The Sun. — London, England, 1864-08-13 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA, (From the Times Correspondent.) NEW YORK, Jaly 29. The War Secretary has not only ceased to com munic ate war news to the public, but has prohi. bited the transmission of telegrams from Washing ton co n taining any information of the state of affairs either .in the Shenandoah Valley or before the be. leagnrt .d cities of Petersburg and Atlanta. The consequence is that the public has to wait for the tardy agencies of the Post-office to learn what is passing, and that Washington, Baltimore,Philadel phia, and New York are flooded with rumours, —some alarming, some consolatory, and most of them false. The journals at 'Washington and in this city which pretend to speak on the authority of the Government wish to have it believed that the return of Generals Early and Breckinridge to the Shenandoah Valley is not a matter of much conse quence; that if they attempt to cross the Potomac they will be severely dealt with, and that Washing. ton and Baltimore and the whole of Maryland and Pennsylvania are perfectly safe. 'With reference to Petersburg, they affirm that Grant has commenced a new movement, th e d e t a ils of which it would be unpatriotic if not treasonable to publish, but the result of which must inevitably be the capture of that city within a fortnight . and of Ri c h mon d within six weeks. As for Atlanta, it is doomed, they say, and cannot hold out for another week before the brilliant strategy and indomitable energy of Sherman. It is as yet impossible to ascertain what are the intentions of the Confederates in again occupying the Shenandoah Valley, or in what numbers they have appeared. That t h ey were able to defeat Generals Crook and Averill with great loss, and force General Hunter back upon Harper's Ferry and the Maryland heights is a proof that they mean mischief, and are able to accomplish it. The lowest estimates place their force at 35,000 and the highest at 75,000 men. Whatever their real num bers may be, they will n o t b e l e f t a l one to the work ofinvasion, if that be their object, inasmuch as Longstreet's corps of 25,000 men is on the march to reinforce them ; but without the leadership of that General, who was too severely wounded at the b attic:, of the Wilderness to be yet in a condition to take the field. Mr. Fessenden's popular loan of two hundred millions has had a fair start. Yesterday about eight millions were taken by one German banking -house on behalf of its clients in Europe, and about t wo and-a-half millions by the leading banks of New York. It does not yet appear that En2lishnaen— who judge in these matters with fuller light than the Germans—will be tempted to risk their money in a loan which, if war should unfortunately arise between the two countries, would most likely be repudiated, quoad the English creditor ; and which, supposing peace to be maintained with Great Britain, is just as likely to be wholly repudiated, in the not improbable case of a further disintegration of the Northern Union, consequent upon the failure of the war. It is announced from Washington that Mr. Seward has instructed, or will immediately instruct, Mr. Adams to demand of the British Government the surrender of Capt. Semmes, an the lawful pri soner of Capt. Winslow, of the Kcarsage. It is to be hoped for the sake of the little character yet left to the Federal Administration that Mr. Seward will be better advised. If Cspt. Winslow wanted possession of Capt. Semmes, he should have taken him oat of the Deerhound, as he had a perfect right to do if he had had the power. If a prisoner of Tear has no right to make his escape, and if no o ee has the right to help him in doing so, the Con federate Government ought to demand of the Fe• clarets the immediate surrender of Gen. Franklin captured by Major Harry Gilmore in the railway carriage near Baltimore, and who took advantage of the somnolence of the guard set to watch over him—to skedaddle. Before Mr Seward makes such a demand he should ask himself whether the United States would have surrendered Louis Napo. Leon Bonaparte to King Louis Philippe if the latter had choeen to insult the Federal Government by assuming its acquiesence to be posible; or Louis Kossuth who took refuge on board of an American ship of war to the Government of Austria, if the Kaiser had been silly enough to court a rebuff, by insisting upon his delivery. Thet Mr Seward would gain considerable popularity by preferring such a claim to the British Government there is no reaeon to doubt, but as the emphatic, and perhaps indignant, refusal which he would encounter, backed as it would be by the judgment of the world, would react unfavourably both on his own reputa tion and that of his country, it is probable that he will remember the proverb and let well alone. There is considerable talk of a great conspiracy in the North-west, which the Government has re cently discovered, the objects of which are the re. cognition of the South, and a new secession of the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and others on the southern shares of the Great Lakes. The chronic discontent of the West, the anarchy that prevails in many portions of those sparsely settled regions, the ill•will existing between the soldiery and the citizens, the establishment of martial law, and the known sympathy of the farmers for come mercial rather than social reasons, with the South, are all indications that the West yields but a flimsy allegiance to the Federal Government, and that it would on occasion of any crowning disaster to the Federal arms rather shift for itself than give Mr. Lincoln much assistance to retrieve the fortunes of the Union. The letter of Calonel Anderson was of itself a proof that popular discon tent in the West is neither new nor weak, and that it will behove the Federal Government to walk warily, lest it goad the spoken discontent into armed resistance. Bat the details of the alleged conspiracy, as communicated to the public, are too conflicting to merit credence. A conspiracy, which includes among its members General Sterling Price, of the Confederate army, and two hundred thousand " minute men" of New York, calling themselves the M'Clellan Guard, which enrols thousands of Demo crats rabid for the prosecution of the war, and other thousands of Democrats zealous for the pro. secution of peace ; which has for its leading spirits such oppositely-minded men as Mr. Vallandigham, of Ohio, and the Hon. W. B. Reed, of Philadelphia; which pretends to trace its origin to Richmond when Mr. Vallaadigham passed through that city in exile, and the objects of which are mainly to be effectod by nominating at Chicago a candidate bold enough to declare himself in favour of peace, is a little too heterogeneous in its principles, as well as its composition, to be implicitly believed in. 'rho story, as published, reads very much like the dis. turbed dream of a hypochondriac, or the weak in vention of some adventurous penny-a-liner, analois tious of the renown, but not of the fate, of Joseph Howard, the forger of Mr. Lincoln's procla mation. If there be any object in the publication, as it appears in the Missourz Democrat, beyond that of creating a temporary sensation, it is pro bably to be sought in the desire of the military authorities in the West to find a pretext for the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. At all events, the " conspiracy " has not frightened anybody in this 'Patter, but afforded considerable amusement to many who believe that there is nothing too silly to be credited at Washington. A leading Republican journal and firm supporter of the Administration asserts that the President's call for 500,000 men " has sent a cold shudder through the natio n ." It has certainly excited no response, and th e vo l untary enlistment, sympathetic in anticipation and prevention of so fearful a draught, makes but littl e progress in New York. The average number of volunteers, inclusive of newly -arrived Irish and Germane, scarcely exceeds 30 per day, at which rats this city will only p rov id e 1,110 men before the sth of Sept em b er, when a draught of 23,000 will have to be enforced if the Presidential call is not to remain a dead letter.. The nrwenlistnaects are mostly for three yew s, for N i; period the volunteers are entitled to recoive not,,only ilia bounty offered by the Federal Gcve . :ument, but the supplementary bounties offered by the State and city of New York, Under Mr Lincoln's call for half a million of men to serve for one year, the volun teers are to receive the FederPl bounty only, uone having been offered by th e St a t e or th e municipality, and it is alleged as one reason for the coyness of martial young men, American and foreign, in listen ing to the blandishments of the bounty brokers, that they are holding themselves in reserve in ex pectation that as the day of draught approaches the same bounties that are offered for three years will be offered for one. Another difficulty has arisen with regard to the hundred-day militiamen who were de spatched to Washington to aid in defending that city from Gene. Early and Brecklnridge, and who claim that, having responded to the call of the Governor of New York in that instance, they ought to be exempt from the draught that will be made before their term of service shall have expired. The Federal Government refused to listen to the pros posal and insisted that these men should take their chance like other citizens, but that, if drawn, the hundred days for which they had agreed to serve should be counted as part of their year. Yesterday, however, the Government, being once again in alarm for the safety of Washington, and having no means of defending it, except by withdrawing a portion of Grant's army from Peters. burg, or by relying upon, and making terms with, the militia, concluded the point in dispute, so that, as far as New York is concerned, the numbers available for the draught have diminished to the full extent of the assistance temporarily rendered to Washington. Governor Seymour, though he makes no objection to the enlistment of negroes on behalf of New York State or city, whenever the said negroes can be procured, declines to set any official agency into operation to that effect ; but leaves to private citizens, or to such public associations as may be formed for the purpose, the duty of buying, kid napping, or persuading the blacks of the Southern and Border States to take service in default of such white men as may be too busy, too indifferent, or too hostile to the cause to shoulder the musket. In the neighbouring State of New Jersey and in Jersey city, on the opposite side of the Hudson River, the people are a little.more zealous than in New York. Perhaps they have reason to fear that, as they are not strong enough to resist a draught, it will be ruthlessly enforced in their case; whereas New York takes the matter quietly, convinced that the well known disposition of the Irish, and generally of the labouring population, will make the Government pause before it attempts to enforce a draught among so dangerous and hot-blooded a class. New Jersey, however, less favourably situated for dictating terms to Washington, puts her shoulder to the wheel, offers heavier bounties than New York, and makes such rapid progress in filling up the comparatively small number that will be required of her as to make it almost certain that no compulsion will be necessary. Last week a bounty broker—or other person in the employ of the authorities of Jersey city—returned from Kentucky with 150 negroes, whom he had procured as recruits at 400 dole. each. He exhibited the receipts for the men, but did not choose to answer any of the follow ing rather important questions :—First, were these free negroes ? Second, if not, were they the slaves of loyal owners? Third, were they the slaves of" rebel" owners ? Fourth, if free negroes, was the bounty money paid to them ? Fifth, if slaves of loy a men, did their owners get the money ? Sixth, if slaves of " rebel" owners, was any part or the whole of the bounty money paid to him, as an additional solatium and sweetener of their liberty ? Perhaps some re ply to these questions may yet be elicited, especially as there is a suspicion that, whoever may have re ceived the dollars, poor Sambo did not, in which case the change from predial to military slavery is not one which the humanitarian, whether an Aboli tionist or not, would be likely to approve or con sider in accordance with justice, freedom, or right principle. Governor Parker, of New Jersey, has nothing to do with these negro enlistments, and declines, like Governor Seymour, of Now York, to lend his autho rity to any scheme for procuring men out of the limits of his own state. In a Message, dated the 22(1 inst., addressed to a committee of gentlemen of the township of Alexandria, in the county of Hunt ingdon, who asked his cu•operation in procuring negroes in the South, he peremptorily refuses, but informs theta that they may doso if they have money for the purpose. He declares his opinion that the people are not satisfied with the manner in which the war has hitherto been conducted, and describes " the almost unanimous desire of tt e Northern people to keep oat of the army, and states that nearly the whole population run to and fro to seize upon any expedient to avoid personal military service." The fact is as the Governor states it to bc ; bat the Federal Government: and its friends have a ready reply, which is that the Governor is not to be be lieved, inasmuch as he is a " Copper head." As the Copperheads, however, form about three-fourths, if not nincetenths, of the people, Governor Parker can afford to accept the epithet and consider it both honourable and popular. JULY 30. The long inactivity of Grant before Petersburg has bee❑ suddenly disturbed by his own act. The great new movement which was mysteriously an• nounced to be in progress yesterday, but of which no details were permitted to be published, is this morning disclosed. The pertinacious General has once again changed his base, and Petersburg, being as little available as a door for entering Richmond as the Wilderness, Spottsylvania Court-house, the North Anna, or Cold Harbour severally proved to be, has been ab.mdoned for the north side of the James, at a place called Deep Bottom. The move ment of two of his army corps under General Foster, was made successfully on the 27th, and it is supposed that Grant with the remainder of his ermy has by this time followed. General Lee was aware of his intention prior to the 25th, as appears from an article in the .Richn2ond Enquirer of that date, which distinctly states that Grant "was evidently commencing a strategic policy, but would be over ' matched by the able . Generals in his front." With the usual credulity, hopefulness, folly, or nnthinka ing and cheerfal trust of the Americans, which ex ceeds that of the excellent Mr. Micawber, it is proclaimed that at last General Grant is about to be brilliantly successful, and that Richmond " is as good as taken.' The new base brings him within 12 miles of the object of his desire, or about ten miles nearer than he was at Petersburg. Time will show whether the Confederates have left this or any other weak spot in the defences of their capital, or whether the Federal army is not to expend 10,000 or 12,000 precious lives as the price of the new experiment which Grant, the stub bornest if not the most successful of Generals, has thought it his duty to make—wholly irrespective, of course, of the blood that may be shed in its pro- gress. MEASURE OF VIBRATIONS.—W e often read of delicate measurements, the minuteness of which strikes us with surprise; and the question at once presents itself, by what means such extraordinary precision can be attained, as will, for instance, give us the hundredth part of a second ? On this subject we find some curious methods and apparatuses described as an important professional work entitled, Iraite des Xecanismes, by M. Haton de la Goupilliere. Suppose it were required to measure the exact time of the descent of the hammer of a gun-lock on the nipple? the motion is so rapid, that the most delicate stop watch is at fault. A needle might be fixed to the hammer, so as in descending to mark a curve on a blackened metal plate; but still the time would be an unknown quantity. It may, however, be measured by means of a tuning-fork. also provided with a marking-needle ; then with the former one marks ibe curve described by descent of the hammer, the second needle will mark the vibrations of the fork; and as we know that they are isochronous, each of tho small sinuosities thus obtained on the blackened plate will represent a fraction of time, and show how many such minute fractions elapsed during the fall of the hammer, To give an idea of the degi cc of precision which may bo at tained by this process, let us suppose the normal French tuning-fork, which performs 896 vibrations a second ; then the duration of each vibration will be one-S9Gth of a se cond; and as the greatest error that can be committed can not exceed half a vibration, the measurement will be exact to one-1792d of a second. A similar apparatus has been empb , yed in counting the vibrations of a piece of ordnance. In this case the needle is made to mark a curve on a eylin • der, and in order to avoid the confusion resulting from the needle's pas Bing twice over the same ground, the cylinder is made to advance while it turns, so as to move like a screw, When such an apparatus is applied to the pulsa tions of the heart, it is called a sphygmograph. The strokes are communicated by means of air-tubes to a very elastic membrane, and thenco to a system of levers bearing needles which trace the corresponding curve on a turnine. cylinder. This contrivance was invented by Viererdt. Lord Woclehouse on Education, NOR*ICII, Aug. 12. Lord Wodehouse presided this afternoon at the distribution of prizes to the successful candidates at the University examination held in December last at the Norwich Centre. The noble lord was supported by Professor Sedgwick, the Rev. Canon Heaviside, the Rev. Canon Neville, the Rev. Canon Howell, &c., while apologies were offered for the absence of the Bishop of Norwich, Mr E. Howes, M.P., Sir J. Boileau, Sir W. Jones, &c. The Rev. Canon HOWELL, local hon. secretary, read some statistics, from which it appeared that, in 1858, 31 candidates presented themselves at the Norwich Centre, of whom ten passed ; in 1859, 16, of whom six passed ; in 1860, 18, of whom nine passed ; in 1861, 16, of whom ten passed ; in 1862, 19, of whom 15 passed , and in 1863, 22, of whom 18 passed. The percentage on the number passed had thus risen from 30 per cent. in 1858 to 90 in 1863 ; while of the 122 candidates who had pre sented themselves ea'. Norwich since the establish ment of the Examinations, 68 had passed. The prizes were then distributed, and Lord WODEHOUSE, who had performed this part of his duties in a very genial manner, said he feared it must be admitted from the sta tistics which had been read, that the movement was still in its infancy. If the great middle class of this country was to take advantage of the movement for the improvement of the education of their children we must look for larger numbers at these examinations ; but although the movement might be yet in its infancy, it certainly had already borne fruit, not only in the considerable number of candidates which, taking the whole country, had appeared at the examinations, but tOso in the at tention which it had drawn to a very important subject. We had now had for many years a very considerable movement with regard to education in this country, and one thing at least we might re gard as entirely established, indeed, as so completely established, that it seems unnecessary to allude to it,—he meant the advantage of education. Many persons might remember the time when a great many people thought there was such a thing as over education, and that the best way to avoid such a dangerous result was to do without any education at all. These people, in order to avoid the Scylla of over education, drifted towards the Cha rybdis of no education at all. (Laughter.) Well, we had got over this stage, and we were now all agreed that education was a good thing. Thanks to the exertions of many very distinguished men, we had seen a very extensive system of education established for the lower classes—an education which we now saw embracing almost the whole people. By this remark be did not mean to say that more was not to be done, and that there might not be spots which the system had not reached, or that we ought to be content with the number of children who attended school ; but the system was firmly established, and we might look for its continued pro gress until it embraced all the children who ought to attend school. While we had been introducing a good system of education for the children of the lower classes we had not neglected the education of the upper classes, and we had seen at our Univer sities very great changes indeed. We had also seen recently an inquiry conducted by some eminent men into the highest endowed schools in this country, such as Eton, Harrow, Rugby, and others, and the commissioners who were entrusted with the inquiry had produced a report which all persons who had read it must acknowledge to be one of the most in teresting papers which had ever appeared on educa tion. But hitherto we had done very little for one of the most extensive classes, and perhaps the most im portant class in the country—the middle class. He used the term " middle class" for want of a better ; in point of fact the phrase embraced the great working population of this country, through whom the great wealth of the country had been accumulated who con stituted the backbone of English society, and upon whom the industry and prosperity of the country very greatly depended. There was hardly a political meeting at which the speakers did not dilate upon the great strength and importance of the middle class and upon the political power which it pos. sessed. Well, if this class was the mainstay of our commerce, and at the same time a great power in the political system of this country, every one must feel that it was his duty to secure, a 3 far as possible, the highest education to it. If we looked not only to the interests of the whole country, but to the interests of the middle class itself, he supposed no one would dispute that it was of the utmost import ance that it shoald not fall behind in the educa tional race. When the middle class saw, as it did now, the class below it continually rising in know ledge and education—and some remarkable evi dences of intelligence and education had been shown in what he might term the upper part of the lower classes—it must be of the highest importance to members of the middle class itself that by their own exertions they should do everything to promote the education of their children. He thought we were much indebted to the Universities for having taken this matter in hand. They had done very good sera vice, and it might possibly happen that through the Universities the object we had in view might be achieved; but he confessed, for his own part, that he should not be speaking candidly if he did not express some doubt as to whether the desired result could be realised through the Universities. We wanted some system which would embrace all the middle-class schools throughout the country, and he had some doubts whether the Universities would be found capable of executing this great task. It was quite clear that the first step to be taken was to deal with the endowed schools. We had in this country probably not less than 400 to 500 endowed schools—what we knew as grammar schools, just the sort of sch oo l s w hi c h me t the object we had in view i n connect i on with middle-class education. The liberality of our forefathers had founded these schools, and what we had now to do was to find the best way of utilising this educational instrument, and turning it to the best advantage. When we turned to our Universities and looked to them to effect the great object of the education of the middle class, we met this great difficulty —ou r uni aersities were to a certain extent, and especially the great Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, secta rian in their character. He used the term without wishing to attach the slightest offensive meaning to it, but the universities wane to a great extent limited to the education of persons connected with the Church of England. He was perfectly well aware that to a considerable extent those who did not be long to the Church of England were now admitted to the benefits of a university education, but still we also knew that, he would not call them preju dices, but the opinions of many eminent men whose views were entitled to respect were adverse to throw• ing the university system completely open to all classes throughout the country, whatever might be their religious opinions. This was an important point, because the main body of those who did not belong to the Church of England were to be found among the middle class, and under the circumstances he rather doubted whether the Universities would find it possible to reach the whole of the middle class of the country. He was perfectly well aware that a very considerable portion of the middle class belonged to the Church to which he himself belonged—the Church of England ; but a very large portion held different views, and as whenever the educational , question was touched upon in this country the sub ject of religion also arose—and properly so, because education without religion would not be sound—the fears and suspicions ofd large body of the middle class might be aroused if the Universities took the matter in hand. The conclusion at which he was rather driven to arrive—although ho spoke hesitatingly, as upon a matter with regard to which scarcely any one had made up his mind—was that the middle class must be in some way indebted to the Govern ment in respect to their education. He should be the last person to wish to see the middle classes indebted to the Government for pecuniary assistance ; and he thought it would be a most unfortunate thing if we were to put into the hands of the Government the whole education of the country, not only of the lower class but of the middle class also. Such a policy might operate in such a manner as to produce considerable political changes, and might not come ;mend itaelf to the instinct of Englishmen, who had THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, AUGUST 13, 1864. acquired a great attachment to self-government; at the same time, there were certain things which could be done through the action of the Govern ment alone. The Government was the Government of the whole country, and could act quite impar tially, which no body like the Universities, even although they might be actuated by the best inten tions, could do, connected as they had been so long with one religious body. He had no further information on the subject than he gathered from the newspapers, but a Commission had been appointed to inquire into the whole subject of middle-class education. Until the report of this Commission was issued, it would be unwise to ex press any decided opinion upon the subject; at the same time he would ttirow out a few hints for the consideration of those who might deal with the matter hereafter. No one would contemplate inter ference with schools established by private enter prise. With regard to endowed schools, he believed they were founded by men in advance of their time, and that if they could speak now they would be the last persons to declare that the improvements were to be introduced into their schools. They had i❑ view the same objects which we had in view now; they wished to stimulate good education ; they took things as they found them, and established what was then thought the best system of education ; but, probably if they could speak, they would be the first to declare that they never intended that their schools should not be susceptible of improve ments. Changes in the letter of what founders of schools had prescribed should not, then, be regarded too jealously, so long as the spirit of what they had prescribed was adhered to, and so long as the genes ral principles which they had laid down were re spected. While we were right in not allowing the Government to become possessed of the management of our affairs, we derived great benefit from inde pendent inspection of what we did. Thus we had appointed inspectors of prisons, mines, and facto ries, and in every case in which we had applied the system we had done so with marked success ; and even those who had at first offered opposition in consequence of the interference which they an ticipated would be brought to bear up on their affairs had they themselves acknowledged the great benefit which they derived from the new policy. It seemed, then, to be exactly the province of the Government of a free country to establish that which, after all, no part of a country could supply for itself—a general independent inspection brought to bear upon every part of it. Then, un doubtedly, there must be a system of examination ; whether it could be best conducted through the Universities, as at present, or through some other means must be left to experience to determine. It would be a great advantage if the connection with the Universities could be kept up, as certain vener able associations were connected with them, and the stamp of University approval carried with it con siderable weight. It was a question for considera tion whether, in connection with the Civil Service, the Society of Apothecaries, the Law Society, and other bodies, certificates from these local examina tions might not be accepted as a sufficient prelimi nary teat. In conclusion, the noble lord touched upon the great openings for distinction now afforded in connect on with the public service, and expressed a hope that members of the middle class would take the matter up, and see that their children were not deprived of advantages which were absolutely ne cessary to them if they were to remain the most important and governing class in this great country. (Cheers.) Votes of thanks to the noble lord and the Rev. Canon Howell closed the proceedings. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, Aug, 12, Henry Ball, John Patrick, and Clarke Thompson were placed at the bar charged with stealing 40 bags of chicory, the property of Alfred Waterhouse. Messrs Ribton and Poland, instructed by the solicitors to the Customs, prosecuted. Mr Sleigh appeared for Patrick, who pleaded guilty; Mr Piffard and Mr Besley appeared for Hall and Thompson, who pleaded not guilty. Patrick was admitted Queen's evidence. This case was a very important one. The prisoner Patrick is a French polisher; and was originally charged with re ceiving the chicory from Hall, who is a foreman in the em ploy of Mr Middleton, at St. Bride's-wharf, well knowing it to have been stolen from those premises. The prisoner Thompson was aleo in Mr Middleton's employ as clerk, and was examined as a witness against Hall and Patrick on the 11th July on behalf of the prosecutor, but was afterwards given into custody for being concerned in the robbery, John Patrick then came from the dock into the witness box, and when examined by Mr Poland, said—l have known Hail about two years. I have only known Thompson by seeing him at St. Bride's-wharf. Three or four days before 27th Juno Hall told me he had 40 bags of chicory which he wanted to get away to sell. I was to sell it at £2O per ton, and if I sold it for more I could have the differ ence. I did not see Thompson upon the matter. It was arranged between me and Hall that I was to go and fetch the chicory on Monday, the 27th June. I hired a van, and went with it accordingly. I left the van in the street under neath one of the loop-holes from which goods are delivered. I passed through the gates myself, and went to the win dow of the counting-house, and asked whether there was an order there for the delivery of 40 bags of chicory. There were three persons in the office, and two persons on busi ness, as I was myself. I will not swear Thompson was in the counting-house, but I think he was. I got the answer that there was an order, and returned to the van. Forty bags of chicory were lowered from the top warehouse into the van ; so me of the bags being rotten broke, and I mended them. Hall must have seen me loading the van. I got a cart note. I think Thompson was there at the time. I sold the chicory to Mr B. Smith for £59. I received £25 on ac count, and I gave £22 to Hall. I was taken into custody on the 30th June. It was proved that Hall set a gang of men to deliver the chicory ; that there were only 37 bags of the right cargo and weight to be found; that Thompson directed the de livery foreman to substitute three bags from another cargo ; that the delivery foreman gave the owner's order, or what ought to have been the owner's order, to Thompson, to take downstairs to be filed, and tha, it was in the weight-book at the time ; so that no sack order was filed ; that there was no Customs order filed ; that there was no counterfoil for the cart-note or pass delivered to Patrick; that Hall visited Patrick at his lodgings; that Thompson called there once about ten weeks prior to Hall being apprehended; and that the Custom-house officer was engaged on the 27th June on some other business in another part of the warehouse. Jas. R yan , also a servant in Mr Middleton's employ, was examined. He said that on the Ist July Thompson asked him wh e th er he had assisted to deliver chicory during the previous week. Mistaking the day, he said he had. but really had nothing to d) with these 40 bags. Thompson then said, "If any man comes and asks you whether you assisted to deliver any, you say no; becouse you know what trouble Hall has got into. If they should further ask you, say no, to the best of your recollection; and if you do it, it will be a dollar in your pocket." This happened on the Ist. No one was present when the conversation took place. His lordship summed up the evidence, after speeches from Mr Piffard and Mr Desley for their respective clients. The jar) deliberated about half an hour, and returned a verdict of guilty against Hall and Thompson. His lordship said,it was absolutely necessary for the ends of justice, to admit prisoners as evidence. It was very clear in this case, that Patrick had been the dupe of others. As to the other pri soners, Hall and Thompson, they had betrayed their mas ter's trust, and but for the good character of one of them, he should have given them penal servitude—they would each be imprisoned and kept to hard labour for two years. John Hyde and Timothy Donovan, labourers, were placed at the bar, charged with assaulting John Turner, a police constable, in the execution of hls duty, and with occasion ing actual bodily harm, and for a common assault. Mr Cooper, with whom was Mr Harry, ,prosecuted, in structed by the Treasury, Mr Montague Williams ap peared for Donovan ; the other prisoner was undefended. Mr Inspector Holloway attended to watch the proceed ings on behalf of the police. The facts will be gathered from the following evidence, by which it will bo seen that this was a very important case, in consequence of the frequency of assaults upon the police in the execution of their duty. John Turner was called and examined Ly Mr Cooper. He said-0 n the 25th Juno last, and 12 o'clock at night, I was on duty in High-street, Wapping. The prisoner Hyde was fighting with another man. I went up and parted them. The man in custody then struck me in the mouth. Hyde stood behind rue, struck me on the side of the head, and knocked me against the shutters. Done. van then came up and struck me on the nose. As he struck me ho said, "Kill the —." All three then got mo down in the street on my back. I received several kicks from Hyde and Donovan in the ribs, and also from the other man not in custody, I then got up and ran backwards to get out of the crowd. I took out my staff and hit Hyde on the side of the head as ho was coming up to me. My staff flew out of my hand across the street. Hyde then got me by the collar, and with two or three others got me down again. I received several kicks, which have injured me much. In spector Adams of the Thames Polico came to my assistance and pulled Hyde off me as I laid on the ground. As I fell I received a kick on the shoulder from the man not in cus tody of which I still feel the effects, and that is about six weeks ago, I received several Mae after Hydq was taken off me. I was picked up by two men in an insensible state. When I recovered myself I sprang my rattle. Cross-examined by 11Ir Williams—l am quite sure Dono van and Hyde are the same people. William Adams, inspector of Thames Police, examined by Mr Cooper, said—On the night in question I was in a shop in High-street, Wapping, when I was called to a row out side. I wont out and saw the last witness lying on his back. The prisoner Hyde was on the top of him. I seized hold of him by the collar and pulled him off. I heard shouts of " kill him." When I got Hyde up, I was knocked down and struck repeatedly in the face by the prisoner Donovan. I was dragged on my back, holding Hyde by the leg. I re ceived several kicks, and my head was hammered against the kerbstone. I received a kick on the elbow which caused me to releaso Hyde and made me partially insensible. When I got on my feet the crowd had dispersed. Cross-examined—l am quite sure Hyde is the same man. Alfred Young, a butcher, living at 56, High-street, \Yap ping, said—l was present at the assault spoken to by the previous witnesses, an:: I am certain Timothy Donovan was there. I had known him before. Cross examined—l saw Donovan strike Inspector Adams when he was on the ground. After some further evidence, Mr Montague Williams addressed the jury at some length for his client Donovan. The jury, after Mr Payne had summed up the evidence, returned a verdict of guilty against both prisoners. Mr Payne, in passing sentence, said this was a very bad offence, assaulting policemen in the execution of their duty. As regarded Donovan, he was not so bad as the other pri soners, who had kicked the policeman when he was down. The senteLee of the Court was, upon Donovan 4 months, and Hyde, 12 months. Robert Lake was charged with attempting to rescus a convict named William Lake, his brother, from the custody of Lockyer, the prison officer. Mr Orridge prosecuted, and Mr Montague Williams de fended. The jury thought the prisoner only intended to shako hands with his brother, and, whilst believing Lockyer, ac quitted him. George Bowden, wearing the light uniform of one of the Tower Hamlets volunteers, was convicted of a violent assault with his bayonet upon the person of George Tottel. The following is the principal evidence : Geo. Tottel said, on Tuesday (inning, the 2d inst, he was in the East India-road, near Oriental-street, with a friend, when they heard a cry of "Police," and some women's voices calling for protection, He went up and saw the pri soner struggling with another man. The women made a complaint, and his friend tried to separate prisoner and the other man, when the prisoner seized hold of him, and struck him with his drawn bayonet. It was not a blow, but a thrust. The prisoner then scratched witness's face. A policeman then cane up, and he gave the prisoner into custody. When at the station-house the prisoner expressed his regret at what had occurred, and offered to pay any doctor's bill, as he did not know what he was doing at the time. Ho had been to a regimental dinner, and had taken rather too much. John Richardson said he was with his friend, the last witness. The prisoner had his bayonet drawn when he went up to him. He said to him " Well, mate, you had better put that instrument up." He replied, "You - I'll put it into you," Ho seized witness by the collar, thrust him up against the fence, and drew his hand back with the bayonet in it as if going to strike with the point of it. The last witness came up and pushed prisoner away, The prisoner fell on his back with his head on the road and his feet on the path. The man who had been struggling with the prisoner ran away. The last witness ran to hold him and keep his bayonet down. The prisoner, who was drunk, was then given into custody. Benjamin Lovell, 188 K, said he was on duty in the East India-road, Poplar, at the time this occurred. He heard some one say "Here's a row, let's go and see ; here's a vo lunteer with his bayonet drawn." He saw a man run away, and then saw the prisoner with his bayonet in his hand. Witness went up to him and asked him to give his bayonet up, which 116 refused to do, After some further evidence, The Captain of the company to which the prisoner be. longed, was called, and gave him a good character, and said he had come from a regimental dinner. Mr Payne said he could not pass over such an offence as the prisoner had been guilty of without some punishment, which he hoped would be a warning to the prisoner and other volunteers not to make use of the weapons that were placed in their possession ; and if they went to regimental dinners it would be quite as well if they left their arms at home, for they could have no use for them at a dinner table. The sentence upon him was that he be imprisoned for one month, and enter into his own recognisances in a sum of £25 to keep the peace to all her Majesty's subjects for 12 months. Shocking Discovery at Glasgow, The Glasgow _Herald tells a sad story. Some few years ago a muster mariner, named Stewart, came to live in Glas gow, accompanied by two sisters, aged about 44 and 38 years respectively. Fuur years ago Captain Stewart died in Africa and the two sisters shut themselves up in their house, re fusing to hold any intercourse with the outer world. On Wednesday a warrant to search the house was obtained, and the place was entered by the police, accompanied by two medical men. On the right of the lobby was seen a dining room, parlour, and bedr )onst, filled with excellent furniture, but overlaid with a thick coating of dust, which evidently had never been disturbed for years. On the left was a room from which all furniture had been removed, and the floor of which was covered with a horrid accumula tion of refuse and filth of every description. In the kitchen there were two or three scattered books lying ou the dresser. Ia the fleeplace were some ashes, but to all appearance there had been no fire in the grate for a lengthened period, and the closest scrutiny of the apartment failed to discover any thing in the shape of food. The whole of the open rooms having been examined, the visitors next addressed them selves to the closed door of a chamber lying between the kitchen and the apartment which had been used as an ash pit. When they tried to open this door a loud scream issued from within, and strange shrill voices asked who was there. Ans wer was made to the effect that it was the police, and a request made that the door should be opened. The voices responded that the place was the House of God, that the seal of the A.p , stle Peter was on the lock, and that the visitors were not the police, but belonged to the Free Church, and were sent by the Free Church Presbytery. It was in vain that the party repeated that they were the police, and had nothing to do with the Free Chcrch ; they found the inmates of the chamber inexorable, and were at last obliged to force open the door. They found a darkened apartment, and near the door could be observed a haggard looking female, who made a great outcry about the intrusion, The other inmate of the room could not at this time be seen, but her voice chimed in with that of her companion, and she was speedily discovered huddled up in a remote corner. With a good deal of trouble the two wretched creatures were got out into the lobby, and then into the dusty dining room. They resisted with what little strength they had, and earnestly begged that they should not be taken out, that they should be led back again to the house of God. When got out into the light the appearance they presented was shocking in the extreme. They seemed to be emaciated as if from semi -starvation. Their apparel consisted of some scanty underclothing, in a filthy condition, and old black merino wrappers, and no shoes or stockings. Their hands and faces looked as if they had not been washed for years, and their hair hung about their faces and over their shoulders in matted and dishevelled masses. When taken into the dining room the unhappy creatures became perfectly wild with excite ment. They seemed persuaded that their visitors were spirits, and flung themselves about with the utmost violence in order to escape from their custody; and it was only when Dr Liddell threatened to pour some water over their beads that they became comparatively calm. They still, however, slung tenaciously to the notion that the party before them consisted of spirits from the other world, and prayed earnestly to God to protect them from the spirits that had come to injure them. In all their words and gestures it was observed that the younger of the two took the lead, and that the other repeated with parrot-like imitation whatever her sister said or did. The younger woman, indeed, seemed to have established a sort of ascendancy over the elder, and when the latter attempted to put a word in, as if on her own footing, her sister would turn sharply about and tell her to hold her tongue and sit down, as she had lost her mind —a rebuke which seemed always to be taken with meek ac quiescence. After they:hadibeen some time in the dining room one of them fixed her eyes on Mr Superintendent M'Call, and after looking earnestly at him, shouted out, "Newton of Ayr, Newton of Ayr; are you M'Call's brother of New ton of Ayr," and went on to ask our worthy Superinten dent of Police if he had been long dead, Mr M'Call tried to re-assure her, and asked her to feel his hands, and so ascertain that he was alive. She refused, however, to touch him or any one else in the room; and when anyone went near, she cried to them to stand back, as they were all spirits. When two policemen in uniform came into the room they both fastened their eyes eagerly on the bright buttons, cried out that here were two spirits of the Glas gow police, and wanted to know how long they had been dead. While this strange scene was going forward in the dining room, the apartment from which the two women had been removed was subjected to scrutiny. In order to admit the light of day it was necessary to remove throe black shawls which had been nailed one over the other across the window. When these had been taken down, and the dust-covered blind drawn up, a miser able spectacle presented itself. The floor was covered in moat parts to the thickness of about a foot with ashes and rubbish. In the fireplace was a great heap of ashes, with v. small fire smouldering on the top—the fire standing out from the cbimnay altogether, and sending its smoke up along the wall of the room, which was thickly coated with soot. The only furniture in the room consisted of a low bedstead covered with some filthy bedding, a chest of drawers, a stool, and a broken chair. On the drawers were a few books scattered about, and on a plate was a piece of soap, with a few dry crusts of bread, which only a person in a otate of starvation could have eaten. In one of the drawers was found a purse, containing is ; but be yond the crusts referred to no trace of food was anywhere visible. The wretched condition of the women cannot have arisen from poverty, as there w4s discovered on the person of one of them the sum of ;£1 in bank-notes, together with a cheque on the Bank of Scotland for £2BB. It is stated, moreover, that they were in receipt of some small annuity, settled on them by their deceased brother. Some difficulty was experienced in removing them from the house, but at last they were got into a cab and conveyed to the asylum. ' SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, TIMES,—It is always good for people to under stand each other, and just at this conjuncture the establishment of such an intelligence between the Canadians and ourselves may be of great service to both parties together. Nothing more, indeed, seems to be wanting on either side than a clear and definite perception of future policy. The Colony is very well affected, and with good reason, towards the Mother Country. Its population is thoroughly loyal, and its interests arc completely identified with its allegiance. The Canadians, as we are assured this morning by one of themselves, are not only without a wish to dissolve the connexion subsisting between their country and Great Britain, but " would fight to the last" to maintain it ; nor can we disbelieve these professions when we remember the conditions of dependence now accepted. Canada would necessarily be a loser by any change of polie tical position. Independence would deprive her of a powerful protector; union with America would simply make her a participator in liabilities which no man can measure. We, on the other hand, are content to retain an allegiance yielding little sub stantial fruit, at the cost of what may be most onerous obligations. It would be hard to say what privilege we derive from our colony of Canada, but at any rate we have no wish that the connection should be severed, To perpetuate these terms, then, and to avert all chances of disagreement or danger, it can only be necessary that we should explain and the Canadians should understand exactly what we, for our part of the bargain, are prepared to per form. At present it seems to be assumed, or was, at least, assumed till recently, that in the event of a war involving the Colony the fighting would be done by Imperial troops. Of course the colonists would support us as soon and as far as they were able. When they had suiceeded in organising a Militia and collecting a Volunteer force, when they had drilled their men and trained the officers to command them, they would fight by the side of the British regiments; but until this result had been attained—perhaps, as happened in the United States, in the second or third year of the war—the defence of the colony would be left to devolve upon us. Now, do the Canadians reflect upon the conse quences which would follow? The colonial fron tier is a thousand miles long. We could not garri son it effectually if we sent to Canada every regular soldier in these islands. We make believe to garrie son it at this moment with a force of 9,000 soldiers, of whom two-thirds aro divided between Montreal and Quebec, while the rest are distributed by regi ments anti even companies along the frontier line. In other words, we confront a neighbour who can dispose of half a million of men with a score or two of stations like those of the Irish constabulary. Nor are these pickets supported by any sufficient re serves. "A Canadian Volunteer" tells us the whole truth in this matter, and shows us that even the moderate preparations with which the colony was credited in a late debate have but a partial existence in reality. The fact is this—that our 9,000 men, while they could do nothing of themselves, suffice to prevent the colonists from doing any more. They look like a demonstration of the power and inten tions of England. They stand as the advanced guard of a great army, and the Canadians do bat obey the instincts of human nature in declining to do for themselves what others appear ready and willing to do for them. There should be an end of this delusion, which is not only deceitful, but dangerous. We have not the least design of providing the Canadians with an army sufficient for the defence of their frontier. The utmost that was intended in this country was to give them a " nucleus" in the shape of a few regi ments of Imperial troops, and even that design is now limited, as was shown by a recent debate, to the protection of the two chief capitals of the colony. In relying, therefore, upon our readiness to fight ' their battles the colonists are deceiving themselves, and the demonstration we make happens to b© full of danger in more ways than one. Nothing is so likely to provoke attack as an easy and accessible prize, and every station of British troops along the Canadian frontier offers such a prize to the Ameria can army. To surround and capture a British regi ment would be an exploit of which an American commander might reasonably boast; to inflict humi liation on the British arms might be a triumph which an American Government would be unwil ling to forego. These opportunities we actually pre sent in the most seductive and alluring form. We post fragments of our army in positions where they may be at any moment' surprised, much as King Alfred suspended golden bracelets in lonely woods and challenged anybody to offend justice by appro priating them. But we have not ttle EOlllO grounds for our defiance. We should, indeed, be compelled to pursue the offender, but it is neither our interest nor our desire to establish our power by provoking the offence. On the contrary, it would be infinitely wiser to remove the temptation, and thus diminish the chances of conflict. It seems to have been for gotten in the recent di-cussions that the exhibition of this handful of Btrish troops on the Canadian frontier is in itself actually an element of danger. When the Americans have a grievance against us they immediately threaten to invade Canada. Why ? Not so much because Canada is a dependency of the British Crown as because it contains a few British soldiers, and is thus a vulnerable part of the Britisn empire. If Canada were defended only by Cana dians, it would scarcely answer the purpose of the Americans to make a raid into the province at the coat of a war which would bring the British navy on their coasts. A conflict with the chief maritime Power of the world would be a heavy price to pay for penetrating a few leagues into a country which it would be very troublesome to occupy and impossible to annex without conquest. But a regiment of the British army would be a more enticing bait. By the capture of such a trophy the Americans could not only gratify the national pride, but compel us to a conflict in which the advantages would be all in their favour, If we began to fight them on land, and suffered disasters, we should be forced to go on. Our reputation as well as our pride would be involved, and our enemies would enjoy the singular good fortune of taking us at our weakest from the position most advantageous to themselves. Now, we say that wo cannot do better for Canada than remove this provocative to invasion. Let the Canadians provide for their own defence according to their own estimate of the de mand. We see that there is a party in the colony which holds that the best armament is no armament, and if that doctrine prevails we are not inclined to quarrel with it. We are certain, at any rate, that it is sound when applied to an armament of Imperial troops, and if the colonists choose to extend it they may, perhaps, be the best judges. But whether they rely for their protection upon natural difficul ties and political repulsion,or whether they resort to the more recognised policy of military organisation, let the work be their own. From us they may count upon the aid of a powerful navy, and what that means in a war may be learnt from the embarrassments of the blockaded Confederacy. On these terms the disadvantage would be all with the Americans in stead of with us, and perhaps three millions of white men in the North supported by the naval power of Britain would form as troublesome an enemy as six millions in the South deprived of free intercourse with the world. At any rate, reason suggests that these should be our terms. By our present policy we are at once deluding our colonists and tempting to aggression the only Power from which aggression is to be feared. The isolated detachments of our troops might attract invasion, but could not possibly repel it. Their removal would extinguish one of the prin cipal chances of danger, and for the rest the colony should provide according to its resources and inte rest as estimated by itself. The Canadians must be good judges of their own position. They are under the influence, at present, of indefinite impreesions if not of false expectations, and we can hardly pre sume that their conclusions wouid be sound. But if they can distinctly understand the views of this country, and divest themselves of all illusions about our intentions, we have no doubt that they will adopt a wise policy and remain on better terms with the mother country than ever. POST.—The curtain has at length fallen on that terrible drama which for the last eighteen m on th s has been played out in Russian Poland. The in surrection is now officially declared to be at an end, the last of the chiefs of the revolutionary Govern ment has been consigned to the scaffold, and order once more reigns in Poland. Fur some m on th s p as t wo have heard but little of the insurrection, and ex cept when an occasional account reached us of an execution on the glacie of the citadel at Warsaw or of the departure of a convoy of exiles for Siberia, we have . been left in i gnorance o f t h e means em ployed by the Russiaa G overnment i n re-establish ing their authority in the Kingdom of Poland. Th e history of Poland d ur i ng the past year and a halt is one which . will never be written w ith accuracy, and even it so written would never command b elief. Since this time twelvemonths the Russian Govern ment have been enabled, without even the interrup tion of a protest by any foreign State, to pursue that peculiar system for the suppression of revolt in their disaffected provinc9s which on =any previous occasions they have employed with so much success.. Deserted by Eurcpe, and unable to cope with the . legions, not merely f soldiers, but of police . spies, which were arrayed against them, the Polish insur gentsdragging finally gave way. The scattered bands wh ich,. armed with scythes, and, in some cases, after them wooden emanoo, scoured the forests, were one by one annihilated or dispersed; whilst in the towns the organisers of the insurrection either re linquished in despair a task which was indeed hope less, or continued to devise and plot until the skill or the treachery of some spy delivered them into the hands of their merciless oppressors. Insurrec tion, in the true meaning of that term, ther e ' has been none in Poland for many mont h ' past. It has been simply a trial of skill between the authorities and those who took, or were suspected to have taken, a part in the revolutionary movement, whether the latter should live to aid in a revolt at some subsequent period against the Russ ian rule. The victory has been with the authorities; nor is this surprising. A system of secret government .may be so carefully organised as to escape detection but none can reckon on impunity where suspicion, though unsupported by evidence, is sufficient to bring . the suspected person to the scaffold or send him into exile. The system of suppression pursueda by the Russian Government was equally sitnPi. e an d effective. All whom they believed to be implica t . they incontinently hanged or banished ; plan having been pursued for several months, the result of this general weeding has been that the most formidable of their enemies have disappeared. The so-called National Government of Poland for a long while baffled their attempts to discover those for . who . composed it; but after having adopted es Inca considerable time the exhaustive system to we have referred, the Russian Government this now the satisfaction of assuring Europe that brood of traitors has been completely exterramat.eds and this The official Russian journal at Warsaw, in recordicg. the execution of five members of the National .G ° vernm ent, including its chief, has for the first tiit ne Published to the world the manner in which thas Government was conducted. The detail s P osse ! e historic interest, and give a curious insight into t". method employed by the Poles to baffle the rities.. During the whole period of the insurrection it was notorious that a committee of the insurgents _ eat en permanence at Warsaw, and directed th!. E ffort; revolutionary movement, despite all the made by the authorities to discover its eaernberre, or to interrupt the communications whic h no . maintained between them and the jusurgseeo - various . parts of the kitigdom. • " s t clamations were printed and scattered broadca ever y d through the streets of Warsaw, although printing . establishment was guarded' by lyer' e l e i a officials, and even cemeteries were ran auth.oa sae ked h _ . search . of type. Nor is it astonishing that the aut reties were foiled in their attempts to discover tn . members of the National Government, since it IP p.ears that so secret and perfect was the orgell•-ee tion that its very members were unknown to cau l ; other, and all possibility - to treachery thus °Weld The Warsaw Central Organisation was coninoeu six . departments, similar to the departments end, Stait: in other .. countries, under distinct heads; , ja addition to its chief, each department had a eerie number of subordinate officials and a secseta r . r Y! "Following .. out the principle adopted in the en ti : t organisation,the members of which each departrthe was . composed were unknown to its chief, and ° aa chiefs themselves moat were strangers to . 0 01.• a . noth . er." Independently of the central orgacij:e tion Warsavv, there were local administrations each . of the eight woywodeships, or districts, 11'1'a which the insurgents had divided the kingdom Poland. The communication between the th r Tl and the latter being uninterrupted until the lu ra L of October of last year, the Government was eo.ch posed of a small council, the composition of ever was veiled in such impenetrable mystery that e., ve ;t now the Russian authoritids are compelled to sum,: th know but little about it. After this det e v s ! . however, for some reasons which it has been lul n possible to discover, a change took place, sod a e , .individual was recognised as the leader tieredho e.". tire revolution, 'Whether this change ren diets discy easier it is difficult to say • but a t h all ever3 lue . very did take place, and it ' was Le ° rec g e e h e e s tionary chief and the principal of his colle.a whose execution has just been recorded colthelie the Targato Gazette. The method in whi ch s discovery was made, however, well deserves the appellation of " exhaustive" which e vi • have just given it. " Owing to the stil l coveries made by the military invesrlgat'evr .committee, and the increased activity of the Wert, police (we quote from the official Dziennick) , nu' hers of persons concerned in the revolutiona r y orga . rnsation were arrested and an extensive rev olution ary correspondence seized. Upon inspection of t he documents and examination of the prisoners f urther arrests were undertaken, which, combined with in formation already obtained, rendered it 1 )0 " sable to gain possession of the chiefs of the insurrection." The Polish insurrection of 1863- 6 may therefore be considered at an end. Might lies once more triumphed over right, and another chap . ter has been added to the history of the world which. wilt seem incomprehensible to these who test the ways of Providence by the touchstone of human reason. The scenes of 1830 have been re-enacted, and :he triumphant wrong of half a century pre yious has for a third time been confirmed. The insurrection was hopeless from the beginning, but it would be alike absurd and ungenerous to ascribe to folly what was in truth the offspring of despair: Even the weokest of animals will stand at bay bee fore the most formidable antagonist, and for a tittle will flatter itself that its fate is in suspense. N or was the insurrection the work of the Polish psople alone. It was that of their masters. Not that Ill° Russians simply drove the Poles into rebellio n by their misrule. They so directed their tyrannY."B to produce revolt. They desired an insurrection because they desired a pretext for decimat in g t to inhabitants he and deporting all whom they feared the wilds of Siberia. They gained their ohlec; The Poles revolted. And although the insurreetieon was graver than they anticipated, they have he completely victorious. Order once more reigh.e, and will continue to reign until another generation. 0..1 Poles shall spring up, and decimation and tion once more become necessary. dap The The liberal Europe assuredly is inexhaustible. patience o COUNTRY MABiLETS. LIVERPOOL-FSI D“. a There was a very thin attendance to- prices. vad wheats proved dull of saleaboutlast Tuesday's , 8 lee s money Flour met a slow demand, and to make sale , , ,_:., had to be taken. For oats and oatmeal the dereana is ay. limited, but prices unch I el of undried new ange( . A pare few lot s ts o f ne w white oats brought 2s lld per 451 b and a few lo , meal 26s per load. Beans at f 'rates. Barley an full late clay of the trade, peas commanded full rates. and some quantity changed hands at 305 per q r. Indian corn in good dolma, STAMFORD—FRIDAY Wheat is being cut daily and promises a tolerable yield. —White wheat, 44s to 49s9;red,i41sto 45s per 36 storte• Barley, malting 29s to 31s ; 26s to 303,Per 4r• Oats, 19s to 23; per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to per qr. ; new, 36s to 40s. WAKEFIELD—FRIDAY. • es Of The wheat rae was stead to-day, and !h© yric last week firm t ly d maintained. y Spring corn in fair requos. at full rates. _ _ Averages for the week : 45s 10 Wheat .1856 qrs., at _s loa d Oats — 298 2a 8ar1ey......... 112 -- _ s Od Peas .••• , _ 1 37s Oti Be lls 5O LINCOLN.--FRIDAY. a t 16 A moderate showofwheat, which met a fa ir tr o im to 2s decline on previous rates. Barley scarce, vial provement in prices. Oats in good reque st atf er ra tes, fob ade n Beans rather higher, and peas at full prices. White wheat new, 46s to 50s a s Barley, grinding.. 265 to 200 Red do. 39s to 448 1 Oats,:old, .. ...... 24s to 26s Old white 438 to 46s New do .......... 20s to 23s lied do. 38s to 42s Barley, malting --8 to. --s 1 Beane, ac .... w .. oOs to 41e .--....... __ 1 Beans.. .......... , 3 , 7:s to 41s CORK —THURSD AY. cd The following were the quotations this morning wheat, Ss Od to 8s 10d; white, 8s Od to 9s 8d , harlot, 7 8 ld to Os Od ; oats, 5s 8d to 6s 6d ; black do., Os 8d ° Gs 10d. BRISTOL SUGAR—FRIDAY. The market for raw sugars is in a state of coraparatiro stagnation. Grocers look for a further decline in values, and the only sales have been a parcel or two of B ed, for which somewhat lower rates have been accepted. Re': finers' produce a fair sale. Rums sell slowly at the prices of this day week. Births. ADAM.—On the 12th inst., at 33, Priory-road, IMO D, the wife of the Rev. G. R. Adam, of a son. BERESFORD.—On the 9th inst., at Roby Rectory, the wife of the Rev. Gilbert Beresford, of a son. BEDFORD. —On the 12th inst. , the wife of Mr. John T. Bedford, of Sing-street, Snowhill. of a son. LEAN. —On the 12th inst., at The Cottage, Tunbridge' wells, the wife of Captain Francis Lean, Royal Matinee Light Infantry, of a son. Tae t r h t Marriages the 11th ' l., rt i — eu r t. = widow of the late R. Stuart Palmer, Esq an d da u g hter of the Rev A. L. Lambert, of Chilbolton .' $ 3 Cl i l l E; owl. LASH—QUINLAN. At Upton — Old Church, Bucks, Aug . tus Henry, second son of N. B. Lash, R.N. to .A li°l4 E, de Clare, youngest daughter of the late A.lir, Quinlan, Esq., R.N, slit..attolgoalicheiran, ing, the Rev. J o h n C 0 n p n e o, a p, a h g s : d 79. CONNOP.—On the 11th inst at B ra dfield Hall, near Read - DUKE —On the 10th inst., at Alice Holt, ne ar Farnh ault Charles Wentworth Dilke, aged 75. FEROUSON.—On the 12th inst., at 37, Charles-street, Ber keley-square, the Hon. Mrs. Ferguson, of Fitfour. ROBSON.—On the 12th inst., at 19, Ampthill-aquare, Hampstead-road, F. Robson, Esq. Boo tle, ROBINSON.—On the 10th inst. at San dford : House, near Liverpool, Thomas Robinson , Esq ., aged 70. London: Printed and I' bashed by WILLIAM All"'"rS' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, it TRESavoY,: SUN O BICC Strand, the Preci ot ter, ot he Aliciii,toex,-7 Saturday, Auguot 13, jBOll. tne County of