The Sun. — London, England, 1864-05-27 00:00:00

IXPERIAI I 'ARLIAMENT ....,__ ...____ HOUSE OF LORI )S—Last Evening, The LORD CRiNCELLOR took his seat on the woolsadk at five o'clock. THE. DAN 0 -GIIRMAN WAR. The Earl of ELLENBOROITH begged to put the ques tion to the noble earl the Secretary for Foreign Affairs of which he had given notice. As the Conference would meet again on the 28th he should like to know how far the engagements entered into en the 9th by the Prussians in Jutland had been fulfilled. If they had not been observed to the letter he must say they could have but little faith in those that might b e made for the future. The Prussians and Austrians had !agreed that they would not interfere with the commerce, that they would not interfere with the intercourse with the country they occupied, that they would not levy any fresh war ccntri butions, and that they would pay for everything they required. If he had not been greatly misinformed hardly one of the engagements had been fully carried out. The commerce had been interfered with, the telegraphs removed, and the rations for the army demanded, but not delivered on the 12th were ordered to be sent in imme diately on pain of the defaulters being put upon bread and water. In some cases payment had been made for articles supplied, but not La money, instead of which receipts were given which were of no marketable value. There appeared to be an impression amongst the German Powers that, do what we might, we should not lift our arm to stop their wrongdoing. The noble earl then proceeded to make some strong comments upon the foreign policy of the Government, and concluded by asking his question. Earl RUSSELL said when the noble earl gave his notice to put the question relative to the position of affairs in Jutland, he did not tell him that he intended to make an attack on the policy of the Government, and also that he intended to touch upon the question of Poland. He could not but think that it would have been but fair that he should have intimated his intention of taking the course he had done. The question he had told him he should put was regarding the manner in which the armistice had been observed by the Prussians in Jutland. The Danish. Government had intimated its intention ot coliecting the whole ot the facts connected with the matter, and as soon as that had been accomplished it would make a statement on the subject. That he considered to be the best course, and it would be bettter to wait for that statement rather than to rely upon statements from private parties appearing in the newspa pers. The King of Prussia had sent to Marshal Wrangel the terms of the armistice, and he had also directed him to pay for all supplies that might be required after the 12th. That was the statement received from our ambassador at Berlin, and although the commands of the King might have been in the hands of Marshal Wrangel, it was most likely that many of the officers in command in the more distant parts had not received the same command. He believed it was true that payments had been made for rations in receipt in place of money, but the better course would be to wait until the statement he had before alluded to was forth coming. The noble earl then defended the foreign policy of the Government, and said whilst we were bound to defend our honour whenever and wherever it might be attacked, their lordships must remember that this country was not alone responsible for the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe. The noble earl had referred to a topic which he might well have spared. He had re ferred to the advice which her Majesty's Ministers had given to her Majesty. All that he (Earl Russell) could say on that subject, and he said it with truth, etas, however much her Majesty might have her private affections, connected as she had been by marriage with a German Prince, and by the marriage of her daughter with another German Prince, still that her Majesty's great object had been to maintain intact the honour, reputation, and interests of the country. And however much her Majesty might desire that every step, whether on the subject of Germany and Denmark, or on any other, should be carefully weighed by her advisers, there was no question on which, when her advisers had de liberated and given advice, that advice had not been followed by her Majesty. If the interests of the country had been deserted—if any stain had been inflicted on its honour—if we bad not fulfilled our duty to Europe—it was upon the heads of her Majesty's Ministere, and them alone, that cen sure should fall, Be that censure as heavy as it might, they must bear it. They could not transfer any portion of it to the Sovereign, nor a id he desire to do so. For his own part he was willing to take his share in the responsibility of the policy which had been pursued by her Majesty's eict vernment. (Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM commented strongly upon the con duct of the Germans in Jutland. Earl GREY reviewed the conduct of the Government in regard to Poland, and cEnsured Earl Russell for having addressed to Russia scolding despatches like an impotent old woman. (Laughter and cheers.) The subject then dropped. SCOTTISH EPISCOPAL CLERGY DISABILITIES REMOVAL BILL. The bill was read a second time. Other bills were advanced a stage, and their lordships then adjourned. ROUSE OF COI4MONS—Last Evening, The SPEAXER took the chair at 4 o'clock. W ME \I BE it. Mr. J. J. POWELL, the newly appointed recorder for Wolverhampton, took the oaths and his seat on his re election for Gloucester. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills w3re read a third time and passed : Aylesbury and Buckingham Railway—Bristol Port and Channel Docks--Henley•in-Arden Railway— London, Chatham, and Dover Railway (so. 3) (Steamboats)—Lon donderry and Lough Swilly Railway; and Petersficld and Bishops Waltham Railway. SPICES FROM AFRICA. Sir J. HAY gave notice that, on the arrival of the next mail from Africa, he would put certain questions relative to this subject, CONSULS AND VICE•CONSULS. Sir 11. STRACEY gave notice that he would move for returns relative to the numbers, salaries, &c., of British consuls and vice-consuls at foreign ports. TROOPS IN CANADA. Sir F. SMITH asked the Under Secretary of State for War, whether there was any truth in the report that it was intended to diminish Vie strength of her Majesty's Forces now serving in Canada, by withdrawing two battalions of Guards now serving there? The Marquis of HARTINGTON said it was intended to withdraw three battalions from Canada, including two bat talions of theGnards, in consequence of the expense incurred in providing for the accotamodation of the troops. IMPRISONMENT OF THE BRITISH ENVOY AT BROOTAN. Mr W. EGERTON asked the Secretary of State for India whether any information had been received of the imprisonment of the British envoy to Bhootan; end, if so, what steps had been taken to procure the release of Mr Elan? Sir C. WOOD said he had received only a private letter on this subject. THE lONIAN ISLANDS. Mr. SMOLLETT asked the Secretary of State for the . Colonies when the British protectorate of the lonian :de public would absolutely cease; and, wh e th er or n ot e,ee pre sent Lord High Commissioner, Sir Henry Storks, had published an act, dated the 22d. April, 1864, i n t ro d uc i n g into the Se ven I slands a purely demo cratic Constitution eased upon =reversal suffrage, the right of voting being conferred w e al every inhabitant above the age of 21 years, persons 'ender examination for felony and others previously convicted being alone excepted; if go , whether the action of ',Jr H. Storks in this matter had been sanctioned by the C,olonialeoffice, and whether the arrange.. meat made was 'considered by her Majesty's Government to be calculated to eonsolidate the Greek kingdom, and was likely to promote the political security of the King of the Hellenes. Mr. CARD WELL said that the 2d of next month was the day appointed for the transfer of the authority of the Queen over the lonian Is'ands to the King of the Hellenes. Sir H, Storks m- de no such proclamation as that alluded to, and he believed the report that he had been preparing some lists for the use of the governing power of the islands. DESPATCHES FROM THE ANIERICAN MINIS TER AT PEKIN, Sze. Mr. J. B. SMITH asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether the communicatione made by the American Minister, Mr. Burlingham, at Pekin, in a de spatch to Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State at Washing.. ton, and dated the 20th June, 1863, respecting the 'joint policy to be pursued in China , by the Ministers Of England, Russia, France, and America, is substan tially in accord with a despatch addressed to Earl Russell, and a copy of which Sir Frederick Bruce gave to the American Minister : and whether a reply has been given to Sir Frederick Bruce's despatch, and in what sense. Mr LAYARD said that consideranle misapprehenion pre - wiled on the subject in reference to what were called suppressed despatches." He was not aware which Was the despatch alluded to by Mr Burlingham. A despatch had been received at the Foreign-office from Sir F. Smith, in the principle of which the Government concurred. It would not be desirable to lay the whole document on the table, as it referred to the policy of other countries, and did no t relate to the present subject, b u t h e wou l d have no ob jections to supply extracts, if required. TIIE DESPATCH OF M. BISMARK. In reply to Mr. B. COCHRIICE, Mr. LAYARD sa id with respect to beeth despat c h f rom M. Bismark of the 15th inst., he would pfepared to ma k e a statement to-morrow, but at present he was not in a posh tion to do so. UNION ASSESSMENT COMMITTEE ACT AMENDMENT BILL. Mr. HENLEY F a ,,Red A hn r p that this itn7ortant bill, which stood lew on the orders for to-night, would not b. , brought on at a late hour. Sir 0. GREY said in the absence of his hon. friend who had charge of the bill he might say that the measure would not he brought forward at an inconvenient hmir. An HoN. •• EMBER--Nnt af•o- 1 o'elnek . (A lanzh.) THE VOLUNTEER REVIEW IN HYDE. PARK Sir M. W. RIDLEY made ~ o me inquiries as to th, course that would be pursued in regard to enabling the public to witness the review of the volunteers in Hyde-park next Saturday. Mr COWPER said that Government was anxious to afford every facility to the public to witness the spectacle, and tickets would be sent to members of the house and other gentlemen, but no person would be admitted without such ticket. THE ALLEGED LETTERS OF MR. JEFFERSON DAVIS AND LORD J. RUSSELL. Mr. J. HANKEY drew attention to the two documents which had appeared in two of the daily papers, and asked for some information relative to the same. ... .._ Mr. LAYARD said he believed these letters were a hoax, and not a very ingenious one. (A laugh.) POLAND. On the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. HENNESSY moved the following resolutions : —.l. That the negotiations of her Majesty's Government respecting Poland have not terminated in a satisfactory manner. 2. That it appears from the papers laid before Parliament that the conditions on which the British Government agreed to acknowledge the dominion of Russia in Poland have not been fulfilled by Russia. 3. That this house is of opinion that her Majesty's Government is no longer bound to recognise the sovereignty of Russia in Poland. The hon. and learned member commenced by alluding to the opinion that prevailed in quarters entitled to great respect as to the connection that subsisted between the present affairs of Poland and Denmark, and he repeated the charge made against the Government, namely, that the present unfortunate condition of Poland was attributable to the policy they had pursued. He then reviewed the early condition of Poland, the high literary and social position she occupied centuries back amongst the principal powers of Europe, and dwelt on the religious freedom that pre vailed in that country from an early period. He went in de tail into the different despatches which had emanated frotu the Foreign.office, when disturbances broke out in Poland; he contended that the necessary information as to the de spatches between this country and other foreign states re lative to the affairs of Poland had not been supplied to the house. He bad seen in the papers an account of ladies having been thrown into prison for no other offence than that they had assisted the sick and wounded Poles, The noble viscount was to blame for a good deal of what had happened in Poland. Poland had a chance since 1831, when the noble lord was in office, and he had not done so much for Poland as he ought, and as he could. It had often struck him (Mr. Hennessy) that that was owing to the dis regard which the noble lord had sometimes shown for public laws. In his maiden speech, delivered in that house on the 3d of February, 1808, the noble lord laid down a principle of policy which he has followed more or less throughout his whole career. He said, " There are times when the law of nations must be broken_" Now, he (Mr. Hennessy) main tained that the law of nations must be upheld. After re ferring to the declaration made by Earl Russell at Blair gowrie, to the effect that Russia had forfeited her dominion over Poland. eight days before that declaration was made the noble earl had consulted the French Government on the subject, and they were of opinion that it ought to be made. Subsequently Earl Russell embodied that declaration in a despatch, dated 20th October, 1863, which was forwarded to St. Petersburg. When, however, Lord Napier privately communicated its contents to Prince Gortschakoff, that Minister observed that it was a very grave matter, for her Majesty's Government to declare that Russia had forfeited her sovereignty in Poland. Then Count Bismark, who re ceived early information of the nature of the despatch, wrote to the British Government and threatened to make it a cams bell if the despatch were delivered to Prince Gortcha koff. The French Government, however, pursued a very different course. M. Drouyn de Lhuys wrote a short de spatch to French Minister at St. Petersburg, stating that the French Government were entirely in accord with the declaration contained in Earl Russell's despatch. What was done by Earl Russell ? After two days delay that despatch, which bore his signature, and had the approval of his Sovereign and the sanction of the Cabinet, was recalled. (Opposition cheers.) The last sentence, and the only one of any importance, was then struck out, and the despatch was communicated to the Russian Government. The value of the declaration made at Blairgowrie could hardly be overrated, and he thought the house might at least ask, as it had been publicly made to the Queen's subjects by our Foreign Minister, that that declaration might be communi cated to Russia by her Majesty's Government. The revo lutionary and Conservative parties on the continent, and the Emperor of the French, entertained the same feelings with regard to Poland ; and in Poland itself every man of intelligence, of education, or of property—every man who was moved by moral duty and religious zeal every man who (leserved to be a citizen—was in favour of the independence of his country. The sympathy evinced in this country on behalf of the struggling Poles was shown in a most touch-. ing and affecting manner the other day at a fete for the sick and wounded Poles, In conclusion, he hoped the Govern ment would remember the opinions expressed by the wisest of politicians and the most powerful rulers of men. Edmund Burke, Talleyrand, and Lord Castlereagh had all declared the independence of Poland to be inevitable, and Napoleon I recorded that the independence of Poland was essential to Europe, and was a certainty in the future, Prince Louis Napoleon some years ago declared that Poland was the sister of France, and the Emperor Napoleon 111. had re published that sentiment in his exile, and not many months since, speaking from his throne, had reiterated the rights Of Poland. Those rights were written is the public law and in its practical effect when supported by an enlightened and universal popular will, so long he should never despair of Poland. (Loud cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON said —Although there is much in the speech of the hon. gentleman with which I entirely and cot dially agree, I cannot concur in the conclusion at which he has arrived, and I certainly shall vote for going into committee of supply instead of agreeing with his amendment. I shall net follow the hon. member through the historical details of the earlier period of the Polish na tion. I agree entirely with him in the condemnation which he has pronounced of that great European crime, the parti tion of Poland. I entirely concur with him—it is needless to say so—in the censure and condemnation which he has passed on the conduct of Russia throughout the whole of her relations in connection with Poland. (Hear.) I might indeed remark of that part of the speech of the hon. gentle man, but reversing the sentiment, Quis vituperaverit Her culem ?—who has palliated, justified, or excused the con duct of Russia towards Poland? But that is not the ques tion whieh tie house is this evening called upon to decide. The hon. member condemned the conduct of her Majesty's Government in respect of its recent transactions with regard to Poland. I do not revert to those former periods, be cause they really have nothing to do with the issue at ,re sent before us. But though the hon. member in It' .48 reso lution says the efforts which her Majesty's ' - da , eramen , have made in favour of Poland have nci been successful, yet I am at a loss to understand fee , ee him what we have not done, and what we ought to nave done. He says it is our fault that we have not teen more successful with respect to Poland. Bat 1 app to the memory of th e h on . mem b er in the whole course of la s t y ear , himself to say wh - ,,h er , when he was `..njoining upon us to exert the influenc e o f G - eat Bri'.,ain in favour of Poland—whether he did not re peater:4 say that he did not ask for war—that he did not af‘ec for the display of arms—but that he wanted diplomatic assistance; and especially he said it was his wish that the influence of England should be exerted to obtain from all the principal Powers of Europe a concurrence of opinion as to the violation of ber engagements under the treaty of 1815, Well, we did an the hon. gentleman asked us to do. We did go to the utmost extent in length of diplomatic oxen lion. We did succeed in getting most of the leading Powers to concur with us in representing at St. Petersburg the manner in which Russia had tailed to perform her engage ments under the treaty of 1815, and we exhorted her to perform these engagements, and to deal differently with the Polish nation. What was the next step, then, that we had to take ? Why, there were only two things to be done. Either to cease representations, which, however respectable and powerful the quarter from which they came, had not been attended with success; or to do that which the right lion, member for Bucks upon a former occasion described as an act of insanity —t o go to war with Russia. Well, sir, we were not insane ; we did not at any moment of time contemplate going to war for the sake of Poland. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs has stated that more than once in his place in Parliament, i h t e w h o n u n l d . h g e a n v t e e been a s n a7 ac s t t ha o t f roThafterneesasr e t o f It a n v y e r d eLso e n , s o, Wh yT upon one occasion we declined the co-operation of Austria and France in favour of Poland. why, sir, he afterwards mentioned with condemnation the conduct which Austria is now pursuing with respect to the Poles in Gallieia ; and is it likely that Austria, having Gallicia, and Prussia, having Posen, both of which aro fragments of the Polish nation, would have concurred in an attack upon Russia to compel her to perform her engagements under the treaty of 1815 ? Why, si r , it would have been impossibl e . Well, then, as to F rance. F or m any years the French Legislature passed annually resolutions somewhat !similar to that which the hon. member now proposes to the R eels , of Commons. But at last the French Legislature felt that they were placing 'themselves in an undignified position by passing resolutions which were not followed up by practical aela on the part of the executive Government, and they abstained from doing so. (Hear, hear.) If the hon. gentleman asks me whether, in my opinion, Russia has not forfeited that right to Poland which she obtained 1 under the Treaty of Vienna, because she has not fulfilled the corresponding engagements *of that treaty, I should be very much disposed to agree with him, (Cheers.) But 1 say it would be undignified in this house formally to pro nounce that opinion unless it was prepared to follow it up by an address to the Crown, to give effect to the declaration of forfeiture, If ivo were prepared to go to war to-morrow, and follow up that sentence of forfeiture by execution—it we were prepared, either singly or in conjunction with any other power. to go t o Poland, and say to Russia, Not only have you forfeited your riehts, but we mean to rescue Poland from you—in that case I could understand the propriety of coming to such a decision as ,hie. But to pronounce such a decision, without being prepared to act up to it, would be not only placing as in an undignified, but even in it ridiculous position. (Hear, hear) But has this country a right l singly to deal with the question? Does Russia posse` soli ? d y j 7tieof a treaty between he r , an of T h ea Warsaw was o it gy Vienna, e4 t o it oy po w ,,,i ti a ic w h a : onion ol the Duchy signed not only by England, but by France, Spain, Portugal, and Sweden. England by herself, therefore, has no right to dispute the treaty; and a declaration of Eng land alone would not be valid as putting an end to the rights of Russia. But the hon. member says the Poles are most anxious that this house should pronounce such an opinion. I can only say that if that is the case the Poles are very shortsighted. What happened after the insurrection of '3l-'32 ? That insurrection was suppressed by the arms of Russia—it was suppressed with the passive co-operation of Prussia. We remonstrated with the Russian Govern- moat for abolishing the constitution which the Emperor Alexander had granted. What was the Emperor's reply ? tie said, You have no right now to appeal to she Treaty of Vienna; I don't hold Poland by virtue of the treaty of Vienna—l hold Poland by the sword. It revolted, but I have subdued it, and, therefore, it is mine by the right of conquest, and you have no more right to talk to me about my treatment of Poland than of any other por tion of my empire. Well, we gained a considerable step in our recent negotiations with Russia; because, in defer ence to the collective opinion of Europe, the Russian Go vernment admitted that they do hold Poland by virtue of the Treaty of Vienna, and that they are bound by the stipu lations of that treaty. They said, however, they could not fulfil those obligations as long as the insurrection was going on, but that when order and tranquillity were restored they would do what they were bound to do. Now, surely that is a much better condition for the Poles to be in than if we were now to unsay that which we have hitherto said, and to throw them back upon the declaration of 1832. I say, in the well-understood interest of the Poles, such a declara tion as that would be as injurious as anything this house could do with respect to the Polish question. I therefore hope the house, notwithstanding the eloquent statement of the hon. gentleman—notwithstanding his statement regard ing the wrongs which Poland has had to endure at all times —the cruelties practised upon her, and especially of late, by agents of the Russian Government—will not be led away by its feelings to act in a manner which reason forbids them to act in, and will not take away from the Poles the only remaining diplomatic protection which the Treaty of Vienna gives them, and deprive them of that shelter, trifling as it may be. The hon, member has stated very truly that the Poles have manifested a decree of national feeling, and an attachment to their native country, a power of endurance, and a courage and an enters rise, almost unexampled in his tory. Bat the more you admire the Poles, the less you ought to concur in these resolutions. The more you think the Poles deserve the sympathy of Europe, the less you ought to deprive them of that diplomatic and political protec tion which the Treaty of Vienna still affords them,and which, at some future period, we are entitled to expect the Russian Government will acknowledge. The hon.member alluded to two instances in corroboration of his proposal. One was the dcalaration made towardsßuesia that we did not ackonwledge her sovereignty in Circassia ; the other thatwe did not acknow ledge the sovereignty of Turkey in Greece. I do not think, with regard to these instances, that the one is encouraging, or the other applicable. What is the state of Circassia now ? Has that declaration saved Circassia from conquest by Russia? Do we not know that hundreds of thousands of its inhabitants have been expelled from their country, and are seeking a refuge from Turkey, exposed to every possible misery ? Do we not know that the actual dominion of Russia in Circassia has been established by the success of Russian arms ? Well, is the same consequence to follow in Poland ? Ido not think that example is at all encourag ing. With regard to the other instance—that of Greece — if Poland was as accessible to England and France as Greece was to England and Russia, why, then the argu ment of the hon. member would be of force, and a declara tion of forfeiture might be easily followed by execution. But the position of Poland is utterly different from that of Greece, and therefore that example has no bearing upon the conclusion to which the hon. member invites us. There tore I entreat the house, in regard to its own dignity and character, and in the well-understood interest of the Poles, of whose cause the hon. member has been so able and so consistent an advocate, to pass to the motion for committee of supply, and not to agree to the amendment. Mr. G. DUFF, who was impatiently listened to, depre cated the acceptance of such a motion, for the sake of the Poles themselves. Sir F. GOLDSMID said the argument of the noble lord at the head of the Government had been a thousend times refuted by the cruelties practised upon the Poles by the Russian Government. Mr. SCULLY had learned privately that there was to be no division on this important motion, but as no one was more ready than the noble lord at the head of the Govern ment to admit that the negotiations of her Majesty's Government on behalf of Poland had not been satisfactory, he should vote for the motion. Mr S. FITZGERALD said the speech of the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) had been in some respects satisfactory, but in other respects it deserved the notice of the house. His hon friend. (M r Hennessy) had made certain statements and referred to certain documents, as to which the noble lord, addressing that house, had preserved the most studied silence. (Hear, hear.) Ore of the statements made by his hon friend was that a question was put to the noble lord in 1861 as to whether any correspondence had passed between the French and Austrian Governments and her Majesty's Government with reference to the kingdom of Poland, and that the noble lord in his place distinctly stated in the face of the Commons of England that there was no such corre spendence. Now his hon friend the member for King'e County had referred to despatches when they passed. Lord PA. LMERSTUN—French despatches, Mr FITZGERAL —French despatches s Lord PALMERSTON—Addressed to the French Am bassadr, r, not to us. Mr FITZGERALD took exception to some of the sta'e ments of Lord Palmerston, and denied that the Government had done all that could have been done, insisting that they had paralysed the action of France and Austria, Alter some explanatory remarks by Mr LAYARD, the resolutions were negatived. Mr AUGUSTUS SMITH moved that the Miscellaneous Civil Service Estimates, Class 2, be referred to a select com mittee to examine the same in reference to the past €7 Pen. diture for the civil services, and to report to the ouseany reductions, better arrangement, or other pa e - .oculars which in their opinion deserve the attention of the house when the said estimates are under their cons' deration . The motion was seconded le e s Sir J. SHELLEY, but the SPEAKER ruled that, s etter the result of the last motion, this question should . not be put. Alter a few r reply to M ' e marks and explanations by Mr F. P ee l in Smith, and an objection urged by Mr W. Wil liams ‘.o voting money en account. Mr FERItAND put a question regarding superannuations in the dockyards, which was answered by Lord C. PAGET. The house then went into a committee of supply, when Lord C. PAGET entered into a very long and detailed explanation of the several heads of the Supplementary Navy Estimate, embracing the proposals of the Government for increasing the active pay, and a scheme of improving the retired alowances of various grades of officers of the Royal Navy, in consequence of the report at d recommendations of the Select Committee of last year. He ended by moving the first vote of 155,266. After a protracted discussion, this and the other votes were agreed to and ordered to be reported. The report on the Bank Acts was brought up and agreed to, and a till was ordered to be brought in. On the report of the Union Assessment Committee Act Amendment Bill, certain new clauses were added, The Highways Act Amendment Bill was read a second time, after a short discussion, and ordered to be referred to a Select Committee. (House of C ommons ) Bid , an d es of Deceased) Bill p asse d th e ats the Th A e rra V y ae p at i i i n z g e ofo (Shares Com mittee, Other bills were forwarded, and the motions on the paper having been disposed of, the house adjourned at 25 minutes past 1 o'clock. Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, The 38th annual meeting of the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals was held at St. James's hall, Regent-street, yesterday, and was attended by a large and fashionable audience. Among those on the platform besides the Earl of Harrowby, who presided, were his Ex cellency the Italian Ambassador, the Marquis of Townsend, Lady Dorothy Neville, Sir James Buller East, General James Sir John Scott. Lillie, Mr Frank Buckland, Mr Felix Ladbrode, the Rev. Prebendary' Jackson, Dr Frazer, the Rev. Mr °menden, kc. Mr Colam, the secretary, read the report, which, after announcing tho acquisition to the Council of Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte, and the efforts which had been made to obtain an enactment in Italy for the protection of animals, stated that during the past year promising branches had been estabiished at Leicester, York, Reading, Rochester, and Chatham. The council announced that they were about to offer a premium of £5O for an essay' against vivisection in England, end I,ooof. for a similar one in the French language, which they hoped would continue the agitation against that practice. During the past year the Council had prosecuted upwards of 1,000 offenders to con viction, and had sustained only seven dismissals. The officers had performed duty in 18 countries, besides attend ing fairs and visiting the canal banks, in addition to the London suburban districts and the general metropolitan duty At the Copenhagen market four officers constantly attended. Some of the offences punished were of a most horrible char acter, and many were too disgusting to be described in de tail. In various parts of the country lectures had been delivered on kindness to animals, and schools had been visited for the purpose of inculcating the principles of the society upon children, while many sermons had been preached in favour of its objects. The committee were about to propose a plan for giving rewards to pereor whose unifor m good treatment of animals may met;' _ mark of distin c ti on. They announced a premi" ' ')in-: .--- offered for an improved vermin trap, which -in of £5O Bede the toothed steel trap now in use - should super be tortureless. 'Upwards of 20" .., and at the same time and were on that °mask).- 4 models had been received, yet taken place. T' - on view, but no adjudication had "eY Vice -Chancey reported a favourabl e d ec i s i on by - cerins .4r Sir W. P age W ood, in the Court of Chatt y'_ . .evour of a legacy left to the society of £ tO,OOO, and whir .4n had been contested by the residuary leeatee, and ishould the decision not be reversed the amount at the death of a life tenant would fall into their hands for the improvement ,d: London elaughter•houses. After enumerating a few dens_ nuns and legacies, the report concluded with an appeal for auP- port,the current expenditure having greatly exceeded the in come. The noble chairman, in his address to the meeting, ad verted to his visit to the French society for the protection of animals, and expressed his sense of obligation to that society for the opportunity afforded him of witnessing their pro ceedings. His lordship spoke with approval of the system adopted by the French of acknowledging merit by the dis tribution of medals in relation to the object of the society, and hoped that something of a similar kind might hereafter appear among us. There was a little point of difference be tween the English nod the French people in respect to the extent to which the latter carried their scientific experi ments, especially on the subject of vivisection. At the same time he believed that, as far as the French society was concerned, their sentiments were in unison with ours, and that they felt that, where absolute necessity could not be established, all operations upon living animals were a crime. In adverting to the claims of the society, the noble chairman said he considered that they were placing those claims on rather too low a ground, when they rested them merely on the fact of their object being to afford pro tection to animals, for he was convinced that while cherish ing a kindly disposition towards animals they were humanising the feelings and promoting sympathy for the sufferings of man. Mr A. Mackinnon, M P., then moved, and General Tames seconded, the adoption of the report, which was agreed to. A vote of thanks to the Committee of Council was proposed and unanimously adopted. The meeting was then addressed by Sir J. B, East, the Rev Mr Jackson, Mr Frank Dockland, Mr Smithies, Mr Felix Ladbroke, Mr Curling, and the Marquis of Townsend, and a vote of thanks to the chairman closed the proceedings. THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA, (F r om the Times Correspondent.) NEW YORK, May 13. Shouts of " victory" resound in the streets from the voices of the newsboys. The word " victory," in large type, stands at the head of the flaring columns of the second, third, fourth, fifth, and tenth editions Papers ; and in still larger letters, of that ht newspapers os may read, at the corners of streets, where the bulletins of battle are ex hibited to the crowd; but victory nevertheless is not aohieved, and seems as distant as ever. Hitherto the march of Grant—though, if it be ultimately successful, it will be considered heroic—is the ad vance of a piece of mechanism. He sees no obstacles, and goes blindly and ruthlessly on. He trusts to nothing but superior numbers and hard fighting. The lives of his men are of no value. He throws them away by thousands, to gain half a mile of jungle. He has pushed on for five leagues, and paid about 9,000 lives for each. At every step he fights at a great disadvantage, on ground of the enemy's choosing. But he fights on. His men are picked off by unerring sharpshooters from behind every tree, but his order is still to push forward. His Generals fall as if they were of no more account than private soldiers. Up to Tuesday evening—the seventh day of the conflict—he had lost 13 of them in killed, wounded, and prisoners and at least 45,000 men. This loss is admitted by friends and admirers, while those who are neither inctine to add 15,000 to that enormous estimate. But still he holds his way undaunted, seeing nothing, caring nothing, bat . Richmond, which if he ever reach upon the terms of these seven days he will reach without so much as a body guard —a solitary prisoner. The havoc com mitted in his ranks is sickening to reflect upon. One New York regie.ent, the pride of the ci:y, which not long since marched down Brosdway amid fl .untitne banners, waving kerchiefs, loud huzzas, and the music of drum and fire, suffered sa terribly that out of its full comple ment but four officers and fifteen men were lett after half a day's fighting. Weale brigades have lost their officers end two-thirds of their rank ann file, and, having none to lead them, have been in corporated with other brigades, only less cruelly decimated than themselves in having a brigadier left to reorganise their shattered remnants. Aed all this time the desperate struggle has only been waged on the outskirts of the Confederate works, and in such positions as General Lee would prefer to see an enemy in whom he wished to annihilate. The line of the North and South Anna has yet to be reached ; and if Grant markt, through it and pay no dearer for the privilege than he has paid for the honour of eaarchieg from th e Rapidan to Spottsylvanih, Court-house, his original army, whether it numbered 150,000 or 250,000, will have dwindled to one-half, and will have more dreadful to .t of e e work before it than has Tet been attempted, But of determine h n a iu s z, : or mb li o ne is alt one to General Grant, With the thblimity genie:, e madness ne h a e t,d h s t (dt e etcel narer°e tune to e 3 th e r public, roust b i e who Stanton, l 1 w " I hat he will go to Richmond by that line, if it takes him all the summer to do it," Impulsive, and easily led, as the people tette arid apt to be astonished at nothing, they are eetanished at this audacity. They do not know how to account for it on any other supposition than that Grant is the greatest as well as rtV:e3t daring General whom the world ever s a w., and are content to wait a little longer for the results before they change their opinion. But the voice of wailing and lamentation is heard in too many thousands of households in this and all the cities of the North to permit unqualified approba tion of a system of war so costly es this, or to silence the buzz of adverse criticism. If Grant's army, instead of a throbbing, thinking mass of human beings, were but an agglomeration of steel and iron —a monster steam engine cunningly put together for purposes of deetructioo , its driver could not more deliberately urge it forward in its pitiless career. People begin to ask themselves what will happen, if, after all, the machine shall be dashed to pieces , by the obstructions that it will have to butt against if it continue to advance. They ask in vain. No one can answer, or no one will, except by a shrug of the shoulders and a look of resignation. The greatest success that has yet attended the operations of Grant was accomplished by General Hancock on the night of Wednesday. Both armies were resting from the fatigues of Tuesday—the most dreadful day of carnage ever known on the American Continent—when Hancock, taking ad vantage of the darkness and the rain, suddenly changed his position from the right to the left of Grant's line, turned the rear of the Confederate army, and fell upon the division of General A. P. Hill, capturing 30 guns and 4,000 prisoners. This was a serious blow to General Lee, and when intelli gence of the fact was conveyed to Washi ng ton and to this city simultaneously with the statement that Gen. Philip Sheridan, at the head of a large body of Federal cavalry, had also flanked Lee, and severed his railroad connexion with Richmond, a rumour, which for awhile found many believers, spread rapidly abroad to the effect that Lee had capitu lated- with his whole army. Wall street received the news as true, and the price of gold began to fall rapidly. An official announcement from the War-office was afterwards promulgated denying the capitulation, and this, coupled with trustworthy intelligence, confirmed by a s core of witnesses, that the battle commenced by inceek'e division, Lee tended to the whole army yesterday morning, sent gold up again as quickly as it had falter). Amid all the terrible excitement of the war news it is easy to perceive that there is an under -current of deep feeling. The people are not so vainglorious as formerly. They are not so certain of victory as they have been on previous occasions, and the bril liant strategy of Lee and the unconquerable heroism of the Southern army extort admiration on every side. The fact is that the North, even in this day of extremity, is proud of the noble qualities exhibited by the Southern army and pe ople, and feels, possibly not for the first time, a rniBgiVing that the war was a mistake, and that if it Were possible for North and South to shake hands, and be to each other 88 once they were, it would be a glorious privilege and a blessing to both of them. Never before did the Peace party speak out ag boldly, and find so many to agree with them. Even Mr. Wendell as instant a war trumpeter as the land eve- produced, inclines hie heart to better impulses. No living American orator is so eloquent as this gentleman. He is as direct as Mr. Bright, as calm as Mr. Cobden, as persuasive as Mr. Gladstone, as elegant as Lord Carlisle, and when occasion de mands can be as fiery as Lord Derby. His language is the purest Eeglish, without the slightest taint of the Yannee idiom or accent, or the least approach to American slang. He never "speaks to Buncosabe" or indulges in the rhodomontade which his country. men call "spread eagleism." His satire cuts like 'he polished r , z •r, and draws. b ood with the scarcely perceptible touch that snows the thorough master of the instrument. ho eeidomneridesceads govern his conscience. He has gone back to his first loves ; he has remembered, it will not do to say he has discovered, that the liberty of the white man is worth something, not only to the white man him- self, but to the cause of civilisation. He has re nounced his errors, and has become as nearly a statesman as Festus was a Christian. In a speech delivered on Tuesday last at the Church a the Puritans, on occasion of the 31st anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, he avowed opi nions which place him in the same rank with Mr. Vallandigham, Mr, Fernando Wood, Mr. Benjamin Wood, Mr. Long, and Mr. Harris, and every other man in the country who believes that the war can neither restore the Union nor preserve liberty, and in full sympathy with the impartial public opinion of England and France, and of all Europe, which saw from the first what he only sees in this day of awful conflict. He mournfully confessed that the youngest American would not live to see a resto ration of the republic of his forefathers ; that if peace came, of which he saw no prospect, whatever Grant might do, 800,000 men would be thrown upon the community unfitted for the ordinary occupations of life, and therefore a standing menace and danger to the public liberty; that for halt a century no one but a soldier would have a chance of the Presidency; that the right arm of every men in the country, and of every male child that was hereafter to be born into it, was and would be mortgaged to pay the in terest on the debt. He admitted that no such des potism as must exist in America, ifohe war shoo' i continue, existed on this side the Wall of China; that it he were a negro and a slave he would pray that the war might last for 20 years—for the war would benefit the black race, and would ultimately raise it to the social and political level of the white; but that as an American white citizen he deprecated even a month's nontinuance of war, because he saw i❑ it the .ends of debt, military ambition, and dee potism, agj.nst the progress of which God demanded a virtue and intelligence in the masses which did not exist in America, and which raver existed anywhere else if history were true. " You can never," he said, in the peroration of a speech abounding in similar confessions," restore the Union by force. This war has built up a unanimous Confederate sentiment. . • If the rebellion reel in Virginia, it will by ❑o means be broken if it qui's the OA Dominion. . . . The sections have learnt to respect each other. . . . We know the South no , ,it, its 'willingness to die for its ideas : its readiness for every saeridce, and its indomitaboa pride." But Mr, Phillips did not admit that the North eras reedy to made similar sacrifices for its ides; on the contrary, he con fessed his shame and humiliation at the thought that 20,000,000 of white people in the North had gone down on their knees and implored the assist arid of s h a m' met .teed elavce:e: the woi l o Tiering, half the number of white men in the South. It might be thought that Mr. Phillips, entertaining such sentiments ee these, in ready to do now what Messrs. Lincoln, Seward, Greeley, Everett, and others were ready to do in 1860,—let the South de part without further hindrance, recognise its inde pendence, and advise its countrymen to do the same. But no word to that affect is to be found in his re markable speech. He compered North end South to an eagle end a fish chained to each other. The eagle could not live in the water, nor the fish in the air ; and one of the two had to die, in order that the other might live. But why, it might be asked, should either die ? Cannot each return to its own element by the severance of the chai❑ that connects them? Mr. Phillips meant as much, but seems to have lacked the courage to say so. But having gone so far, he will some day or other be obliged to go further. It is well tkat he should !eel shame and humiliation. It will be be:ter that he feel repentance. He, the inciter of men's passions ; he, the trumpeter of discord; he, the preacher of a philanthropy of which the means are blood and misery and a carnage of horror to which history offers few parallels, though the end, far off, may once have seemed to his mind to justify them all, owes it not only to his own conscience, but to the multitudes of men whom his teachings have goaded into war, to declare his error, and to lend his fluent tongue and his clear brain to that blessed cause of Peace which in this evil hour needs every voice to pray for it, and, most of ali, the voices of those to whom God has given the power to sway the convictions of others. Mr Phillips may affect to think even now that it were better that the whole Southern people eheuld be exterminated than that slavery should not be de stroyed or the Union not re-established; but such merciless logic cannot really govern his conduct, if sanity be left to him. His speech was for peace, as far as it went ; and, coming from a man of his character, it was a sign of the times. Reason has long been silent in the councils of the North. It is of good augury that its voice begins to be heard above the din even of this awful week, and that the men of thought are learning to take coun sel of their consciences instead of their passions, and daring once again to tell the people unpalatable ruths. MAY 14. Postcript.--Again there is a cry of " victory," louder and more persistent than ever. The battle of Thursday—brouaht on by the brilliant, action of bleneral klancock—lasted the whole of the day, and was accompanh. d by as frightful a slaughter as that of Tuesday. The result appears to be that General Lee abandoned his strong position at Spottsylvania, crossed the Po, and retired on Friday morning towards a still stronger position on the North Anna, with Grant relentlessly following in his rear. Some of the papers which ought to know better, speak of this as "a magnificent and decisive victory ;" say that " the rebel army has been tho roughly vanquished ;" that " as en effective force it has practically ceased to exist," and that "the love of the nation to General Grant for this splendid " achievement will be fervent and unmeasured." But General Grant and the Secretary of War are more moderate in their estimate, and Grant merely says, in recounting the gains of his eighth day of battle, that the " enemy is obstinate" and " seems to have found his last ditch." This was before Lee's withdrawal to the North Anna, and by this time his opinion of the obstinacy" may bo confirmed, and that of the " location" of the "last ditch" con siderably modified. All these " victories" grow smaller when the details are published. Even General Grant's assertion that he captured 30 pieces of artillery, in addition to two general officers and between 3,000 and 4,000 men, appears to have been founded on a misconception. A despatch from the field dated a day later than his official report to the Secretary of War, says, "Last night o ur men again attempted to bring in the capture d g uns. Ihe enemy resisted dreadfully, and a fight . ensued, which resulted in some of the guns remainin on g g rntin ti." Thus it appeuro hat a portion of the duns have not been captured, wblle it is possible— to be pssionate, and loses in this respect some of the power which he might otherwise Nvied over a miEcellaneous multitude, he makes amends for the defect, if it be one, by a wealth of illustration and a cogency of argument that show the full mind and the trained intellect, and compel admiration if they do not conviction. He has, as is well known, been among the most rabid of the supporters of the war, though he has never been much of a friend to the Government by whose agencies it has been conducted. In the dmys when the Democrats governed the country, and when the idea of a dis ruption of the Union was scouted alike by the Northern and the Southern leaders of that long dominant party, ho did not hesitate to proclaim that separation was preferable to the continuance of slavery. Long after the outbreak of the war he confessed that for 19 years he had been a dis,- Unionist and a Secessionist. His sole governing idea has been the scandid, the wrong, the horror, the iniquity of slavery, for the destruction of which he would cheerfully have sacrificed the integrity of the Republic, and consented to split the country into a heptarchy. Yet as soon as his party came into power he—so cool, so steadfast, and so liberal —was carried away by the madness of his country men, clamoured for the restoration of the Union, which he had denounced and despised as rotten and unnatural, and spoke and acted as if the preserva tion of the freedom of the North were not worth a thought. Events, however, have wrought a change in hie mind. The preacher of war has suddenly be come the apostle of peace. The philanthropy in which he was nurtured hes reasserted its power to so vague and cautious is the statement—that another portion of them may have been recaptured by the Confederates. Both armies have suffered such enormous losses that the world may believe that a couple of days' rest will be absolutely neces sary to each commander. A heavy storm of wind and rain, which commenced on Thursday, has con verted the never very hard roads of Virginia into mud and slush, and as Lee passed first along them to his new position, the tramp of his men and horses and the ploughing wheels of his cannon must have left them in a state of morass, through which rapid progress, especially with artillery will be impossible. It is likely, therefore, that there will be a lull in the storm of battle in the immediate front, and that both armies will be reorganised and reinforced to the fullest extent in the power of the Confe derate and the Federal Governments. The next shock promises to be more desperate than ever, if the immediate interest of the struggle be not trans ferred from the north to the south of Richmond by an attempt of General Beauregard to crush Generals Baldy Smith and Butler before uniting his forces with those, of General Lee. The excitement in this city is intense, and hourly increases ; and were it not for the judicious publication by Secretary Stanton of the official details as soon as they reach him from the army, it would be still wilder than it is. People wait for his confirmation of events be fore attaching credence to the reports from Phila delphia, Baltimore, and Washington, which pour down upon the bewildered heads of the public like hailstones in a storm, and only retain their form and substance for about as 108'4 In this respect the Government has rendered good service. It does not appear to have withheld any painful truths, or in any degree to have exaggei - 5 , ted the successes that have been obtained, and has thus st;, an example which was very much needed. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMER.—A return just obtained from the Ad mirahy will inform naval men, shipbuilders, and the public in general of some facts which it much concerns them all to know, It is an account in a concise and intelligible form of all the " Iron plated Ships and Batteries built or building" up to this time for the Royal Navy, and it specifies not only their tonnage, armaments, and design, but also their cost and the history of their construction. By the aid of this table cupolas and turrets may be com pared with broadsides, wholly plated with partially plated ships, first-rates with third-rates, and private establishments with the Royal dockyards. Another brief return completes the information thus com municated by a very significant and impressive sup plement. It tells us of ail the vessels not armour plated which are in course of construction for the Navy at this moment , so that we may measure the preponderance of the new system not only by its own progress, but by the decay of its ancient rival. Chia part of the story can be told so shortly that we may as well dismiss it at once. There is next to nothing in hand of this kind. The Endymion, a 22 gun ship, and four smaller vessels, representing, we presume, as many swift cruisers with light arma ments, constitute all the work of this sort now going on. Tne energies of the Admiralty and the resources of the State are concentrated on iron plated vessels, almost to the extinction of wooden shipbuilding. What, then, is the actual condition, end what the. prospects of the Fleet which now ab sorbs our attention and our expenditure P The first thing that strikes us is the variety of' specimens comprised, showing more clearly than anything else could show the state of transition in which we still remain. We have not yet accepted as perfect oe satis factory any pattern, model, or design of hull, dimen sions, or armament. This gives a kind of composite appearance to our Fleet, but it has saved us, at any rate, from the mistake committed by the Americans in building a whole squadron of Monitors on the impulse of the moment. At the present time we have, exclusive of " floating batteries," sixteen iron-plated men-of- war actually afloat. This at least is the statement of the return, but we can add one to the number, for on the 23d instant, the very day fixed for the event, the Prince Albert was launched, so that our ironsides are already not 16 but 17. To these will be added before the close, and indeed be fore the middle, of next year, 10 more, making an aggregate of 27. If we choose to include the float ing batteries constructed or designed during the Crimean war, we shall raise the entire strength of our ironclad fleet to 34 vessels of all rates. It will so on be desirable to devise same new system of rating in the place of that which the new system of naval architootnie and armament has rendered in applicable. We can no longer measure the offensive powers of a ship by the nuenber of her guns. A " first- reto" of tile old rehool, wit!' her triple bat teries and her 130 guns, might be blown out of the , ideas, ie water in 10 minutes, accordi n g to our press'nt by such a vessel, for instan ce, as the Prince bert, of four gains, just launched, or the Pallas, of si:c guns, to be launched at Christmas. These half-dozen guns, in fact, might throw a heavier mass of metal than the broadside of the largest three-decker, so that the principle will not apply, and the standard is unavailable. Practically, however, we may con sider that the 'Warrior, though denominated a fri gate, end cerrying only 40 guns, represents the first-rate under the new system, and of those vessels we may say that 10 are now afloat. They differ from each other in a variety of respects, but they are all more or less completely cased in iron, and all carry 35 to 41 guns, except where the armament is con centrated under shields or in turrets. We have, then, two ships, the Hector and the Valiant, which we may describe as second-rites, and three more which can be classed as third-rates. This makes 15, and the full tale of 17 afloat is completed by Mr. Reed's small ironclads, the Research and the Enterprise. Of the 10 to be shortly added to teis list, es many es six are first-rates, two are powerful vessels, and two of small dimensions. As to the controversy between wood and iron, we may briefly observe, until Mr. Reed's designs were introduced into the Navy we always built of iron where we could, and where we started irom the beginning, but adopted wood in certain instances for the sake of expedition as well as of economy. Thus, for our sixteen first-rates built or building, eight are of iron throughout, and six re present timber frames pleted with iron, The other two, the Lord Clyde and the Lord Warden, upon Mr. Reed's designs, have wooden hulls ; but our Chief Constructor ass not confined his experiments to either material eseclueively, for his Bellerophon is of iron, and while one of his small specimens is of iron the other is of woos and iron combined. Cap tain Coles, too, as far as m terial gnas, has the ad , ~ntagc of both chances, for one of his vessels is built of iron and the other of wood. Upon the whole, we may say that iron was recognised as de cidedly best wherever a free choice lay before us until Mr, Reed came in, and that he seems to be of opinion that more may be made of wood than Wa3 previously imagined. The interesting question of relative cost is not quite so easily answered. What with the completeness of work and the imperfection of accounte; we cannot always get at good materials for comparison; for it must be understood that, though we have described certain vessels as actually "afloat," that by no ocaza implies that they are fully completed for sea, or that the expenditure upon them i 3 at an end. However, h . ' we take the Warrior, which was built in a private yard, and compare her with the Achilles of the same rate constructed at Chatham, but unfortunately "not cosnplete," we shall find that the former cost £300,995, and he latter £321,875. so that in the end i perhaps, there will be little difference between them. If, again, we take one of the ships converted into ironclads by the addition t,i rumour plates to wu0,... Lames already standing, such as the Royal Oak, we find its actual cost to be £259,658, and therefore, if the Royal Oak is really as effective a man-of-war as the Warrior, we have saved a good £lOO,OOO b our bargain. Mr. Reed's designs , too, ehow a clear econ omy of cost. His Bellerophon, expected to he one of the most powerful vessels in the Navy, is estimated to cost only £281,820, but this, it must be remembered, is estimate only. Still, though we confess that no decisive evidence is obtainable from the paper before us, we are disposed to infer that the work of the Royal dockyards will not be found more expensive than that of private establishments. A few nays ago we explained that the American Government, though not possessed of any establish ments like ours for maintaining its Navy, was by no means content with its position in this respect, even as regarded economy, while it expressed great anxiety for the efficiency of the Feet, if the con structiois of vessels should be left to private hands. Since that time Mr. Secretary 'Welles has been asked why he allowed the Confederates to acquire the Naval power in the Sounds of North Carolina which at this crisis of their fortunes has cost the Federals so dear. His reply was that it was the inevitable consequence of the system in use, and that . such failures and reverses were to naturally be anticipated so long as the Government was left un provided with yards and establishments of its own. rla said that the Admiralty and the Government were wholly dependent on contractors, who were either unwilling or unable to perform the work re quired, and added that, in the event of a foreign war, the condition of America, owing to this want of establishments, would be, " most unfortunat , 2," This opinion, it is true, is the opinion—perhaps the natural one—of an official, but, delivered as it is in the hour of actual trial, it deserves our attention. PosT.—To-morrow the members of the Conference will again assemble, and officially renew labours which have, in truth, never been suspended. The time which has elapsed since the last adjournment has been occupied in constant negotiation, with the view of arriving at some arrangement to which thee several Plenipotentiaries would subsequently give their formal assent. It must be apparent to all thet the negotiations by which it is hoped that a fins.' settlement of the Schleswig-Holstein question may be effected, and peace re-established between Ger many and Denmark, could not be condensed within the limits of the brief official interviews which take place between the members of the Conference in Downing-street. The proceedings of assemblies at this kind are at all times tedious and protracted., but the circumstances under which the presenf Conference has met tend especially to the creation or postpsnement and delays. The Plenipotentiaries met armed with the fullest powers, but with in structions of a very limited nature. The Danish Government were absolutely ignorant of the nature of the demands which would be made by the German Powers, and were therefore precluded from instructing their envoys in what manner those de mands should be met. Even in the matter of the armistice, although it wes notorious that the neutral Powers would propose a suspension of hostilities, the Austrian and Prussian representatives declared themselves to be without authority to assent to that proposal when first made, and nearly a fortnight was exhausted in what may be termed unofficial negotia tions before the basis on which it was finally agreed to, had been sanctioned by the belligerent States. The past ten days have in like manaer been occupied in endeavouring to obtain from Denmark and from the German Powers a joint assent to a scheme for the determination of the political relations which shall henceforth subsist bet weep Denmark and the Duchies. When the Plenipotentiaries meet to-morrow they will not simply resume the thread of argument where. it was left off on Tuesday week ; they will be called on to sanction or disapprove of those suggestions for a settlement which emanated from the neutral Powers, and which during the interval have been sedulously canvassed by the Cabinets of the in , :erested States. To-morrow the representatives of the o ,: s iligerent Powers will announce officially in Conference the opinions entertained by their re spective Governs7ents on the proposed arrange to the tenor of those opinions will be accepted, rejected, ments, and according origin. tors, to be modified the scheme of settlement or referred back to its before being again canvassed, at:d probably again condemned. However the neutral et: d the German Powers may have in the first instance affected to considered that the Treaty of 1852 furl; fished quasi bssis for the deliberations of the Conferenter no actual doubt existed that the Conference, it it effected anything, would modify the relations b,? tween Denmark and the Duchies to such an extent as virtually to repeal that convention. It needed , not the formal repudiation of the London Treaty by' Count Bismarck, to which we directed attention a few days since, to assure us that Prussia would never assent to the re-establishment of the pre viously existing connection between the Danish monarchy and the Duchies of Schleswig and Hole , stein. For this event the neutral Powers were' prepared, nor could Denmark have anticipated any other result than the formal and final abandonment by the German Powers of a treaty wnich they have now for s , -me time ostentatiously trampled under toot. To the substitution of combinations different from those which wer assented to twelve years ago the several Powers were consequently obliged to address themselves, and it is on the merits of a scheme which has chiefly emanated from the British Government that the members of the Conference will now be called upon to express an opinion. It Is no secret that Lard Palmerston, m , ny years since, proposed that the Duchy of Schleswig should be. divided, and the southern, or German portion, attached to Holstein, and thas brought within the jurisdiction of the Germanic Confederation. The plan was feasible, and, had it been carried into effect, might possibly have prevented the present war. Denmark, however, resting on her territorial. rights, and wishing to perpetuate as the natural boundary of Germany the River Eider, refused to assent to this proposal. The suggestion has nov , been renewed, and the contending Powers will be asked to assent to a subdivision of the debateable Duchy of Schleswig, the northern portion being' amalgamated with the Danish monarchy and the southern being united with the Duchy of Holstein. This constitutes the basis of a proposal which is still dependent upon a variety of conditions. The sub division of Schleswig leaves the question of the union between the newly-formed Duchies and Denmark still open, and the solution of this pro* problem it is proposed to leave to the inhabitants , themselves. France, as is well known, is a warty supporter of universal suffrage, and chiefly in con. • formic y with her wishes, it is suggested that the population of the new Duchy of Schleswig-Hol . stein shall determine for themselves the person whom they will have for their Sovereign. Inasmuch, however, as by these arrangements, if assented to, Germany would derive great maritime advantages which might be employed to the prejudice of other State?, several important stipulations are made, of which one is the neutralisation of the harbour Of Kiel. COUNTRY MARKETS. - ..... BIRMINGHAM—THURSDAY. There was A limited supply of English wheat fo-dayt and the demand was steady, last week's extreme prices being obtained. Barley slow, and nominally unaltered la prise. Oats firm. Beans and peas were at late quotations• —English wheat was soid at 40s to 44a for white, and 0 6 ' to 42s per 36 stone for red. Barley, new malting, 30s to 38s per qr ; grinding, 18s to 24s Oats, old, 22s to 30s per 30 stone ; Irish, 18s to 245. Beane, 34s to 40s per qr• Peas, 32s to 38s per 36 stone. ENT—THURSDAY. wheat to-day, and the farmers ~ which merchants would not BURTON. ON- TR Thero was a lair supply ot r asked an advance ot 2s per qr. give. Old white wheat..4lB to 4 58 Old red wheat , 4OB to 428 New do. ~39s to 44s New do. 3 78 to 410 i Malting bar1ey....3 2 5 to 358 Oats. 208 to 3 0 Grinding d0.....26s to 298 1 Beans 348 to 42,s MANCHESTER—THURSDAY. A very limited attendance at our market to-day, fall but very little bu-iness doing. Wheat and flour both bola firm, at about previous quotations. Oats and oatmeal m et with a slow demand, at late prices. English and EgYr tian beans fully as dear, but dull. Indian eorn was 6d " P Gd per qr lower. BRISTOL—THURSDAY. A moderate supply of English wheat, which met a fAir sale, at prices somewhat similar to last week. Beaus svf-Te firm. Barley ruled at late rates. EDINBURGH GRAIN—MAY 25. To• day there was a better supply of grain, which sot ( ' at about last week's prices. uerWheatley on h on the ee top top is 3s 4 u u p p .. . . .. . aver a g e Os 7d d o v ali average is 9d up. Oats on the top is Od up • average Os ld up. Beans on the top Ce Oct down average 6s 6d (100 3 ' Avei age Prices. Wheat 36s 10d I Oats. Barley 2Bs 10d I Beans 32s 7s' Total Supply and Sales. Wheat .. 972 qrs Sold 661 qrs 8ar1ey........ 388 qrs Sold 264 qrs Oats Beans 202 qrs Sold 116 qrs , Flour sells as follows :—Whites, 37s MI; extms, 35s Oa; superfine, 338 Od ; fine, 30s Od. lls {ADVErtTISEMENT.I — HoIIoway's Ointment anci Pi Untiring Precision.—When the health is breaking do' from the continuance of some weakening discharge; ulcers refuse to heal, and extending mischief is threatene • then is the time to try the potency o f Hollowa y 's healing ointment and purifying pills. No treatment for giving 0 80 and safety leading to a cure can be compared to this. TO ointment cleans and cools the foulest and most angry sorer alminiahoo tho inflammation, reduces the swelling, preven° the growth of proud flesh, and spares both pain and dange f " Hundreds testily from their own personal experience to the unvarying success attending the use of Holloway's me al ' cements in cases of ulcerated legs, enlarged veins, scurfy skin, and swelled veins. Births. DAWSON.—On the 22d inst., at Lunecliffe, Lancaster, the wife of &mare B. Dawson, Esq., of a son and heir. DU CANE —On the 24th inst., the wife of Major Du C sl3° ' of a daughter, stillborn KING.—On the 25th inst., at Barton House, Cante rbr q: the wife of Captain Augustus King, Royal Horse Arti lery, of a daughter, WALKEn.—On the 24th inst., at 5 9 , Chester-square, the wife of James R.. Walker, Esq., M.P., of a daughter' Marriages. HARRISON—BROW — On the 24th inst., at St. Mari* W o ar Islington, Mr. J. C. Hall Harrison, of Que enhithe., and Derby House, Wept Croydon , to Mary Anse A'A3 'aide Armsby, the youngest daughter of the late A-1-" Browne, Esq., of Golden-square. neort e L ANG —WILLS.—On the 26th inst , at Crewkerne Lowman Lang, Esq., of Crewkerne, to Emily SCY youngest daughter of the late Joseph Wills, Esq. Deaths. 0 1' ARCHER—On the morning ot the 25th inst ,at his 1 ; , - „,,, dence, 31, Oakley-square, S. Pancras, John AVY l° '" - Archer, Esq., aged 58. h.rl.. BLOGG—On the 25th inst. John 810 Esq,, Old Chary b ton, Kent, age 1 68. , f sett uI CRISPIN—On the 22d inst., at West Lulworth, General Crispin, aged 61. not , GNNEss—On the 21st inst., at his residence , Beatit n g e d county Dublin, the Rev. W. S. Grattan Guinness, o 69. gone, Peskin, the 25th inst., at Oikhill , Ha m p stead, Paskin, Esq., of the Vote office , Hou se of Const aged 66. TiQueer, PALMER—On the 23d inst , at his residence, Ea 2 gle Il ."-- a mpten Wick, Joseph Palmer, Esq ,i1td...... London: Prinz,A and Prbashed by WILLIAM ANV1.,1“.04 of No. 112, Strand, Printer , at InE SUN Ofn „,‘ ee,/ of Strand, , n the Precinct of th e Savo y , 3:1 the Col4° Mitteilcaex.—Friday, May 27,186 i. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 27, 1864.