The Sun. — London, England, 1838-03-07 00:00:00

allegiance, but in the prompt settlement of a great variety of que-tions of surpassing cocrplexity and ettlic::ltv.—( ) to all these colonies in a state o.f disorganization and danger ; and then to the interests at home which depend, more or less, on the productiveness of colonial industry—to Bir mingham and Sheffu Id, to Leeds Liverpool, and Gl4Egow— Rn a t o great co'ouial shipping port of London. This done in stead of searehing after precedents, I would remind the House of the Noble Lord's system, as described by his immediate predecessor in office—the fatal system of doing nothing .t If truth and the puhiie interest arc to prevail, the House will Surely accede to my motion, whether or not it be according to prtecdcut. One word more, and I shall no longer trespass upon the patif.nce of the House, It has been suggested to me that my motion would have been more likely to be carried, if it had applied, rot to a particular Member of the Go vernment, but to the whole Adminiitr ition. For the fol lowing reasons I have not listened to that suggestion. The subject relates strictly to the Colonial Department, and I wish to conliiie nays+ to the subject —( Hear, lit ar)— it may be true that the wll,lO cabiOet sh.ittld be held respon sibl for the errors and defects of the Colonial office. ',that may be . a gond Constitutional principle, but I am not aware of it. Not being aware of it, I have pursued the plain and simple course of attributing to the Colonial Minister alone his own error 3 and deficiencies. The other course—that of proposing a vote of want of confidence in the Minis'ry, on account of the state of a single department—would have been far more agreeable to me in one respect—inasmuch as it would have relieved me from the suspicion —which, however, I trust, that none who know me still entertain—of behig ac tuated by personal hostility to Lord Glenelg. On thet ac count alone I should have much preferred miring for a vote as respects the Cl inet ; but I feel that my first duty is to place the subject before the House in the light best calculated to obtein their attention. and, therefose, have I confined to the Co'onial Minister the proposal of a vote of censure for matters which are exclusively of a Colonial nature. I have, very likely, erred through inexperience of the usages of Par liament and the Constitution; but I have acted according to the brat of my judgment, and throw myself upon the indul gence of the House. The Hon. Baronet concluded by moving that en humble address should be presented to her Majesty, respectfully stating that it is the opinion of this House that in the present critical state of many of her Ma jesty's foreign possessions in various parts of the world, it is essential to the well-being of her Majesty's colonial empire and of the many and important domestic interests which de pend on the prosperity of the colonies, that the Colonial Mi nister should be a person in whose diligence, forethought, judgment, activity, and firmness, this House and the public may be able to place reliance; and declaring, with all de ference to the constitutional prerogatives of the Crown, that her Majesty's present Secretary of State for the Colonies does not enjoy the confidence of this House or of the country. Mr. LEADER seconded the motion. Lord PALMERSTON rose to defend the Government, because, though the Hon. Baronet had chosen to select one Member of the Administration as the peg upon which he was pleased to hang that which was really and substantially an at tack on the Government at large, as it was an attack on the Government that he should consider the motion.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He must speak in this House plain English ; let them give to things their right names. The Government could not do otherwise than consider the motion to be an attack on them, and he would ask the House to consider it. In this country the Government was not an administration of separate and distinct departments, but, as was well known, the measures of every department were submitted to the con sideration of the Cabinet, and the Cabinet was responsible for all the outlines of the policy of each department, though the executive of the measures might rest with the departments themselves. He said, therefore, that it was as an act of the Cabinet that he wished to meet and dispose of this question. He did not at all complain of this attack or of the course which the Honourable Baronet pursued as being inconsistent wit's the principles of the Constitution or with Parliamen tary practice. It was, undoubtedly, quite competent to any person who might feel no confidence in the existing Govern ment to call the House to affirm and support his opinions— ( Hear, hear)—but in one respect, at least, the Hon. Baronet bad certainly produced a novelty in Parliamentary practice. It was perfectly natural that, when parties were nearly ba lanced, the leader of a great political party in this country be ing some man who by his former conduct had obtained the confidence of a large portion of the community, and being sur rounded by friends who would be induced by his talents and experience to assist him in forming that Administration which was to be the substitute for the one they intended to displace —it was perfectly natural that, under such circumstances, mo tions should be made by the leader of the party objecting to the mode in which they carried on the public service, and having for their object the dismissal of the Government it was desired to supplant. If, therefore, this motion had been submitted by the Right Honourable Baronet opposite, he should have been prepared to give his reasons why he thought it ought not to be adopted, but he could snake no objection to the quarter from whence it came.—( Hear, hear.) He would leave the House to determine whether the motion they were now considering was one of that description.—( Hear, hear.) He would not suggest the points of difference, but lie begged to say that motions of this kind did not is his judgment come with peculiar fitness from the quarter from which the present motion emanated.—( Hear, hear.) The Honourable Baronet, indeed, was not quite so successful in execution as he appeared to have been hostile in design.—( Laughter and cheers.) He had not shown that his power to strike was equal to his desire to wound.—( Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding the pompous announcement by which the Honourable Baronet's motion was ushered in—notwith standing the " call of the House" to hear his great attack on his Noble Friend, he must say that one of the most formidable of the difficulties he experienced in risisg to reply to it was that he was almost at a loss to find a charge which the Hon. Baronet had attempted to substantiate against his Noble Friend. The Honourable Baronet had gone through a long catalogue of colonies, on the administration of which h e bad made his remarks ; but the charges he had brought forward were founded on circumstances which originated in a perio I long antecedent to that in which his Noble Friend undertook the Colonial department ; and the Honourable Baronet almost in so many words, said he did not attach blame to his Noble Friend for those acts. The Honourable Ba ronet professed that he did mean this as an attack on the Governmant. He must say, however, that he judged the motion by the effect it would necessarily produce, rather than by the disclaimer by which it was accompanied. The Hon. Baronet expressed his hope that he should not be met by a reference to his former speeches, or by a supposition that be meant to promote by this motion the support of demecratical institutions. He (Lord Palmerston) must take leave to con trast the speech he had delivered to-night and the tendency of his motion with another speech which he had made not a long time ago, when the state of affairs was not altogether dif ferent from what it was at present. The Honourable Baro net said it was not his intention to dismiss the present Govern ment, but he also said it certainly would not break his heart if their dismissal were the consequence of his motion ; for he thought that under any other Government they would have a better state of things than now existed. Therefore, said he , if his motion had such a result, in his opinion the country would he benefited thereby. About four months ago the Hon. Baronet met his termer constituents in Cornwall, and he ( Lord Palmerston) begged to call the attention of the House to the manner in which he delivered his sentiments on that occasion, as to the state and prospects of the country and the condition of parties. In the latter daye of October he expressed great apprehension that the majority of the Go vernment was about gradually to disappear.—( Hear, hear.) He said that the Election Committees would make such a change in the relative force of parties, that he apprehended the Tories would soon have a majority in this House. "It is with unfeigned sorrow," said the lion. Baronet, " I declare that it is my sincere belief—and I cannot, under the influence of my wishes, alter this my belief, nor do I see any advantage that would he derived from blinding ourselves to the dark prospects before us—that the majority of the Government is fast disappearing. Ido not mean to attack or accuse her Majesty's Government—no advantage would result bom doing so at the present moment. I wish them to retain power, even if all we gain thereby is the proper distribution of patronage in Ireland. "—(Hear, hear.) These were the sentiments which the Hon. Baronet then expressed, aid at that same din ner one of the toasts given Was, " Her Majesty's Ministers so long as they study the interests of the Reformers of Great Britain,"—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from Sir William Molesworth)—for which toast Mr. Leader returned thanks.— ( Much laughter and ehecring.) If the lion. Baronet asserted that his olject was not the dismissal of the Government, he woul I ask him whether in his heart he believed that his mo tion, if carried, could have any other result ? Did they suppose that the Government could or would continue to administer .the affairs of the country if one of its members were declared to be unfit to hold that high trust? Why, if they could be so base and dishonourable, this House would not permit them to take such a course. No House of Commons would allow a Government to stand if it could consent to one of their number becoming a scape-goat to carry off the censure of this House. —( Cheers.) He would say that the Hon. Baronet had acted untidily by Lord Glenelg in making a motion against him which ought to have been made against the Government as a body. There was nothing in either the public or personal character of Lord Glenelg that could afThrd the slightest ex ewe for so ungenerous and unhandsome an attack —( Hear. ) lie was a man whose talents were admitted by all, the ten dency of whose principles was well known, and whose public services were ernitled to much gratitude.—( Hear.) He had been the supporter of liberal principles whatever department of the Government it had been his lot to fill. When in Ire laud he was, as he had ever shown - himself in this House, the steady advocate of the claims of the then oppressed Roman Catholics—( Loud cheers)—and that was in a time when the advocacy of the Roman Catholic claims was not the road to political advaetages.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) When at the Board of Trade, first as Vice- President, and subsequently as President, be was a steady sup porter of those liberal principles of political economy which %ere advocated by his eminent predecessor, Mr. Huskisson, who thereby brought down on himself the unmerited obloquy and malienant attacks of bigoted prejudice.—( Renewed cheers. ) Lord Glenelg, during the period he was President of the Board of Trade, was the framer and carrier through Parliament of that great measure which remodelled the Go vernmeet of our mighty empire in the East, and opened to the industry of the people of this country the commerce of that vast district, peopled by 100,000,000 of human beingi. And if that measure should, as he trusted it would, lead in future times to the establishment of an extensive commerce, when history should record the fact, and the light of truth Should he spread wide over those distant regions, it would be a matter of marvel that in the life-time of the Noble Lord who was the framer and r , asser of !hitt measure there was found in this House and in the ultra-liberal section of this House, a man Who could propose to Parlia ment the adoption of a motion declaring the Noble Lord incompetent to conduct the administration of the Colonial empire of this kingdom.—( Cheers.) He thought therefore, that the Ilonourable Baronet, in his anxiety to find a topic on which to found an attack against the Government, had not been fortunate in his selection of the colonial policy of the Government ; he theught that whether he acted on h s own . judgment, or who titer he had horn advised by per - sens who night have other view's—( Hear '—he bed anti d very unfortnuately and erroneously. The very " head and front" of his charge now against Lord Glenelg was what ? Why, the demoralized state of the penal colon) of New South Wales. So, forsrotb, Lord Glenelg was unfit to conduct the admiiiistration of the colonies, because the settlers of New South \Vales had not yet attained to the ;..erfection of angels. If the Honourable Beronet would get lid of the evile existing is that colony, he should propose an improvement in the law, for it was the law of this country, and not the administration of the colony under the law, that added to the demoralization of a bids he ccmpl.tined. Ile represented that persons hail b en allowed to remain by Lord Glenelg who had been ac tually removed. Ile represented measures to have been taken the Noble Lord which he had prevented ; he represented se Noble Lord as idle and inactive, when he '.vas buoy and Ily occupied—(Gies of " Hear," and laughter from the . e position benches)—lie represented him as indifferent to , c interests of the aboriginal inhabitants, though at the . ery moment that he made the charge he had in his hand the . eport of a Committee which declared that " the policy o f be Government had been everything that was humane , nd deserving of approbation on their part." — ( Hear.) e referred to New Zealand, and said that no steps had been . aleen by the Government for affording to the settlers of New y - caland that protection to which they were entitled. The ton. Baronet then went to the Mauritius, and reminded the Itlonse that in TBlO the Mauritius was in a disturbed state._ (A laugh.) He ;aid that when slavery existed, the slave trade *as carried on in the Mauritius. \Vhy, the facts he adduced as a grcand of imputation on the colonial policy of Lord Glenelg carried in themselves the most complete refutation, because that of which be complained took place before Lord !Glenelg was entrusted with the administration of the colonial 'affairs. He would say further that where formerly there was ;dissatisfaction there now prevailed content. The Hon. Baronet complained also of the state of affairs at the Cape. If there was a colony which he ( Lord Palmerston) would mention as particularly enabling him to refute the Hoa. Baronet's charge, he would name that very colony. The Hon. Baronet could not but be aware that the disturb ances at the Cape resulted from the encroachments of the settlers, which led them into constant collision with the na tives, and those encroachments had been put an end to by the enactments of the Government. When, too, the Hun. Baronet told them of the emigration of those people who had gone cestwaid, lie begged to reply that the reason they took their departure was because they were prevented from continuing; that system of persecution against the aborigines who, the Hon. Baronet said, ought to he protected, Why, he began by describing the conduct of the Dutch, as if their having pursued a system of encroachment upon the natives was enough to prove Lord Glenelg's unfitness to remain the Colonial Secretary. Then he stated that affairs at Sierra Leone did not go on to his liking. He, however, himself admitted that no blame was on that account imputable to Lord Glenelg. If so, why did he allude to it at all ? Why did he mention it in his motion ?—( Hear.) The Hon. Ba ronet next complained of the recal of certain Governors. Did he suppose that they ware to remain in the colonies all their lives? Did he not know that they were only expected to stay a certain period ? In some of the cases in which there had been a recal, the Governors had performed their period of service; in others they were recalled before the expiration of the full time; but did the lion. Baronet suppose that in so extensive a system as that of our colonial establishment diffe rences would not occur without, perhaps, involving any per sonal blame to either party, in which the Government, look ing to the interest of the colony, would find it necessary to dispense with the services of the Governor.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Hon. Baronet had said that no arrange ment had been made by the Government to provide for the state of Jamaica at the time when the period of apprentice ship would expire. He was entirely mistaken as to that fact. --(Hear.) He had here spoken on a subject on which he had no adequate information: he ought to know that the Go. vernment had been collecting the information necessary to the final proceedings ; and so far from the subject having. escaped their attention, it had, in fact, very much occu pied their thoughts. The Honourable Baronet then proceeded to Canada ; and he must say, though he could not compli. ment him either on the effectiveness of his speech, or the ge neral judgment he showed in the selection of his topics, yet there was something in the light manner in which lie touched on that subject which did exhibit more judgment than he had evinced in any other portion of his speech, and which made it evident that the explanations the Government had given had not been entirely thrown away on the Honoura ble Baronet. If he were to name any one point on which he would rest the vindication of the Colonial policy of the Go vernment, he would mention the case of Canada.—(Laughter from the Opposition benches and cheers from the Ministerial.) What had happened ? What was the state of the Canadas ? Why, did any man suppose—was any man so ignorant—were even the Honourable Gentlemen opposite, who had attended to what had passed on this subject in the debates in this House, were they so ignorant as not to know that the dissatis faction in Canada did not date its origin from the period when Lord Glenelg took office?—(Cheers.) How must his Noble Friend the Member for North Lancashire (Lord Stanley) have blushed at that laugh.—(Hear, hear.) How must he have felt the deep, the gross ignorance of his friends on this subject —( Renewed cheering)—when they supposed that the com plaints of the Canadians originated at the time of the appoint meet to office of Lord Glenelg. He might unhesitatingly de. clare that the dissatisfaction had been in one province entirely removed, and in the other it had been greatly diminished. The events of the last few months in Canada proved, ii the most incontestable manner, the wisdom of the administration of her Majesty's Government there.—(Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition side of the House.) Why, there had been a revolt, and how was that revolt put down? Some of the French in Lower Canada took up arms, and were they supported in their insurrection b y the great mass of the French in that country ? On the contrary, did they not remain firm and loyal to their Sovereign, and was not that a proof that they felt that their connection with this country was more desirable than separation ? But what had hap pened in Upper Canada was a stronger proof that there had been a proper administration of the affairs of that colony. Only a short time ago the province in question was in a state of extreme discontent—it was bordering on revolution ; the supplies were refused ; the machine of government was almost interrupted ; and if only a spark had fallen on the inflammable materials which abounded in the colony, the result must have been most deplorable.—( Hear.) What had happened? A few desperate men had attempted, in the first place, to take the capital of the province; they were repelled by the inhabitants without the aid of a single soldier of the line.—( Hoar.) A band of foreign invaders was repelled on the eastern confines of the province by the Canadians themselves. A similar at tempt had been made in the west, and was attended with simi lar results. lie would eay, then, that a province that had acted so nobly as the ere). ince of Upper Canada, there having existed there extreme discontent, did give proof that the administra tion of the colony must have beets deserving the appro bation of Parliament.—( Hear. bear, hear.) The colo nies, taken as a whole, were prosperous and tranquil, with the simple exception of that which had lately occurred in the rovince of Canada, and there no ground existed for the attack of the Honourable Baronet. Flow had affairs stood in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia ? They were in a state of discontent little short of that which had existed in Canada. What was their state now ? They were perfectly satisfied and perfectly loyal.—( Hear, hear, hear.) III:, therefore, contended that the very statements of the Honourable Baronet—the very instances he had quoted —so far from justifying the motion he had made, ought Ito be taken as evidence against it. If the Hon. Baronet's 1 motion were brought forward for the direct purpose of accom plishing the removal of her Majesty's Government, it was fit ting that the House sheltie' understand the question on which they were going to vote, and that they should see what were the consequences to which that vote was to lead. Did the Hon. Baronet propose, as it was almost to be inferred he did from something that dropped from him in the course of Isis speech, wherein he said it did not follow that because the pre sent Government was removed the Hon. Gentlemen opposite were to come into office. Did the llou_urable Baronet meat —he presumed he did not—that it was possible lie might be required to steer the vessel of the state.—( hear, hear, and a laugh.) Why, that might be thrown out as a sort of jeer no doubt, but then the Honourable Bironet had followers. He ( Lord Palmerston) did not know their number—(a laugh) —and he had yet a point or two to settle with them, for some of his doctrines of colonial policy were not quite such as were entertained by some of the Honourable Gentlemen who wool] vote with him to-night. He was, however, sure the Hon. Baronet did not wish the House to suppose that if his motion were carried he was ready to take upon lii.nself the conduct of the affairs of the country. The Hon. Gentlemen opposite, then, would be, they must, be, the parties who were to sue ceed the existing Government, and that being so, he would ask the House whether, in the present state of the country, whether, with reference to the affairs of Canada er Ireland, they would have a chance of conducting the public business with advantage to the country or with credit to themselves. As regarded Canada, he was sure it would be admitted that things might be done by the present Government which would not he accepted equally well by some of the lion Gentlemen opposite. It was true that the revolt was put down, but much remained for them to do to establish tranquillity and content in the Provinces ; and he did not think that persons dispcsed to take the views which the Honourable Gentlemen before him were in time habit of taking, would be as able as he and his honourable colleagues were to bring the affairs of these colonies to a satisfactory arrangement. But did the) iTmgine that they could govern Ireland I—(Checre) Must that House believe that these Hon. Gentlemen could carry on the affairs of this ccuotry with Ireland in a state of discontent, and which was now in peace and tranquillity ?—( Cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh !" from Odposition Members.) Were they to pacify Ireland by a sy s t ern of administration which marked its . course and carried on it s governme nt by " the Kentish tires-?"—(The conclusion of the sentence was lost in loud cheers) Perhaps the lion. Baronet l oo ked to a mixed Ad ministration—( Hear)—to that which was called on the Conti nent a Government of fusion.—( Laughter. ) Perhaps the Hon. Baronet might think that, whe n h e had triumphed, he and the Right lion. Baronet th e M em b er f or 'l auto might meet upon the field of v i c t or y an d t h en di v id e t h e s p o il ..._( Cheers and Laughter)—nr possibly his noble friend the Member for North Lancashire in;egise , : e associaied with them to wake up the triumvirate.—(Cheers and iaseg,htt.r.) But what curious sacrifices must not the members of this triumvi rate be called upon to meke, for on no principle could they act together f The lion. Baronet would be obliged to sur- The bight render Ireland to Orang e d omination.— ( Cheers.) THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH_ 7, 1838 Hon. Baronet and his Noble Friend the Member fur Not th Lancashire would have to give up their opposition to the laillon box, and to abandon Came:a to the tendsr mercies of Mr. Pepinean and his ally Mr. 'Alt Kenzie.—( Cheers.) Ilow, then were those pieties to act ? Canada and Ireland were elike to be abandoned for the sake of followin g in Westm i nster the example of Mary leboec.—( Loud cheers) For the sake ea secu ring a union of the two err( mos, they were to declare them elves against the only questiou urn se - Lich men could act with fairness and justice to the two countries. He said that the motion of the Hon Barenut, if well founded, was misplaced on the question of Canada, and he must add that it was not onl y unieunded, but also unseasonable. Why did not the lion. Beronct propose the removal of the proseut Government before the Canada Bill was passed ?—( Hear, hear.) Why, if the lion. Barenet thought that the Govern ment was unfit to administer Colonial affeirs in ordinary times—why did he invest the same Government with the dictatorial 'towels that had been conferred by that 11111? The Hon. Baronet, the Momb r fur Leeds, might say, .hat he had opposed the Bill—lie knew that the Huitourahle Baronet had done se ; but then let them see in what contra diction It • had involved himself. The Hon. Bassinet chase to oppose the Bill when he knew that he had not a hope of pie venting its passing. Did he not see Hon. Gentlemen oppo si e support the Bill ? Did he not find them to state that the Bill had their support? If the Hon. Baronet wanted to pre vent the Bill from passing, why riot propose the removal of the Government before the vote had passed ? He did no such thing ; hut while the vote was pending, he opposed the Bill and Isfc the Government unassailed ; and, r.o.v that the Bill had passed, ho left the Bill alone and attacked the Govern ment.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He allowed the workmen to finish the work, and, when it was concluded, then he would remove the workmen without venturing to touch the work ( Hear, hear.) Bat then he said he would place them in bet ter bands. In whose hands was he about to piece the execu tive powers? Why, he was about to place his executive 'sewers in the hands of men whom he had stated, not four months ago, that the prospect of their secession to office was a black and dark prospect indeed.—(Cheers and laughter.) He could not but say that such a course as that pursued by the Hon. Baronet was one that was perfectly inconsistent—( Hear. ) —and he must tell the Hon. Member for Leeds, that if he were ambitious of becoming the leader of a party, he must at least improve himself in a knowledge and practice of Parlia mentary stratagems.—( Laughter.) He said, then, that it would be a task of supererogation in him to attempt to refute charges which had, in fact, refuted themselves. He said that they (the Government) considered this as a motion plainly and avowedly for the removal of the Government—( Hear)._ and they would not accept it as a motion only as against Lord Glenelg singly —( Hear, hear.) He would not meet the 'no tion by any indirect course—such as by moving " the pre. vious question."—(Cheers, which were responded to by Mem bers on the Opposition Benches.) He should meet it with a plain and simple negative.—( Loud cheers.) He should meet it with a plain and simple negative, as a motion simply, plainly, and unequivocally calling upon that House to declare that it had no confidence in her Majesty's present Government.— ( Hear, hear.) lie begged of the House thus to treat the mo tion, and thus to view it in its true and proper light.—( Hear, hear.) He begged to conclude by stating, that it was his in tention to vote against the motion. The Hon. Baronet wished the House to conic to a direct vote. He, to avoid that, should not have recourse to any of those Parliamentary means which the Hon: Baronet seemed to expect he would resort to—he should simply and plainly say " No" to the lion. Member's Address.—( Cheers.) t h t heeir conducthe Gover n ment cerliilyeocl iii oo u colonial and theiu lad notpnad minis tration disapproved e y Canada Mr. HALL was anxious to take that early opportunity of stating the reasons on which he should ground his vote on the present occasion. Its reference to what had falleu from the Noble Lord who had just sat down, he considered it right for his own justification to state, that he (Mr. Hall) did not with agree th in e o fmanycol Noble o Lord r ni es a p l e c affairs, ff t respects ra with st and i in a e n a y r, degree hear. the ik brightest condemned gem thatin titc ) poiay, to w ardsincr of the course which the Government had adopted towards aee that country. With respect to the question before the House, he could not help regretting that his Hon. Friend had not taken the course which he generally adopted, of meeting every matter in the most open, manly, and straightforward manner. In levelling an attack against his Noble Friend at the head of the Colenial Department the Hon. Baronet had taken, if not an unjust, at least an ungenerous course.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord was merely a part of the present Government ; his conduct was sanctioned by his colleagues, and, if censure was applicable to one, it equally applied to the whole of the Ministry ; and the motion, instead of being directed against an individual, should have been framed so as to include all those who were parties to that policy which his Hon. Friend desired to censure.—( Hear, hear.) In the annals of Parliament it was difficult to find any precedent for a motion like the present. The instance most similar was that of Mr. Fox in 1779, when that Right Hon. Gentleman introduced his motion against the conduct of Lord Sandwich. But then, again, how different was the situation of Mr. Fox to that of his Hon. Friend. Mr. Fox was the leader of a great and influential party in the House ; he was the chosen organ for the expression of their sentiments ; he was the leader of a large minority directly opposed to the Government of the day ; and with all deference to his Hon. Friend, ho must say, that he stood in a very different position from that which the Hon. Baronet occupied, whose only support would ensue from his strongest political opponents.—(hear, hear.) Mr. Fox also at the time he impugned the conduct of Lord Sandwich, took special care that a similar motion should be brought forward in the House of Lords when Lord Sandwich himself might answer the accusations brought against him ; but had his Hon. Friend taken care that such should be the case in the present instance ? Had he found any individual Peer, Noble or Learned, or both, to bring forward this same question in the House of Lore's ?—( Cheers.) With regard to the motion be fore them, the Noble Lord who had preceded him had en tered at some length into a defence of Lord Glenelg and the Government, hut he (Mr. Hall) desired to confine himself to the consequences which would ensue if this motion were car ried ; and ente.rtaieing opinions upon many subjects in coinci dence with those expressed by the Hon. Baronet, he would ask his Hon. Friend, supposing the motions were carried, did ho think they would gain anything by placing in office those against whom they were most diametrically opposed.— ( Hear.) For his part he could not vote for the present motion ; he could not agree in a proposition, the natural con sequence of which was to displace the present Government in order to replace it with the Gentlemen sitting opposite. lie could not think that the opinions he entertained were more likely to be carried nut by the Tories than by the present /Will nistration. Did his lion. Friend suppose that if the name of Lord Melbourne were expunged front the list of her Majesty's Councils, that they should derive any advantage from the sub stitution of that of the Noble Loeil, the Member for North Lancashire, in his place? Did he think this would be a change fir the bettor ? And yet this would bit the probable consequence of success attending the present motion.—( Hear, hear.) Aud with respect to Ireland, his Honourable Friend would surely not maintain that the conduct of the Noble Earl at ti c head or that Government had not been productive of the greatest blessings and the greatest satisfaction to its inha bitants, or had not been marked with the strictest justice and impartiality. He was not prepared to place the reins of power in the hands of Gentlemen opposite ; he would not sanction by his vote the dominion of the Orange faction ag ain in Ire land.---( Hear, hear.) And believing that Lord Mulgiave's Administration was good, he would not support the return to power of that individual whom Lord Mulg rave s ucceeded , and one of whose first acts was to raise to the office of Privy Coun cillors some of the most violent Orangemen in that country, and over whose head, when he appeared in public, orange flags had waved in token of his d evo tion to the cause of which they are the acknowledged symbols.—( Cheers. ) If he believed that this motion would have a contrary effect to that which he anticipated—if instead of bringing in a Tory Government it would produce one of a more liberal de scription, calculated to give flesh vigour to those liberal principles which his Honourable Friend and himself enter tained in common with each other—he would follow a very .ditT rent course. But believing, as he did, that the motion, if carried, would unquestionably have the effect he dreaded, he would not be guilty of such dangerous, or such miserable double dealing as to support a vote which would first bring the Tories into power, and then become a party to passing another vote, that they were 001 h unworthy of the confi dence of the country.—( Cheers. ) Lord SANDON thought th.tt his Noble Friend the Secre tary for Foreign AtT,irs hal put the question upon its proper basis.—( Hear, hear.) Ile agreed, too, that this was a kind of motion which ought not to be directed against an individual Member of the Government.—( Hear, hear.) lie did not think it was highly constitutional or highly convenient, aid, above all, lie dad not think that it was just to have an address such as was then before them directed against a single indi. vilual. lie had personal real ins which made it impossible for him to support it. Having the pleasure of knowing the Noble Lord, it was impossible for him to agree to such an ad dress. Every man who was acquainted with the distinguished tilente, the high abilities, and the admirable private life of that Noble Lord, must feel it to be impossible to consent to be a party to the attack thus made upon him.—( Hear, hear.) lie had heard nothing which could be imputed to the Noble Lord as a personal charge ; there was a mere general charge of mad-administration. There was no charge of malversation. There was no one fault said to have been committed by the Noble Lord that was not one in which the whole Cabinet had It was the . general policy of th e G overnme nt conc urred. which the lion. 13eronet had attacked upon this occa si et. For instance, the resolutions of last s ear—they had list been introduced by Lord Glenelg, but had been bi ought forward by the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home De partment.—( ilear.) The sought—end very in,sought, turall indeed they did not dis guise their wish—that the House should, by a direct negative .0 the address, give its approbation to the po n c e y they had pursued. He could not consent to the Address—he could not accede to the latter course , . Perhaps the Noble Lord did not deem it safe or convenient to ask for a direct vote of approbation.— ( • Hear ) They were then forced to express an opinion He was • not a party to extreme political measures; but at the same time lie felt that when there was a question before the House which was line upon which his constituents had the deepest interest, he was bound to speak out. He knew of no part of the empire which had so deep an interest in the maintaining a proper connection with their North American Colonies as the town of Liverpool... 4 Hear.) It was curious that between the third and routeh part or the trade of Liverpool, ether than that by the coastin g li n e, was carried on with their North American colonies. Those, then, engaged in that trade had requested him to direct his most anxious attention to the maintenance of the connection with their North American colonies. Having formed a decided and distinct opiaion, and one wh ich was in accordance with the opinion or his constituente, he believed he should not discharge his duty if he did not express those °mop fO-17,—(Hear.) , In this position, then, he thought it most convenient to state the course which he meant to take. The question before the House was one calling upon them to acquiesce in an address to the Crown, calling upon her Majesty to remove Lord Glen rig. In that address being unable to acquiesce, he meant to propo-s as an amendm'nt the following : " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, to express to her Majesty our deep regret that the tranquillity of her Majesty's Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada should have. been disturbed by the wicked and treasonable designs of a d'saffected party in those Provinces, by w hich man y of the inhabitants have been seduced into open revolt against the au thority of hor Majesty. To assure her Majesty that we have observed with the utmost satisfaction the zeal and fidelity which have animated the loyal inhabitants of her nijosty'a North American Provinces, and that we cordially rejoice in the suc cess which has attended the exettions of her Majesty's regular forces, combined with the voluntary services of her Majesty's faithful subjects. To assure her Majesty of our continued de termination to aid her Majesty in every ett,rt which she may lie called upon to make for the suppression of revolt and the comdlete restoration of tranquillity, professsing at the same time our desire to afford redress for every real grievance, and mlturely to consider such permanent arrangements for the constitution and government of the Province of Lower Ca nada, as may best secure the rights and liberties, and promote the interests, of all classes of her Majesty's subjects in that Province. Humbly to represent to her Majesty, that it ap p rs to us upon a consideration of the documents and corre spondence relating to the North American Provinces which her Majesty has been graciously pleased to communicate to this House. that the open defiance of her Majesty's lawful au thority in the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, and the necessity of suppressing rebellion by force of arms, and of suspending the Constitutional Government of Lower Canada, are in a great degree attributable to the want of foresight and energy on the part of her Majesty's confidential servants, and to the ambiguous, dilatory, and irresolute course which they have pursued in respect to the affairs of Canada since their appointment to office." He continued by saying that he hoped Hon. Gentlemen op posite would recognise in this address the fair and frank ex ixession of their opinions on that side of the House —( Cheers from Members on the Ministerial benches.) It was in te cordairce with the expressions which they bad all along enter tained, and which they had given distinct utterance to when discussing the resolutions last year. His motion, it would be perceived, did not lead him so far back in the history of Canada as the Hon. Baronet had gone.—( Cheers from Minis terial Members.) He understood what that cheer insinuated —it meant that the disorders in the Canadas did not begin with the present Government.—( Hear.) He agreed with them ; but then the question was this, had there not been a period in which the present Government had a fair and open field before them, in which they might have remedied the evils existing ; but which opportunity they by dilatoriness and neglect had lost ?—( Hear, hear.) Was not the Report of the Committee of 1828 received with the greatest satis faction by the House of Assembly ? In 1831 the Admi nistration had, with overweening confidence, given up to the Assembly the management of their funds. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire had said that they ought not to abandon the management of the re venue.—[At this portion of the speech of the Noble Lord he was completely inaudible.] He was understood to say that on the present Chancellor of the Exchequer coming into office the course previously pursued bad been abandoned. He thought, too, that there had not been sufficieut clearness and distinctness on the part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer with the Canadian deputation, and to that must be attributed a great deal of the misapprehension that followed. That Right Honourable Gentleman said that when he went out o f office he had a plan for settling the whole of the Cana dian question, and yet of that plan they had never since heard. In the interval the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tamworth came into office, and he proposed sending out as Commissioner to Canada a Noble Lord distin guished for the amenity of his demeanour. Her Majesty's Ministers, however, had returned to office, and, instead of one, they had sent out three Commissioners, and the duty which it was expected they would have performed in a month it took them three years to execute, and the result was, that though they differed from one another upon almost every point, they agreed in one, and came to the same conclusion with the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, that the funds which, in a fit of generosity, they had abandoned, ought to be resumed by this country.—(Hear, hear.) Now what, he asked, was the result of all their inquiries ? Did her Majesty's Government adopt the course recommended to them, and which was the result of two years' deliberation ?—( Hear, hear.) What had been the result of the conduct pursued by her Majesty's Government ? Had it advanced any one point at issue nearer to a settlement? On the contrary, ho thought that their policy was deserving of the character of being irresolute, dilatory, and ambiguous, which he, in the address he had read, attributed to it.—( Hear, hear.) He would re for to some of the papers which had been laid on the table of the House, and which bore upon this subject. He could not but observe that Lord Gosford was perfectly sensible of the way in which he was crippled, by the want of assistance from the Home Government. Lord Gosford, in a dispatch of the Sitli of November, complained that he had had no opportu nity of showing practically what were his political views, and of showing his determination to redress well-founded griev ances, but, he added, that it was then too late to talk about it. —(Hear.) Did not this show how much Lord Gosford was crippled by the want of assistance and instructions from the Home Government ?—( Hear. ) And, again, as to the selec tion of the Members of the Executive Council; Lord Gos furd, after having been kept waiting idly for many months, was at length informed from the Colonial-office that he might select whom he pleased to fill the office of Executive Coun cillor. Might not this 83 well have been done in the first in stance ?—( Hear.) If it were right at last it surely wois right in the beginning. But there was another point on which he confessed he felt very strongly the conduct of the Govern ment. He alluded to the want of a sufficient number of troops in the provinces of Canada when the rebellion took place. He knew that a great leader, the first chief of the age, had taken a different view of this case.—(Hear, hear.) But he thought that this opinion was confined to a military Opinion, to the effect that there were troops sufficient to retain the provinces in obedience ; and no doubt this result jus tified this opinion. But he ( Lord Sandon) thought that the question entirely turned upon whether there were troops suf ficient to prevent the rebellion. —( Hear, hear.) It was true the rebellion had been suppressed, but in what way ? Was it by means of the regular troops, acting under perfect control? No, it was necessary to create a volunteer force, and to convert the suppresion of rebellion into something of the character of a civil war, and to excite the passions of the population. In his opinion, all the ir regularities, all the difficulties, and all the ill-blood that had arisen was to be attributed to the neglect of the Govern ment, which had left no alternative but the employment of a volunteer force. —( Hear, hear.) A remarkable opinion had been expressed with regard to the Government by one who had been on the scene of the insurrection. Sir Francis Head, on the 21st of April, 1336, said that he was perfectly confident that there would be no difficulty in crushing the rebellious party in Canada. and establishing principles of loyalty, if the loyal inhabitants were not afraid that the Home Government would not support them? On what was this fear founded? On the irresolute course pursued by the Government, and from the fact of their favouring those par ties who avowed themselves the strongest advocates of the Canadian insurqtrit. , . The favourable reception given in England to Mackenzie had had the effect of cowing the loyal and of encouraging the insurgents. The people of Canada were incapable of understanding the difficulties under which the Home Government was acting, arid looking only to their acts, they were afraid to rely on the Government for support.—( Cheers from the Opposition Benches.) They had on the present occasion a number of gentlemen opposite who denounced the conduct of the Government with respect to Canada, but he suspected that the same party would cling very closely to the party in power if they re quired their support at any future election. Neither slid lie think that that support would be refused. If the Hon. Member for Westminster were again a candidate, he (Lord Sandon) had no doubt but that the Comptroller of her Majesty's Household would again preside over his Com mittee, and the Secretary for Foreign Affairs would be one of the first to vote fur him.—( Cheers from the Opposition.) On the present occasion, indeed, he thought that but a very small party would surround the Honourable Baronet the Mem ber for Leeds, although many of tile Honourable Gentlemen opposite had expressed the strongest opinion on the Canadian policy pursued by her Majesty's Government, and had told the Government in plain terms that the cases of Canada and Ire land were perfectly identical, and the only difference between M. Papin:au and Mr. O'Connell was, that the name of the on e began with a " P" and the other with an " o."—(Cries of " Oh, oh," and laughter.) He had not solicited this ques tion. It was not by any arrangement of the party with whom ire acted 'and the Honourable Baronet (Sir W. Nlolesworth) that this question had been brought forward. That Hen. 13aronet had moved a call of the House, and this compelled them to express their opinions ; and this being the case, as honest arid honourable men, without fear or favour, and with out cutting and carving their expressions, but in plain and simple language, he and those who acted w ith him were de termined to express their opinions. The Noble Viscount ( Palmerston) had expressed his apprehension of a coalition being formed between the Ilon. Baronet opposite (Sir Wm. Molcsworth) and those who sat behind him (Lord Sandon) ; and the Noble Viscount dwelt on the sacrifice of opinions which must naturally take place in the case of such a fusion Government.—( Hear, hear.) He did not think that the Noble Viscount had any right to complain on this head.— (Clie2rs. ) The Noble Viscount supported an Established Church, but a great portion of those by whom the Govern ment was supported were opposed to an Established Church. To e Noble Viscount supported the House of Lords, but many ef those who usually voted with the Noble Viscount declared that the House of Lords was a public nuisance, and ought to be abolished. There were many other questions, such as the shortening of Parliaments, the Extension of the Suffrage, and the Vote by Ballot, upon which there was not a little difference of opinion between the Government arid many of their supporters, and indeed apparently between themselves and a portion of their own body.--( Loud cheers front the Op position.) Having, as he hoped, thus discharged his duty, he would conclude by moving the address which he had al ready read to the House. Th e question having been put from the Chair, Mr. LABOUCEIERF, had not the honour of holding such a situation in the Conneils of her Majesty as to entitle him to claim an immediate share of the responsibility which the other M e mbers of the Government had in the co l on i a l p o licy which was the matter of debate that night; but as far as giving his cordial approbation to that policy in all its main features, as far as he was able, as a Member of that House, to take upon himself a share of that responsibility, in honour and conscience he felt bound to do so on the present occasion, He said in all its main features, because he took it for granted that this i hearty rejoicing of his Right Ilon. Friend that the question question would not be discussed on trivial points or on trifling iliad been fairly brcught to issue, he (Lord Stanley) would details. He trusted that it was not on such ground 3 that he have thought the bolder and fairer course would have been to was to be called upon to pass censure upon her Majesty's move resolutions declaring that Government did enjoy the Government.—( Hear, hear.) He apprehended that the Ones- confidence of the country.—( Cheer's.) Ile concluded tion was, whether in the course of the Colonial affairs with that Ministers a ould take the course of saying, '"f he which it had been the misfortune and eot the fault of the pre- motion of the Honourable Member for Leeds is open to a sent Government that they had to deal—( Hear, hear)—V% he- technical objectiou ; there are objections deeply felt on both ther in that course they had acted in such a rasnner as that it sides of the House to singline cut an individual Minister for became that House to continue the confidence which they the censure of the House. We are all responsible alike, we had hitherto reposed in them, or whether their conduct had declare that our Colonial policy is the brightest gem in our been such that it was the duty of the House immediately to political diadem—( A leugh)—and we declare that there is take steps to prevent the continuance of t'sat confidenc e ? The nothing we rejoice in so much as that the approbation cf the Noble Lord (Lord Sandon) stated in his speech that lie House should be fully and fairly tested on our Canadian moved his amendment very reluctantly and upon compulsion. policy." If they wished to meet the question fairly they He (Mr. Labouchere) readily believed that the Noble L ord w o u ld make no technical objections, but would rejoice in an Was serious.—( Loud cheers.) Ile firmly believed that the opportunity of meeting the charges against their policy.-- Noble Lord, and those immediately around him, had made ( Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend in making his motion this mation most unwillingly, and under strong compulsion. of censure against the whole Government—a motion not ex -( Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He (Mr. tending over so large a geographical space as that of the Labouchere) greatly mistook if that compulsion hail not come, Honourable Baronet, but i referring to a case large i n fact, al not from the benches on that (the Ministerial) side of t he though not too lar g e for investigation in all essential points— House, but from the pressure from behind Loud cheers stated broadly the opinion the House entertained of Go from the Ministerial benches),—which was so extreme and so vernment, and challenged its M em b ers t o mee t the urgent that it was found impossible to resist it.—( Renewe d question by fair discussion.—( Hear, hear.) But sonic Gen cheering.) He blamed neither the leaders of the great par t y tlemen said that the present was a strange time for mooting opposite, nor any of those lion. Gentlemen. They were flushed the quest on. lie would answer for his Noble Friend—the with what they considered certain recent victories.—(Opposi- motive fur the deaay of the motion was forbearance.— tion cheers.) He thought it very natural that those Hon. ( Hear, hear, hear.) At the time when it was doubtful Gentlemen opposite should spur on their leaders a little, and whether rebellion would not be immediately successful—when insist upon this battle.--(Cheers From the Ministerial benches.) treason was looking more preposterous than any British sub- He must say this far, that he considered it a great misforn . ject wished it to do, at the time when the Go v e rnmen t had tune that this country should be kept in a constant state of rendered it doubtful whether the efforts of all parties combined uncertainty as to whether the Government was to stand or could preserve Canada to the Crown—they felt, on that side, fall.—( Hear, hear.) Thinking this, as a member of the that all party questions must sink.—(llear, hear, and loud House of Commons he did heartily rejoice that the question cheers.) They were invited to join in an address to the Crown was fairly before the House.—( Loud cheers ) He was sure of loyalty and support, and they felt that, whatever responsi in anything be should say the Noble Lord (Lord Saadon) bility Government had incurred with regard to Canada, that would not suspect him of going out of his way to make any- was not the time to throw any difficulties in the way of the thing like a personal attack ; but ne must sty he had ob- servants of her Majesty.—( Hear, hear.) B u t new , if they served with some surprise the attack upon his Noble Friend believed his Noble Friend, they had arrived at a time of great ( Lord Glenelg) proceed from that quarter.—(Cheers.) He tranquillity ; they were no longer:restrained by those considc ( Mr. Labouchere) had for many y e ars ac t e d frequently and cor- rations, and, having given their support to the Crown to put dially with the Noble Lord (Lord Sandon) on Canadian policy, down rebellion, they were fully at liberty to express their opi and however they might diff e r on an y ot h er su bj ec t, he did Ilion on the conduct which had tended to produce it. But, he hope and believe that they entertained very much the same would ask, were we really in that happy position, with respect opinions oil our Canadian policy at the present moment. to Canada, which had been so gl o wi ng ly d escr ib e d ? W as Recollecting, therefore, the part which the Nobl e L o rd ( Lord th e re nothing to apprehend, was peace restored, was order re- Sandon) had taken on every occasion upon the affairs of the established, was insurrection quelled? If this were rea ll y so-- Canadas, he was surprised to hear the Noble Lo rd passing a if things were thus happily re-adjusted—where was the neces. censure on Lord Glenelg's proceedings. If there was any one sity of resorting to such a strong measure as the suspension of who he thought agreed in the general scope and temper of the Canadian Constitution? If we had conciliated the attach his Noble Friend's ( Lord Glenelg's) policy, it was the Noble ment and affections of the Canadians, where was the plea for such Lord, judging from the Noble Lord'slarevious conduct. —( Hear, a proceeding ? His Hon. Friend who last spoke had alluded hear.) lie could not help, therefore, stating that he was sur- to the Committee of 1828, and went back to even an earlier prised at the motion of the Noble Lord, and at the time period, and entered into a discussi on , not o f th e po i nts a t pro chosen to snake it.—( Hear, bear.) He could not help asking sent at issue, but of the conduct of the preceding Adminis why it was this address was not brought forward when all the (ration. It was not for him (Lord Stanley) to enter upon documents which furnished the grounds of the attack were such discussions, or to defend the conduct of tho se Govern upon the table of the House, and why gentlemen opposite, if ments with which he had no connection. He would not, they believed the conduct of the G ove rnment so culpable as however, thus pass by the ob s er v ati ons o f hi s N o bl e F r iend they appeared to think it, did not then express their sense of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, who animadverted on the that conduct?—(Cheers.) H e cou ld not suppose th a t the inconsistency of any junction amongst persons holding dif difference of their altered conduct bad arisen from the altera- ferent opinions. —(Loud cheers and laughter from the Opposi tion of circumstasces which had since taken place. That was tion, followed by counter-cheers from the Ministerial a period of considerable alarm—( Cheers)—and of great re- Benches.) His Noble Friend had assumed a supposition, and sponsibility.—(Renewed cheers.) Most threatening clouds hinted at a possibility which never could ha ve en t ere d into at that time obscured the vision, and no man was clear-sighted any other imagination than his own, namely, that a june enoueh to predict what would be the issue of the impending tion was about to be formed betw e e n th e H on. B aron et storm,' and he must say that the Honourable Gentleman oppo- the Member for Leeds and the Right Hon. Baronet the site, in the course which they then took, shrunk from all respon- M ember for Tamworth.—( Laughter.) H e (L or d Stan l e y) sibility.—( Loud cheers from the islinisierial Benches, re- did not know, whether any such jun c ti on was on t h e lap i s, b u t i turned from the Opposition side.) He fu ll y agreed n the lie should like to ascertain from his Noble Friend opposite expressions which had fallen from his Noble Friend, that the whether be (Lord Palmerston) int en d e d to b ecome a House was to decide the question as to what had been the partner in the firm ?—( Roars of laughter, frequently renewed.) cause of the unfortunate state in which Canada now was; If the Noble Lord had not such an intention perhaps he but in order to come to a right decision it was necessary to would permit him to call to his mind that during a longer pc look a little further back, and to take a somewhat wider riod than memory could carry him back his Noble Friend view than the Noble Lord had done. On a former occa- had formed one in every existing Cabinet. --(R e newed sion, when he (Mr. Labouchere) had addressed the House, laughter.) His Noble Friend was accused o f ineonsistencY he had not troubled them with many observations on this for charging the present Government with neglect, and the poiut, though he did not scruple to say that there was blame reason assigned was that the had made a similar c harge to be attributed to the colonial Government ; but at that against former Administrations. Surely, if ever there wan period— a test of consistency it was to be found in the very accusation made against his Noble Friend.—(Hear, hear.) They were invited by the motion of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Leeds to enter into a discussion with respect to the con duct of Government, and especially to that portion of it which related to the Colonial Department. They did not feel them selves in a position to accede to the motion—neither did they feel themselves warranted in meeting it with a nega tive.—(Hear, hear.) They were, th ere f ore , compe lled to, come forward with a resolution o f th e i r own, condemnatory of the ambiguous and irresolute conduct of the G o vernmentl which, he would not say created th e diffi cu l t i es t h a t existed in the colonies, but which permitted them to ripen into redid lution.—( Cheers.) They compl a in e d th a t Governmentdi not exhibit sufficient firmness, vigour, and determination to avert the calamities which had unhappily occurred.—( Hear.) His Right Honourable Friend opposit e (Mr. Labouchere ) was mistaken with respect to the Bill of 1834, prepared by hire( Lord Stanley). That Bill had never been referred to t he Committee appointed, on Canadian affairs. When he was aske d by a friend of his not now in the House, whether he intended to refer the Bitt to the Committee be answered that such was not his intention. Indeed he obtained leave to bring in the Bill the same night. An Hoer. MEMBER on the Ministerial benches here ex pressed his dissent. Lord STANLEY begged pardon—he might have been mistaken--( Ministerial cheers)—but he stated that night that it was the intention of Government to go on with the Bill without any reference to the Commit tee. —( Opposition cheers.) It was true that several gentlemen, who did not think Go vernment sufficiently informed as to the state of Canada, pressed him not to carry the Bill under the Committee re turned their Report. To that request he had acceded, but he at the same time expressed his determination to carry the Bil e should he remain in office. B e f ore it was transm itted to the Committee, however, he had ceased t o h o ld th e s eals of th e Colonial-office. Those who succeeded as k e d hi m if lie had any personal objection that the evid ence g i ven before th e Committee should be laid before Parlia men t ? H e replied had none if any good object could b e th ere b y e ff e cted, a," d hoped it would show that Government h a d se d u l ou sly apphe itself to remedy the Canadian grieva nces . F rom this pperiodit was that he dated the commenceme n t o f th a t i rr esolution. imbecility, and ambiguity which had since so lamentably terminated.—(Cheers. ) He hoped his Right Honourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer would excuse him if he adverted to the communication which had subsequently taken place between them. He did not intend to charge his Riglit Hon. Friend with any personal i n t en ti on o f misleading Mfr. Roebuck. Ile would not ch arge hi m w i t h any violation in promising money from the Treasury on the faith; of the colony to pay the colonial officers. On the contrary, he would mak. e the distinction between that, and taking it from the colon ial chest, which Mr. Roeb uc k re f use d to make—(Cheers, and laughter)—but he must say that the language used by i ns , Pu t the Hon. Friend t o M r . R oe b uc k was not such as to "` the latter in full and clear poss ess i on o f th e v i ews o f the Go vernment with respect to (lie claims made by the colonies. -- (Loud cheers.) Ills Right Honourable Friend assured Mr. Roebuck that on his accession to office he would adopt * course of conduct with respect to the colonies widely diffe rent from that pursued by him (Lo r d St an l ey ) th a t lie held the privileges of the House of Assembly in the same respect that he held those of the Imperial Parliament ; that he woulds not for any consid e rati on i n t er f ere w i t h t h e veste d rights of that Assembly ; and yet, in a week afterwards the Might Honourable Gentleman proposed to defray the official sa laries of the colony out of the British Treasury, stating that he would look to the co l ony f or re - payment. As t h e e lective , C ,a o s ui t i h e e d e v :s .a n s d u the et onflatilniesp G r o in v g er o nm f t c h n e t d o is n pu t t h e is , askli p e o w il o it ul f d rom3 s l s s ha . t t L So o m rd e s fi c on A . N N L lE E N T ß b s a a d ia n — o Take objec i t t r ion ro 1828. Lord The question q to the present time ? uestion was mooted in 1828 ; but the distinct answer was that no elective Council would be conceded. He hoped that those who seer? anxious for information cn that point would be satisfied with that answer.—(Cheers.) In 1833 resolutions were passed ie the House of Assembly, and an Address to the Crown, pray ing that the Legislative Council should be made elective. He would merely direct the att en ti on o f t h e H ouse to t h e 12th a nd 11th resolutions. In these were to be found the pith of the demands of the House of Assembly. What did the Govern ment say in answer to those demands ? Did they at oneere" ject the demand? Did they not, by hesitating a nd wavering,' induce the House of Assembly to be m o re b o ld in its deman d ' and more determined in insisting that they would be satisfies' with nothing short of an Elective Leoislative Council ( Hear, hear.) Did the Right lion. the Chancellor Exchequer ever plainly and fully express his opinion that 5 ,." Elective Council would be dangerous to the state and tut" version of the Constitution? He (Lord Stanley) did not be lieve that he ever did. Though the Right Honovrable Gen tleman had not done so, the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department lied. It was therefore the fault of the t Government, and not of the Noble Lord whose condu c t had been called in question by the Honourable Barone,: the Member for Leeds, if any doubt remained as to tim' a ' course of policy which it was intended to pursue. Was L ? s c e Gosford at liberty to communicate to the House of Assets , ' the substance of these instructions ? No ; tut in four or months after, when there was such a boast of the progresa, which Government made in the affections and good will of the Colonists by the conciliating tone which it had adopted, all their imaginary hopes were at once frustrated by the un ef time happy publicity given to these instructions by Sir F. Head. -- ( Hear, and cheers.) Mr. Roebuck moved for copies of the instructions given to Lord Gosford ; but the Under Secretarle to the Colonies s a id it was not fit that they should be made public. Mr. Roebuck, considering the conciliatory tone as sumed towards the Colonies, to the influence which the 11 °T and Learned Member for Dublin exercised over the Coupe"s of the Cabinet, and still relying uoon that Hon. and Leartiec Gentleman' s ass i stance , withdrew his motion. Short l y after i . , the instru c ti ous b ecame too notor i ous , M r . R oe buck saw that had b een d u p e d, t h at h e h a d b een pa l tere d w ith in a dou bles sense, and that p ros p ec t s h a d b een h e ld ou t to hi m with resPe et to the Government of the Colonies which were never in tended to be realised. What was the answer of Sir George Grey, when asked whether the Constitution of Canada was subject open t o th e i n qui r y o f th e C o mmissioners ? Thee words were these—" It has been, i n deed, assumed that the constitution of Lower Canada is not a subject of inquiry un der the inst ruc ti on a dd resse d t o th e Commissioners. This l aim prepa re d t o deny. To the fullest extent to which th e p resent Constitution of the Legislative Council has been alleg ed as an evil, to the same extent has it been referred to the Corn: missioners to report." Here was the whole question again at sea.---( Cheers. ) Here was the question which wa s se t rest in 1834 aga i n th r own as o pen as it was before—that •c a . t formed the fundamental point of the successful policy of tua "Motos praastat componere fluctus." It was the object of all parties to establish a calm, and to restore tranquillity ; and they could then ill spare the time to enter upon the cause of the evil.—(Opposition cheers.) He was, however, aware that faults had been committed by every colonial Minister, and he did not except the errors of his own ft tends ; but he had thought that the intention of every Minister since 1828 had been good, under the then state which existed between the mother country and the colony : he had not thought that it was right to criminate either the one or the other; both had possibly been guilty of some mistakes, which it was not at that time necessary to re count. Hitherto the year 1828 had generally been the start ing point in their discussions relating to Canada, because in that year a Committee had been appointed, and a Report had been made, and they had not looked into any of the circum stances which had arisen before the appointment of the Com mittee ; but if they looked strictly into what really caused the present difficulties, they must not confine themselves to what had taken place since 1828, and they must not quite dispose of the previous circumstances in so summary a manner as they had hitherto done.—(Hear, hear.) They had heard a great deal about the taking of money without the consent of the Legislature ; but before 1828, and down to that period, this was done as a matter of course, year after year, without the subject ever having been mentioned to Parliament.—( Cheers.) He need not refer to other unconstitutional acts, such as the dismisssing of militia officers, an act so unanimously con demned by the Committee of 1828, and so often mentioned with reprobation in the different discussions in that House. Ile had never heard the Right Hon. Baronet say one word in the late discussions in favour of those acts of his Ministry. He certainly had wished to hear from his Noble Friend some indication of the great and marked difference with regard to the affairs of Canada which would distinguish the acts of Honourable Gentlemen opposite on their return to power. Of this he had heard not one word, though he had heard one intimation of the Noble Lord with great surprise— he had heard with wonder the intimation that to the aban donment of the Bill proposed by the Noble Lord the Member for South Lancashire, in the year 1834, was to be attributed a great part of the evils of the present time ; he confessed that he bad heard this statement with great surprise, be cause his Noble Friend ( Lord Sandon) was a member of the Committee of 1834, to which was expressly referred the consideration of the expediency of going on with that Bill.— (" No, no I" from Lord Sandon.) Th Noble Lord was at least a member of the Committee appointed when the Bill was brought in, and which reported that the Bill should not be proceeded with ; and he thought that the Noble Lord had expressed the strongest opinion in the Committee in favour of the course adopted, and he certainly had never intimated to the Committee the opinion which he had that night given with respect to the propriety of preceeding with it. Another reason for the present motion he (Mr. Labou chere) had also heard with much surprise. His Noble Friend had condemned the dilatoriness and procrastination of the present Government, but he (Mr. Labouchere) had had the pleasure of acting with his Noble Friend when Sir George Murray was Secretary of the Colonies, of whom, though they might differ in opinion, he (Mr. Labouchere) wished to say nothing harsh, for ho thought that he was a valuable Mi nister, yet he must say that he was more dilatory and procras tinating than any Minister had been. The H ouse h a d b een told of the great danger of delays ; but when Sir G. Murray was Colonial Minister the first Committee was appointed, and then was the time to remedy all evils, then was the golden opportunity.—( Hear.) At that time the hopes of the Cana dians were warm, and then should they have struck the blow ; but ere anything was done, Sir G. Murray suffered four years to elapse.—( Loud cheers.) His Noble Friend seemed to have diligently looked through the blue papers on the table, and he (Mr. Labouchere) hoped that lie had not overlooked the one which showed the manner in which Sir George Murray, when Secretary of the Colonies, had treated Sir James Kempt, who was a most excellent Governor, and had averted the misfor tunes which at that period hung over the colonies. Sir James Kempt complained in emphatic language of the delays which had taken place in the Colonial Office, and when at length lie received instructions he was obliged to put them into the fire, and to write home to say that if be had acted upon them, he would have thrown the whole colony into confu-ion.--(Loud cheers. He (Mr. Labouchere) might go on much longer in giving good reasons for stating that the difficulties of Canada were not to be attributed to the heads of Government against which his Noble Friend now directed his censure, but it was nut necessary for him to detain the House upon them. The Hon. Member resumed his seat amidst loud cheers. Lord STANLEY said lie had risen earlier in the course of the debate than lie should otherwise have done in consc- • quence of some observations which had fallen from his Noble Friend opposite, respecting a measure in which he (Lord Stanley) was coecerned in his public capacity. He could not let the present opportunity pass by without immediately setting his Noble Friend right with re;peet to his recollection of the facts of the case. But, in the first place, he would take the opportunity of observing on the expression of an Honourable Member opposite, who was pleased to say that at length the ve il in which Members on hit (Lord Stanley's) side of the House had hitherto shrouded their dignity had been cast aside. That Hon. Gentleman appeared to complain that they (the Conse rvatives ) had taken the House by surprise, in p r oposing the :intendment of hi s N o bl e F r i end (Lord Sandon.) Mr. CA BO UC H E RE. —No, no. Lord STANLEY.—If he did not complain of surprise, why allude to any veil of mystery ?—( Hear, hear.) What were the facts of the case? An Hon. Baronet unconnected with that side of the House, without any communication with it, so far as he (Lord Stanley) knew, without any consulta tion directly or indirectly—( Hear, hear, from Sir Wil liam Molesworth)—gave notice of his inteinion to bring before the House a question involving the political charac ter of one of the servants of her Majesty. He gave this notice, and, by a call of the House gave it more than usual solemnity, and the terms of his notice intimated distinctly that it was to the colonial policy of Government with re ference to a colony at present in a most critical and delicate situation the motion was principally intended to refer. If that motion had st oo d b y i tse lf h e (L or d Stanley) for one should have felt extreme difficulty an 0 the manner in which he should give his \st e , and the course lie took , and time of the Gentlotnen who diff ere d i n op i n i on , must in a great Inca sure have been regulated by the course of the gentlemen op posit. It was possible that the Government might have proposed such au amendment as could have recei ved su pp or t Iran a majority of the Hou se . It was competent for Govern ment to move counter-resolutions.—(Hear, hear.) And, looking to the tone of triumph already assumed by his Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, looking at the mam, tier in which he called the scene of revolt and disorder the , gem of their colonial poliey—(A laugh)—looking at the ■