The Sun. — London, England, 1864-11-25 00:00:00

1•... ..t. iulual Mes ddent Davis, TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA:— REVIEW OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1864. It is with satisfaction that I welcome your presence at an earlier day than that usual for your session, and with confie deuce I invoke the aid of your counsels at a time of such public exigency. The campaign which was commenced almost simultaneously with your session early in May last, and which was still in progress at your adjournment in the middle of June, has not yet reached its close. It has been prosecuted on a scale and with an energy heretofore un equalled. When we revert to the condition of our country at the inception of the operations of the present year, to the magnitude of the preparations made by the enemy, the num ber of his forces, the accumulation of his warlike supplies, and the prodigality with which his vast resources have been lavished in the attempt to render success assured ; when we contrast the numbers and means at our disposal for assist. ance, and when we contemplate the results of a struggle apparently so unequal, we cannot fail, while rendering the full meed of deserved praise to our generals and soldiers, to perceive that a Power higher than man has willed our deli verance, and gratefully to recognise the protection of a kind Providence in enabling us successfully to withstand the utmost efforts of the enemy for our subjugation. THE TRANS-MISSISSIPPI DEPARTMENT. At the beginning of the year the States of Texas was partially in possession of the enemy, and large portions of Louisiana and Arkansas lay apparently defenceless. Of the Federal soldiers who invaded Texas none are known to remain except as prisoners of war, in North-Western Lousiana a large and well appointed army, aided by a powerful fleet, was repeatedly defeated, and deemed itself fortunate in finally escaping with a loss of one-third of its numbers, a large part of its military trains, and many transports and gunboats. The enemy's occupation of that State is reduced in the narrow district commanded by the guns of his fleet. Arkansas has been recovered, with the exception of a few fortified posts, Missouri, affording to our oppressed brethren in that State an opportunity—of which many have availed themselves—of striking for libe ration from the t3ranny to which they have been subjected. On the east of the Mississippi, in spite of some reverses, we have much cause for gratulation. The enemy hoped to effect, during the present year, by concentration of forces, the conquest which he had previously failed to accom plish by more extended operations. Compelled, there fore, to withdraw or seriously to weaken the strength of the armies of occupation at different points, he has afforded us the opportunity of recovering possession of extensive districts of our territory. Nearly the whole of northern and western Mississippi, of northern Alabama, and of western Tennessee are again in our posses sion; and all attempts to penetrate from the coast line into the interior of the Atlantic and Gulf States have been bellied. On the entire ocean and Gulf coast of the confe deracy the whole success of the enemy, with the enormous naval resources at his command, has been limited to the capture of the outer defences of Mobile Bay. If we now turn to the results accomplished by the two great armies, so confidently relied on by the invaders as sufficient to secure the subversion of our Government and the subjection of our people to foreign domination, we have still greater cause for devout gratitude to. Divine Power. In South-western Virginia, successive armies which threatened the capture of Lynchburg and Saltville, have been routed and driven cut of the country, and a portion of Eastern Ten•. ncs.see reconquered by our troops. In Northern Virginia ex tensive districts formerly occupied by the enemy are now free from their presence. In the lower valley their general, rendered desperate by his inability to maintain a hostile ocs cupation, has resorted to the infamous expedient of convert-. ing a fruitful land into a desert by burning its mills,granaries and homesteads, and destroying the food, standing crops, live stock and agricultural implements of peaceful non combatants. The main army, after a series of defeats in which its losses have been enormous ; after attempts by raiding parties to break up our railroad communications, Nl Well have resulted in the destruction of a !arge part of the cavalry engaged in the work; after constant repulse of repeated assaults on our defensive lines, is, with the aid of heavy reinforcements, but with, it is hoped, waning pros pect of further progress in the design, still engaged in an effort, commenced more than four months ago, to capture the town of Petersburg. GENERAL iiIIERMAN'S OPERATIONS. The army of General Sherman, although succeeding at the end of the summer in obtaining pceseesion of Atlanta, has been unable to secure any ultimate advantage from his suc cess. The same general who, in February last, marched a large army from Vicksburg to Meridian with no other re sult than being forced to march back again, was able by the aid of greatly increased numbers, and after much delay, to force a passage from Chattanooga to Atlanta, only to be for the second time compelled to withdraw on tho line of his advance without obtaining con'rol of a single mile of terri tory beyond the narrow track of his march, and without gaining aught beyond the precarious possession of a few fortified points in which he is compelled to maintain heavy garrisons, and which arc menaced with recapture. ATLANTA AND RICIIM)ND NOT VITAL POINTS OF THE CONFEDERACY. The lessons afforded by the history of this war are fraught with instruction and encouragement. Repeatedly during the war have formidable expeditions been directed by the enemy against points ignorantly supposed to be of vital irnportaneo to the Confederacy. Some of these expedi tions have, at immense cost, been successful; but in no in stance have the promised fruits been reaped. Again, in the prcecnt campaign, was the delusion fondly cherished that the cepture of Atlanta and Richmond would, if effcted, end the war, by the overthrow of our Government and the sub mission of our people. 'We can now judge by experience how unimportant is the influence of the former event upon our capacity for defence, upon the courage and spirit of the people, and the stability of the Government. We may, in like manner, judge that if the campaign against Richmond had resulted in success instead of failure; if the valour of the army under the leadership of its accomplished com mander had resisted in vain the overwhelming masses which were, on the contrary, decisively repulsed ; if we had been ccrnpelled to evacuate Richmond as well as Atlanta, the Confederacy would have remained as erect and defiant as ever. Nothing could have been changed in the purpose of its Government, in the indominable valour of its troops or in the unquenchable spirit of its people. Tho bed and disap painted foe would in vain have scanned the reports of your proceedings, at some new legislative scat, for any indication that progress had been made in his gigantic task of conquer ing a free people. Tho truth so 'patent to u 3 must ere lung be forced upon the reluctant Northern mind. There are no vital points on the preservation of which the con tinued existence of the Confederacy depends. There is no military success of the enemy which can accomplish its de struction, Not the fall of Richmond, nor Wilmington, nor Charleston, nor Savannah, nor Mobile, nor all combined, can save the enemy from the constant and exhaustive drain of blood and treasure which must continue until he shall discover that no peace is attainable unless based on the re cognition of our independent rights. Before leaving this subject it is gratifying to assure you that the military supplies essentially requisite for public defence will be found as heretofore adequate to our needs; and that abundant crops have rewarded the labours of the farmer, and rendered abortive the inhuman attempt of the enemy to produce by devastation famine among the people. FOREION RELATIONS. It k not in my power to announce any chango in the con duct of foreign Powers. No such action has been taken by the Christian nations of Europe as might justly have boon expected from their history, from the duties imposed by in ternational law, and from the claims of humanity. It is charitable to attribute their conduct to no worse motive than indifference to the consequences of a struggle whioh shakes only the republican portion of the American conti nent, and not to ascribe to design a course calculated to in sure the prolongation of hostilities. No mstanee — in history is remembered by mein which a nation pretending to exercise domini na over another, asserting its independence, has been the first to concede the existence of suer, independence. No cases can be re called to my mind in which neutral Powers have failed to set the example of recognising the independence of a nation, when satisfied of the inability of its enemy to subvert its Government; and this, too, in cases where the previous relation between the contending parties had been confessedly that of mother country and dependent colony, not as in our case, that of co-equal States, united by federal compact. It has ever been considered the proper function and duty of neutral powers to perform the office of judging whether in point of fact the nation asserting domi nions is able to make good its pretensions by force of arms, and if not, by recognition of the resisting party to discoun tenance the further continuance of the contest. And the reason why this duty is incumbent on neutral powers is plainly apparent, when we reflect that the pride and passion which blind the judgment of the parties to the conflict cause the continuance of active warfare, and consequent useless slaughter, long after the inevitable result has become ap parent to all not engaged in the struggle. So long therefore as neutral nations fail by recognition of our independence to announce that, in their judgment, the United States are unable to reduce the confederacy to submission, their con duct will be accepted by. our enemies as a tacit encou. ragement to continuo these efforts, and as an implied ae.3urance tbat belief is entertained by neutral nations in the success of their designs. A direct stimu lus, whether intentional or not, is thus applied to securing a continuance of the carnage and devastation which deso late this continent, and which they profess deeply to deplore. The disregard of this just, humane, and Christian public duty by the nations of Europe is the more remarkable from the fact that, authentic expression has long since been given by the Governments of both France and Eng land to the conviction that the United States are unable to conquer the Confederacy. It is now more than two years since the Government of France announced officially to the Cabinets of St. Petersburg and London its own conclusion that the United States were unable to achieve any decisive military success. In the answers sent by those Powers no intimation of a contrary opinion was conveyed; and it is notorious • that in speeches, bath in and out of Parlia ment, the members of her Britannic Majesty's Govern ment have not hesitated to express this conviction in unqualified terms. The denial of our right, under these circumstances, is so obviously unjust, and discriminates so unfairly in favour of the United States, that neutrals have sought to palliate the wrong of which they are conscious, by professing to consider, in opposition to notorious truth and to the known belief of both belligerents, th.t the re• cognition of our independence would be vala3lesf. without their further intervention in the struggle--au intervention of which we disclaim the desire and m'strut the advan tage.: We seek no favour, and wish no int( rvention, we know ourselves fully competent to maintain our own rights and independence against the invaders of our coup• try, and we feel justified in asserting, that without the aid derived from recruiting their armies from foreign countries, the invaders would ere this have been driven from our soil. When the recognition of the confederacy was refused by Great Britain, in the fall of 1862, the refu sal was exercised on the ground that any action by her Majesty's Government would have the effect of inflaming the passions of the belligerents and of prevent ing the return of peace. It is assumed that this opinion was sincerely entertained ; but the experience of two years of unequalled carnage, shows that it was erroneous, and that the result was the reverse of what the British Mi nistry humanely desired. A contrary policy, a policy just to us, a policy diverging from an unvarying course of con cession to all the demands of our enemies, is still within the power of her Majesty's Government, and would, it is fair to presume, be productive of consequences the opposite of those which have unfortunately fcllowed its whole course of conduct from the commencement of the war to the present time. In a word, peace is impossible without .independence, and it is not to be expected that the enemy will anticipate neutrals in the recognition of that independence. When the history of this war shall be fully disclosed, the calm judg ment of the impartial publicist will for these reasons be unable to absolve the neutral nations of Europe from a share in the moral responsibility for the myriads of human lives that have keen unnecessarily sacrificed during its progress. The renewed instances in which foreign powers have given us just cause of complaint need not be here detailed. The extracts from the correspondence of the State Depart• ment which accompany this message will afford such fur ther information as can be given without detriment to the public interest, and we must reserve for the future such ac tion as may then be deemed advisable to secure redress. FINAN CES. Your special attention is earnestly invited to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, submitted in conformity with law. The facts therein disclosed are far from discou raging, and demonstrate that, with judicious legis'ation, we shall be enabled to meet all the exigencies of the war from our abundant resources, and avoid, at the same tme, such an accumulation of debt as would render at all doubtful our capacity to redeem it. The total receipts into the Treasury for the two quarters ending on the 30th September, 1874, were 415,191,550 dole, which sum, added to the balance of 308,282,722 dole, that remained in the Treasury on the Ist of April last, forms a total of 723,474,272 dols. Of this total, not far from half, that is to say, 342,650,327 dole, have been applied to the ex tinction of the public debt, while the total expenditure have been 272,378,505 dole, leaving a balance in the Treasury on the Ist of October, 1861, of 108,435,440 dole. The total amount of the public debt, as exhibited on the books of the Register of the Treasury, on the Ist of October, 1861, was 1,147.973,208 dols, of which 559,840,000 dole were funded debt, tearing interest, 283,880,150 dole were Treasury notes ef the new issue, and the, remainder consisted of the former issue of Treasury notes which will be converted into other forms of debt, and will cease to exist as currency on the 31st of next month. The report, however, explains that, in consequence of the absence of certain returns from distant officers, the true amount of the debt is less, by about twenty-one and a half millions of dollars, than appears on the books of the Regis ter, and that the total public debt, on the Ist of last month, may be fairly considered to have been 1,126,331,095 dole. The increase of the public debt during the 6 months from April 1 to October 1 was 97,650,780 dole, being rather more than 16,000,000 dole per month, and it will be ap parent on a perusal of the report, that this augmentation would have been avoided, and a positive reduction of the amount would have been effected, but for certain defects in the legislation on the subject of the finances, which are pointed out in the report, and which seem to admit of easy remedy. In the statements just made the foreign debt is omitted it consists only of the unpaid balance of the loan known as the cotton loan. The balance is but £3,000,000, and is ade quately provided for by about 250,000 bales of cotton owned by the Government, even if the cotton be rated as worth but 6,1 per lb. There is one item of the public debt not included in the tables presented, to which your attention is required. The bounty bonds promised to our soldiers by the third section of the act of Feb. 17, 1861, were deliverable oa Oct. 1. The Secretary has been unable to issue them by reason of an omission in the law, no time being therein tired for the payment of the bonds. NO APPROPRIATION NEEDED FOR THE NEXT SIX MONTHS The aggregate appropriations called for by the different departments of the Government, according to the estimates submitted with the report, for the six months ending June 30, 1865, amount to 438,102,679d015,whi1e the Secretary esti mates that there will remain unexpended out of former ap • propriations, on Jan. 1, 1865, a balance of 167,416,601 dole. It would, therefore, seem that former estimates have been largely in excess of actual expenditures, and that no addi tional appropriations are required for meeting the needs of the public service up to July 1 next year. Indeed, if the estimates now presented should prove to be as much in ex- case of actual expenditure as has heretofore been the case, a considerable balance will gig remain unexpended at the close of the fir. , t half of the ensuing year. The chief diffizulty to be apprehended in connection with our finances, results in the depreciation of the Treasury notes, which seams justly to be attributed by our secretary to two causes—redundancy in amount and want of cor fidence in ultimate redemption —for both of which remedies are suggested that will commend themselves to your consi deration as being practicable as well as efficient. PLAN FOR REMEDYING THE CURRENCY EVILS. The main features of the plan presented are substan tially these :-Ist. That the faith of the Government be pledged that the notes shall ever remain exempt from taxa tion. 2d. That no issue shall be made beyond that which is already authorised by law. 3d. That a certain fixed por tion of the annual receipts from taxation during the war shall be set apart specially for the gradual extinction of the outstanding amount, until it shall have been reduced 150 million dollars ; and 4th. The pledge and appropriation of such proportion of the tax in kind, and for such number of years after the return of peace, as shall be sufficient for the final redemption of the entire circulation. The details of the plan, the calculations on which it is based, the efficiency of its operation, and the vast advantages which would result from its success, are fully detailed in the report, and cannot be fairly presented in a form sufficiently condensed for this message. I doubt not it will receive from you that earnest and candid consideration which is merited by the importance of the subject. The recommendations of the report for the repeal of cer tain provisions of the tax laws which produce inequality in the burthen of the taxation ; for exempting all Government loans from taxation cn capital, and from any adverse discri mination in taxation on income derived from them ; for placing the taxation on banks on the same footing as the taxation of other corporate bodies; for securing the pay ment into the Treasury of that portion of the bank circula tion which is liable to confiscation because held by alien enemies; for the conversion of the interest-bearing Trea sury notes now outstanding into coupon bonds, and for the quarterly collection of taxation ; all present practical ques tions for legislation, which, it wisely devised, will greatly improve the public credit and alleviate the burthens now imposed by the extreme and unnecessary depreciation in the value of the currency, The returns of the Produce Loan Bureau are submitted with the report, and the information is conveyed that the Treasury agency in the trans-Mississippi Department has been fully organised, and is now in operation with pro mise of efficiency and success. The provisions heretofore made to some extent for increasing the compensation of public officers, civil and military, is found to be in some places inadequate to their support, perhaps not more so anywhere than in Richmond, and inquiry, with a view to appropriate remedy, is sug gested to your consideration. Your notice is also called to the condition of certain officers of the Treasury, who were omitted in the laws heretofore passed for the relief of other officers, as mentioned in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. DAPARTMENT OF WAR. The condition of the various branches of the military service is stated in the accompanying report of the Secre tary of War. Among the suggestions made for legislative action with a view to add to the numbers and efficieney of the army, all of which will receive your consideration, there are some prominent topics which merit special notice. ALL LAWS EXEMPTING PERSONS PROM MILITARY DUTY TO BE REMOVED. The exemption from military duty now accorded by law to all persons engaged in certain specified pursuits or pro fessions is shown by experience to be unwise, nor is it be lieved to be defensible in theory. The defence of home, family and country is universally recognise , ' as the para mount political duty of every member of society; and in a form of Government like ours, where each citizen enjoys an equality of rights and privileges, nothing can be more in vidious than an uucqual distribution of duties and obliga tions. No pursuit nor position should relieve any one, who is able to do active duty, from enrolment in the army unless his functions oe services are more useful to the defences of his country in another sphere. But it is mani fest that this cannot be the case with entire classes. All telegraph operators, workmen in mines, professors, teachers, engineers, editors and employes of newspapers, journeymen printers, shoemakers, tanners, blacksmiths, millers, physi cians, aad the numerous other classes mentioned in the laws, cannot iu the nature of things be either equally ne cessary in their several professions, nor distributed through out the country In such proportions that only the exact number required are found in each locality, nor can it be everywhere impossible to replace those within the conscript age, by men older and l ess ca p a bl e of active field serv i ces. A discretion should be vested in the military authorities, so that a sufficient number of those e ssent i a l to the active set vice might be detailed to continue the exercise of their pursuits or professions ; but the exemptions from service of the entire classes should be wholly abandoned. It affords great facility for abuses, offers the temptation, as well as the ready means, of escaping service by fraudulent devices, and is one of the principal obstructions to the efficient ope ration of the conscript laws. A GENERAL MILITIA. LAW DEMANDED. A general militia law is needful in the interest of the public defence. The constitution, by vesting the power in Congress, imposes on it the duty of providing "for organiz ing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may bo employed in the service of the Confederate States." The great diversity in the legislation of the several States on this subject, and the absence of any provision establishing an exact method for calling the mi litia into the Confederate service, are sources of embarrass ment which ought no longer to be suffered to impede defen. sive measures, The legislation in relation to the cavalry demands change. The policy of requiring the men to furnish their own horses has proved pernicious in many respects. It interferes with discipline, impairs efficiency, and is the cause of frequent and prolonged absence from appropriate duty. The subject is fully treated in the Secretary's report, with suggestions as to the proper measures reforming that branch of the service. THE SUN, _LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 25, 1864. for the training of 40,000 negroes for the service indicated, shall meet your approval, it is certain that even this limited number, by their preparatory training in intermediate du ties, would form a more valuable reserve force in the case of urgency than threefold their number suddenly called from field labour ; while a fresh levy could, to a certain extent, supply their places in the special service for which they are now employed. REORGANISATION AND CONSOLIDATION NECESSARY TO THE EFFCIENCY OF THE ARMY. The recommendation hitherto often made is again re• newed, that some measure be adopted for the reorganisa tion and consolidation of companies and regiments which are so far reduced in numbers as to seriously impair their efficiency. It is the more necessary that this should be done, as the absence of legislation on the subject has forced officers in the field to resort to various expedients for approximating the desired end. It is surely an evil that a commanding officer should be placed in a position which forces upon him the choice of allowing the efficiency of his command to be seriously impaired, or of attempting to sup ply by the exercise of doubtful authority the want of proper legal provision. The regards for the sensibility of officers who have heretofore served with credit, and which is be lieved to be the controlling motive that has hitherto ob structed legislation on the subject, however honourable and proper, may be carried to a point which seriously injures the public good, and if th's be the case, it can scarcely be questioned which of the two considerations should be deemed paramount. RAILROAD IRON WANTED. The Secretary's recommendations on the subject of faci litating the acquisition of the iron required for maintaining the efficiency of railroad communication on the important military lines are commended in your favour. The necessity for the operation in full vigour of such lines is too apparent to need comment. THE EXCHANGE QUESTION. The question is dish ute between the two Governments relative to the exchange of prisoners of war has been frequently presented in former messages and reports, and is fully treated by the Secretary. The solicitude of the government for the relief of our captive fellow citizens has known no abatement; but has, on the contrary, been still more deeply evoked by the additional sufferings to which they have been wantonly subjected, by deprivation of ade quate food, clothing and fuel, which they were not even permitted to purchase from the prison sutlers. Finding the enemy attempted to excuse their barbarous treatment by the unfounded allegation that it was retaliatory for like conduct on our part, an offer was made by us with a view of cueing all pretext for such recrimination, or pretended retaliation. The offer has been accepted, and each government is here after to be allowed to provide necessary comforts to its own citizens bald captive by the other. Active efforts are in pro gress for the immediate execution of this agreement, and it is hoped that but few days will elapse before we shall be relieved from the distressing thought that painful physical suffering is endured by so many of our fellow citizens whose fortitude in captivity illustrates the national character as fully as did their valor in actual conflict. EMPLOYMENT OF SLAVES. The employment of slaves for service with the army as teamasters, or cooks, or in the way of work upon fortifica tions, or in the government workshops, or in hospitals, azd other similar duties was authorised by the act of 17th Feb. last, and provision was made for their impressment to a number not exceeding 20,000, if it should be found imprac ticable to obtain them by contract with the owners. The law contemplated the hiring only of the labour of these slaves, and imposed on the Government the liability to pay for the value of such as might be lost to the owners from casualties resulting from their employment in the service. This act has produced less result than was anticipated, and further provision is required to render it efficacious. But my present purpose is to invite your consideration to the propriety of a radical modification in the theory of the law. Viewed merely as property, and therefore as the sub ject of impressment, tha service or labour of the slave has been frequently claimed for short periods, in the construc tion of defensive works. The slave, however, bears another relation to the State—that of a person. The law of last February contemplates only the relation of the slave to the master, and limits the impressment to a certain term of service. But for the purposes enumerated in the act, in struction in the manner of encamping, marching, andpark ing trains is needful, so that even is this limited employ ment length of service adds greatly to the value of the negro's labour. Hazard is also encountered in all the po sitions to which the negro can be assigned for service with the army, and the duties required of them demand loyalty and z,301. In this aspect the relation of person predominates so far as to render it doubtful whether :the private right of pro perty can consistently and benficially be continued, and it would seem proper to acquire for the public service the en tire property in the labour of the slave, and to pay there fore due compensation, rather than to impress his labour for short terms—and this the more especially as the effect of the present law would vest his entire property in all cases where the slave might be recaptured after compensa tion for his loss had been paid to the private owner. When ever the entire property in the set vice of a slave is thus acquired by the Government, the question is presented, by what tenure he should be held. Should he be re tained in servitude, or should his emancipation be held out to him as a reward for faithful service, or should it be granted at once, on_the promise of such service—and if emancipated, what action should be taken to secure for the freed man, the permission of the State from which he was drawn to reside within its limits after the close of his public service. The permission would, doubtless, bo more readily accorded as a reward for past faithful service, and a double motive for zealous discharge of duty would thus be offered to those employed by the Government— their freedom, and the gratification of the local attachment which is so marked a characteristic of the negro, and forms so powerful an incentive to his action. The policy of engaging to liberate the negro on his discharge after ser vice faithfully rendered, seems to me preferable to that of granting immediate manumission, or that of retaining him in servitude. If this policy should recommend itself to the judgment of Congress, it is suggested that in addition to the duties heretofore performed by the slave, he might be advantageously employed as a pioneer and engineer la bourer; and in that event, that the number should be augmented to 40,000. Beyond this limit and these employments it does not seem to me desirable, under existing circumstances, to go. A broad moral distinction exists between the use of slaves as soldiers in the defence of their homes and the incitement of the same persons to insurrection against their masters. The ono is justifiable if necessary, the other is iniquitous and unworthy of a civilised people; and such is the judgment of all writers on public law, as well as that expressed and insisted on by our enemies in all wars prior to that now waged against us. By none have the practices of which they aro now guilty;beea denounced with greater se verity than by themselves in the two wars with Great Bri tain in the last and in the present century ; and in the De claration of Independence of 1776, when enumeration was made of the wrongs which justified the revolt from Great Britain, the climax of atrocity was deemed to be reached only when the English monarch was denounced as having "excited domestic insurrections amongst us," - - DAVIS DECLARES HIMSELF OPPOSED TO ARMIN% THE SLAVES. The subject is to be viewed by us, therefore, solely in the light of policy and our social economy. When so regarded, I must dissent from those who advise a general levy an i arming of the slaves for the duty of soldiers, Until our white population shall prove insufficient for the armies we require and can afford to keep in the geld, to employ as a soldier the negro who has merely been trained to labour, and as a labourer the white man accustomed from his youth to the use of fire arms, would scarcely be deemed wise or advantageous by any ; and this is the question now be fore us, But should the alternative ever be presented of subjugation or cf the employment of the slave as a sol dier, there seems no reason to doubt what should then be our decision, Whether our view embraces what would, in so extreme a case, be the sum of misery entailed by the dominion of the enemy, or be restricted solely to the effect upon the welfare and happiness of the negro population themselves, the result would be the same. The appalling demoralisation, suffering, disease, and death which have been caused by partially substituting the invader's system of police for the kind relation previously subsisting between the master and the slave, have been a sufficient demonstra tion that external interference with our institution of do mestic slavery is productive of evil only. If the subject involved no other consideration than the mere right of property, the sacrifices heretofore made by our people have been such as to permit no doubt of their readiness to surrender every possession in order to secure their independence. But the social and political question, which is exclusively under the control of the several States, has a far wider and more enduring importance than that of pecuniary interest. In its manifold phases it embraces the stability of republican institutions, resting on the actual political equality of all its citizens, and includes the fulfilment of the task which has been so happily begun —that of Christianising and improving the condition of the Africans who have, by the will of Providence, been placed in our charge. Comparing the results of our experience with those of the experiments of others who have borne similar relations to the African race, the people of the seve ral States of the Confederacy have abundant reason to be satisfied with the past, and to use the greatest circumspec tion in determining their course. These considerations, how ever, are rather applicable to the improbable contingency of our need of resorting to this element of resistance than to our present condition. the recommendation above made, OTHED, DEPARTMENTS. The singular annual reports of the Attorney General, the Secretary of the Navy, and the Postmaster General are appended, and give ample information relative to the con dition of the respective departments. They contain sug gestions for legislative provisions required to remedy such defects in the existing laws as have been disclosed by expe rience, but none of so general or important a character as to require that I should do more than recommend them to your favourable consideration. The disposition of this Government for a peaceful solution of the issues which the enemy has referred to the arbitra■ ment of arms has been too often manifested, and is too well known to need new assurances. But while it is true that individuals and parties in the United States have indicated a desire to substitute reason for force, and by negotiation to stop the further sacrifice of human life, and to arrest the calamities which now afflict both countries, the authorities who control the Government of our enemies have too often and too clearly expressed their resolution to make no peace except on terms of our unconditional submission and degra dation, to leave us any hope of the cessation of hostilities until the delusion of their ability to conquer us is dispelled. Among those who are already disposed for peace, many are actuated by principle, and by disapproval and abhorrence of the iniquitous warfare that their Government is waging, while others are moved by the conviction that it is no longer to the interest of the United States to continue a struggle in which success is unattainable. Whenever this last growing conviction shall have taken firm root in the minds of a ma jority of the Northern people there will be produced that willingness to negotiate for peace which is now confined to our side. Peace is manifestly impossible unless desired by both parties to the war, and the disposition for it among our enemies will be best and most certainly evoked by the de monstration on our part of ability and unshaken determina tion to defend our rights, and to hold no earthly price too dear for their purchase. Whenever there shall be on the part of our enemies a desire for peace, there will be no diffi culty in finding means by which negociation can be opened; but it is obvious that no agency can be called into action until this desire shall be mutual. When that contingency shall happen the Government,! to which is confined the treaty making power, can be at no loss for means to accom plish so desirable an end. In the hope that the day will soon be reached when, under Divine favour, these States may be allowed to enter on their former peaceful pursuits, and to develop the abundant natural resources with which they are blessed, let us then resolutely continue to devote our united and unimpaired energies to the defence of our homes, our lives, and our liberties. This is the true path to peace. Let us tread with confidence in the assured result. Richmond, Nov, 7, 1864. JEFFERSON DAVIS SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. LEAMINGTON AND WARWICKSHIRE HUNT MEETING.—THURSDAY, Nothing could exceed the confusion with which the last day of the Warwick meeting commenced. No order of run ning was made known overnight, and as the sport began much earlier than expected, 10 20, neither weigher nor many of the jockeys were in time, and the opening event, the Match, was decided in the presence of a meagre attend ance. Rain fell heavily all night, and the course was very heavy going. The morning was raw and cold, but wet held off, except a little occasional drizzling, the greater portior of the day. The first three races produced miserably small fields, the Winding-up Handicap only bringing out three from the 19 entered. It was easily won by Lady Rohnn purchased at Shrewsbury by Mr Barber. Thais and Herl scheltwo absentees of the nine for th e Sh or t s handicap,w wore th h e nl ic o h was won by Tragedy, who enabled Jemmy Grimshaw to score three winning mounts in succession. A plate for 3 yr-olds and upwards had four runners from the 13 coloured. The betting and the result was entirely con fined to Deception and Belle of the Ball, Morris on Lord Westmoreland's mare just beating the popular light-weight by a short head. Tho Two-Years-Old Plate fell to Black bird, who having by mistake of the prix ter been entered for the Three Years Old Plate, and not for this race, was objected to by J. Grimshaw, who was only beaten a neck on the favourite Hecate; the objection, however, was never entertained. (lemma easily defeated My Mary (who seems to have lost all form) and five others ; and Stockinger hav ing won the Shakspere Handicap for his new owner from his nine opponents, seven ran for the Handicap Sweepstakes the last flat race of the season, which was won by J. Grim. show on Dawdle. The Steeplechase brought out nine run ners, nearly all of whom were backed, the worst favourite of those invested upon, Portland, winning a fine race. Hall Court recompensed those who followed him for the disap mintment he met with the previous day, and Clementi won the Hurdle Race. The last event was a match, which re sulted in favour of the 2 -yr-old. The following are the de tails of the sport Match, £5O. Five furlongs. Mr Brayley's Viceroy, 2 yrs, Bst 10Ib (Cannon) 1 Mr J. Preston's Anadyomene, 2 yrs, fist sth (Perry) 2 Betting-6 to 4 on Viceroy. Anadyomene made play to the stand, where Viceroy closed and won cleverly by half a length. The Scurry Flat Race (Handicap) of 10 sovs each, h ft, for all horses ; to be ridden by officers on full pay in the army or navy. 2 furlongs. 5 subs. Mr Cowen's Betsy Copeland, 4 yrs, lOst 61b, car lOst 121 b (Capt Knox) 1 Mr Coventry's Damascus, 6 yrs, list 71b (Capt Sharp) 2 Usher's number was hoisted, hut his jockey not getting ready in time the horse did not run. Bsttin g-5 to 2 on Damascus. Betsy Copeland made play throughout, and won by a length and a half. An objection against the winner on the ground of not having declared his overweight was heard, but the stewards decided in her favour. A Handicap Sweepstakes of 5 sovs each, for all ages; winners extra. Five furlongs. Mr G. Payno's Merry Maid, 5 yrs, Est 101b(J. Grimshaw) 1 Lord 'Westmorland's Usher, 3 yrs, 7st 7ib (norris) 2 Nabob and Pupil also ran. Betting-5 to lon Merry maid, sto 1 agst Usher, 10 to 1 bar two. My Maid jumped off in front, ma d e the whole of the running, err and won easily by three lengths. A head separated the second and third, and two lengths divided the third and fourth. The Winding. , up Handicap of 10 soya each, r: ft, with 50 added, for all ages; the winner to be sold for 200 sovs winners extra. Three quarters of a mile. 19 subs. Mr Barber's Lady Bohun, 3 yrs, 6st 41b Grimshaw) 1 Mr Samuel's Walloon, 6 yrs, 7st 71b yrs, 7 s t 71b.. (E T a yl or ) 2 (Perry) 3 B r e 5 to 4 sgs t L a d y B o h un , 4 to 1 agst Canzonette. M C t . t i B n g l a —Evenn t o n's on Canzonette, l vali o o Canzonette made play , f ollowed closely by Walloon and separated won nho by second and third. a length and a half. Three Lady Bohun to just within the dist ance, where Lady B o h un came on tho outside of her horses, h a d h er two opponen t s partsbeaten of length stand. gthte s ep and The winner was not sold, The Shorts Handicap of 3 soya each, with 20 added ; winner to be sold for 20 WM. Three furlongs. 9 subs. Mr Pardoe's Tragedy, 2 yrs, 7st ........ (J. Grimehaw) 1 Mr J. Coney's Sister Mary, 2 yrs, 6st 71b .... (J. Smith) 2 Mr Hooper 's Helia filly, 2 yrs, 6st . (Carroll) 3 The following also ran :—Practitioner, Balornock, Rosa, and Belgrave. Betting -5 to 4 agst Tragedy, 3to 1 agst Practitioner, 5 to 1 agst Belgrave, 10 to 1 agst Balornook, 100 to 7 agst Sister Mary. Tragedyslipped her horses the moment the flag fell, made the whole of the running, and won by half a length, Siete: Mary beating the Helia filly by a head for second place. Belgrave was fourth, and P ractitioner fifth—the others tailed off. The winner waa bought in for 95 guineas, and Mr J. Conoy claimed Practitioner. A Plate of 50 says, for 3- yr-olds and upwards—selling and other allowances. Three quarters of a mile. Lord Westmoreland's Deception, 4 yrs (Z3O) 7st 131 b (Morris) 1 Mr W. Saunders's Belle of tho Ball, 4 yrs (£3O), 7at 13Ib Mr Cowen's Bets (J. Grimehaw) 2 y Copeland, 4 y r s (£100), Bst 81b(H es l o p) 3 Betting-6 to 4 e ll-ing Tom also ran. n Deception, 2 to 1 agst Belle of the Ball, 100 to 15 agst any other. Deception made all the running, and won a beautiful race by a short head ; Ri ng Tom was beaten off. The winner W as b ought by Mr J. Read for 135 guineas. A Two-yr-Old Plate of 50 sous; colts Bst 101 b, fillies Bst 61b ; winners extra ; the winner to be sold for 50 says, and if entered to be sold for £3O allowed 71b. Five furlongs. Mr Samuel's Blackbird (£3O), Bst 21b (Perry) 1 Mr Thornpso u ' s Hecate (£3O), Bst 21b .. (J. Grioishaw) 2 Mr Coney's Si s t er Mary (£3O), Bst 21b (French) 3 Mr Baker's Balhatn's dant filly (LA), Set 21b (Nightingall) 4 Mr Wright's Hurrah (£3O), Bst 81b.... (H. Grimshaw) 5 Mr Bosley'e Rose of Cashmere filly (£10), Bst RI b (Hibberd) 6 Mr Hod man's Ki ng Betting-7 to 4 agst Hecate, 9to 2 agst Blackbird, sto 1 each aget King of Greece and Hurrah, 8 to 1 agst Sister of Greece (£3O), Bst 61b (Morris) 7 Mary. After two failures Hecate was first off, followed closely by Balham's dam filly and King of Greece into the straight, where King of Greece dropped back, and at the distance Blackbird joined the leaders and won a good race by a neck; Sister Mary, who headed the Balham's dam filly just within the distance, finished a length and a half behind Hecate. The winner was nought by Mr E. Bra.yley for 100 guineas and Mr K. Walker claimed Hecate, The Welter Cup (Handicap), value 100 sove, by subscrip tion of 10 sova each ; gentlemen riders ; professionals, 61b extra. Three-quarters of a mile. 11 subs. Lord Stamford's Gemma, 6 yrs, list 71b .. (Mr Edwards) 1 Mr B. J, Angell's Lord Burleigh, 5 yrs, 12st (Mr Coventry) 2 Lord Poulett's Gentilhomme, 4 yrs, 9at 61b (inc. 61b ex.) (T. French) 3 The following also ran :—Birdfinder, Jarnicoton, My Mary, and The Stranger. Betting-6 to son My Mary-100 to 30 agst Gemma-8 to 1 bar two. Lord Burleigh made play, followed by My Mary and Gemma into the straight, where My Mary dropped away beaten, and Gemma headed Lord Burleigh and won by four lengths ; two lengths separated the second and third ; The Stranger was fourth, Birdfinder fifth, and My Mary last. The Shakepere Handicap of 10 sovs each, 3 ft, with 50 added, for all ages; winners extra. One mile. Mr Beadsman's Stockinger,s yrs, Bst 101 b (H. Grimshaw) 1 Mr Samuel's Twilight, aged, 9st 41b (Perry) 2 Lord Westmoreland's Wild, 5 yrs, 6st 9lb .... (Carroll) 3 The following also ran :—Peignoir, Jack o' Newbury, Disappointment, Antoinette, Tyke, Pearl Diver, and Jeannette. Betting-100 to 30 aget Pearl Diver, 4 to 1 agst Tyke, 5 to 1 agst Twilight, 6 to 1 agst Peignoir, 100 to 15 aget Stockinger, 10 to 1 each Wild Duck and Jack o' Newbury. Disappointment made play, followed by Antoinette and Wild Duck, to the half-mile post, where Wild Duck took up the running, and Disappointment went on second, An toinette third, and next these were Tyke and Jeannette, close behind whom were Twilight, Peignoir, and Stockinger. Upon entering the straight these latter three drew towards the front, but at the distance Peignoir, with Antoinette, Tyke, and Jeannette dropped away beaten. Just within the distance Twilight headed Wild Duck, and halfway up Mr Samuel's mare gave place to Stockinger, who won by three parts of a length—a neck separated the second and third—Tyke was fourth, Jeannette fifth, Disappointment sixth, and Jack o' Newbury last. A Handicap Sweepstakes of 5 sovs each, for 3-yr-olds and upwards, with 100 added ; winners extra. Five furlongs. Mr R. Ton Broeck's Dawdle, 3 yrs, bet 121 b. (J. Grimshaw) 1 Mr Barber's Ladyßohun, 3 yrs, 68t51b 51b extra) (Ward) 2 Lord Stamford's Gownsman, 3 yrs, 7st 41b .... (Morris) 3 The following also ran :—Troublesome, Cadiz, Starbeam, and Wheldrake, Betting-11 to 8 agst Gownsman, 4to 1 eget Cadiz, 4 to 1 agst Mr Ten Broeck's two, 5 to 1 agst Lady Bohun, 10 to 1 each agst Wheldrake and Troublesome, 20 to 1 agst Starbeam. The betting varied considerably with re ference to Dawdle, who, at the opening of speculation, was backed at 5 to 2, afterwards went to 4 to 1, and finally 10 to 1 was offered, some of the bookmakers not getting to lay against her. The start was delayed by Weldrake breaking away, and when the flag fell an indifferent start was effected. Dawdle made nearly all the running, and won by a length and a half; a length separated the second and third; Trouble some was fourth, Starbeam fifth, Cadiz sixth, and Whel drake last. The Leamington Grand Annual Handicap Steeplechase of 20 soya each, 10 ft, and 5 only if declared; winners extra, Four miles, Mr Matthews's Portland, agetl, lOst Gib .... (T. Albett) 1 Mr Adams's Globule, 5 yrs, 10st 71b (J. Holman) 2 Mr Nugent's Yeller Gal, aged, lOst 51b (Geo. Stevens) 3 The following also ran :—Jerry, Penarth, Freshman, Meanwood, Spatchceck, and Tony Lumpkin. Betting-4 to 1 each agst Globule and Tony Lumpkin 5 to 1 apt Yeller Gal— 6 to 1 agst Meanwood-100 to 15 agst Jerry-10 to 1 each agst Penarth and Freshman-100 to 8 (at one time 8 to 1) agst Portland. Jerry made play, followed by Spatchcock, and Tony Lumpkin in close company with Portland, Meanwood, and Penarth, at clear intervals, next in pursuit, the last three being Freshman, Globule, and Yeller Gal. After jumping the fence into the Star close, Penarth took up the running, and led over the side jump which preceded the water jump in front of the stand, followed by Meanwood, Jerry lying third and Tony Lumpkin fourth. Just previous to arriving at the artificial Brook, Meanwood ran up to the girths of Penarth, and was first over the water leap in front of the stand, Jerry following over third, Tony Lumpkin fourth, Portland fifth, Globule sixth, Yaller Gal seventh, Spatch cook eighth, and Freshman last. After going nearly a mile Meanwood took a decided lead, and rising the hill beyond the stand, was fully a dozen lengths ahead, and this advantage he increased into 100 yards in the succeeding half mile, where Jerry ran on alongside Pen arth, Tony Lumkin clear of this pair following fourth, Globule fifth, Portland sixth, Yaller Gal seventh, and Freshman still last. Before reaching the artificial brook the second time, Jem Knott "steadied" Meanwood, which enabled Jerry (who had previously passed Penarth) to draw nearer; but, nevertheless, Meanwood, jumping capi tally, was first over the water, Jerry being sec3nd, and Penarth third. Clear of these three came Tony Lumpkin, Portland, and Globule, the trio getting over almost to gether, with Yeller Gal and Spatchcock several lengths behind, and Freshman a long way in the rear of the lead ing division. Almost immediately after clearing the water jump the second time Tony Lumpkin ran towards the front, and at the toot of the hill occupied second place. Ascending the hill ho took up the running, and Mean wood dropping into the rear, Tony Lumpkin was followed by Jerry and Penarth, close behind whom were Spatchcock, Portland, Yeller Gal, and Globule ; Meanwood being many lengths in the rear of this lot. A mile from home Spatcheock ran into the third place, and Penarth dropped quite astern, upon which Globule rapidly improved his position, and three quarters of a mile from home took up the running, followed closely by Portland and Yeller Gal, Loth of whom headed Globule after jumping the cross fence, but the latter again showed in front at the last hurdles, from which spot a splendid race ensued with the three to the distance, where Portland drew away and won by four lengths; Yeller Gal was a bad third, and the others walked in. No accident occurred. The Hunt Cup S . ceplechttoc, value 100 sovs, by subscrip. lion of 10 sous each, for horses that - have never won a Handicap Steeplechase or Hurdle Race; winners of any other race extra. Three milep. 10 subs. Capt. Browne's Hall Court, 5 yrs, 12st 10lb (inc 141 b ex) (Capt. Tempest) 1 Mr Golby's Church Militant, 5 yrs, list 12th (Mr Edwards) 2 Mr Mackenzie's Wigley, aged, 13st 71b (inc 14Ib ex) (Mr Drake) 3 The following also ran :—Acrobat, Overton, Duntroon, Early Bird, and Scots Grey. Betting—Even on Acrobat, 100 to 30 agst Church Mili tant, 5 to 1 agst Hall Court, 8 to 1 agst Duntroon, 10 to 1 agst Wigley. The running was made by Scots Grey to the first fence, where he came heavily to grief, and Mr Cherry was seriously injured. At the same time Church Militant fell, but was quickly remounted, and went in pursuit . of Acrobat and Hall Court, who held a clear lead to the fence on the top of the hill, where Acrobat refused, and took no further part in the race. Hall Court maintained the lead to the end, and won easily by three. lengths ; Wigley was a bad third, Duntroon fourth, Early Bird fifth, and Acrobat walked in. A Hurdle Race (Handicap) of 5 sows etch, 2 ft, with 25 added ; the winner to be sold for 20 sous. One mile, over three hurdles. 6 subs, Mr Turner's Clementi, 5 yrs, list 71b Mr Barber's Cutler, 6 yrs, 9st 41b Mr La Mert's Balilerne, 5 yrs, lOst 101b....(Weyland) 3 Mr Walker's Fanny Kaye, 6 yrs, lOst 111 b ..(Walker) 4 Betting— 7 to 4 Cutler, 3 to 1 agst Clementi. Fanny Kaye made play to the first hurdles, when The Cutler and Clementi went to the front, and the latter aeon afterwards taking up the running, was never headed, and won by a length ; three lengths separated the second and third; Fanny Kaye was beaten of. The winner was bought in for 100 guineas. Match, 100 soya. Three furlongs. Mr Hooper's Helia filly, 2 yrs, Gst (Jackson) 1 Mr Pott's Chicquot the Jester, 3 yrs, Bst (Morris) 2 Betting-5 to 2on Helia filly, who won in a canter by three lengths. - Naval and Military Intelligence. The order for the drawings and plans to ba pre. pared for the iron and steel masts and yard& for the iron•oiad frigate Bellerophon,l4, 1,000-horse power, was received at Chatham dockyard yesterday, pre paratory to the customary invitation being given by the Admiralty to the leading firms to tender for the manufacture. Instead of the Bellerophon carrying iron masts and wooden topmasts, as is the case with the other iron vessels hitherto fitted, the Admiralty have decided on having the lower masts of iron, and the topmasta and yards of steel. Not the least of the many advantages in the use of steel for the top masts and yards is that they are less likely to be shot away, and if the masts were knocked overboard they would instantly sink, without clogging the screw and disabling the ship. It had been origi nally intended to give the Bellerophon four masts, but recent experience has induced the Admiralty to deviate from their original determination, and it is now decided that she shall carry the traditional three masts. The Achilles, the last of the ironclads constructed at Chatham, was the first vessel i❑ the Royal Navy in which more than three masts were placed, and although she has only made her first cruise in the Channel, it already appears that she is overmasted. The sailing vessel Fortitude, ordered by the Ad miralty to be stationed at Chatham as a coal ship, to supply the ships attached to the Steam Reserve, having been found unfitted for that duty, another of the old line-of-battle sailing ships will be selected in her stead. The screw steamship Victoria, 102, Capt. Good• enough, from Portsmouth for Malta, arrived in Plymouth Sound yesterday morning, The Geyser, with men paid off from the Warrior, arrived at Plymouth during Wednesday night, and is now waiting to embark men paid off from the Greyhound. The following appointment has been made i❑ the Royal Naval Reserve :—To be Honorary Lieut., Lord Otho Augustus Fitzgerald. In the report of the Inspector. General of Mus ketry the " 13th," not the " 15th," Hussars is men. tinned as the second best shooting regiment in the cavalry. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, TIMES.—In America all other topics have been forgotten for a time in the excitement of the Fresh. dential election. The Republican party are ex treme in their rejoicing, for they have been corn. pletely victorious. It is stated that Mr. Lincoln has 213 electoral votes, against 21 for General M'Clellan, and a popular majority of nearly 400,000. It is also announced that the votes of Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas will, probably, not be taken, as the majority in the rest of the Union will allow them to be disregarded without any change in the result, The speeches of the President and of his principal advisers indicate sufficiently how it is pur posed to employ the new lease of power. The war will begin again in the ensuing s p r i ng with fresh vigour. The policy of emancipation will probably receive the formal sanction of Congress. The coup. fiscation of rebel property will be strictly en forced. Proclamation will s uccee d p roc l ama tion, and draught will fellow draught so long as it is ne cessary to keep up to their present standard the immense armies of the Republic. In all this the dominant party is no doubt sincere. The nation has accepted Mr Lincoln's plan of " pegging away," and has no other idea than to continue the war in the style of the last four years, by sending three or four different armies into the heart of the Confederacy to occupy some unimportant town, or linger in front of the enemy's earthworks. The hope of the Federals is that one, two, three, or four years—for they are not overesanguine now—will find the Confederacy exhausted of men or its people shaken in resolution. Through all the speeches of the Northern politicians there is a vagueness of plan and an avoiding of military details which show how puzzled they are to reconcile even the last campaign with the speedy conquest of the South. But there is a blind confidence that the conquest is to be achieved somehow, and a belief that the re-election of Mr Lincoln has removed one of the greatest difficulties from their path. So much are the Republicans elated that they begin to be goodsnatured to their opponents. The Democrats are informed that the victorious party bear them no ill will, and would gladly see all Americans unite for the salvation of the country. They are bidden to take notice of their own weakness, of the com pleteness of their defeat, and the impossibility of their making any effectual opposition to Mr Lincoln during his second term of power. The country has heard the worst that can be said against the President—it knows of his arbitrary arrests, his emancipation edicts, his appointment of military dictators, his ceaseless demand for men, and the depreciation of the currency which has accompanied his campaigns. But everything has been—to use the American expression—endorsed by the popular vote. The President may conduct the war as he pleases for four years more, and fill the fortresses with his political enemies. He may bring down the value of a dollar to a few pence, and fill every household with mourning for those carried away to perish by disease or fall before the Confederate rifles. No political party will be able to make head against him—no single State of importance will any longer question his authority. Even New York has elected a Republican Governor, and Mr Seymour will cease to influence events by his half hearted opposition. The Democrats are invited to consider these things and to desist from their useless endeavours. Their answer has not yet been given, for they have at present scarcely recovered from their great defeat. But many of them will, no doubt, be content for a time to forego opposition. The main body of the party will, of course, shape their course according to the fortunes of the war, for a political party in America has too enduring an organization, and is kept together by too attractive prospects of place and power, to accept a defeat as final and submit in mass to the enemy. But when the smoke of the electoral contest clears away the eyes of the nation are again directed to the greater struggle of which it is but an episode. In the late autumn days the last movements of the present year are taking place. The news is very vague, and probably not on all points to be depended upon. The Confede rates have renewed operations in the Shenandoah Valley. General Early—undismayed by his defeat —is believed to be engaged in preparing for a flank movement around the Federal right; and it is fur ther reported that a large Confederate force under Generals Longstreet and Breckinridgo has been concentrated in South-western Virginia. Of Sher man we hear nothing except the suspicious statement that there is news highly important and favourable to the Federal cause, but that " the publication of details is prohibited." General Grant appears to have finally abandoned all thoughts of taking even Petersburg this year. The last defeat which he sus tained the other day seems to have convinced him that the best operation to which he can apply himself is the hutting of the army for the winter. It is something gained that for some months to come this war is likely to languish, but we can have little hope that the winter months will bring with them any such change in the popular mind as will increase the chances of a reconciliation. On both sides this interval will be pawed in preparations for another and perhaps even a bloodier campaign than those which arc plst. To come to this conclusion it is only necessary to observe the tone of the Confede rate President's Messege to C ngress, rnd the substance of the debate which followed. Mr. Davis had given his opinion that the arming of the slaves was for the present unnecessary, but that they might be employed in greater numbers than before in duties subsidiary to that of fight ing, such as driving carts, making earthworks, and so on. At present, it seems, even this moderate proposition does not secure the approbation of all members of Congress. The Southerners believe that they have in their white population a sufficient number of men to carry on the war, and that even though a time may come for the employment of the negro race that time has not come yet. The scheme for the employment and emancipation even of a limited number was opposed on the ground of inex pediency, and the point will probably be debated with some spirit. But even those whose prejudices are most against arming the slaves intimate that they are ready to take this step if it be necessary. In this spirit the preparation for next year's cams paign will be made. For the present, it is likely no large number of the negroes will be employed in the war, and these will not be allowed to bear arms. The Confederates will trust to the power of Governs meat and of public opinion to bring to the army the great number of men who still remain unem ployed. From this source they expect to obtain as many as will place their armies in a position to defend the chief points of their territory during the ensuing year; bat should these not be enough, there can be little doubt that a levy of negroes will be made. The people are ready for it, the Governors have assented to it, and President Davis can effect it when he pleases. This seems to be felt at the North, for the expectation of a speedy peace has not accompanied the re-election of Mr Lincoln. The political event which has filled the Republican party with exultation was no sooner certain than the price of gold, reduced by the fall of Atlanta, began to rise once more—a sure sign that those whose trade teaches them to observe events most closely see as yet no end to their country's troubles. POST.—Mr Cobden's speech at Rochdale is a cha racteristic and remarkable composition. In it, while inculcating peace and non-intervention, he assumes a belligerent attitude to almost every Power and every party in the world, except, perhaps, the Fede rals and their European partisans. While making, for the dozenth time, a great sensational demonstra tion in favour of the Northern States, he boasts that be and his alter ego, Mr. Bright, have carefully ab stained from mixing themselves up in the dispute; and while he earsnot but know that from the com mencement of the struggle the South have from time to time put forth statements of their case, with the grounds and reasons for separation and their right and title to independence, he roundly affirms that, conscious of haviing no case at all, they have never ventured to state is to the world. Singularly enough, the latest manifesto put forth by the Confederates appears side by side with Mr Cobden's speech in yesterday's papers. What is most strange of all, however, is to find Mr Cobden—the great apostle of non-intervention, the essence of whose doctrine is that every people ought to be sole judge of its own affairs, and that nobody else has any right to judge for it—raising a complaint, and that totally un founded, that other nations have not been appealed to as judges in a purely domestic matter which con cerns six millions of Southerners, and, according to the theory of s e lf- government esta b l i shed in the United States, nobody else whatever. But whether the Confederates called in other nations judges or not, it cannot Much signify in this case, as other nations have unmistakably and emphatically expressed their judgment on the question, and that that judgment is that the Confederates, in accordance with the principles which the com mon ancestors of North and South reduced to practice in 1776, at the cost of a civil war with their own Sovereign, have the most ab., solute right and valid title to freedom and inde pendence. Bat to enumerate all the fallacies con tained in this singular address would bo labour without end, If there is ono thing more than another which is the real cause of secession, it is the conflicting interests having their origin and roots in geographical circumstances ; and therefore, apparently, Mr. Cobden must needs tun a tilt against fact and nature by reiterating that geo graphical circumstances forbid the separation of North and South. Yet Mr. Cobden deems himself marvellously strong in his geography, He could put his finger on Chicago in the map blindfold, and hazards the bold prediction that our university men would not be able to put their fingers withia a thousand miles of it ; as though tkey may know a deal about the Ilissus at Athens, which he describes as resembling the bed of a dried up torrent, thei, know nothing whatever about the MissieslPPto Some, however, will be so preeu mptuous es doubt whether all this vast knowledge of the i n eo ,' of the universe is not merely mechanical. If %ig graphy, in the best sense, teaches us anything', ' to, that the people who inhabit the Southern • S t b le o istio and the people who inhabit the North, conflicting interests, and consequent aatage n a te characters, which are sure, sooner or later, to Ig e o them distinct and separate nations. Air. e°b el etit doctrine of non-intervention and self-gaver e o means that a people like the six millions of a erners have a right to dispose of themseiv ea rd ieg manage their own affairs as they please, a ec() ; ;t or to their own will a nd c h o i ce , an d that n e nation or Government, much less their late °g l l the Northern President—from whom they 11 , 8v d e le , a great public national a c t w ithd r awn their ht o r legated authority—can have any the least rig. beg , title to coerce and rule theme geinst their O tio This is Mr. Cobden's doctrine of non-inter ce , n d for and self-government. He holds it was Pij e clo the colonists of 1770, who really were the e . u „' g iti of, and owed allegiance to, the sovereign an"iy o lt, of Great Britain. Yet he rejoices in their re If while he will not allow the same prit ciple to s r oi e in the case of the Uonfederates, though ber o riously never were the subjects of the ile'' re gi , people nor of the Northern President. The t ai pl dent, according to American principles, 1 088 ,;,er the agent or servant of the South so long a 91," the joyed the sanction of their " consent," wh'f,"„tioo Declaration of Independence, with the Const l , l ; de of the United States founded upon it, Glared to be essential to all legitraate gove o r ew b dei and State authority. Why does not Mr•,„ u „ ° „iiiell fairly and honestly grapple with these dlid o til eepresstiao; instead of perpetually evading them ? he say candidly at once that he likes the Poll ore, and social system of the N or th, and, the r "o l he is for having it f orce d u p on t h e South eg,„ . 01 the will of six millions of f ree c itizens cla im the same liberty as th a t f or w hi c h the e eti liett ancestors of both belligerents l ev i e d war ti g - bei their constitutional r u l er w i t h f a r less I ts nfi of reason and exc use ? Thi s wou ld he "oil and straightforward ; but the shifts ,00 evasions we have b een ca ll e d u p on to analY B- 00 1 really pitiable, Mr Cobden tells us he thinit s o o though a republic is good for America, 02 1 4 0 system of constitutional mo narc hy is better Pi er o For different nations, different forms of o°/ ir e ment. But cannot Mr Cobd en see that, by P- 0 1 of reasoning, what is good for the North o a k, be good for the South, and that six millions eL c dod federates have at least as muc h r i g ht to r` fro o their will into fact, and separate themselves 00, the North, their mere fellow-citizens a nd 0 0 10 1 as the three millions of colonists had to against their lawful Sovereign and set up fort h )) , selves ? Mr Cobden's friends hav e claimed '"" g lif the soundest logic and common sense, but c r i 0 these qualities do not find any place what e/ ;rit , ' these singular demonstrations against the y ciples of self-government and noneinterven the As for the rest of Mr Cobden's speech, it 0 8 1 1 old story over again for the hundredth o° l/ . 0, was something infinitely more tedious , r oP through than a twice-told tale. We have 11 % tl l/ all so many times already, in Parliament , ° 4 - 0 03 ,,. platform, and in letters to constituents, ili a : o e r, and out of season, that we are quite sic% e Everybody who reads the newspapers knn sc ; l : heart. England is to mind her own businee - e' must not content herself with refusing 909 material aid to the cause of th e opp r essed, 11 ,' O g g fusing to stand up for justi ce a n d p u blic lay'' e se must not even express sympathy with the ell t -r e# S against the oppressor ; nay, sh e must nf log el o discuss the subject in the newspaper s , mueb je Perliament. In short, England is to don fperi but attend to the shop. A nation of shePk e rlo l should not stir from behind their counters. SO is Mr Cobden's theo r y, an d a very com f o rtah le t bo l brilliant one it is. The only fault in it 'le to it is totally un-English and impracticable' 110 federals may exterminate s i x m illi on s o' c do! t citizens for the crime of wishing to be indePLpt ; and manage their own affairs, but, inconsi s r f it may sound, Mr. Cobden will not, even I° o l sake of his beloved and revered commeree' 4 , England to protect her son s f rom th e treaell A e- 0 0 1 5 ferocity of Chinese, Japanese, Hindoos, 03 " t io ol benignant specimens of " O r i en t a l civilis e S who make solemn treaties only to break t think it a religious duty to murder Westeri l A brol i bariana" without mercy. So far from geing„ - r or e to protect our people, we must not even these shores at home ; our necessary fortifi ca ec ; which Mr, Cobden, o course, considers u o tt i t sflry, being classed by him with " ev°?: g O r , abomination of modern times." St u ff of to ,- 00 i0, is not to be answered with a r g ument . ite s l , 6- is thrown away upon it, and it may aafell to dispose of itself. COUNTRY MARKETS. BRI ST OL—THunssnic. lO r A full supply of English wheat, which yne" eery j ; at rather under the pricis of last week. Foreign e 4lt but no cheaper. Malting barley in good dernarn, 1 6 lower descriptons, which were dull, and fully 6- 1 ",.,,cl ll qr cheaper. Oats in firm request. Indian corn Ye" BURY ST. EDMUND'S—WzDNEs IO ;tO.I There was a good supply ot wheat at this road' e o 'f bo rl e i; which sold slowly at last week's rates. The shoo' Ac ii was large, and inferior sorts were fully Is per clr "'- fine sorts at fully late rates. ( yr BIRMINGHAM—THURSDAY. t to. do r A slow demand for English wheat in our raarsent 4;60 With a full supply, last week's quotations wer e n li orioil' ably lower. Fine barley in b e tt er i n quiry, sec cl- is 1 10 tending downwards. Oats firm. Beans onll, st,ti —English wheat was sold at 40s to 44s for will'f; tg , to 40s per 36 stone for red. Barley, new raa lti pit p e 36s per qr; grinding, 23s to 265. Oats, old, 40 per 30 stone; Irish, 19s to 245. Beans, 44s to peas, 38s to 40s per 36 stone. MANCHESTER—THURSDAY. jo fe r , There was a fair attendance at our market 'worth) ing, and fine English wheat ruled firm, but othe r i o ttir) well as foreign, were neglected. Flour was rather billsAo , only the best sorts support e d l as t wee k' s prices. lo w p l oatmeal must be not e d a t l a t e ra t es , with a 6 Beans and Indian corn in fav ,ur of buyers. GLASGOW—WEDNESDAY. jeft i. o 4 l ,' At this day's market the wheat t ra de was 133 ",.'icior tone, and held for late rates. Ba r l e y d u ll, in bur c. +4O cheaper. Oats firm, but there was an inactive ow, s i steady. Beans and peas were th e t urn i n favor' Maize was easier. EDINBURGH GRAIN—WEDNEOOI. Of To-day there was a fair supply o f c o untry svi le I , met a good sale at late rates. j 3 a ore Wheat on the top Os 6d down g Barley on the top is Od down a a v v e e r r a ag e e e ° , 6 ! 59 1d P Oats on the top Os 6d d0wn..... av erage ''' Ow Beans on the top is Od up.. ..average 03 Total Supply and Sales. fa g a re Wheat ... 776 qrs Sold ''; Oro 8ar1ey........3109 qrs Sold 19 77 , i 'ro Oats Beans 46 qrs.. Sold 2;4 ;! i i 3 A B v s er 2 a d ge i Prices. .......... . $ 4,0 0 8 ro Wheat Barley 26s 4d I Beans .......... .37 9; Town-made flour sells as follows :—Whit e, superfine. 35s ; superfine, 335; fine, 31s. 111 [ADVERTISEMENT]—HoIIoway's Oi n t m ent. i o n O t,., is all that is asked to prove the sterling and OPI, 0 0 1(7 / of this ointment, and to demonstrate how 0 13 6 cessful it is in curing old ulcers, inveterate sor'Wlo - Or i i figuring eruptions than any other application.. 0 ,48 8 ,iP A perly used it lessens the inflammation, which adjacent to the wound or ulcer, whereby muc' l ,oo l :4o immediately assuaged, and in the course of an t f the most satisfactory results invariably folio"; o pe•ei steadily advance to a tho roug h an d permanen,id-fieo treatment, so much at v ar i ance w i t h the " lo s v „ Ort pi views of cauterising, blistering, leeching, eco' ble mon consent been pronounced to be the greatee. persons thus isillicted. A gAN se- London : Printed and Put :failed by WILLI----nive yd of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at l'uz CC' Strand, in the Precinct of the 81yoy. Istiddlepex.— Friday, N ovember 25, 1810. Births. , l urk , DOUGLAS.—On the 22d inst., at S ) ringwooa th e Lady Scott Douglas, of a son. I FANE.—On the 19th inst., at Avon Tyrrel, l.—ri A r„ of Lieut.-Colonel Hamlyn Fane, of a son. of-Pie MOIRA.—On the 23d inst., at 1, Lower Soy Die r ib Portman-square, the wife of E. Moira, EN"' ter. Marriages. Wh ittiA love CHINN—GRIFFITH,-011 the 32d inst., at '0 1(3 10 near Lichfield, ILnry Sinclair China, 8 5 , (1 ,.. ,' J O 4 4 Lichfield, to Frances Ali ce , e ldest daugh ter ° ; ; o, Griffith, Esq., of Whittington. jot OM GILLIAT—MooRE.—On the 24th inst., at Dfr . ilj P,li" f oY cadilly. Algernon Gilliat, Esq. , Fern et Mary Augusta Georgiana, youngest daugbter; and Rev. Edward Moore, 'Canon of Windao te it Deaths. Ef e WO if EVERETT.—On the 23d inst., at Readi n g , W ido Esq., barrister at-law. ELLICOMBE.—On the 22d inst. a t a t Torqa 3 Y' Pe t of Hugh M. Ellicornbe, Esq . , of Exete r, ag- gr. GARRETT.—On the 22d inst.,. at Holloway' V ir Garrett, aged 51. es ijea ce ' LEWIS.—On the 23d inst., sullenly, at bi a L J 64„, , Mansion, Albany, Charles Lewis, Esq., NllO , 0 1 1 0 ED MLAND —On the 21st inst Herttorwt .) at m ai Esq., aged 80. old° MONTGOMERIE —On the 21st inst , , at Garb _0 5: 3 ' 14 1 the Hon. Mrs. Molyneux Montgome rie, als, oa th PEARSE.—On the 23d inst., at The Lodge. e ' d 93 • og borough, Hants, "'homes Pearce , Escl'iTw