The Sun. — London, England, 1838-01-30 00:00:00

. ..-----.---. stood m ire irr the exercise of their constii titienal right!. and tbi House wss intei fering pith them for doing their duty, whilst the Legislative Council, which was to blame, was completely passed over. — ( Hear , hear.) The House of Assembly had acted strictly according to the constitutional compact, and he (Mr. H.) must call this an unjust and tyrannical Bill, such as ought not to have been introduced by the Noble Lord, or to have received the sanction of this House. He (Mr. Hume) had not heard a single argument bearing on these points, assigned as a reason for violating the Constitution of Lower Canada. It was a most dange rous precedent, and prepared the way for any despot who alight ascend the Throne to act towards this country in the same manner, if he had the opportunity of so doing. He submitted that the people had a right to good Government and quoted the remarks of Vattel on the subject of Go vernment. Had the Canadians had good Goveinment ? Th. Reports of the Commissioners affirmed the contrary. Was it then to he wondered at that they had taken the course complained of? When their grievances were placed before this House, instead of applying measures of concilia tion, resolutions were passed to violate their constitutional rights. Government were takinga course whichwould alienate the affections of the people of Canada for ever, instead of coining forward manfully to redress their grievances. The House was about to destroy the power of the House cf Assembly, rather than alter a body never consonant to that which was promised. The Legislative Council con sisted of aliens ; the Noble Lord himself admitted that it was not properly composed. Did the Noble Lord think putting down people by physical force was likely to increase the affection of our colonists ? The Honourable Member for Coventry had said that the evils in Canada had been produced by inflammatory speeches. He (Mr. Hume) denied the accuracy of that statement. He denied that those who for years past had raised a warning voice against the tyrannical and despotic conduct of the Government were in iny way to blame for the recent. evils in Canada. The Gentlemen opposite were the real cause of the mischief, because, whilst he and some few others had defended the interests of the colony in that House, they and the whole of their party had made vio bent speeches, calling Papineau a malicious and mis chievous demagogue. It was this that excited the Cana dians, and drove them to revolt. Let the Government repeal the fatal resolutions of last year, and the necessity of adopting any measure of an arbitrary and despotic cha racter would at once be avoided. He considered that the first act of the Government ought to be to remove Lord Glenek than whom a more incompetent Minister never existed b ; every dispatch, every proceeding, showed the im becility, the vacillation, the weakness, the total want of management that existed on the part of that Noble Lord. Instead of sending out Lord Durham as an arbitrary dic tator to act under the orders of Lord Glenelg, he (Mr. Hume) thought that Lord Durham ought to take Lord Glenelg's place in the Cabinet. It would be far better to try what Lord Durham's rigorous intellect could do as Co lonial Minister—it would be far better to try the effect of his liberal policy than to press this Bill of pains and pe nalties, which would only be adding to the long catalogue of injury and oppression under which the Canadas already laboured. With these feelings upon the subject, he should move as an amendment that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. Mr. WARBURTON seconded the amendment. Sir ROBERT INGLIS would not enter into the gene ral question of the proceedings adopted by her Majesty's Ministers, either before the rebellion in Canada had broken out, or since. He rose for the simple purpose of urging her Majesty's Ministers to recollect that if, at this moment, that rebellion were suppressed, their great difficulty from that moment would begin.—(Hear, hear.) They had to deal with a people divided in religion, divided in blood, and divided in all the pursuits of civil life. A great mistake was made, as he conceived, when at the first annexation of Canada to the Crown of England so much prominence was given to the religion of the conquered people ; and, above all, so little attention was paid to the religious wants of those who agreed with the principles of the Protestant establishment of this country. The attention of the Hous was called to this subject a iv eek ago by the Hon: Member for Droitwich ; and he was desirous to urge again upon her Maje ty's Ministers, not the expediency, but the absolute necessity • of bestowing their attention upon that subject, when now th . whole question of the Constitution of Canada was open fo , consideration. Regarding, as he did, the mistake committe in 1763, in 1769, 1774, and above all, in 1791, as the on great and fundamental error of our policy towards Canada, arising from a very imperfect view of the obligations of a parent state towards its subjects when separated totally from it, he trusted that the-opportunity would not now be lost, of endeavouring to remedy that evil, by supplying those religious advantages to the British Canadians which he thought the subjects of this country ought to carry with them wherever they, with the permission of the mother country, might be settled. With regard to the Bill now about to be read a third time, he gave it his entire support. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON said, this Bill had been designated a despotic measure. It was so. He be lieved that in the history of Parliament its parallel was not to be found. But was any precedent afforded us of an •pccasion equal to the present ? He believed that it was a measure of justice as well as of expediency. He contended that the Canadians, having all the rights and blessings which the British Constitution bestowed upon them, had no just cause of complaint. Upon some temporary matters differences might arise, but for the set tlement of those differences a ready manifestation had always been shown by the mother country. He believe.] that in the whole history of the colonies of this or of any other country, not an instance could be found where so much favour and generosity had been shown as has been shown in the course of the legisiation of Great Britain in regard to Canada. Their corn, their wood, and their ashes were allowed to be imported here with almost a nominal duty. Was that the case with any other colony? Cer taiiily not. Ile believed that by the present rebellion the greatest infliction had been committed upon the people of Canada that had ever befallen any set of men. British capital, while tranquillity existed there, was flowing in at an immense rate. Banks were established with large capitals—great public works were carried on with money belonging to individuals in this country—all these advantages had been suspended ; but he hoped that tranquillity would soon be restored, so that no great in terruption might be given to that disposition which existed to Jesuitic and continue those advantages to the colony. At the same time, while he made these observations, he begged it to bo distinctly understood that he went a great way be yond many Hon. Members in blaming the policy of her Majesty's Government with regard to their proceedings in Lower Canada.—(Hear, hear.) He knew not whether any inquiry would be instituted with regard to the conduct of Government respecting Canada at the bar of the House ; but sure he was that there was evidence sufficient in the documents which had been laid before the House to justify such an inquiry ; and independent of those public docu ments, he, of his own knowledge, knew that for a period of more than two years representations had been made by the merchants of London engaged in trade with Canada, al most weekly, but certainly monthly, to the Secretary for the Colonies, of the state of alarm and dismay which ex isted in Canada in consequence of the tumultuous proceed ings of large bodies of armed men. But to these repre sentations no heed whatever was taken, and the present crisis had unfortunately followed. The Hon. Gentleman conclude:l by declaring that the measure before the House had his entire concurrence. Mr. GROTE desired to enter hia protest against the th:rd reading of a measure of this severe description, though he was well aware how unavailing such a protest would be. The Hon. Baronet the Member for the Univer sity of Oxford had stated one thing which was most true, and which deserved to be well laid to heart by every gentleman who considered this subject. He had said when this re bellion should have been put down, that at that moment the real and greatest difficulties of the Government would com saence. That was his opinion too, and it was because he entertained that opinion, and strongly entertained it, that he was the more strenuous in his opposition to the present Bill ; and because also it was his opinion, that while the Bill would remove none of the existing difficulties, it would add very much to some, and those the most serious of them. The alterations made in the Bill since the second reading were not of a nature to make much alteration in his opi nion. The nature of these clauses was extremely aggra vated, when taken in conjunction with the speeches ut tered irt this House by those by whom they were sup ported. For the tenour of those speeches led him to foresee only one consequence from the suspension of the Cana dian Constitution, which was this—that instead of that genuine and faithful representation of the people, which was now the most important element of the Canadian Consti tution (for we should not have that element restored to its present state), we should have the representation of the people cut down, abridged, and reduced to a name. It would be a name and a shadow, instead of a substance and reality. When he recollected, too, the suggestion of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Caithness, in which he dwelt upon the necessity of raising the qualification of the electors of Lower Canada —coupling that with the declara tions made by certain influential Members on the 'Ministe rial side of the house, and more especially by the Right honourable Gentleman the Member for Coventry and the Bon. Member for Lincoln, insisting, as they did, upon the gross ignoran ce and incepaeity of the Canadian peat,le— he could not misinterpret those indications. He could not draw any other inference, except that the present repre sentatior, of the people—large and faithful—will be ex changed foe one neither large nor faithful ; but will be made the representation of a part of the people instead of a repre sentation of dee whole.—(Hear.) When it was said that the Canadian Constitution had been found not to work asit was intended so do, his reply was, that if that were the case the fault was with the Executive Government, because the-Exe, cutive Government had not thotreht fit to use the prerogatis e which the Constitution entrusted to them. It remained only with her Majesty's Government to improve the Le gislative Council, and introduce harmony between the dif ferent breeches of the Legislature, by appointing such Members to the Legislative Council as would be acceptable to the majority of the people. This would have been no innovation. It would have been the exercise of the very prerogative which was given to the Executive Government by the Constitution of 1791. Had that power been used harmony would have been restored, and the constitutional Government of Lower Canada would have gone on pros perously up to this hour. An Hen. Gentleman, who was a stanch supporter of the measure, proposing to her Ma jesty's Ministers to sadd'e the colony with an Established Church !—(Hear, hear.) A very plea*ant prospect it was to be called upon to sanction the annihilation of one of the few Representative Assemblies which really did represent the people, and put in its plate a well-paid Established Church !—( Hear, hear.) He doubted the power of the Government to restore this Assmbly, and he did not feel confident that it was ever their wish to it.—(Cries of Hear, Lear.) But most certainly when he observed that during the progress of the Bill through the House the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department had been compelled to abandon the preamble for the purpose of conciliating the support of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, he (Mr. Grote) knew that whatever new Constitution it might be deemed proper to give to Canada, it would not be only what the Noble Lord himself might approve of, but what the Right Hon. Baronet would also app.ove of ; and having haard that Right Hon. Baronet accused by ilon. l Members in that House of entertaining a distinct hatred of all representative institutions—though in the present in stance he could not conceive that the Right lion. Baronet was deserving of that reproech more than the Noble Lord himself—he could not help appealing to Hon. Gentlemen wl-o supported this Bill to say what ground they had for believing that they should ever get back such a Constitu tion as that now existing when it should be once destroyed. He feared that they had sown injustice, and that they would reap trouble and calamity. Mr. WARBURTON entirely agreed with what had fallen from the Honourable Member for London, that by this measure they were destroying a free Constitution to have, probably, in its place one less free. But what he would now contend for, as he had on former occasions, was, that as you must cease to govern these States at no remote period, yau ought to treat them wiir all the consideration due to their future greatness. He knew it was a humilia ting thing, and unfavourble to national pride and national vanity, to think of the necessity of contracting the limits of empa—, and to part with what was fancied to be among the most valuable of the national possessions. He said fancied to be so, because it did appear to him as rational to talk of the moon as belonging to ourselves, as to talk of a great and extensive territory 3,000 miles away from the mother country as being a part of our empire. But he really thought if they looked at the great, and glorious, and god like work of establishing a great and free republic out of the'incoherent elements such as the provinces of Canada were, they would feel that it was an object worthy the am bition of a great and powerful nation. It was a great act for a State like this to accomplish. He believed that the people of this country would reflect on this ; and that they now felt that it was a greater honour to have raised a mighty republic like that of the United States, than to have subjugated India. He hoped that these considerations would reconcle the people of this country to that separation which either now or at an early period must take place, and that they would have their attention fixed upon the necessity that must soon arise for such a separation. He would avail himself of the present opportunity of passing his last malediction on this unfortu nate Bill. Mr. PETER BORTHWICK said that now that re bellion was suppressed, he thought that the best way of advancing the interest of Canada, as well as of this csuntry, was by introducing there the real principles of the British Constitution, and by making the Canadians feel its benefits. —(Loud cries of " Question," and " Divide.") The House then divided, when the numbers were— For the third reading For Mr. Hume's amendment Majority for the third reading —lo2 . - On our return to the gallery, we found Sir GEORGE GREY moving the insertion, by way of rider, of the usual clause allowing the alteration or repeal of the Act during the present session of Parliament, which was agreed to. On the question that the Bill do now pass, Sir E. B. SUGDEN rose to make one observation, which was, that the alterations introduced into the Bill had verified the prediction of his Right lion. Friend (Sir R. Peel) that the instructions from Lord Glenelg to Lord Durham would never be carried into effect, and would not be acted on, for, as the Bill was now framed, it would be impossible for Lord Durham to call together a Coven tion ; and the Noble Lord was now deprived of the power of making an infraction of the Canadian and the EngliAt Constitutions. Ministers had, by their alterations, left the Bill preesely in the state in which the Hon. Member for Tamworth wi3hed it to be. Sir G. GREY must say that in the present instance the lion. and Learned Gentlema❑ was tvrong, for in the in structions given to Lord Durham, that Noble Lord was not authorised to call together an assembly having legisla tive power, but only a body of persons to gve him advice, which was not repugnant to the Act of 1791, nor to any other Act, awl on which there was not placed the slightest obstruction by the Bill which: had been read a third time. Mr. WAKLEY said that the only reason why the House had been induced to look with the slightest favour on the Bill of the Noble Lord was the circumstance that it was to he carried into execution by the Earl of Durham. But it now appeared that the Noble Lord would not reach Canada till the end of April or the beginning of May, and in the meantime it was proposed to allow the Act to be carried into effect by the Commander-ir-Chief ; and he (Mr. Wakley), therefore, wished to direct the attention of the House and of the Government to the accounts which had been received from Canada of desperate en gagements, or he should rather say massacres, which had taken place there, and which were of so sanguinary a na ture as not to be described in the English language, and the recital of which could not but harrow up our feelings. Was this a Christian land—did we live under a Christian Government ? Was in it such scenes as these that we could boast of the religious institutions of this country ? Again, he (Mr. Wakley) found from the accounts from Upper Canada that Indians :were engaged in the war. Were they chosen for this duty because of their known cruelty in their conduct of war ? Did the Government sanction the marching or conveyance in steam-bouts of 252 Indians in company with one of the regiments assisting Sir F. Head ? It was the custom of some Honourable Mem bers to say that it was the exciting language held by other Honourable Members which induced the Canadians to re volt ; but he must say that the revolt was caused by the conduct of the Imperial Legislature. He again protested against the Bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL observed that the only part of the Hon. Member's speech which required any notice from him was that in which he had quoted the statements appearing in the London Gazette. He knew that the ' lion. Gentleman had no wish to make any misrepresentation, but he must have misunderstood the passages in the dis patches of Sir J. Colborne, Colonel Maitland, and other officers. The fact was, that the circumstances referred to were only the usual occurrences of war.—(Hear, hear.) There were many persons in the church ; it was fortified and made a place of offence, from which the British troops were fired upon, and, according to the laws of war, it was destroyed ; and if troops, marching through a village, were fired upon, the usual measures of war were taken. If those who had surrendered and had laid down their arms had not received quarter, thcn, indeed, the Hon. Member's observations would have been just—(Cheers)—but he he did not find any such statement in the dispatch. With regard to the Indians, he could only observe that they were not employed as a regular mili tary force ; some had attended Sir F. Head, but the circumstance was of a totally different nature from what had bean stated. All the troops had been removed from one province, and the militia was called out to meet several persons who were collected on the road to Toronto, and who had commenced the outrages by murdering a military officer, who had retired from the service after having greatly distinguished himself in war, who was living with his family, and who was murdered on his road to the city. When persons were thus attacked, it was possible that all the inhabitants, British, Canadian, and Indian, should unite to put down the insurrection, acting, as they did, under fear of their lives and property. NEW WRIT. On the motion of Mr. MORE O'FERRALL, a new writ war ordered for Galway, in the room of Mr. Lynch, who had been appointed a Master in Char.ccry, in the place of Master Roupell. The House then adjourned till Friday. HOUSZ OF LORDS, JAN. 29. others of the — Chamber of Commerce of nalnu- Scture of Manehr-ster, aid from the Liverpool Guardi - n oc;ioty i'or the ProL:ction of Trade ,agairist the paslng of the 13111 for the Abolition of Imprisonment for Debt. Lor,l MINT() presented a petithn from the Magis jrates and Town Council of the borough of Hawick. pray ing for the adoption of Rowland Hill's Postage System. Lo a petition from the town of Hawiek, praying for Vote by Ballot, in the prayer of which his Lordship concurred. • The Lora) CuANcELLoit took his seat on the Woolsack at five minutes pest Five o'Clock, Lord 111 ELBOURNE said, in answer to a question from the Dike of Welliagton, that it was the wish of her Majesty's , I;3veinmcnt to proceed with the Canadian Bill with all the speed that might be considered consistent with the importance of such a measure. Whether that Bill should he brought up to-night or on Wednesday night from the other House cf Parliament, could be, he apprehended, no objec fon to their Lord hips fixing the second reading of the Bill far Friday next. Lord GLENELG laid on the table papers, which, we prosinue, were returns relating to Canada, but the Noble Lord made no observation in raying them on the table. Lord ASHBURTON presented petitions from the Chamber of Commerce of Kingston -upon Hull, from the Chamber of Commerce of the City of Edinburih, from the Burgh of Elgin, and from several other places., praying for a reduction in the Rate of Postage. Also petitions from the President, Vice-President THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JANTTAIINT 30. P-38. NEGRO SLAVERY. Lord ASHBURTON presented two petitions, praying Fer the abolition of the apprenticeship system in the West ndiPs. Lord BROUGHAM—My Lords, I have a petition to present from, I will not say a very large, but I will say a • most respectable, body of the inhabitants of Leeds, on he same subject, and to the same effect, as those just presented by my Noble Friend from another part of the country. The petition is signed by between 16,000 end 17,000, and I can answer for their great respec tability, for I have looked over many of the signatures at tached to it, and I believe further that it speaks the una nimous sentiments of not only that part of the North, bat of the large and important county of Yorkshire.—(Hear.) After reminding your Lordships of the provision ;made by Parliament on behalf of the planters and `slave owners who have been paid between eighteen and nineteen tnibions, all of which they have ob tained as compensation for some loss of property which they were exp , seted to sustain—all of which was voted by Parliament, and this confiding country, in the firm belief that it would be no more than compensation, and no one million, cr pound, or penny of which would have been voted if it were not in the firm conviction that such a loss would occur to the slave owners. After all this, my Lords, it turns out that this alteration has been not a loss, but a po sitive gain to the slave owners, and that they have had their twenty millions of money of the people of England in compensation of the profit which that measure has been of to them—of the revenues increasing under the system of free labour—and of the capital increasing in proportion to the many years' purchase which has been added to the value of all \Vest India property. These repect able petitioners, many of whom 1 am proud to call my friends, and all of whom I had the high honour of representing in Parliament, remind your Lordships of this boon, and they also add that it forms the groundwork of the petition on their part, not alone for the sake of hu manity, but for the sake of justice, that negro slavery in the form it now exists of indentured apprenticeship should be brought as speedily as may be to a termination, and they claim from your Lordships to fix the period at the Ist of August, 1838 (in the present year), when that slavery, under the name of indentured apprenticeships, of what are called household slaves, should by law terminate.—(Hear.) My Lords I shall take this opportunity of giving notice, which I do on presenting this Leeds' petition and 13 others from several towns and boroughs, all with the same prayer, that as soon as the more pressing matter of Canada is out of this House one way or another, which I hope will be in the course of about ten days, I shall name an early day for bringing before your Lordships a proposition for enabling your Lordships to accede to the prayer of these numerous petitions, with many others which I have presented to your Lordships on various occasions. Agreeing as I do in the sentiments expressed by your petitioners, I cannot help myself from now observing that there is this material difference between the grievances of which they complain, and another subject of grievance which I think it my bounden duty to lose not one single hour in bringing under the notice of your Lordships. That grievance is, that whereas objections may be taken to the policy of the Slavery Emancipation Act—that while some think we have stopped short of extinguishing the foul blot of slavery—that while others suppose that our hopes have been frustrated, and that the Act does not work well—that while others think the rights of the nation obtained by the payment of twenty millions had been taken away by the Acts of the local Legislature—that, nevertheless, whatever has been done—and it is - not trifling in amount—whatever- has been done has been done in the right direction, and that the objections which I have now to make is a mere sub ject of degree—it is that too little relief has been obtained for the slave—that too long a period has been prescribed for his emancipation—that too much suffering still exists. The question then is that too little has been done. We are charged with having gone in the wrong direction—it is not that we have made slavery more universal, burthensome, or bitter for the slave to endure—these are not the charges which these petitioners bring before your Lordships. What would have been said by the petitioners and by the nation, if instead of stopping short of the goal to which we aspired—if, instead of their complaining that the slaves ware not earlier emancipated—if the charge was, that, in stead of loosening the chains which galled the limbs of the slave—if, instead of lightening the burthen, we had made it more heavy, and that we had more and more galled the limbs of the slave what, I ask, would hate been the language used by your petitioners ?—rayLords,there would have been one out-burst, one indignant outcry from one end of the nation to the other. We would have been charged with hypocrisy and cruelty, and in one hour all would have been granted, and the slave would have become free with out any apprenticeship. He would hare become a free man. Now, my Lords, that is the very charge that I have to make out before your Lordships, that is the view which with pain it becomes my duty to induce your Lordships to take. I have to show your Lord ships that the slave trade is going on now at an increased rate. I have to make out to your Lordships that that ac cursed traffic, which was considered to have been put down by the indignant outcry of the whole rational mind of Europe—that that trade—that accursed traffic, is flourish ing more and more, and now flourishing to such an extent that it is tearing out the very bowels of the African continent. My Lords, when the abolition of the slave trade was first ctarted in America, a plen was in an ill-fated moment adopted, the evil consequence—the inevitable consequences of which I wish now to represent to your Lordships. That plan, my Lords, was, to confine the right to capture slave vessels to the coasts—whether belonging to the sub jects of the United States, or under treaties made by France, Spain, and Portugal —to confine the right of search and seizure, and the bringing in for condem nation in the prize courts under the Mixed Com missions in different places established, to cruisers of the States, or her Majesty's ships of war. The temptation held out to induce them to perform this duty was riot only a share in the proceeds of the ves sels carried in by them, but of a certain sum of money per head—commonly called " head money." My Lords, it must be admitcd that, at first sight, this looks like an additional impulse to cruisers to capture the vessels in which the desperate miscreants, engaged in this felonious traffic or piracy, carried on their horrid business. But, my Lords, it had this effect — that the cruizers, by the hope of obtaining the head money , were directly induced not to capture the slave vessels till they had gone into the African ports to embark their " cargo" —I suppose we must call it—of human beings, and sailed out to insult the highway of nations by this com plicated robbery, piracy, awl murder.—( Hear, hear.) So that this interest of the captor was to let her' have those unhappy beings on hoard, to let her complete her cargo of slaves, to ldt her clear from the African port, and not to attempt to capture her, much less to prevent her from corn milting the crime of taking the cargo on board, but to en able her to wait till sire had completed that criminal ac t ; but until that act was completed the right to have the money could not attach. But what then? The vessel goes out, passes to the coast of Africa— slse is fitted out with bulk heads in is way in which a slaver is known to be fitted out, with a kind of acconi modation for those human beings that are to be the • cargo--with all tl.e manacles, fetters, and other instru went; of torture and detention on board—with a sort • of musket that never fires twice without bursting. No steps are taken to prevent the cargo being put on board —no interference with the cruizers, because that would prevent the object ; but this is what takes place, and this I state on information on which I can rely—information I ' have received irom my excellent friend the celebrated Afri ran traveller who has just come home. Mr. Laird, who with Mr Oldfield, are the last survivors of that expedition, after having suffered almost unheard-of hardships —they Motto (continued the Noble and Learned Lord) had returned home, and it was from information received from them, he was about to state the course pursued. The cruiser did not go near the port, because it was aware of the effect that would be produced by that—that would pre vent the cargo from being brought down, and pr event t h e slaves from being shipped. The object of all the crui-crs was, that such a number should be shipped as to entitle the captor to his head-money. Accordingly they took them on board and sailed out to sea. In a climate where light winds pre vail it was not difficult to get a pretty accurate notion of the time that they would take. They went out to sea just so far as to leave them able to descry the mouth of the harbour from the top-mast, but not to be themselves seen. The felons who were engaged in th e i r cr i mes ashore in putting men, women, and children on board, thinking that the cruisers were not on the spot, shipped , them on board the slave vessel, and then the slave vessel, flattering itself there was nobody to watch or to intercept her . - cruise, would move out of the harbour, and put to sea. She is afterwards chased and teken, send then her rigging, hull, and cargo are sold, and the slaves are liberated. But if the passage across the Atlantic. shOuld be effected—if those wretches survived the horrors of that terrible passage—let us see what the effect of the changes of the law have been in exasperating the mischiefs or this detestable traffic. A swiftness of sailing is the grand object in the construction of the vessels engaged in it, so that everything else is sacrificed. I will not say that humanity is sacrificed. I should be laughed to scorn by any one connected with the horrible traffic called the African trade, if I were to say that humanity was sacrificed. Humanity !—No, not humanity, but even the vessel herself is sacri ficed. She is made so narrow for the attainment of this one object, swiftness, that her safety is in peril. But what is the effect of that upon the crew ; what is the effect upon the wretched slaves? Some time ago they bad the advantage of an Act which we passed after we had been for many years engaged in the curious discussion, up to the year 1807, whether murder and robbery were crimes, and should be put down. Before we came to that decision, Sir Wm. D'Olier procured a Bill to be passed, which required that every slaver should be provided with water, a supple of provisions, and sufficient space, in proportion to the number of slaves she was per mitted to carry. Now they 'have no such protection—there is no one security whatever that they shall have water, or provisions, or air, or more space than that in which it is possible by pressure, as if they were actually dead goods, to pack and crush them as they are stowed on board those illegal and contraband slavers. But, my Lords, there is even a worse feature in the traffic than this, and I approach the statement which I am about to submit to your Lordships, with a feeling of horror which I cannot describe, and which, even though I have been con sidering the subject for three or four days, I cannot conquer, but with the hope oflbeing able to bring home to your Lord ships' minds all the horrors that are practised in the middle passage, and which I shall be able to trace to this system of head money. Let me first remind your Lordships of the ana logy which this system of head money bears to what is called blood money. That this head money has the ten dency to produce all the effects of blood money I am not prepared to assert, because blood money had not only the effect of setting a price upon people's heads, but of baring charges brought against innocent men, in order that by their conviction, the reward might be obtained by the ...fraudulent conspirator. One half, however, of the practice is applicable to the slave trade.—(Hear.) But the other part of this—the blood money—exists in its full force, and precisely the same motives and springs of human action here, produce the same mischiefs there. No man has an interest in stopping offences till they reach a certain depth of depravity—until they become capital, and until the 401. reward offered by the State is available. —(Hear.) The common cant expression—the Old Bailey phrase is, he does not weigh enough yet—he has not come to his proper weight--that is to say, he is not worth 40/. sterling. Accordingly, crime is connived at by some ; by others encouraged—it is fostered, it is nursed up, as it were, till it has attained that pitch of guilt as to make it worth the while of the party—the same trouble being entailed, whether the offence is greater or lesser—until it is worth the while to pounco upon the criminal and make him a victim to the State reward. Pre cisely the same is the effect of the head-money—the vessel goes in, and is allowed to lay to ; the forcible separation of friends and relatives takes place, nothing is done to prevent that—the penalty does not attach—to use the same phrase, the ship does not weigh enough—she has not got her weight —her cargo—she has not got the slaves aboard for whom, in proportion to the number 5/., each is to be paid. And now, m y Lords, come we to consider the iniquity which is perpe trated and which is almost unavoidable, considering with whom our cruisers have to do. The vessel, on being descried, .and seeing that the cruiser is making chase, calculates first whether she is so near to port as to he able to regain her berth for the moment, and choose a better opportunity of coining out—or whether she should not rather make an attempt to accomplish the middle passage, and escape, by her structure and swifter sailing, the pursuit of the cruiser, by throwing over a part of the cargo. My Lords, how many horrors are embraced in that word which I have accidentally let slip— a put of her cargo. No sooner does she find the cruiser gain on her, than the miscreant in command of the vessel perceives that his case is all but desperate, and that if he cannot quicken his pace he will fall into her hands. Then he begins to cast overboard that which he thinks is the heaviest, and which to him is as valueless as 'any lumber on board his vessel. He throws men, women, and children overboard. Does he knock off their fetters ? No. Why ? Because those fetters by which they have been held together by pairs in the vessel for safety against the crew, for security against mutiny, for security against suicide—because that is one of the great dangers of the slaver loosing his cargo—he fears that those unhappy victims will fling themselves overboard, as they are known to do as often as they have the power ; therefore, for security against mutiny, and fur security against suicide,itis thethe has them fettered by pairs in the hold and the hull of the ves sel, and every crevice where human beings can be crammed. Fetters of what sort, my Lords ? With padlocks so that they can open them in case of accident—so that in case of a fire breaking out he can enable them to escape—so that in case of a shipwreck befalling him, as justly it might at any hour, he can help them to escape or help the ship ? No such thing ; but it is a fact, and it speaks volumes as to this traffic—it is an appalling fact in this case that the fetters are not padlocked or screwed, but rivetted by the blacksmith in his forge before the vessel sails, because they are never intended to he loosened until they arrive in the port of America. The human beings, in order to lighten the vessel and enable her to escape, are flung overboard. Enough, my Lords, this is of crime and misery, but this is not all, nor any thing like all. They are thrown overboard, if time is given, with weights appended, so as to ensure their instant destruction. Why ? Because the negro with that herculean strength he possesses—with that power of living in the wa ter which almost gives him an amphibious nature—the ne gro might support himself on the water so as to be taken up by the cruiser, and be a witness against the men, if men they can be called, who have car ried them thins from their own country, and thus flung them into a watery grave. They are therefore loaded—purposely loaded—so as to entangle them and prevent their swimming, and to ensure the destruction of the esidence, as well as to secure the escape of the malefactor. My Lords, even this is not all. It has been found that being uncertain whether they could throw them overboard in tune enough Hith security, they have packed them in water-casks— packed them two and three in water-casks—loaded those ;casks and flung them overboard. One vessel, in an escape, sent twelve of those casks overboard, filled with human '::beings.—(Hear.) My Lords, there were two vessels ,thus overtaken, captured by her Majesty's cruisers. and out of those two vessels it had been proved by in contestible evidence to enable the crew to effect their 'escape—but the attempt was made in vain—five hun dred slaves were thrown overboard, every one of whom met a watery grave. It is a fact which is stated upon no fancy at all—by no one whose mind is heated by speculation—by no one who disregards his feelings of hu imanity, and only consults his feeling of just horror rand unextinguishable indignation=-but by men in the [ service of the country, acting in the command of the King's ships.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It is stated on the authority of one of those gallant officers, a Commodore -on the station. I may add—though but for such au thority I should have paused for a moment, doubt ing whether fancy might not here have supplied some thing—that the very sharks are quite aware of the proceedings gone en—that they follow those vessels when they leave the port, and that the track of the slaver is to be traced in the ocean, by the blood of her murdered victims— by the blood of those whom the crew, in order to effect itheir escape from justice, have revoltingly murdered. 10Aly Lords, I have read of scenes with horror and disgust e n d almost shame, that I had the same human form with pyre t-hes whose deeds I was examining — l have ve a d of scenes,. cf which it was deemed the pub lic eye could hardly endure the disclosure—l ii s ee read of scenes which I will not now paint tin detail—but which, I will venture to say have never been surpassed by all the cruelties of either hemisphere—by all the blood-stained, gold-defiled annals of Spain and Por tugal in times past, by which they have won for them selves an unenviable name of infamy amongst the most sordid and the most cruel of the human race—me' Lords, it has been my p a i n f u l d uty to rea d o f 'scenes in comparison with which the tortures which were ''inflicted on the victims of Spanish avarice in the new world shrink into mere common and ordinary cruelty —scenes, my Lords, which I defy the history of 'any country or any period to equal—scenes which were not exceeded by those which the fancy of the great poet of mo dern Italy depicted in his wildest of moments when peopling Ihe infernal regions with the creatures of his own imagination, J a nd in tints so sombre and so dark, that not the ;pencil of his great countryman ever shed more horrors ove r the roof of the Sistine Chapel— " Mortua quill etiam jungebat corpora vivis." alf one 'of those two fettered slaves die on board the yes• el, lie is allowed to remain baund to the one who is left :aniserable, because he has not shared the fate of his fel low slave. A woman is allowed to give birth to the fruit lof her womb on the deck of the vessel, which is covered 'with the decaying corpses of her fellow slaves. My Lords, if fI a m asked to what I ascribe the existence of this inhuman system—if I am asked how these enormities arc to be pre. ;vented ?—I have no hesitation in stating that it is to be as cribed entirely to the system of head-money, which I have detailed to our Lordships. I have ' shown - the operation of the system, and I ask your Lordships are your Commodores, your Captains, and your Lieutenants of cruizers always successful ? I would ask your Lordships, are they vigilant ? I would ask your Lordships whether the slavers never escape ? I find that the im portation of slaves into the new world is as large, and steady as ever, and shows not the slightest appear ance of any decrease. The premium of insurances in the Havannah on a slave ship the last time I had an oppor tunity of seeing the return, was I'4- per cent. Out of that there was to be deducted 4 Der cent. for sea risk, leaving the full value of the risk on the slaving trade at only 8 per cent. But I have also quotations from Rio—where the premium is much less, being so low as seven or eight per cent., with fOur per cent. for sea risk. I know that in the year 1835, eighty vessels were fitted cut from Havannah, the bulk of which returned. I have the amount of the cargoes of all those vessels—they vary from 175 to 700, and the average gives about 28,000 imported into the Havannah in that year, 1835. After what I have told ycur Lordships of the treatment of those slaves on the passage, and the risk they run in being thrown overboard, NOD will say it is too horrible for belief. In one of these vessels there were the enormous number of 700, and in others 590. I do not speak without the book when I tell you that in one single month two vessels arrived at the port of Rio with cargoes of 700 and 590 wretches.—(Hear, bear, hear.) The names of those vessels were the Felicidad and El &cola. In 1835 4,900 slaves were imported in one moth into the principal port of our friend and ally the Emperor of Brazil. The greatest of all slave-dealers are the Spanish Portuguese and Brazilians, and we still continue quibbling with them on the meaning of a Treaty, and endeavouring to obtain from the Courts of Madrid, Lisbon, and Rio, the right to search their ships, while we suffer there enormous evils to continue. When I say we, I mean France and England—we suffer those hideous enormities to continue, when, if but an ordi dinary pirate disturbed the highway of the seas, we would not suffer the flags of those nations to protect him —we, who threw ourselves single banded into the breach, against all Europe combined, when our clients were the dethroned monarchs of the continent —but now, when our clients are only the millions of Africa—when they have only the claims of right and justice, we pause ; if a word would do it, a word would not be long in being prenouced—if a wave of the band would put it down, our consent would not he long withheld ; but when anything active— when anything beyond the waving of a finger is wanting to put down the greatest enormity that ever stained the annals of mankind—our tongue cleaves to the roof of our mouth—our arms are instantly paralized : we shrink, and blanch, and quail, before the very ancient and very power ful monarchy of Brazil—before the established and consecrated might of Portugal -- before the consoli dated, established, and all powerful empire of Spain in the old world.—(Hear, hear, hear.) My Lords, I trust, we shall quail, and blanch, and faulter no longer— and I trust that one of the distinguishing glories of the reign which has just commenced will he that this ac cursed traffick shall be at length put dowu. I would not surround the throne of this young Queen with the triumph of arms and with the glories of war. I would not build it on military or even naval greatness ; but I would have it founded on rights established, liberties ex tended, humanity secured, and justice promulgated to the world ; and I would have it go down to the latest posterity, that our young Queen, in the first year of her reign, adorned her country, fortified her throne, and embel lished her Crown, by gaining the greatest triumph in putting down the worst of crimes—the greatest triumph ever mortal won—and the worst of crimes that ever man committed. The NOBLE and LEARNED LORD then moved for the returns. On the quession being put by the LORD CHAN CELLOR, Lord MINTO rose and said that after the eloquent speech of the Noble Lord, and the severe attack made on the officers in the profession to which he had the honour to belong, the House would naturally expect to hear some few observations from him. The ho - rors described by the Noble Lord were not at all exagge rated, but in reference to the imputation that the officers commanding the ships equipped for the purpose of prevent ing this traffic ever, for the sake of head-money, connived at the carrying on of the traffic, he did not believe. He knew that the Noble and Learned Lord had disclaimed the imputation; hut his argument, if it meant anything, £onveyed that imputation. It was alleged that, in order that vessels might, in the express terms employed, " weigh enough," the officers of the cruisers were in the habit of watching at the mouths of rivers, waiting purposely until the vessels had been laden. On the part of the profession with which he had the honour to be connected, be could only say :hat no such case had ever come to his knowledge, and that he did not believe such had ever occurred. He thought at least, when the Noble and Learned Lord had made so sweeping and general a charge, he should have brought forward some instances to substantiate it.— (Hoar, hear.) In many cases it might certainly be ne cessary that the slaver should be allowed to take her cargo on board before the cruiser could seize her ; as, for instance, was the case with respect to all vessels that were not subject to the equipment article. He could as sure their Lordships that the only complaints he had ever heard of the officers on that station were, that they were rather too ready to take the vessels, and that they took them without sufficient regard as to the prosecutions which they might bring upon themselves. Every letter that was received from those officers was to the same effect, lament ing the difficulties of obtaining evidence respecting the slavers until the cargo had been taken in, and urging the necessity of further treaties, which would give them greater powers, without which they stated it would be impossible effectually to put down this infamous traffic. That un doubtedly was the case, though not, as had been stated, with respect to Spain and Portugal ; because, as to Spain, they had a treaty which enabled them effectually to capture all slave-ships under her colours. In reference to Portugal, however, it was true that a great part of that slave trade was carried on under Portuguese colours, and the British officers were not able, under those circum stances, to put an end to the traffic. But the Noble and Learned Lord had dwelt upon the topic a ith considerable eloquence, and had violently condemned the conduct of Government for remaining on friendly terms with countries which would encourage such practices. But he must beg to ask the Noble and Learned Lord if of late there had been any peculiar change in the circumstances of the case, which, especially at this time, called for their hostile interference ? But, if am) , change had taken place, it was this—that they had succeeded in procuring from Spain, at least, a treaty effectual for the suppression of the traffic. He begged their Lordships' pardon for having said so much ; but he could not hear the officers of the navy grievously charged and compared to the police-officers of old without rising in their vindication. Lord BROUGHAM said it was very natural that the Noble Lord, if he considered that the officers of the navy had been charged with neglect of duty, should have risen to defend them ; but he was only sorry that his zeal had clouded his recollection, for he (Lord Brougham), so far from making any charge of the kind, had expressed and distinctly disclaimed any such intention. But he was now almost compelled to make a charge, and he begged there fore to ask this question—there being slaves in some of the great slave ports, whom the cruisers knew to be there, was it or was it not true that the cruisers, instead of going in or taking measures of co-operation with the authorities on shore to prevent the taking the cargo on board, were in the habit of going so far off as they could not be seen from, though they could see, the port, and in this manner, first en ticing the vessel out, and then capturing it ? It had that effect certainly—but it had another effect also— it enabled the masters of the slave ships to put those unhappy human beings on board, and then—in case of their being pressed in the chase—to consign them at an instant to a watery grave. That was, his charge ; he might have been misinformed, but that charge had already been in print four months, in Captain Laird's book. Upon ano ther point of the question he had been asked whether there was any difference in the state of circumstances with regard to Spain and Portugal. He thought that Spain and Por tugal were differently situated ; for u p on b ot h countries this Government bad acquired a greater i n fl uence o f l ate. They had now as much weight in Spain as it was poss ibl e for any Government to have in so anarchical a country. Was the Spanish Government as little under their influence as before ? They had sent, not an army, but ships and ma rines, and they had allowed Englishmen very properly to serve in that country. Did that give them no influence ? But he would not detain th e H ouse f urther than to express hi s positive conviction that the Government of this country would not do its duty if it did not take steps, in co-opera tion with France, to put down this traffic. The Earl of MINT() had no hesitation in answering explicitly the question of the Noble and Learned Lord. He was asked, did it it not frequently happen that the cruisers were lying off the mouth of a river long enough to allow the slaver to take her cargo on board ? Now he must repeat what he had stated, that if any officer, knowing that a slave vessel had gone into any river into which he could safely have followed her, that vessel being under co lours which entitled 'dm to seize her the equipment article, did not follow and take her, he would he guilty of a beach of duty ; but, as he had said before, he knew of no such ease ; he believed that none such had ever occurred, But if the veasel did not bear any of those colours the officer would not be justified in taking her, and instances of that sort he hail heard of. But be could tell their Lordships that some of the most gallant actions which had taken place either during the war or peace had been performed by young officers going up the rivers in boats after vessels suspected to be slavers. Very recently a yonn:;• man, a midshipman, had been promoted for such service. He had been sent up a river with six men after a vessel, for the purpose of obtaining information respecting her, and to see what colours she was sailing under ; after proceeding some distance he met her saiing out ; he hoarded and captured her with his six men—she being an armed vessel, and defended by thirty men.—( Hear, hear.) It was, preposterous to expect that officers, seeing a vessel under the Portuguese flan, would - expose themselves to damages and the censure of their own department. In those cases the only way was to keep out of sight until the cargo was on board, and then to pounce upon them. He, therefore, answered the qui!,stion thus—that he knew of no case where an officer could lawfully capture a vessel before she had taken her cargo. Lord BROUGHAM asked whether there could be any possible objection to abolish head-money, and to give the rower(' upon the tonnage of the vessel; because, if there were none, the point was set at rest. The Earl of MINTO sail it appeared to him that no case had been made out beyond this, that there was head-money, and the effect of it might be that which the Noble Lord had stated. In certain cases already the re ward was given by tonnage. Lord BROUGHAM—The objection was that they made it worth while not to capture the vessel till after her cargo.wason board. _ _ Lord ELLENBOROUG 1-1 could not help thinking that the proposition of the Noble and Learned Lord was a very proper one. There could be no doubt that the head-money did hold out the inducement that had been stated, although it did not appear that that inducement had ever led to any breach of duty ; but he contended that the reward extended to those gallant expeditions which the -Noble Earl had referred to ought to he as great as if the vessel were taken with her cargo. Still, further, the system of head-money held out an inducement to the rn,mster of the slave ship to destroy the slaves, because he would naturally wish to deprive his pursuers of their reward. Lord ASHBURTON was very indistinctly heard in the Gallery. He was of opinion that, if there were no ob jections to placing the reward upon the tonnage of time ves sel, it would be exceedingly desirable ; but before they could come to such a decision it would be necessary to have the opinion of persons practically qualified to judge of its expediency. At the first blush it clearly seemed ad visable. The House and the country were much indebted to his Noble and Learned Friend for calling the attention of the House to the great enormity of this traffic, and to the absolute necessity which existed of doing something more than producing some treaty with some insignificant State each year, to please the country with the notion that they were doing away :Altogether with the traffic, when it was perfectly notorious that it was carried on to an extent almost if not quite as great as before, and with a degree of cruelty increased tenfold.—(Hear, from Lord Brougham.) He had no hesitation in saying, that not to have meddled at all with other parts of the world would have been better, so far as the quantum of cruelty was concerned, than to leave that interference incomplete. They had not as yet done anything effectually to put down the traffic—they had only increased the risk, and by i ncreas i ng th e r i s k they had added to the sufferings of those unhappy beings. The facts which had been stated by the Noble and Learned Lord, were so far from being exaggerated, perfectly notorious amongst all per sons acquainted with the subject. Was that a state of things which the country ought to suffer, when it was known to every one that the branch of the Royal Family which now reigned in Portugal had been placed on the throne by their intervention ? Connected as Portugal was with this country, its present Government, owing its existen e to this country, and Spain having set her the example, she ought not to be allowed to continue her sanction of this barbarous trade. They could send their fleets to tie Dey of Algiers because he adopted a system which they deemed to be inconsistent with the rights of other countries and the progressofeiviliza tion, and yet they suffered Portugal—he would say nothing as to its magnitude, because the sovereignty of every country ought to be respected—but they suffered Portugal to remain a nuisance on the ocean, and to carry on the trade, which was encouraged to an extent fully as great as of old, and the cruelty of which had been exaggerated by the difficul ties that they had placed in its way. He thought the Noble and Learned Lord had conferred a great benefit on society by his motion. By the production of the corres pondence moved for a fund of information would be ob tained, of which the mass of the public were ignorant, and perhaps some mode would by adopted to supersede the present system, which all agreed ought not to be con tinued. Lord GLENELG quite agreed with the Noble and Learned Lord that this was a subject deserving their most serious * consideration. Government was most anxious to put a stop to the horrors complained of. He (Lord Gknelg,) could say for his Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Department that he was at this moment exerting himself to the utmost to induce the Government of Portugal to carry into effect the stipulations o f the treaty ; but it was very difficult to know how far to proceed in dealing with other States respecting the ful filment of treaties without infringing on the respect duo from one State to another—a course which might involve serious consequences. He was sorry to say that the re presentations of the horrors of the slave trade given by his Noble and Learned Friend:were in no degree exaggerated ; but lie must also say that he did not think that he had sa tisfactorily proved that these horrors were at all attribut able to the giving of head-money. It might be as he had stated ; but he (Lord Glenelg) did not think that the fact had been proved. He admitted that head-money afforded a temptation to persons to allow the shipment of slaves, but no other course was open to them for rewarding the captors, except in the case of a vessel sailing under the flag of a nation with which we had a treaty, including the equip ment article. He was not, however, prepared to defend the practice of head-money--indeed he had not examined the merits of the question. The practice had been estab lished several years ago by persons well-informed on the subject, and was intended as a means of stimulating the exertions of both officers and sailors on board the cruisers , arid of securing good treatment for the slaves after capture. He certainly thought those officers and men employed in such a pestilential climate, and on such a dis agreeable duty, were entitled to some reward for their ex ertions. With respect to vessels sailing under the flag of nations whose treaties included the equipment article, re wards were given not only according to th• number of slaves, but to the tonnage of the vessel captured ; and in deed his wish was to abolish head money altogether. Th only nation that still persisted in endeavours to thwart ' exertions of this country to put down the abominable traffic was Portugal. He deeply regretted, while he not conceal the fact, that vessels sailing under the Pf guese flag were constantly guilty of violating not onl: laws of humanity, but the direct stipulations of the t, with this country. He knew it was the anxious wish o Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Departmet bring the question to a satisfactory issue ; and in the In time, whatever could be done to alleviate the miser; the slaves, he was sure would be done by him. The motion was then agreed to. Lord REDESDALE moved for copies of all despa, r. c hed by Government from Sir Coln Campbell di the time that officer was Governor of Nova Scotia. Lord GLENELG objected to the production of despatches, but had no objection to giving their dates. We understood Lord REDESDALE to express self satisfied with the production of the dates. The Earl of DEVON presented a petition from the poration of Exeter, praying the total abolition of N Slavery. The Duke of SUTHERLAND presented a pr o ; for a similar object from some Methodist congregatiol Stafforshiro. The House then adjourned until Wednesdsy. BIRTHS. -7-- At Bordeaux, on the 21st inst., the lady of John P. of a son. On tile 26th inst., at Ewhurst 'louse, Rants, Mrs. of a son. MARRIED. At Belgaum, Captain Fawcett, Assistant Adjuti Bombay Arniy, to Eliza, daughter of the late Mr. Arm ford. On the `sth inst., at St. Pancras New Church, N; Pollard, Esq., of Demerara, to Mary Elizabeth, eldest Edward Hillier, Esq., of Gray's Inn, and of Cumming tonville. DIED. On the 24th inst., Emma Louisa, wife of Mr. Vi, formerly of the Post-office Department in New South Oa the 234 inst., in Upper Seuthampton-street, Mr. Abraham Lewis, aged 69. On the aith inst., Mrs. Mary Weale, of Dyer's-bui born, aged 86. On the 24th inst., Rosa Harriett, youngest daughter H. Groom, jun., of Great Castle-street, Regent-street year and nine months. On the 25d inst., a t St. Alb an ' s, Herts, Mary, wick' Wozi, Esq., of the same place, aged 83. On the 224 inst., at Rodney-street, Pentonville, T 1 worth, Esq„ aged 65. Oa the . 4th inst., in Edwardes-square, Kensingtoi Mary, relict of J. Evans, Esq. On the 22d inst., at Leamington, aged 26, the Rev. lower, jun., eldest son of the Rev. J. Fellowes, of Sir Norfolk. 41,111 •1•11111MISIO London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOU 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, ii Middlesex.—Tuesday, January 30, 1838. deed his wish was to abolish head money altogether. The only nation that still persisted in endeavours to thwart th• exertions of this country to put down the abominable slave i traffic wa s P or t uga l. H e d eep l y regrette d , w hil e h e cou ld not conceal the fact, that vessels sailing under the Portu- guese flag were constantly guilty of violating not only the laws of humanity, but the direct stipulations of the treaty with this country. He knew it was the anxious wish of his Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Department to bring the question to a satisfactory issue ; and in the mean- time, whatever could be done to alleviate the miseries of the slaves, he was sure would be done by him. The motion was then agreed to. Lord REDESDALE moved for copies of all despatches r. c i‘ed by Government from Sir Coral Campbell during the time that officer was Governor of Nova Scotia. Lord GLENELG objected to the production of the despatches, but had no objection to giving their dates. We understood Lord REDESDALE to express him- self satisfied with the production of the dates. The Earl of DEVON presented a petition from the Cor- poration of Exeter, praying the total abolition of Negro N t Slavery. The Duke of SUTHERLAND presented a petition for a similar object from some Methodist congregation in Stafforsbire. j. The House then adjourned until Wcdnesdsy. The NEW FLAT GOLD WATCHES: The price in gold cases, with vertical movement £7 7 0 Ditto, with well-finished horizontal movement, in double- bottomed engine-turned cases, jewelled in four holes, with silver dial . . ...................... 9 9 0 T. COX SAVORY, Working Silversmith and Jeweller, 47i Cornhill, London (Seven doors from Gracechurch-street). N.B. 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