and far more menacing—the insurrection of 1831, for example. For at that time the Poles possessed a national army, second to none for valour and discipline. Well, sir, the qu:stion of Polish insurrection in 1831 was deeply considered by the Government of that day. They went thoroughly into the matter, and felt the soundings of that question. It was in vestigated and maturely considered, and the Government m that day—the Government of William the Fourth—arrived at these two conclusions, that it was not expedient for Eng land to go to war to restore Poland; and, secondly, that if England was not prepared to go to war, any interference of another kind would only aggravate the calamities of that fated nation. (Hear, hear.) These were the c .nclusions at which the Government of Lord Grey arrived, and they were announced to Parliament. This is a question which the English Government has had more than one cpportu nity to consider, and on every occasion they have considered it deeply and completely like men. The Polish question occurred again in 1855, when a conference was sitting at Vienna, in the midst of the Russian war. Again, her, Majesty's Government—the Government of the Queen—had to consider the question. It was then considered under the most favourable circumstances to Poland; for we were at war with Russia. But, after performing all the duties of a responsible Ministry under such circumstances, her Majes ty's Government arrived at these conclusions—that it was not only not expedient for England to go to war to restore Poland, but it was not even expedient to prolong war for that purpose. And equally they arrived at the second con elusion, that any interference on our part, without action, would not be just to the Poles, and must tend to increase their difficulties. Thus this very question of Poland has in the present century, within the last 34 years only, been twice considered by two Governments ; and therefore when I remind the house that when it was considered by the Cabinet of Lord Grey in 1831, the individual who filled the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and who of course greatly guided the opinion of his colleagues upon such cl question, was the present First Minister—and when I also remind the house that the plenipotentiary at the Conference at Vienna, to whom and upon whose responsibility in a great degree the decision was then art ived at, was the pre sent Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs—l think Eng land had a right, when the great difficulty of last year arose with respect to Poland, to congratulate herself that in a situation of such difficulty, at an emergency when a mis take might produce incalculable evils, its fortunes were re gulated not only by two men of great abilities and experi ence, but by statesmen who -upon this subject possessed a peculiar experience, who had thoroughly entered into the question, who knew all its issues and the contingencies ,tiat possibly might occur in its management, and who, o the two occasions 'when it was submitted to the decision of England had been the guiding Ministers in the wise decisicn which was then arrived at. Now, sir, I must remind the house that what is called the Polish question occupies a dif ferent position in France to what it does in England. I will not admit that in deep sympathy for the Poles the French are superior to the, English. I believe lam only stating accu rately the feeling of this cluntry when I say that among people of all classes there is no event which they look back to with more regret than the partition of Poland. (Hear.) It is universally considered and acknowledged by them as one of the darkest, if not the darkest, page in the history of the 18th century. (Elear, hear.) But in France the Polish question is not one which merely interests the sentiment of the millions, It is a political question, and a question of the higheseclass in France. It. is a question welch inte rests ministers, and catinets, and princes. There is a be- lief in France which has made the restoration of Poland a traditionary policy is that country, namely, that that re• storation would tend to add to the power and the glory of France. In France it is also a practical question, because there are men now alive who can remember when the eagles Fiance floated over the ancient capital of Poland. But I think that their feelings of pride must be dashed with a sentiment of remorse, if they really value so much the re storation of Poland, when they remember the opportunity they then lost. Then the hcuse must recollect that when an insurrection occurs in Poland, it is a different affair in France to what it is in England. It is not an affair that merely interests those wh) frequent the cafes and casinos, but it at once strikes into the secrets of cabinets and prin ces. Well, Sir, the ruler of France, a sagacious prince end' a lover of peace, as the Secretary of State has just informed us, was perfectly alive, of course, to the great issues in volved in what is c tiled the Polish question. But France knew very well that England had twice had an opportunity of considering this question in the completest manner, and had arrived at a settled policy, and, with characteristic cau tion, the Emperor exercised great reserve, and held out but little encouragement to the representatives of Polish feeling. He knew well that in 18513 he, then being our ally, had urged this question upon the English Government, and that under the most favourable circumstances for the restoration of Poland ; and he knew that we had then adhered to our traditionary policy, which was neither to go to war nor to pursue a war, and therefore the Emperor of France and the French Government generally exhibited a very great reserve on the subject. But what, in a short time was the astonish • went of the Emperor, when ho found the English Govern merit embracing the cause of Poland with an extraordinary fervour ? The noble lord the Secretary of State, and the noble lord the First Minister, but especially the Secretary of State, announced their policy as if it were a policy new to the coesideratiou of statesmen, and about to lead to im mense results. The noble lord the Secretary of State sent a copy of hie despatch to all the Courts of Europe who were eignataries to the Treaty of Vienna—from the King ut Portugal down to the King of Sweden—calling Russia to account for the posi; ion of affairs in Poland. We know very well that for three moni.les Europe believed there was to be a general war on a great eelle, of which the restoration of Poland was to be one of tho leading objects. Is it at all surprising that the Government k:f France and the Freneb people should have responded to such k: simulating proposals? (Hear, hear.) It was not only natural--Lt was inevitable. We know the noble lord (Earl Russell) fooled them to the top of their bent. The House recollected the nob:e lord'e six propositions, to which he called the attention of the Emperor of Russia in the most peremptory manner. The House remembers the closing scene, when it was arranged that the ambassadors of France, Austria, and England should on the very same day appear at the hotel of the Minister of Russia, and should present notes of the mos' cordial tone, ending with three identic paragraphs, to show the agreement of the three Powers. It was generally be lieved there was to be a general war, and that France, Austria, and England would unite to restore Poland. The house remembered the reply of Russia—that the Russian Minister replied to all this with haughty sarcasm and with indignation which deigned to be ironical. Well, Sir, there was only one step to take, according to the view of the French Government, and that was action. They appealed to that England which had itself excited agitation on the subject and raised expectations; but England recurred to the traditionary policy of this country, and confessed it was a momentary indiscretion that had animated their counsel, and that they never meant anything more than words. (Op position cheers.) A month afterwards they sent a despatch ; but this did not alter the position of the French Emperor and the French Government. He had been induced by us to make promises which he could not fulfil. He was placed in a false position to the people of Poland and the people of France, and therefore I am not surprised that when the Sec retary of State was a little alarmed at the progress of affairs in Germany, he thought it discreet to reconnoitre his posi tion; and that in September he should have been received at Paris with coldness, and that ultimately his despatch was answered in this manner: Mr Grey, writing to Lord Rus sell, said, on 18th September, 1853, " The second mode of proceeding suggested by your lordship, viz , 'to remind Austria, Prussia, and the German Diet, that any acts on their part tensing to weaken the integrity and independence of Denmark would be at variance with the treaty of May 8, 1852,' would be, according to the opinion of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, in a great measure analogous to the course pursued by Great Britain and Franco on the Polish question. (Laughter.) He frankly avowed that he should so speak to the Emperor as to place France in the same position with reference to Germany as she had been placed in with regard to Russia. The formal notes addressed by the three Powers to Russia had received an answer which literally meant no t ping, and the position in which those three great Powers were now place d was anything but dignified ; and if Eng land and France were to address such a reminder as that proposed to Austria, Prussia, and the German Confedera tion, they must be prepared to go further, and to adopt a course of action more in accordance with the dignity of two great l- )owars than ths7 were pow demo in the relish ques tion. France was not, his excellency said, indifferent to the maintenance of the integrity and independence of Denmark and it was not from any indifference that he disapproved of your lordship's suggestion. (Opposition cheers.) Well, sir, that was the intention of the noble lord with respect to the change in the relations between England and France. That was significant. (Opposition cheers.) I think it was one which the noble lord ought to have duly weighed, when he remembered the position which this country occu pied with regard to Denmark—that it was a position under the treaty which did not bind us to interfere more than France itself; and, conscious at the same time that any co- operation from Russia for the same cause, though by dif ferent means, could hardly be counted upon, I should have said that a prudent Government would have well consi dered their position, and would not have taken any course which committed them to any decided line of action. But, so far as I can judge from the correspondence before us, that was not the tone taken by her Majesty's Government, because we have 4xtricts from the correspondence of the Secretary of State with the Swedish Mir later, the Diet of Frankfort, and Lord Bloomfield—all written in ore fort. nieht which elapsed after the receipt rf that despatch of Mr Grey which notified the change in the feeling of the French Government. It is highly instructive, and we shall see what effict it produced on the policy of her Majesty's Government, Immediately after the receipt of that despatch the Secretary writes to the Swedish Minister in the follow. ing terms :—" Her Majesty's Government set the highest value on the independence and integrity of Denmark. . . . Her Majesty's Government will be ready to remind Aus tria and Prussia of their treaty obligations so respect the integrity and independence of Denmark." Now this is to Sir A. Malat, the Minister at Frankfort, on Sept 29, that is, nine or ten days after the receipt of the French de spatch. "Her Maje,ty's Government, by the Treaty of London of May 8, 1852, is bound to respect the integrity and independence of Denmark. The Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia have taken the same engagement. Her Majesty could not see with indifference a military occupation of Holstein, which is only to cease upon terms injuriously affecting the constitution of the whole Danish monarchy, Her Majesty's Government could not recog. nise this military occupation as a legitimate exercise of the powers of tha Confederation, or admit that it could pro- perly be called a Federal Execution. Her Majesty's Go. vernment could not be indifferent to the bearing of such an act on Denmark and upon European interests. Her Ma jesty's Government, therefore, earnestly entreat the German Diet to pause, and to submit the question in dispute between Germany and Denmark to the mediation of other Powers unconcerned in the controversy, but deeply concerned in the maintenance of the peace of Europe and the independence of Denmark," (Opposition cheers.) My object in reading these despatches is to show that, after the first intimation of a change of opinion in France, the sincere policy of the Go vernment was not modified. (Cheers.) The Secretary of State, on the 30th of September, 1863, writes thus to Lord Bloomfield, at Vienna :—" Her Majesty's Government trust that no act of Federal execution to which Austria may be a party, and no act of war against Denmark on the ground of the affairs of Schleswig, will be allowed to clash with this primary and essential treaty obligation. Her Majesty's Government, indeed, entertain a full confidence that the Government of Austria is as deeply impressed as her Ma jesty's Government with the conviction that tee indepen dence and integrity of Denmark form an essential element in the balance of power in Europe." And now I have brought the case to the end of September, and I hope the house has clearly understood the course of circumstances. There is nothing in the month of October to call for remark at this moment; but we now arrive at the month of Novem ber, and approaoh a very important and critical state of affairs. The month of November was remarkable for a re currence of two great events, which completely changed the character, and immensely affected the aspect, of the whole relations between Denmark and Germany, and which may have produced consequences that only can be felt when one sees the end of it. Early in November the Emperor of the French proposed a European Congress. His position, as he himself described it, was a very painful one from various causes. He therefore proposed a congress. When Parlia ment met on the 4th of February I gave my opinion as to the propriety of her Majesty's Government refusing to be a party to that congress. As a general principle I think that a Congress should precede action, If you wish any,happy and permanent results from a Congress, it should rather follow the great efforts of nations, and, when they are somewhat exhausted, give them an honourable relief. And, sir, I did not think it my duty to conceal my opinion when her Majesty's Government had felt it their duty to refuse a proposal of that character. But lam bound to say that, had I been aware of what has been communicated by these pq pers —had I been aware, when I spoke on Feb. 4, that only a week before the Parliament met—only a week before we were assured by the speech from the throne that her Majesty was continuing to carry on negotiations in the interests of peace—that her Majesty's Government had made a proposal to the Government of France which must, if accepted, inevitably have produced a groat and enduring European war—l am bound to say I should have given my approbation in terms much more cautious. But, whatever difference of opinion there may be as to the propriety or iwpropriety of her Majesty's Government not acceding to the Congress, I tbitm there was not then, and I am sure there is not now, a second opinion as to the mode and man ner in which that refusal was conveyed. (Opposition cheers.) The noble lord, when he vindicated that curt, and, as I con ceive, most offensive reply, dilated on the straightforward ness of British Ministers, the candour of their language, and the clearness with which they were determined to con vey their meaning. I wish that that straightforward lan guage and that spirit had dictated acme of the despatches and declarations made to Denmark. (Opposition cheers.) It is a great pity we did not have a little of that rude frank ness when the fortunes of that ancient kingdom were at stake. But there was another great event happened, let me remind the house, in the month of November. The King of Denmark died, and the death of the King of Dennaiirk entirely changed the character of the question, both as regards Germany and Denmark, and es regards this country and Germany. The question had been a Federal question before, when the noble lord in his de spatches threatened to have recourse to arms ; but, after the death of the King of Denmark, it became an inter national question, because the controversy was with the Diet of Germany, which had not recognised the change iu the succession to the various dominions and states of the King. It was an international question of magnitude and of a menacing character, and it was under these sir cumstances, and when the question became European, and immensely magnified and multiplied, that the offer of a Congress was made on the sth. of November. The King of Denmark died on the 16th November; and on the 27th Of the same month England declined to accept the invitation to the Congress. It was, therefore, with the complete knowledge of the in creased risk, and the increased dimensions of what was at stake, that the noble lord sent that refusal to the Emperor of the French. (Opposition cheers,) It became her Majesty's Government at this moment to consider seriously their po sition. With the Congress offered, with the death of the King, it is my duty to remind the house of the manner in which the Secretary of State addressed Europe. Neither of these events appeared to have modified his tone. On Nov. 19th, the King having died, the Secretary of State wrote to Sir A, Mallett. On the 20th he wrote letters of menace to the Governments of Saxony and Wurtemburg, setting forth t hat, as a matter of course. they would recognise the King of Danmark as the heir to all the States which were comprised in the Treaty of 1852, and which were held under the sceptre of the late King. On the 23d November, four days before Lord Russell refused the invitation to the Congress, he wrote—" Her Majesty's Government expects that all the Powers who signed the treaty of 1852 will acknowledge King Christian as the King or Denmark ; and it' the troops of the Confederation entered Holstein, the Powers who ei g n e eithe treaty of 1852 world have aright of interfering." (Hear, he,:r.) On the 30th of November he wrote again to Sir A. Paget, proposing the sole mediation of England. Re wrote another l'..'tter to Sir A. Buchanan, saying that he eeould leave to Gern..lnY the responsibility of raising a ge nera; war in Europe, watch the Diet appeared bent on pro yoking. That was the tongwhich her Majesty's Govern ment, after due consideration, after refusing the Congress, after the death of the King of Dent,2ark, which changed the Federal quest i on i nto an i nternat i ona ; question—that was the menacing tone which her Majesty's Ministers adopted towards every Court of Germany. (Opposition cheers.) Now, after the death of the King of Denmark, it became her Majesty's Ministers, instead of following that coarse, to have maturely considered their position. There were two courses open to them, both equally intelligible and equally honourable. It was open to them, after the death of the King, to have acted as France did—France, that occupied a position in this matter so dignified and satisfactory that she has received the compliments of our baffled Minister. (Cheers and laughter.) It was open to the Government to have adopted the same course as the other neutral Powers, and that course was frankly announced to the English Minister by the Minister of France. On Dec. General Fleury stated to Lord Wodehouse, in Copenhagen, that the only instruction which he had received from the Emperor was not to take part in any negotiations there, but that he was to tell the Danish Government explicitly that if Den mark became involved in war with Germany, France would not come to her assistance. (Cheers.) I say that if England had adopted that course it would have been in d te b l • ligible and honourable. (Cheers.) We were not bound she y the Treaty of 1852 to go to the assistance of Denmarkrf A s f l a ra nc a e t o e f the ter. became involved in war with Germany. No one ever pre tends that we were. (Hear, hear.) high policy, much as we may regret any distiutoryo of this country policy ' there were no high uosftil'ay great England Euro peanin ritorial arrangements of E w u h r i o ch p he e, w theou expense l being one of tranquillity and peace, ac . considerations of policy we could have counted upon. going to war, and incurring t another course equally (H e (Hear, ahreawri.)thoTutbaelrleies wasth that intelligi ble and equally honourable. this I am bou n d t o say t h at I would have recommended country to take the same course as France adopted. If the noble lord and his col leagues are of opibion that the balance of power was en dangered by the quarrel between Denmark and Germany, they were upo n them pe rfectly justified in th rea t en i ng G erma ny, and taking the general management of the affairs of Denmark; but they were bound, if war did take p l a ce, to anPre t Denmark. (Opposition cheers.) Instead of that, they invented a process of conduct which I hope is not easily to be exampled in the history ot this country, and SWEEPSTAKES OF 10 SOVS. Doefcrl Yaraulla Four ran. JULY STAKES. Liddington The Duke .. Five ran. CARLISLE RACES—THIS P.Y. TRIAL STAKES. Eola Barbara Allan NOTICE OF A MOTION OF WANT OF CONFI, DENCE. The Earl of MALMESBURY gave notice that on Fri day next he should move, in reference to the termination of the Conference, a resoltition which he would read. The noble earl then stated the terms of his resolution ) the words of which were similar to those employed by Mr. Disraeli in his motion in the House of Commons. THE DANC- GERMAN WAR. Lord STRATFORD DE REII3LIFFE said that to morrow, before rho orders of the day were commenced, ht Should ask a question of Earl Russell respecting the correspondence which was published in the Morning Post of Saturday last relating to the Conference. He would state to-morrow his reasons for believing nit cl, cunients more likely to be genuine than was generally supposed. Earl H USSE LL, in reference to the genuineness of the correspondence, was understood to say that it was denied by Prussia only, HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening, The tPEAKER tO.k the chair at tour o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Furness and Gas Water and the Scots Episcopal Funds Bills were read a third time and passed. NEW WitlT. On the motion of Colonel TAYLOR a writ was ordered to issue fur the election of a member for the East Riding of Gloucestershire, in the room of Sir NV. Codrington, de ceased. THE DANO-GERMAN QUESTION, Lord PAL3'IBBS I'ON said that he had received a communication from the Prussian Ambassador to the effect that the correspondence which was published in the papers on this subject was a pure Lvention. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Under the circumstances, he had no statement to make to the house at present. Mr DISRAELI, who was received with loud cheers, rose to move the following :—" That an humble address be pre sented to her Majesty for directing the correspondence on Denmark and Germany, and the protocols ot the Confer ence recently held in London, to be laid before Parliament; to assure her Majesty that we have heard with deep con cern that the sittings of that Conference have been brought to a close without accomplishing the important purposes for which it was convened; to express to her Majesty our great regret that, while the course pursued by her Majesty's Government has failed to maintain their avowed policy of upholding the integrity and independence of Denmark, it has lowered the just influence of this country in the coun sels of Europe, and thereby diminished the securities for peace " The right hon. gentleman said—Mr. Speaker—Sir, the longest and most disastrous wars of modern Europc have been wars of succession. The Thirty Years' War was a war of succession. It arose from a dispute respecting the inheritance to a duchy in the north of Europe, not very dis tant from that duchy of Holstein which now engages the attention of Europe. Sir, there are two causes that occa sion wars which originate from a disputed succession to become usually of a prolonged and obstinate character. They arise first from internal discord, and in the second place from foreign ambition, Sometimes a domestic party, under these circumstances, has an understanding with a foreign potentate; while again the ambition of that foreign potentate excites the distrust, and sometimes the envy of brother Powers, and the consequence is that, generally speaking, these dissensions thus created tend to prolonged and complicated struggles. Sir, I apprehend—and, indeed, I have not a doubt ot it—that it was in contemplation 01 the possibility of such circumstances occurring in our time that the statesmen of Europe, same 13 years ago or so— knowing it was probable that the Royal line of Denmark would cease, and that upon the death of the then king, his dominions would be divided, and that in all probability dis putes as to the succession would occur—l say I have no doubt it was because they wee e duly aware of these con tingencies that the statesmen of Europe gave their best con . - sideration to avert, if possiole, such calamities to Europe. Sit, in these days it is not possible, fortunately, that the Powers of Europe should act under such circumstances as they might have done 100 years ago. Then they would have met in conclave, and would have decided under what arrangements the internal government of an independent kingdom, in the position of affairs to which I have ad verted, should be conducted ; and it is possible that evil might have been prevented, or it might have resulted ultimately in foreign wars. But although the Powers of the present day very properly do not act in that manner, they said to the King of Denmark, If you and your people among yourselves c in make arrangements, in the contingency of your death without issue, which may put an end to all internal discord, wo at least will do this : we will in your lifetime recogni-e the settlement thus m ,de, and, so far as the influence of the great Powers can be exer cised, we wilt at least guard you from one of the great causes which in cases of disputed euccession have led to long wars in Europe. We will guard Denmark from the consequences of foreign interference, foreign anabition,and foreign aggres sion. Teat is, I believe, a correct account of that cele brated treaty of May, 18.52, of which we heard so much, and of which some descriptions are given which, in my opinion, are utterly unauthorised and unfounded. Sir, there can be no doubt that the purpose of that treaty was ono entitled to the respect of the communities of Europe. The language of that treaty is simple, and expresses its purpose. The Powers which concluded that treaty announced that they conclude'd it not from their own will or arbitrary impulse, but at the instigation of his Danish Majesty, in order to give to the arrangements relative to the order of succession an additional pledge of stability by an act of European re cogrsitio-n—and if hon. gentlemen will look at that treaty -- an.:l I do not doubt many of them are familiar with it— ttiey will find that the first article recites the efforts of the King of Denmark to make the necessary arrangements with the principal states and personages of his kingdom, in order to effect the necessary alterations in the lex regza, and ending with an appeal to the Powers of Europe that, he havina settled internal difficulties, they would, by their recognition of the settlement, protect him from the risk of external dan ger. Under that treaty England incurred no legal responsi bility. England entered into no engagement other than that which was entered into by France or by Russia. If, indeed, I were to dwell upon moral obligations—which I think are too dangerous a theme to introduce into debates of this kind— I might say that the moral obligaiions which France, of example, had incurred towards Denmark, were of no or dinary character —that Denmark had been the ally of France in that severe struggle which formed a most consi derable pardon of modern history, and had proved herselt a moat valuable and a most faithful ally. Even at St Helena, when contemplating his marvellous career, and meditating over the past, the first Emperor, ana founder of the dynasty which now governs France, said the Kings of Denmark and Saxony were the only sovereigns who were faithful to him in his extreme adversity. Whereas if we look to our moral obligations to Denmark, certainly they do not unite us to that country, because we found in Denmark, in the same struggle, a persevering and gallant foe Therefore, as far as moral obligations are concerned, while there is none on out part, there is a sense of gratitude which might have influ enced the counsels of France. But in the treaty, and look ing to the treaty, there is no legal obligation incurred by England to Denmark which was not equally incurrel by Russia and France. (Hear, hear.) Now the question which T would first ask the house is this—How is it, under these circumstances, that the position of France relative to Den mark is one so free from embarrassment—one might say so dign , fied—(hear, hear, and a laugh)—that it has recently received a tribute to its demeanour and unimpeachable con duct in this respect from her Msjesty'a Secretary of Stat (hear, hear)—while the position of England, under the same obligations contained in the same treaty with relation to Denmark, is one, all will admit, of infinite embarrassment —(hear, hear)—and I am afraid cf terrible mortification. CHeer, hear.) That is the first question I will put to the house, and which I think ought to receive a satisfactory answer among other questions to -night, and I think the first answer that occurs to me, the logical inference from the circumstances is this, that the affairs of this country, with respect to our obligations under this treaty, must have been very much mismanaged to have produced conse quences so different from the relations of another Power which occupies in that treaty a similar and ident cal p os iti on . The house is well aware that the dominions of the King of Denmark have been occupied by Aus trian and by Prussian armies in former times. In 1848, when the great Eurepean insurrection took place. there was no position. of Europe that was mere influenced by it than Germany. There is scarcely a political constitu tion in Germany that vuo not ohaDipci at that period, and which I can only describe in one see atence as one of menaces which were never accomplished, an d of promises which were never fulfilled. (Cheers.) With All their difficulties, they never hesitated in their line. I west do them the justice to say, that as far as the semblance of menace was concerned, there never were more spirited and independent Ministers. (Opposition cheers and laughter.) Let us indulge them, at least for a moment, with the enjoyment of the phantom of proud courage. (LaUghter.) What did they do? They sent a special envoy to Denmark to explain and enforce their policy, and to arrange everything. He was sent there ostensibly to congratulate the new King upon his accession, but it was avowed that his mission went further than this, and was of far greater importance. I w ill not read all the instructions which were given to him, but win merely read the concluding sentence, which arenas up the whole. It is this : " The result you are to arrive at is the fulfilment of the treaty of 1852, and of the engagements entered into by Prussia, Austi ia, and Denmark." Lcrd Wodehouse, there fore, could not be at fault with respect to what he was to do. He was a man of some experience; he held a subordinate but still important pusilion in the administration of foreign affairs; he had been ambassador to a foreign court, and before he went to Den mark be made a speech of a very de cided character in f uvour o f that country. I have nothing therefore pt t to on y against th e a pp o i nt ment, w hi c h was a very or What was th e con d uct o f the S ecretary of imansea. State while Lerd Wodehouse was going to carry out his instructions? Did the Secretary of State falter in his tone ° It was about this time that the famous letter, the great diplomatic reprimand, was sent to Sir A. Mallet for hailer: talked of the protocol of 1852, instead of the treaty of 1852. This was the time when all the ambassadors of Europe who talked o f the protocol of 1852 were to be stopped short, and who, h owever ale vated their position, and however great their powers of logic, were to be pulled down directly for this great diplo matic lapsus. (Laughter and cheers.) On the 17th of December the noble lord, in a letter to Sir A. Buchanan, said that any departure from the treaty of 1852 would be inconsistent with good faith ; and on the 22d the Govern ments of Wurtemburg,Hanover, and Saxony were told that if they carried out the Federal execution the most serious consequences would ensue. (Hear, hear, from the Ministerial side.) I want to know what lion, gentleman mean by cheering the language of that despatch ! Why, the smallest power in Europe would feel itself obliged to resist a demand made in each language. When you employed language of that kind in despatches which were usually mild in their tone, what interpretation was to be put upon it but that you meant to go to war? (Opposition cheers.) This was the state of things after the King's death, atter we became ac quainted with the policy of France, after the FrencleMinister informed Denmark that if she became involved in war with Germany, France would not come to her assistance. Not withstanding these threats and repeated menaces, the Fede ral execution took place. (Hear, hear.) That is not evidence of just influence in the councils of Europe. (Cheers.) Bat what course did the Government pursue under these cir cumstances? Why they went again to France, and after all that happened they tried the expedient of supplicating her for assistance. Oa the 27th of December Federal exe cution took place, and on the 28th they made application to the French Gdvernment, on which occasion Lord Cowley in humble accents said that her Majesty's Government were sincerely anxious to act with the Imperial Government in this question. (Hear, hear.) To be sure they were sincerely • anxious to do so. (Laughter.) To this lowly supplication a curt reply was given by the French Government; but not ' withstanding this, the Secretary of State in 24 hours after wrote the most furious despatch he had ever written. It is necessary to call attention to the contrast between the menaces directed against Germany, and those held towards Denmark. The first great object after the King's death was to induce Denmark to revoke the patent of November relative to the constitution of Holstein. Her Majesty's Government instructed Sir A. Paget to comma nicate with M. Hall, the Danish Prime Minister, on the subject. In the course of the interview Sir A. Paget warned the Minister of the dangers which would ensue if the patent of November was not withdrawn. In conse quence of that warning he gave up his opinions and the patent. What is the interpretation which, in private life, we would put on language like that ? You would suppose that if you acted upon it you would be involved in respon sibility. (Hear, hear.) We come now to this execution in Holstein, and, literally speaking, the Federal execution was a legal act, and Denmark could not resist it. But, from the manner in which it was announced to be carried into effect, and in consequence of the pretensions connected with it, the Danes were of opinion that it would have been better at once to resist the execution. Well, her Majesty's M;nis ters, actuated by the best motives, wanted the Danish Go vernment to submit. What was their language? Sir Alexander Paget replied to the Danish Minister "that Denmark would at all events have a better chance of secur ing the assistance of the Powers if the execution were not resisted." (Hear. bear.) 1 ask any candid man what would be his interpretation of that language ? (Hear. hear.) On the 12th Earl Russell himself tells the Danish Minister in London that there is no connection between the engagements of Denmark and Germany and the engage ments with the German Powers in 1852. Of course, such a declaration by the English Minister in the metropolis must have had the greatest effect upon the Federal policy, and so the Danes submitted. But having revoked the patent—having submitted to the execution—there a as then a new demand upon them—a demand for the repeal of the whole constitution. I want to place clearly before the house the position of Denmark with respect to the mach-talked-of constitution. There had been in the preceding year a par liamentary reform bill carried in Denmark, but the King had died before giving his assent to it, although he would have most willingly done so. The instant the new king ac ceded to the throne this parliamentaryreforni bill was brought to him. Great excitement prevailed upon the subject, and the King was placed in a most difficult position. Now, observe this—England, who was intrusive and pragmatical in the counsels she gave—who never allowed Denmark to do anything without her advice, and who was always sug gesting and prompting, hung back when the question came to be whether the new King should give his assent to the reform Englaod was selfishly silent—she would not incur responsibility—the excitement was great, and the King gave his assent to the bill. Bat understand, at that moment it was not at all impossible, if her Majesty's Go vernment had written a despatch to Copenhagen, which the King might have put before his council, and had ex pressed the wish of an ally who was then looked upon by Denmark with the utmost feeling of confidence and with the utmost hope, especially after France had declared she would not assist her—if England had put forward this de spatch, begging as a favour that the King would not give his assent to the new;constitutien for a brief space—say for six weeks—in order to assist England to carry on her nego tiations with the German Powers, I cannot doubt but that the King would have avoided that act, which was most in jurious to his fortunes. However, the instant he assented to the bill, the English Government began to write de spatches, calling upon him to revoke it. Bat could he revoke it ? The King of Denmark was a really constitu tional king ; he could have only put an end to the constitu tion by force, by a coup d'etat, and he was not in a position to do that. But I sincerely believe that, even if he were in the position, he would have had no inclination to perpetrate such an act of enormity. (Hear, hear.) Well, what was the other course open to him ? Tee only other constitutional course he could have had recourse to was to call together a new Parliament and propose that they should revoke the constitution. Now see what would have been the state of affairs if, after our Reform Bill had passed in 1832 and the new elections had taken place, Lord Althorp came down to this;house and called upon the new Parliament to revoke the Reform Bill and to give him leave to in troduce a bill for that purpose. It would be asking for that which was utterly impossible. And let me call attention to the manner in which this request was made. First of all, the Secretary of state writes to Lord Wode house, who was then at Copenhagen formally arranging the repeal of the constitution. The right hon. gentleman then quoted the despatches of Lord Wodehouse, and of Sir A. Paget, describing the efforts which they had made with M. Hall, the Danish Minister, to induce the Danish Govern ment to listen to the advice of the English Governme nt, and not to put forward extreme pretensions and d r ive mat ters to extremities. Now what are the conclus ions to b e drawn from this language ? (Hear.) The M y s pecial envo t if thed writes, "It was my duty to declare to . H a l l Danish Government rejected our advice her tha Majesty's Gc vernment must leave Denmark to en counter Germany on her own responsibility." (Cheers) I ask, ar e there two bservati interpretations to be put upon thos s e . ! .0 for l ons ? (Hear.) See what happened. It was im p ° I. Hall, who was the author of the constitution, to put an end to it ; he resigned, and a new Government was formed, and a Parlia ment was called under t he new constitution in or d er t o pass an Act to terminate its own existence. In January Sir A. Paget says, an d there is some naivete in the ob serva ti on , that the consolation of knowing that they h " they had ad ac t e d on the advice of their best friend, and that the responsibility of war now rests entirely with Germany." (Laughte r -) Now I have given three of the great subjects i n which the representations of England induced Denmark to ta k e a course against her convictions, and. as the Danes believed, against their policy. The plot begins to thicken. s e t eithstanding the termination of the patent of Holstein _notwithstanding the Federal execution--notwithstanding the repeal of the constitution, more is wanted, and Schles wig is about to be invaded. Affairs become now most cri tical. Ne sooner was this known then a very haughty menace was sent to Austria. Austria was threatened that if Schleswig was invaded the consequences would be seri ous—(a laugh)—the question would cease to be purely' o German, and would become of European importance. n the 4th January Lord Russell writes to Mr Murray at the Court of Saxony, that the most serious consequences are to be appre hended if Germany invaded Schleswig—and on the 9th he writes again to Dresden that the line taken by Saxony destroys all confidence in the diplomatic relations with S ixeny. (Hoar, hear.) Oa the 13th he writes to Lord Sloorafiell in the same tone, and, referring to the experience of Russia in regard to the Crimean war, pants out how the consequences of demanding material guarantees from Dens mark may recoil upon Germany. Well, notwithstanding these so l emn warnings, the invasion of Schleswig takes place, and whet is the conduct of the Government ? 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