The Sun. — London, England, 1838-01-27 00:00:00

sion3 of Lower Canada, but which will consist of a majority from the Upper Province an d of those nominated by the Crown ?—( Hear, hear.) Now I do think, after the challenge which has been given me to express my opinion, that it would buncandid of me to withhold it. I do not say I doubt the bonest intentions of your instructions, but, looking at the clumsy manner in which they have been framed—a manner most calculated to frustrate your own intentioas, and prevent what all must most desire—a union on a comprehensive sys tem of Upper and Lower Canada—l must say that I decidedly object to them. I would be far from imposing on Lord Duro ham unnecessary restrictions ; it is you who have given him preliminary instructions. I know why you have promul gated them so early : if you followed the spirit of the Con stitution you would have deferred them until he was ; but it was necessary to print your instructions in order to prop up your Bill.---( Hear, hear, and cheers.) You had nothing left but the melancholy alternative of publishing your instructions three months before the proper time, and I tell you again that, as you gave way on my amendments, so also will be obliged to repeal your instructions.—(Loud cheers.) I totally discard those instructions ; I am sorry I referred to them. I leave them to Lord Durham, but I will not relinquish on the part of Parliament the power to afterwards open this question. It may not be necessary at once to institute an inquiry at the bar, but suppose we should say to this Assembly, discarding all paltry considerations of ex pense, " We don't want to exercise a barren dominion over you—it is our object to fortify the connection bet Ween the mother country and her colony. We ask nothing from you ; the risk of defending you in the moment of difficulty is greater than any advantage we caw derive from the alliance." If we say this, it may be necessary to resolve ourselves into a Committee of this House, to take the whole question under our deliberation, and to frame some settlement which will in clude Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and in that case the instructions must come under our consideration. If we could hit on a plan for a domestic Legislature in these provinces which would unite them in dependence on, and friendly con nection with, Great Britain, maintaining an amicable under standing between both, I would be the first to advocate it, and if the time should ever come, as I do not believe it ever will come, when the connection shall be opposed to the common interest, I shall not oppose separation. But I believe that a time will come when this Radical effervescence will subside, and a feeling in favour of Old England and her free institu tions will predominate in these provinces, connected as they are by birth and language with us, in spite of the vicinity of nations governed upon a democratic principle.—( Cheers. ) When the danger will threaten, they will all rush, impelled by a common instinct, to the assistance of the mother country, whose name and character will rally the men of British birth or descent round her standard. They will not forfeit the glo rious prerogative of sharing in her dangers and her victories. Loud cheers.) I will not, therefore, by consenting to any such instructions as these, prevent Parliament from instituting an inquiry as to the practicability of effecting a union between the two provinces. But my feeling is, that, considering the comparative weakness of the two provinces, in a union with us they would reap all the advantage.--( Hear, heir.) Such a union, preserving to them all their rights, would elevate them in the scale of nations ; hut if we are to protect them, we must have the means—not for our profit, but for their own government.—( Hear. ) Mr. E. E L L ICE did not rise for the purpose of answering the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, but to express to the House how deeply he felt to his Noble Friend below him for the concession he had made for the sake of the great cause which all had at heart, by withdrawing that portion of the preamble of his Bill to which the Right Hon. Baronet had made objection, for the sake of producing unanimity as to the principle.—( Hear, hear.) Ile saw no difference in the prin ciples laid down by the Right Hon. Baronet and those of his Noble Friend.—(A laugh,) Both agreed that the utmost latitude should be given to the Noble Lord to whom the ar kl's task had been entrusted of attempting to reconcile the differences of Canada. He should have powers to settle a Cor stitution which would meet the wishes of the French Ca na liens. He agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet that every right which had been conceded to them by treaty, or capitula. tion, or justice, should be fully and fairly continued to them ; at the same time he ;tweed with the Right Hon. Baronet that in fully , ecuring those rights it was necessary for this country to take some security to prevent a repetiiien of such scenes as hal lately disgraced that colony. With respect to the instruct one, he perhaps agreed more with the Hon mraVe Baronet than with her Majesty'e Ministers.—( Hear, hear.) Aol he would freely state to the House, and they were aware that it was lie e ho had advised Ministers to give up the preemb:e, that he agreed with the Right Honourable Baronet that it was much better at once to propose this Biil, st iting its principle, and asking front their friends confidence for Government—that confidence which they had a right to expect—( Hear, hear, and cheers)—and then to give to their representative instructions to enable him to carry into effect their own measures. His Honourable Friend the Member for Sheffield, in giving his support to thi§ Bill, stated that he did so in full confidence of the principle stated in the preamble. That principle the Honourable Member per Fi .sbury said was the only part he approved of, as being the part which offered conciliation to the Canadiano. Whv, that was the only part he ( Mr. Ellice) liked himself. He would not vote for Ministers if he did not feel convinced that they only contemplated a temporary suspension of rights, to be restored by th,m at the earliest period the i,:terests of th country would &low. —( Hear, hear.) But le• did not see that this preanibLywas absolutely necossary to induce them to give it their feeble support. They were all, even the Hun 'uraLlc Baronet ; agreed as to the principle, an he thought it would be detrimental to the end they all had in view if they differed in matters of det el. In the Right Han. Baronet's project of uniting all the American colonies under one Govern ment he entirely concurred, but he thought that in the present state of the public mind it would be rather a dangerous topic to ten oduce in the proposed convention of estates. He always thought there would be a great difficulty in :adopting such a measure, there were so many opposing parties in the country, and the difficulty would be increased by the feelings arising out of the recent conflict ; but he was sure that, it Govern ment could not unite ihp;n for good, they would rather aban don them altogether. He was confident that, from what he knew of Canada, by a system of conciliation a great eeel might 65 efft-cts.d —( Hear, hear.) When he came into the House last night to make a proposition to his Noble Friend to with dr:ex the portion of his Bill which was likely to give rise to party divieione, he hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would give hint credit for being total), disinterested in the matter. He H d to conciliate all eserties so that their decision would have the weight with the world it ouelit to have. He foresaw that if Government had persisted in maintaining the preamble that they would have obtained but a bare majority, and that all sorts of misrepresentations would have been the consequence. And, interested as he te as personally in this question, he congra tulated the House and the country on the likelihood there was their coming to an unanimous decision.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to his Noble Friend below him, lie knew him to be incapable of proposing anything to that House restraining the constitutional privileges of any part of the empire, and such was his confidence in his Noble Friend that be would give him his support in any measure, from a knowledge of his character. —( Hear, hear.) Whether the preamble was maintained or Lot, it formed no grouuds for Hon. Members to alter their in tention of supporting the Bill. He had avoided this discus sion from the commencement of the debate, but had altered that conduct last night, and he was sorry to say that one of the obse nations he had then made use of had been misconstrued. In speaking of the conduct of the American Government, he had raid that their conduct had been most generous, while he was represented to have said that they were always on the watch to take advantage of the misfortunes of England.-- ( Hear, hear.) He could speak from personal knowledge of the amicable feeling which existed amongst all classes in Ame rica towards this country ,and he should be shocked to think that he mad uttered any opinion of a contrary tendency. What ever feelings might have formerly existed, arising out of old and unhappy differences, ho believed that now but one feeling existed throughout the whole of the Anglo-Saxon race, and that was, that in all countries they should unite for the fur therance of liberty and free institutions.—( Hear.) He be lieved that the measures which his Noble Friend had taken two years since to prevent a quarrel between France and America, and the late conduct of the States, more particu larly of the States of York and Vermont, were likely to do more to cement that good understanding than any induce ment arising from commercial interests. He could assure the House that the part his Noble Friend had taken in the dis e- pute between France and the States would never be forgotten in that country.—( Hear, hear.) So far from the United States feeling an interest in creating divisions in our colonies, he believed it was their wish to give every assistance to the British Government. Some Gentlemen had said that the sentiments of the Government of the States were not partici pated in by the people of that country, but be believed that in the late contest their efforts, so far from being directed against England, were all for her advantage. Their conduct through out had been mark©d by a total forgetfulness of self-interest. —( Hear.) The connection between the two countries was ten times more advantageous to Canada than to England, and when peace was again restored in the colony, the best way to win Canada over would be to show her in detail the advan tages she derived from us ; and at the same time to show that we had no desire for dominion. He congratulated the House on the result of last night's debate, and though the Noble Lord (the Secretary for the Home Department) might in making the omissions from the preamble subject himself to some symptoms of party triumph, he might well console him self by reflecting on the good results which would be produced in the colony by the unanimity which his concession would produce in the House. —(Hear. ) Mr. D. W. HARVEY having expressed no opinion upon this interesting and momentous subject out of the walls of Parliament, and having had no opportunity of giving an opinion upon it within them, owned he was anxious, and at some length, to trespass upon the attention of the House in stating the reasons which had induced him upon a recent occasion to vote against the second reading of this Bill ; but be should relieve the House at that moment from the appre hension that he was about to do so, because he could not rise to speak to a Bill the contents of which he did not know.—( Hear and laughter.) The Bill (continued Honour able Gentleman) upon which we have had a debate for the last week, the Bill framed with so much care and so much legal judgment, brought forward after long and anxious consultation, with the sanction of the highest legal authority, was naturally presented to our attention as being perfeet in all its parts—having no ambiguity in its object—no undue verbosity in its expressions.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) And yet so true is it in legislation, as in the higher in terests of human affairs, " we know not what an hour may bring forth."—(Cheers and laughter.) In the short in• terval of four aad twenty hours this Bill, so perfect and mature, has been decapitated, and lost its tail.— (Great laughter and cheering.) I hope, then, I shall be ex cused if I reserved any remarks I may have to make until the period when, peradventure, we may be led to hope the Bill will be perfection itself; that is to say, when it shall be sub mitted to the House for the third time. But I still hope that the conversation which we have bad this evening, by far the most valuable of all the discussions we have had upon this subject, will not be allowed to pass away as a shadow, and to leave no effect upon it. I hope we may be allowed to implore the leader ( Sir Robert Peel) of the powerful party who range themselves upon the opposition benches to throw aside the sin which besets him of being the leader of that party, and that he will hereafter continue in his course of well-doing to counsel the Cabinet—( Cheers and laughter)— to throw around it the shield of his protection, and to spare her Majesty's Ministers and the nation from the evils which otherwise beset them.—( Laughter and cheers.) The course which the Right Honourable Baronet has recently pursued reminds me of the practice in a lawyer's office when I was a lad. When a draft was first prepared it was sub mitted to some subordinate member of the profession—gene rally to somebody under the bar, who had his small fee and advised upon it; but when in a subsequent stage, it came to be more seriously and gravely considered, it was sent to some master mind—to the very highest in the profession who perused the deed, and finally determined the terms of it. Now, it would seem that, although we have a Cabinet of small men—( Great laughter)--who consider and put together their crude notions and thoughts, they are obliged, after they have thrown them into the form of a draft, to send it for re visal to the leader of the Opposition.—(Great laughter and cheers.) And what a splendid instance of disinterestedness was here offered to the leader of the Opposition, who whilst he gives all his important advice gratis, allows the little people to take all the fees.—(Great laughter and cheering.) This in many respects is full of consolation. It will greatly tend to dispel those ungenerous imputations which have been very unsparingly cast upon the conduct and sentiments of many 1 gentlemen in this House. Because, although Ido not hesi : tate to say that in some material respects I differ from those Honourable Gentlemen with whom I concurred in opposing the second reading of this Bill, although lam far from considering that our colonial possessions ought to be lightly treated, or slightly considered of—yet it is not to be forgotten that nearly all those sentiments and suggestions which have since been popularised, inasmuch as that they have been taken up". by the Hon. Gen. tlernan opposite, were thrown out in the first instance by the Gentlemen to whom I allude, and upon whom so many ungenerous and injurious imputations have been cast. The Right Hon. Baronet mentions it as a matter of imputation upon the Government, that when they sent forth arbitrary resolutions which had been the cause of all the mis chief in Canada, but which were so vehemently and almost universally supported in this Heuse, they did not, at the same time make a sufficient demonstration of military force, which, said the Right Hon. Baronet, would have protected the colo nies from the frightful scenes of devastation which have been exhibited in them. But let it not be forgotten that all the gentlemen who resisted those resolutions—though they did not admonish the Government to send out a strong military force, yet distinctly foretold that if they were passed they could only be sustained and carried into operation by the aid of an increased military power. Then are gentlemen who are few in number, and who may labour under the reproach of being too philosophical in their views, to be treated as nought, because they have not a powerful party behind them to voci ferate every sentence, to turn every period, and to give im portance to suggestions which have no inherent weight or value in themselves ? The Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Coventry has, I own, sprung a mine tending much to dis perse the clouds which have hitherto hung around this ques tion. He has expressed a hope that the House will cone to an unanimous vote upon the subject. I agree with him in the vast importance which must be attached to the Bill's re ceiving the unanimous support of the House ; and after the discussion of to-night I think that prospect is not entirely hopeless. In the present distracted state of parties in Ca nada—the one party struggling for popular rights, the other endeavouring to sustain the prerogative—it is very possible that there may be no other means of controlling these rivals that by extinguishing both ; but before I resort to a measure so despotic I must be assured that there are no other means by which it may be possible far me to attain the end I have in view. It has, therefore, from the beginning of the discussions upon this sulsject appeared to me that whilst I should be most prompt to confer those great and respon sible powers upon the Noble Earl who has, I think, been most happily elected by her Majesty's Government—( Cheering)_ as he does, the friends of freedom wherever he goes—l should at the same time be little disposed to fetter him in the exer cise of the mighty authority with which he is clothed. Why should he he curbed or fettered ? Arc the Govern ment disposed to give him the vast authority with which they 1 vest him under suspicion ? If not, let him go f ort h armed with this Bill, and let it contain a provision that shall enable him in all respects-to act as in his judgment he shall deem wisest and best.—( Hear, hear.) I have read—and I hope every gentleman whem I now address h as d one t h e same i —the whole of the papers which have been produced upon this subject. For one, I can say, that there is not a report, nor a particle of the testimony from any witness examined be 'ore any of the Committees which have met upon the sub ject, nor a line of the correspondence which has taken place between the Coloniil Secretary and the different Governors of the provinces, from the year 1829 down to the present rno - \ ment, which I have not carefully perused ; and I own it , :traces me that there is every reason to hope—and recent cir i eumstances tend to confirm that hope—that if Lord Durham, armed with the present Bill, were allowed to dissolve the pre s. it Assembly in Lower Canada and to convene another, he would find that Assembly scarcely less devoted to Bri tish interests—scarcely less inclined to follow out desir able objects than this llouse itself. The improving spirit of the House of Assembly, even with Mr. Papineau as its Speaker, must have struck every one who has read with attention the despatches from Lord Gosford. ! Let me mention an instance. Papineau was Speaker of the House, and it is important to bear that fact in mind, when an I Address was proposed to the Assembly condemnatory of the I policy of this country. An amendment was moved by one of 1 the opposite party, and w hat was the division ? Not is ith stnnding the fact of Papineau being Speaker—and we all know the meri'ed weight which a Speaker's opinion has in all assemblies of this description—notwithstanding the fact of that individual throwing the, whole of his weight and influence on the side of the address, when the Assembly came to divide , upon the question the numbers were, forty-eight for the origi -1 nal motion, and thirty-two for the amendment. This is suf ficient to show that there was, at that time, a strong British feeling in the House of Assembly. The disparity of numbers between forty-eight and thirty-two was not so great as to show an overwhelming influence on one side. It scarcely amounted to more than a Government majority in any Assembly ; and Lord Gosford, in several of his despatches, distinctly inti mates his belief that the time will come when the Assembly tray be successfully appealed to. Why then should not the representatives of this interesting people be at once con ' sulted? There is another point growing out of the conversa tion of this evening, for it c seld hardly be called a debate, which provokes the consideration of the House. It is this. For what purpose are the instructions (or extracts from them) which have been given by Lord Glenelg to Lord Durham I placed upon the table of this House ? Are they to be dealt with by us ?—or are they to remain there for the artful and subtle purpose, if the necessity should hereafter arise, of lead ing the world to suppose that they were sanctioned by the House of Commons ?—( Hear.) Having dwelt at some length upon the impolicy of fettering the hands of the Go !vernor- General by such instructions as those which it was I proposed to give, the Hon Gentleman concluded by saying that if the Right Hen. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel) would bring ' forward any proposition which had for its object the repeal of the Resslution which had brought such heavy misfortunes upon Canada, he would find a party, of which he (Mr. Harvey) was one, who would give him a support as strenuous, and not less sincere, than that which he received from those who surrounded him.—( Hear.) Viscount HO WICK—The Hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has not failed to avail himself of the opportunity which he thought was afforded to him by my Noble Friend's concessions to endeavour to throw ridicule upon the Govern. ment ; but I assure him, and I assure the House, that although his wit was directed against ourselves, I, at least, was not pre vented from enjoying it ; because I felt that his sneers and taunts were not deserved—( Hear, hear) ;—and even if they had been deserved, I know that my Noble Friend—and I en tirely concur in his feeling—would never be deterred by any sneers or by any taunts from taking the course which he thinks it to be the duty of the Crown and of the public to pur sue.—( Hear.) I say, however, that these taunts and sneers are not deserved.—( Hear.) The Right I-lon. Baronet has stated in very strong language his condemnation of the course which we have pursued in presenting these instructions to the House, and also his opinion condemning the substance and the nature of those instructions. I do not think, considering how long the disputes in Canada have been going on, how many professions have been made by different Governments entertaining different opinions of a desire to redress the grievances compl a i ne d o f b y t h e Cana dians—considering all the circumstances, I do not think it would have been fit or proper to have called upon this House to consent to a measure of such coercion as this, unless we had been able at the same time to give some account of the means by which we might, at no very distant period, be ena bled to return to a more constitutional form of Government. _( Hear.) I agree with the Right Honourable Baronet, that if that hope had not existed, if I thought that the great body of the Canadian people were entirely alienated from this coun try, 1 should say that the only question for us to consider, would be how a final separation could be effected in th e man ner most beneficial to the interests of the British settlers in the province. I believe that to maintain our authority against the will of the great body of the people, we should be driven to acts of harshness—to acts of oppression—which would certainly lower the character of this country, to the level of those powers whose oppressive proceedings so often form the subject of deprecation in this House. I believe that such a mode of proceeding would be a constant source of endangering a war ; and, when war should have arrived, would, in all probability, be productive of the greatest cala mities. Upon thus looki ng a t t hi s su bj ec t, it m us t b e o b v i ou s that it is not only necessary that we should conciliate the greater body of the Canadians to our rule, but it is necessary to do this to that degree that sh ou ld ga i n t h e i r a ff ect i ons , so that they may be induced to return as their Representatives those who would concur with us in carr yi ng on t h e govern ment of the province according to the forms of a free Consti tßu i t g i o h n t . Holnn.thriearnoenzett,plaancde allsoamfroimndutnceydßtioghdtiffHeornf.roFmrietnhde t n h ig e ht M in em g b e e n r er f a o l r I C a o p y p e r n o t T ry e , of whos e very a bl e speec h l ast n I an 1a 1831 m e 1 by e, been induced, an thepassed opinion I i n s ay a , t differentht o ey d i ff e r from ex pressedhettm in hath t a n d is t p h ar e particular—namely, form—had it been passed in the form proposed by the previous Government, that is, by first assigning a Civil List to the Government of the colony, those dangers and difficulties we have since experienced would not have arisen. THE SUN. LON'DON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 27, 1838, Sir R. PEEL was here understood to intimate to the Noble Lord that be had not expressed any such opinion. Lord H IC K—l beg the Es'ig'nt Hon. Baronet's pardon. I understood him to have objected to our surrendering the re venues imposed by the Act of 1774 without having previously obtained a Civil List. Sir R. PEEL was again understood to say that it was the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Coventry who made that observation. Lord HOWICK—I am aware that my Right Hon. Friend did go at some length snto that subject, and I also thought the Right Hon. Baronet did so ; but I have certainly misun derstood him, and I beg the Right Hon. Baronet's pardon. But upon that subject I will make this remark—that I do not understand how the difficulties of our present situation could have been avoided by any line of policy which would not have lad to an accommodation between the House of Assombly and the executive authority. I believe that the representatives of the people must have so much power pt.. into their hands, that if they are not reconciled to the authority of the Govern. merit, they must necessarily drive that Government to overstep the acknowledged privileges and rights of the representative body. And when that state of things arises, the repre sentative body, if fairly elected by the great body of the population, will be supported in its rights, and will be supported even so far as that of having recourse to force by the body whom it represents. Thee, Sir, I say the pro blem which is to be solved, if we are to retain possession of Canada, is this, how are we to re-conquer, not merely the country, but the affections and hearts of the people ; the affections and confidence of the people to this extent, that their representatives in Parliament shall concur with us in carrying on the Government? When we look at the interests of all parties, when, particularly, we look at the interests of that party by which the majority of the House of Assembly has been supported, we cannot help being im pressed with the conviction that to them more than to our selves the connection between the two countries is of the greatest possible importance. If their peculiar laws and manners be the objects for which they are contending, no man, certainly, can doubt that if the protection or this coun try were withdrawn, surrounded as they are by a large po pulation of a different race, a change far more violent, more sudden, and more sweeping than that which is now pro posed would most inevitably be visited upon them. When we look again at their commercial advantages resulting from the preference given to them by us, I cannot help thinking that those advantages are far _beyond any which this country can derive from the connection. Nor, Sir, do I sec in late years any proof that the Canadian people, or even a majority of those who hare taken an active part in the unfortunate dis turbances in Lower Canada, are insensible to those advan tages. We know that a little more than twenty years ago the Canadian people did give the strongest and most un doubted proof of their loyalty to this country. I see no proof that these feelings are changed ; although the majority of the House of Assembly have, by means certainly most injudicious and faulty, insisted upon accomplishing many alterations and many changes, some of them undoubtedly indefensible. At the same time no man in this Hous© has attempted to deny that the conduct of the House of Assembly was jus tified in the earlier stages of this controversy by the real grievances they sustained. A great proportioe of those grievances have been redressed. But even still it is not denied that further reforms in that country are required. Upon the most important topic of all; that which has been the ostensible csuse of the rupture which has taken place between the House of Assembly and the mother country, I mean the state of the Legislative Coun cil its .If, upon that very point that some reform is necessary has been admitted. Unhappily, the House of Assembly, in stead of allowing the possibility of effecting such a reform to he fairly and temperately discussed—instead of allowing us time, after having received infermatien upon the subject, to consider in what manner that reform might be effected, did themselves make certain propcsitions for accomplishing it, and insisted upon the adoption of one particular plan, to which just objections were urged by a large part of the population of the country ; and that particular plan being rejected,/ they proceeedd at once to the extreme course of deprising the Govern.nent of the pecuniary means of ad ministering the affairs of the colony. Such has been the cause of the unhappy result that has been witnessed. But, for my part, I am willing to believe that, even to the last, separation from this country was not the object of any considerable number of persons in that colony.—(Hear, hear, from Mr. Hume.) If we were to treat the Canadians as we should treat thole under the assumption that a great body of the people were disaffected, my opinion is, that such a course of government would very speedily engender that hostility which the existence of a state of real disaffection implied. Perhaps it may be asked—indeed, the Hon. and Learned Mem ber who has just sat down has asked, if this is the case, if there still exist greivances, why do you proceed at once to such mea sures as you now recommend to the House ; why not rather attempt to redress those grievances and effect those improve ments in the Constitution of Canada, which you admit may be requisite ? In answer to the lion. and Learned' Gen tleman I have to observe, that unhappily there has been in Canada not merely a controversy between the executive Go vernment and the representative body, but there have been great differences and great animosities between different classes of the population; partial measures, therefore, would now do no good. If we attempted to satisfy one class, we should only exasperate the other. It is therefore requisite, nut merely that we should do that which is just towards one party in Canada, but that we should so frame our measures that they should obtain the acquirseence of the great body of both divisions of the population. The English party on their side have, in the first place, complained, and loudly com plained, of the spirit of the legislative measures adopted by the House of Assembly on all matters of a commercial nature. They have said, justly or unjustly, that the majority of the As. sembly has been indifferent to the interests of commerce and to the developernent of the natural resources of the country. They have said, likewise that the present state of the representation of the province is one by which they are subjected to unfair legislation, and they demand that the mode of constituting the I - louse of Assem bly should be chan‘s ' ed. They further demand relief from the oppression of the feudal tenures, and greater security and facility with respect to the transfer of landed property. They, lastly, demand—and this is perhaps one of the most im portant items in the whole list—that the chief officers of the Government, and more especially the Judges, should be ren dered independent of a popular assembly, by having granted to them fixed and permanent salaries. On the other hand, the majority of the House of Assembly have insisted upon a great and extensive change in the Constitution both of the Execu tive and Legislative Councils. They have demanded that the Government and the public servants should be made directly responsible to the House of Assembly. They have demanded that the whole revenue of the province should be appropriated by the House of Assembly ; they have also demanded the re peal of certain Acts of Parliament, together with various other matters. Sir, I confess that, upon calmly looking at the sub stance and nature of these various demands, it forcibly strikes me that there is nothing in the demands on either side which should forbid the hope of their being so modified, by means of friendly discussion and impartial consideration, that they might be settled with the concurrence of the great bulk of the people. For instance, with respect to the measures of legislation adopted by the Colonial Legislature in reference to the interests of commerce, it appears to me that some change is absolutely called for, not only for the sake of the Lower Province, but also for th e sake of the Upper Pro vince. Honourable Members are aware that a petition was presented to this House, and that a joint address from the House of Assembly and the Legislative Council of Upper Canada was presented to the Crown, complaining of the dif ficulties imposed upon them in consequence of the want of free access to the ocean : and in a subsequent address, that province proposed, by way of remedying the evil, that the Isle of Montreal should be annexed to the Upper Province. The Right Hon. Gentleman last night suggested the union of the two provinces. Both those measures might be justly ob jectionable to the party which have composed the majority of the House of Assembly in Lo wer C ana d a; b u t I, for one, believe that much could be done t o f ac ili tate t h e future set tlement of the difficulties in Lowe r C ana d a , a nd much to Promote the interests of both province s , if f ro m the two Le gislatures, leaving to each of them s e p ara t e authority on all matters 'of purely domestic concern, some joint authority could be formed for the purpose of regulating all those mat ters in which they take a joint interest. The Right Honour able Baronet has said that to some measure of that sort he himself is not indisposed; and he thinks that some such union might be highly desirable, but that it should comprise all the Provinces, at least that it should not exclude the other Pro vinces from it. I entirely concur with the Right Hon. Baro net in that opinion. In like manner, in regard to the re sponsibility of the public servants of the Province to the House of Assembly, I am of opinion that an arrangement ahsatdheearn only estmlyeaionssishtyed which upon, they and could he might be made. The Hon. Member for Bridport l ast n i g ht argued at great length that this was a point whi c h t he House of Assembly h bl w y grantingreatef or ask for a separation from th e mot h er country f A w ss h e i safely and advantageously to themselves. lam very far from concurring in that opinion. The Honourable Mem ber must be aware that this is a demand on the part of the House of Assembly only very recently preferred. I be lieve that the Canadian people and the House of Assem bly might be very easily reconciled to the difference exist ing between the responsibility of the Colonial Government and the responsibility of the Imperial Government which a colonial relation implies. The real object for which the re sponsibility of the servants of the Crown exists in this country may be attained, and as practically attained, in the colonies by another mode. It is true that the public officers who are under the orders of the Governor are not immediately respon sible to the Legislature, but, on the other hand, the Governor is responsible to the Crown and to Parliament for his acts; and if the Governor should pursue a course of Government in a manner not in accordance with the feelings of the great body of the people, they have their appeal not against his subordinates, but against him, by an address to the Crown, and by petition to the Imperial Parliament. Neither the Crown nor the Parliament has shown itself indisposed to entertain such an appeal by the Canadian people ; that appeal is what the House of Assembly really re quires, and what the House of Assembly of the other Province also really requires, and although great disputes and much bad feeling have been excited by confining our selves to questions of mere locality in this discussion. I believe what they really require is security for good Govern ment. For positive misconduct and malversation in office there ought to be some tribunal in Canada before which the public servants may be impeached. In the same manner I do believe that the dispute which has run so high about English and French law, with respect to landed property and feudal tenures, might be arranged. I believe that this dispute is mainly attributable to the general lan guage used. I believe that the English inhabitants have felt, and seriously felt, that there is fault in the French system of law; but I believe on the other hand—indeed, it was admitted last night by my Right Honourable Friend the Member for Coventry—that the violent sweeping, and the rough changes made by the Tenures' Act have occasioned very considerable suffering to the French inhabitants of the Colony; and I feel firmly persuaded that if, instead of cla mouring on the one side for English law, and on the other side for French law, the two parties would combine and en deavour to concur in adopting some system which will secure the merits and advantages of both laws, providing a simple method for ascertaining to whom landed property belonged, and a cheap and expeditious mode of affecting the transfer of that property, no repugnance would be felt either on the part of the French or the English Canadians. Again, with respect to the Civil List and the surrender of the revenues, I think, in spite of all that has taken place, in spite of all the disputes that have arisen as to whether the House of Assembly has fully acted up to what was ex pected from them when the Act of 1831 was passed, there would be no real indisposition on either side to provide and enact permanent and fixed salaries for the chief officers of the Government, and for giving up the remainder of the revenues to the Canadian Legislature. Upon looking back to the history of these transactions, I think I can see clauses in tho Bill for effecting the arrangement proposed to be made in 1831 which are quite consistent with this supposition. I be lieve there was a misunderstanding on both sides as to what was really intended at that time. I repeat the only practical mode of arriving at such a general adjustment of the disputed questions is to bring together fairly and deliberately, to dis cuss these matters, a certain number of persons who represent all interests in the two Provinces. I believe, under the me diation of the Earl of Durham, who cannot be suspected of having any interest on one side or the other—whose only pos sible object must he, and is, to do full and fair justice to both parties--that we may be able, by a discussion of that descrip tion, and by such persons, to devise a general project for set tling all these disputed points, and that a scheme may be drawn up for the consideration of the Imperial Parliament for accomplishing so desirable an object. If that should be the case, and if a plan of that description should be brought under the notice of Parliament, I cannot for a moment believe that this House would not gladly and unhesitatingly give its au thority to a Bill for accomplishing that arrangement. We can have no interest in doing otherwise, and I can assure the Right Honourable Baronet that it gave me the truest satisfac tion to hear this evening the exposition of his opinion as to the terms upon which alone a union between the colonies and the mother country is desirable. I fully and unre servedly subscribe to that opinion —(Cheers)—and I believe that upon those terms such a union might last for almost an indefinite series of years--(Loud cheers)—and that when that union should terminate, it would terminate only because, from our being restrained within comparatively small limits, and from the almost boundless space which is left for the in crease of the population in Canada, a time must necessarily ultimately arrive when the relative magnitude of the two na tions would be altogether changed, arid the relation of a mother country and a colony with respect to them would be practically absurd. These are my views, and having stated them, I say that it was not impolitic, that it was not improper, that the instructions addressed to the Earl of Durham should be laid upon the table. The Right Honourable Baronet has said that by the instructions on the table my Noble Friend, whO is going:out as the Governor of Canada, will be fettered in the discretion reposed in him. If the Right Ho nourable Baronet will more accurately read those instructions, and weigh the expressions in them, I think he will find that the largest and most ample discretion is left to the Earl of Durham. I may also allude to the objection urged by the Honourable and Learned Member for Southwark. He says that we fetter the discretion of the Governor in another and most material point, and he observes that it may happen that Lord Durham may find things, when he arrives in Canada, in so tranquil a state, that men may have so much recovered from past excitement, that there may be no necessity for adopting an extreme measure of coercion, and therefore it would be bet • ter that we should not make it imperative upon him. Now has the Honourable and Learned Member considered how ungra cieus a task he would thus throw on the new Governor of these provinces ? Would it be fully consistent with the nature of the mission that he is going upon ? Would it contribute to the success of his high undertaking, that the first act almost on his arrival in the colony should be that of declaring, upon his own opinion and responsibility, the necessity of the suspension of the Constitution ? lam sure if the Hon. and Learned Gentleman considers it in this point of view—if he regards how invidious and ungracious a task this would be on the part of a Governor sent out on a mission of conciliation—he will not wish the Earl of Durham to be so instructed. We pro. pose that if this fortunate state of things should exist—if, contrary, I must admit, to all reasonable expectations, it should be found that the House of Assembly could without danger be called together before Parliament has legi,lated up•sii this subject, upon the recommendation of the Governor, the Crown and the Privy Council might be able to revive the privileges which are at present to be put in abeyance. This is our proposal : and I must say, after all that has been stated, that I do not conceive that there is any thing wrong or unreasonable in this proposition. But at the same time, though I do not think that there is any thing unreasonable or unmnstitutional in the proposition we have made, yet I feel that there'is so little likelihood of its coining into practical operation—that the chances are so infinitely against its being prudent to authorise the meeting of the Canadian Legislature until Parliament shall have reconsidered the Act of 1791 — that there is so extremely little probability of this—that I do not think the practical consequences of this clause is at all deserving of consideration, I, then fore, most cordially sub scribe to the decision of my Noble Friend, and I think that for the sake of unanimity it is expedient that the clause should be omitted. Perhaps, Sir, my sympathies are more favourable to the great body of the Canadien people than is altogether popu lar in this country.—( Cheers.) But nevertheless, I feel it in cumbent upon me, under present circumstances, to support the views of my Noble Friend.—(The Noble Lord resumed his scat amidst loud cheers. ) _ _ _ Mr. HUME said that the bill that hal been before them and the Bill now subimitted to them were widely different, in asmuch as the power of the Housa of Assembly would not be suspended until after a proclamation, which was the sane kind of power g yen to the Viceroy of Ireland at the time of the Coercion Bill. The power of Lord Durham would not, then, be entirely despotic, and he would not rvo out with a Bill merely of painsand penalties. What now, however, he wanted to know of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Ruisell) was, whether the power to suspend the Constitution was to be exercised by Lord Durham when he arrived in Canada, crby Sir John Col borne as soon as the Act passed. He should like to be in formed on this point, for, if it appeared that Lord Durham was not to go out with despotic intention , , he should be sorry to interfere with that unanimity which appeared so desirable. Lord J. RUSSELL said that they considered it necessary for the peace of the Province that it shou'd be expedient Sir John Colborne should exercise the functions bestowed by the Bill until the arrival of the Earl of Durham. Mr. WARD did not at all repent of having given ie his adhesion to the dictatorship of Lord Durham, because, in his mind, it was the shortest and simplest way to the restoration of constitutional liberty in Canada, and because it would he the most eff,:ctual protection which the po deluded Canadian population could have against the strong feeling of outrage ous animosity which prevailed against them among the Loyalist portion of that people. He trusted a prospect now arose of arriving at a satisfactory settlement of fie claims of the co lonies, with the intention which the Right Hon. Baronet op posite had so admirably expressed, and in which he (Mr. Ward) most cordially concurred. Mr. WARBURTON wished to know whether Sir J. Col borne, or any other person performing the functions of Go vernor in the interval of Lord Durham's arrival in Canada, would have the power of calling together the Council, and acting under the provisions of the Act? Lord J. RUSSELL said that it was not intended that the instructions addressed to Lord Durham from the Colonial Office should be addressed to Sir J. Colborne. Mr. HUME said that as it had been admitted that Sir J. Colborne was incapable of conducting the Government of the Province of Upper Canada by his removal from it on the part of the Government, he would submit that it would not be right in the present posture of affairs to put in force any of the provisions of the Bill under consideration, should it be come law. If so, the probability would be that Lord Durham would have to revoke all his acts on his arrival in the colony. Lord J. RUSSELL said it was true that it certainly might be necessary in the number of weeks that would elapse before Lord Durham went out Canada that certain steps should be taken by the Governor and Legislative Council. He would not enter into any discussion of the causes which led to Sir J. Colborne's recal from the Province, but he would say that the Government considered that they could safely confide in him in the present emergency. Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN expressed his surprise that a man of Lord Durham's high character should undertake such a mis sion. At all events, the Noble Lord should be taught by the lesson of the Right Hon. Baronet, which contained an entirely just view of the case. The preamble of the Bill was then postponed. Clause one was ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause two was then put. Sir E. SUGDEN suggested that, as the present Bill was essentially different in many important points from the Bill of the last night, it was very desirable that the Noble Lord op.. pos ite should explain the discrepancies, other w i s e it wou ld b e impossible for persona unaccustomed to interpret legal Acts, or read legal documents, to discover them. As re garded the alterations in the Bill, in the first place there was no provision made for altering or annulling the power of the Executive or Legislative Council, though they were acting altogether under the power of the Crown. In the second place, the Governor-General was authorised to convoke the States of Canada, although a Legisla tive Council was still in existence. It was to be hoped that the Governor-General would not be impatient of advice; for between the Convention, and the Legislative and the Execu tive Councils, he would have quite enough of it. Again, the Bill before the House greatly extended the powers of the Governor-General in comparison with the Bill of last night, because it gave to him what that measure did not even touch upon—a power of altering the tenures of property in Canada. Nothing more extraordinary than such a power had ever been known in Constitutional history. By the Bill before the House, the Governor was empowered to make laws in concur rence with the Legislative Council. By the old Constitution, it was with the advice of the Legislative Council. He (Sir E. Sugden) had no objection whatever to a Legislative Coun cil, but he had a very great objection to giving it by the sanc tion of that House, through the medium of the same name—a character which did not at all belong to it. What he would, therefore, submit to the Noble Lord was, that the word " Legislative" should be left out, as not descriptive of the character of the Council, and another, if necessary, which would have that effect, substituted in his stead. Mr. WARBURTON agreed to a certain extent with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. Sir G. GRE Y said that the term " Legislative Council" had been inserted in the Bill to express that the functions of the body applied to were to pass measures proposed by the Governor-General to all intents and purposes, and by that means to contradistinguish it from the Executive Conned—a creature of the prerogative still in existence in Canada. If any word less unpopular than Legislative— A VO IC E.—Extraordinary.—( A laugh.) Sir G. GRE Y.—lf any word less unpopular than " extra ordinary" were suggested he would have no objection to in sert it. With regard to the power conferred upon the Go vernor-General of initiating laws, it was not a new one, as the Governors of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land, the Cape, and other colonies, had the same power. If the word " special" Council were substituted for " Legislative Council," he would assent to it. With respect to the pay ment of that body, he felt called on to state that the President only would receive any remuneration for his services. After a few words from Sir E. SUG DEN, the word " special" was inserted instead of " legislative," and the clause was agreed to. Clause 3. Lord STANLEY would beg to make one suggestion to her Majesty's Government before this clause should pass. in the last clause there was a power given to the Governor- General to pass all ordinances and laws for the good govern ment of Canada ; but were there not parts of the Constitu tion of Canada which should not he altered? It appeared now that the Governor had a greater power to legislate than the ordinary Constitutional Legislature ; but it did not ap pear to him that the Governor should have such power. As a general rule, it was quite true that the Canadian Assembly could not pass any law repugnant to the wish of the British Parliament, but there were certain provisions, most impor tant to local legislation, in which it was empowered to act in opposition to the Imperial Legislature. The real principle of the measure ought to be to give the Governor sufficient power to prevent anarchy and confusion, and not to allow any greater alteration to be introduced than what was really necessary for good government. No temporary power of legislation (the effect of which was to have a lasting opera. tion) should be given to an individual which might involve the destruction of such important interests. And yet it ap peared that arbitrary, absolute, and irresponsible power was to be entrusted to the Governor for these and other purposes. He was sent to legislate for three years; but the effects were to remain in existence for ever. He really did not think it prudent to entrust Lord Durham with such a - despotic power of intermeddling with real property and religious establiih ments (although he might not intentionally misuse it), un checked by the Colonial Legislature, or any thing but his own free will. He especially wished that a restriction should' be introduced, expressly withholding the power of altering, suspending, or repealing any Act of the British or Colonial Parliament affecting tenures. The SOCICITOR-G ENE RAL thought that the least difficulty of all in the present exigency would be to trust to the eminent individual entrusted with the arduous task of pa cification for the certain short period for which he was nomi nated, and then to revise and act with all the aids of expe rience—in short, to afford him all the power he might require, with the consent of Parliament, where it may be necessary, and without it where it could be dispensed with. Sir W. FOLLETT referred to clause 3, and pointed out that there was no restrictive clause attached thereto, to pre vent the most extensive and injurious exercise of the Gover nor's discretionary power. The provision was unnecessary now, but it was very needful as the Bill was first formed, for that draft gave Lord Durham full power to repeal, amend, or alter the Acts of the Imperial Legislature, on any subject, or to any extent. They might, if they pleased, have con fined his discretionary power to the alteration of the Colonial Legislature, but it was going too far to permit him to annul the Acts of the. British Parliament. The Colonial Legisla ture had no such power. His amendment would, therefore, be to the effect that the Government should not have the power to repeal, amend, or alter, any Act of the British Parliament or Colonial Legislature subject by the Colonial Constitution to the control of the Imperial Parliament. • - - - • Mr. ELLICE said that he had heard very considerable complaints in Lower Canada respecting the temporary and changeable nature of the Government hitherto provided for them. The registry of deeds in particular was only tempo rary; and it was much to be wished that the Governor in the present crisis should have the power of making a law to permit parties to register their property in the Courts. But there were other points connected with the state of the Province that were of the greatest importance to its welfare, and would be very much forwarded by the, discretionary powers proposed to be entrusted to the nevi. Governor. The state of the roads, canals, and public communications in Lower Ca nada was really disgraceful. Compared with the Upper Province and the State of New York the difference was lamentable. He hoped that all would be settled by next year ; but, in the meantime, why forbid Lord Durham's making arrangements for the public accommodation, and giving his consent to the establishment of a railroad, for in stance? Nothing was more wanting in connection with those of the United States and Upper Canada, the previous admi rable works of which invited imitation; but, though numbers would subscribe to a permanent undertaking, not one would engage in a work that might only exist four years.—(Hear, hear ) Why object to the enactment of urgent measures which, if found inexpedient, the next Legislature may annul? Their best policy would be to allow the Imperial Legislature to interfere, and settle the provincial disputes about such prac tical matters Sir G. GREY thought it better perhaps that Lord Durham should not have the power to authorise the construction of railroads or other jobs of that nature, with which the House was so well conversant, and must know the difficulty of deal ing justly with.—( A laugh.) Going there unacquainted with the country, he would, in all probability, be imposed on if he meddled with such matters. A MEMBER—Or any matters-4A laugh.) Sir G. GREY—As to the matters which his Honourable Friend opposite would except from the operation of the Bill, if he would specify the subjects, and entrust the amendment to his care, he would look into it carefully ; and, if he saw no objection in the principle, he would have no hesitation to adopt it.—( Cheers. ) Sir WILLIAM FOLLETT said it was the opinion of every one who had read the Bill—certainly of every lawyer who had read it—that the original Bill, as it had been circu lated through the country, and as probably it had been sent out to Canada, gave the Governor in Council a po.ver of legislating to any extent, and on any subject, and to make any law whatever with the exception of a very slight restric tion. The country had a right to complain of the manner in which the Bill had been introduced. Most substantial alte rations had been made in the measure which had been brought forward in a different shape from what any person would have expected. Sir J. CAMPBELL said that it was rather unfair for his Right Hon. Friend to enter upon the discussion of a matter that had now passed by.—( Laughter and cheers.) He cer tainly did not think that his Right Hon Friend ought to waste the time of the House in discussing what the effect of the Bill would be as it originally stood. ( Renewed laughter and cheering.) If such alterations had been made in the Bill as anticipated the entire four of the objections intended to be made by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, he did not think that his Right Hon. Friend had any right to complain on that score. Whatever might be said there was scarcely an instance of a Bill of such importance passing through thr House in which so few alterations had been made. He re peated that assertion. Since lie had had the honour of being a Member of the House lie had seen Bills committed and re committed again, and those Bills had at different times been brought in by Members of both sides of the House. He would venture to say that no substantial alterations had been effected in the present Bill. With respect to the amendment pro posed by his Right Hon. Friend, he saw no objection to em bodying it in the Bill.—(Cheers.) Mr. E. E LL ICE repeated that serious disadvantages would accrue from the suspension of legislation in the colony. Un less there was some legislation for local objects the large sums of money that were ready to be applied to local improvements of great importance would be locked up. Mr. WARBURTON was glad to find that inconvenience was likely to result from a dictatorship. That was the best security for its speedy removal. Mr. PRAED wished to ask a question of the Under Secre tary for the Colonies. There were some Acts which were about to expire, under which certain taxes were collected. He wished to know whether any provision was made with respect to those Acts, and to the future collection of the taxes raised under them? Sir G. GREY said that provision would be made for that contingency. A power would be given, not to create new taxes, but to tenew those which were collected under the Acts about to expire. Words would be introduced to enable the Governor in Council to renew those Acts. The clause was then agreed to, with the understanding that the amendment proposed by Sir W. Follett should be brought up to-morrow. Clauses to clause eight inclusive were then agreed to. On clause nine being proposed, Sir R. PEEL said he did not think that Hon. Members seemed to understand that this was the clause which enabled her Majesty in Council to repeal that Act. He moved that the clause be struck out. The clause was accordingly struck out. The remaining clauses were then agreed to. Mr. BERNAL then put the question that the alterations propsed to be made in the preamble, beginning at the 11th line, should be agreed to, and that the objectionable parts should be struck out. The preamble was then amended, and the Bill as amended was then reported to the House, amidst loud Cheers from the Opposition. Lord J. RUSSELL did not know whether the House would have objection to receive the report of the Bill to-mor row. There was only one part of the Bill which remained to be amended. In this respect his Hon. Friend the Under Secretary for the Colonies would take care to have the amend ment of the Right Hon. Gentleman ( Sir W. Follett) pre pared in conformity with the views of the Right Hon. Gentle man, so that it might be added to the rest of the Bill. He hoped that the House would agree to receive the report to morrow, in order that they might be able to have the Bill read a third time on Monday. He moved that the House should meet at twelve o'clock to-morrow. Mr. WAKLEY wished to know whether the Noble Lord would have any objection to have the Bill printed ? It appeared to have assumed quite a new form, and he thought it was quite necessary that the Bill should be printed. Lord J. RUSSELL had no objection to have the Bill printed. The House then adjourned at a Quarter past Ten o'clock to Twelve o'clock to-morrow (thig day.) NEWMARKET. CARRIAGE AND PORTERAGE OF PARCELS. A correspondent from Newmarket, in a letter for the whole of which we have not room, says, " The charges for the carriage of parcels made in the country are very frequently doubled when in London, and it is a fact that the way-bill and porters' chest have been seen together, and the alteration was 100 per cent. Book-keepers, with 1001. a-year, can live in the country, and keep their horse and gig to drive to the office. The fact is, the London Coachmasters have confidential book-keepers, and they row together. lam told the public are robbed of upwards of 150,0001. a-year is this way." FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. WAR OFFICE, JAN. 26, 1838. 2d Regiment of Dragoon Guards—Capt. P. Le P. Trench, from the half-pay of the 4th Regiment of Foot, to be Captain, vice H. Musters, who exchanges ; Capt. H. St. John Mildmay, from the 95th Regiment of Foot, to be Captain, vice J. Salmond, who re tires upon half-pay/Unattached, Jan. 26. 2d Regiment of Dragoons—W. Spencer, Gent., to be Vete rinary Surgeon, vice G. Spencer, deceased, Jan. 26. let Regiment of Foot—Capt. W. G. Shafto, from the half-pay Unattached, to be Captain, vice C. Lewes, who exchanges, receiv ing the difference, Jan. 26. 20th Foot—Lieut. H. Crawley to be Adjutant, ♦ice Hollins orth, who resigns the Adjutancy only, Jan. 26. 24th Foot—E. J. I. Fleming, Gent., to be Ensign, by pur chase, vice A. E. Harris, who retires, Jan. 26. 88th Foot—Capt. S. C. Morris, from the half-pay of the 66th Regiment of Foot, to be Captain, ♦ice D. Souter, who exchanges, Jan. 26. 95th Foot—Captain D.. Dickson, from the half-pay Unattached, to be Captain, vice Mildmay, appointed to the 2d Dragoon Guards, Jan. 27 ; Lieut. P. P. Gould, from the half-ray of the 39th Foot, to be Lieutenant, repaying the difference, vice Dickson, promoted to an Unattached company, Jan. 26. 98th Foot—Ensign S. Busby to be Lieutenant, without pur chase, vice Hare, deceased, Jan. 18 ; Gentleman Cadet T. E. Knox, from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, vice Busby, Jan. 26. • UNATTACTIED.—Lieutenant D. Dickson, from the 95th Regiment of Foot, to be Captain, without purchase, Jan. 26. The following Officers to be commissioned for a particular service s—Lieutenant-Colonel C. Chichester, from the half pay Unattached, to be Lieutenant-Colonel; Captain J. Grat. tan, from the half-pay Unattached, to be Captain, Jan. 26. BREVET.—Captain C. Boyd, of the 38th Regiment of Foot, to be Major in the Army, Jan. 10. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Warwick. Warwickshire Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry—Mathew Wise, Gent., to be Lieutenant, vice Wheeler, resigned, Jan. 10. WHITEHALL, JAN. 23. The Lord Chancellor has appointed William Nelson Nevrall, of Rochdale, in the county of Lancaster, Gent., to be a Master Ex traordinary in the High Csurt of Chancery. BANKRUPTS. BERESFORD EYTON, navy-agent, Northumberland -street, Strand, to surrender Feb. 7, at one, and March 9, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Goldsmid, Ironmonger-laae, official as signee ; Clayton, Lancaster-place, Strand. THOMAS JONES, slop-seller, High-street, Shadwell, Feb. 2, at half-past eleven, and March 9, at twelve, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Pennell, official assignee ; Templer, Shearman, and Sla ter, Great Tower-street. GEORGE COOPER, currier, Daventrv, Northamptonshire, Feb. 8 and March 9, at ten, at the Peacock Inn, Northampton. Fawcett, Jewin-street., Cripplegate ; Cooke, Northampton. ANN FOSTER, innkeeper, Barton-hill, Yorkshire, Feb. 9 and March 9, at eleven, at the White Swan Inn, Goodramgate, York shire. Ord, Petergate, York; Harvey and Wood, Lincoln's-ina fields, London. SAMUEL THURLESTONE WADE GAWTHORP, corn factor, Wakefield, Yorkshire, Feb. 3, and March 9, at two, at the Court-house, Leeds. Smithson and Dunn, Southampton buildings, Chancery-lane, London ; Dunning and Kenyon, Leeds. JOSEPH SMITH, stone-mason, Sheffield, JACOB BRIDGE, Junior, Wittington, Derbyshire, and GEORGE SMITH, road maker, Chesterfield, railroad contractors, Feb. 6, and March 9, at eleven, at the Town Hall, Sheffield. Fiddey, Sfirgeant's Inn, Fleet-street, London; Rayner and Thompson, Sheffield. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. G. Burton, insurance broker, New City Chambers, Feb. 19, at half-past eleven—G. Pettit, carpenter, Rotherhithe, Feb. 16, at twelve—T. Barnard, silversmith, Strand, Feb. 16, at one—T. Whytall, cabinet-maker, Upper-street, Islington, Feb. 16, at twelve—J. Cram, coal-merehant, Northfleet, Kent, Feb. 16, at eleven. In the Country. J. P. Brandstrom and W. J. Thompson, commission merchants, Kingston-upon-Hull, at the Kingston Hotel, Kingston.upon- Hull, Feb. 30, at one—J. Plevin, timber-merchant, Nantwich, Cheshire, at the Crown Inn, Northwich, Feb. 19, at twelve— C. Capper, currier, Bruton, Somersetshire, at the George Inn, Shepton Mallet; April 25, at twelve—W. B. Harrop, timber merchant, Milnthorpe, Westmoreland, at the King's Arms Inn, Kendal, Feb. 21, at two—T. Daniell, copper smelter, Boulogne, at Pearce's Hotel, Truro, Feb. 23, at eleven—T. Minshall, broker, Worthing, Sussex, at the Town Hall, Brighton, Feb. 20, at twelve. CERTIFICATES, FEB. 16. J. Houseman, indigo extract manufacturer, Leeds--W. Coates, bill-broker, Nicholas-lane, Lombard-street—M. Woodliff, victual ler, Pontypool, Monmouthshire—R. Ord, dealer, Bishopthorpe, Yorkshire—J. Coles, miller, Maid's Moreton, Bucks. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. J. S. Reading and D. Williams, undertakers, Bristol—E. Watson and Co., harness makers, Rupert-street, Coventry-street---- R. and W. Bliss, kersey manufacturers, Chipping Norton, Oxford shire—W. and H. Watney, corndealers, Wimbledo n , Surrey—S. Horsey and H. A. Dalby, timber merchants, Banbury, Oxford shire—W. B. and J. S. Williams, cotton manufacturers, Preston, Lancashire—M. Booth and Co., coal merchants, Higginshaw, Lancashire—H. Ruddick 'and J. A. Windsor, coloured paper makers, Vineyard-walk, Clerkenwell—M. Young and C. Cum mins, milliners, Lowndes-terrace, Knightsbridge—C. Chinnock and G. Lorimer, upholsterers, Tottenham-court-road—J. P. and C. Williamson, chemists, Kingston-upon-Hull—R. Godfrey and E. Wright, surgeons, Walcot, Somersetshire—G. S. Steinman and W. Askew, cheesefactors, Duke-street, London-bridge—B. Bartlett and W. Goodman, grocers, Lewisham, Kent—J. Robin son and C. Reece, millwrights, Salford, Lancashire—M. Dobby and Co., stuff manufacturers, Bradford, Yorkshire—J. Wheatley and Co., coach proprietors, Greenwich, Kent—W. R. Goddard R. Brown, printers, Kingston-upon-Hull. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION. ARCHIBALD GRAHAM, merchant, Glasgow, Jan. 31 and Feb. 15, at twelve, at the Black Bull Inn, Glasgow. PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of Muscovado Sugar, from the returns made in the week ending the] 23d of Jan., 1838, is 38s. 2id. per Cut., exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable on the Importa tion thereof into Great Britain. THE DAYS OF KING JOHN.—We may talk as we please about the romance of real life, but to the past alone it is that all lovers of romance can turn with hope. How de lighted then will those lovers he to learn that a writer is likely to rise up among us, with qualifications in some sort calculated to make us forget the loss of our late great Romancers, and an ambition calculated to turn these qualifications to the right account. We are assured, that the historical romance of " Royston Gower, or the Days of King Joha" gives every hope of a revival of the days of " Waverley," and " Brambletye House," and there is a simplicity and freshness, as well as a depth and vigour about the genius of its avowed author, Mr. Thomas Miller, which bids us put every faith in the assurance. SILVER TEA AND COFFEE SERVICES. Cottage Pattern. Melon Pattern. King's Pattern. Tea Pot ...ElO 15 0 X 1 1 5 0 £l2 0 0 Sugar Basin 6 0 0 6 6 0. Milk Ewer . 4 0 0 4 4 0 5 10 0 Coffee Pot.. 13 13 0 l3 13 0... The same strongly Plated, with Silver Edges. Tea Pot .... 2 10 0 2 18 0 3 10 0 Sugar Basin 2 4 0 2 8 0 2 14 0 Milk Ewer . 116 0.. ...... ... 2 0 0 2 4 0 Coffee Pot.. 2 18 0 3 0 0 The ground floor, also the first, second, and third floors, are fitted up as Show Rooms. Selections may be made from a most exten sive variety of Silver and Plated Manufacture. A Pamphlet. with a detailed list of prices and drawings of various articles, and also with drawings-of the above services, may be had gratis, or will be sent in answer to post-paid application. T. COX SAVORY, Working Goldsmith, Silversmith, and Watchmaker, !47, Cornhill, London (Se►en Doors from Grace ;church-street) PIRTHS. On the 21st inst., at Landough Castle, Glamorganshire, the lady of P. Shepherd, Esq., of a son. On the 19th inst., in Fenchurch-street, the widow of Mr. Geo. Eccles, printer, of a son. On the 3d inst., at Trieste, Mrs. R. Routh, of a daughter. On the 22d inst., in Gloucester-terrace, Regent's-park, the lady of W. W. Maitland, Esq., of a daughter. On the 20th inst., Lady Louisa Whitmore, of twin daughters. On the 22d inst., in Upper Eaton-street, Mrs. C. Harcourt, of a son. _ _ On the 22d inst., at Sydenham, the wife of W. Cowburn, Esq., of a son. _ _ On the 22d inst., at Springfield, Upper Clapton, Mrs. J. Alonl, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 22d inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square, S. H. Cross well, Esq., to Sarah, widow of the Rev. G. W. Askew, of Kings ton, Jamaica. On the 20th inst., at Eccles, Alexander Steele, Esq., of Lon don, to Frances, youngest daughter of the late William Sergeant, Esq., of Cornbrook-bank. On the 11th of August last, in the Antigua, Guatemala, Cen tral America, Thomas, son of the late Wm. Wyld, Esq., of Law rence Pountney-lane, to Dolores Garcia, daughter of the late Dr. Quinones, 111. D., of Leon, in the state♦ of Nicaragua. DIED. On the 20th inst., Mr. James Frederick Clements, of Stamford hill, aged 32. On the 21st inst., Milicent, wife of J. B. Nevill, Esq., of Upper Holloway, aged 65. . . _ _ On the 2il inst., Marianne, eldest daughter of Wm. Rothery, Esq., of Stratford-place. On the 14th inst., Moses Miller, Esq., of Northwick-terrace, St. John's-wood-road. On the 19th inst., at East-hill, Wandsworth, Mrs. Warner, in her 86th year. On the 19th inst., at Lewisham, aged 33, Sophia, daughter of Mr. Wm. Morriss, Lee, Kent. On the 21st inst., at Clapham-rise, Jonathan Tucker, Esq., late of Lime-street, aged 59. On the 14th inst., at Taunton, Somerset, Anne, daughter of the late S. Keene, of Red Lion-square, solicitor. On the 22d inst., in New Ormond-street, Mr. Wm. Scarlett, aged 81. - On the 19th inst., in Russell-square, Jesse Cato, Esq., aged 61. On the 20th inst., aged 28, Elizabeth Ann, wife of T. Powell Esq., solicitor, Bartholomew-close. On the 22d inst., at Woburn, aged 42, Catherine, the youngest daughter of Mr. Martin, late of Mount-street, Grosvenor-square. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG:ofNo. 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the count"' of Anddleiex.—Saturday, January 27, 1838.