The Sun. — London, England, 1838-09-27 00:00:00

, of Sheffield had vindicated their honour this day; and if there lir as a stain upon the people of this town, it was that the middle classes had not come amongst them. I preach no disunion among the middle classes ; but I beg them to come and aid us. I preach union, on this condition, that they do their duty, and act like men and Christians. If they'will be thieves and plun derers, and rlunder the poor man of his meal by taxation, we then Inty--why we must treat them like plunderers. And I call upon those of the middle classes that are just and upright, to come and show themselves amongst us, and do their duty Nr,w, our text is Christianity and humanity, and we seek to give to the labouring classes a greater share of the ample pro visions which nature, and the God of nature has given for all mankind. Now, if you get more, the wealthy must have less, and by that means they will be brought nearer down to the level of humanity, and you will not Le subjected to the *torn and plunder which you are now subjected to. Be true to your order ; others are true to '.'aeir order ; follow their example, and be true to your's. .I,oek what the a ealthy have done. They lifted the proper'-y tax from their own shoulders, and put the corn tax upon those of the poor man. Now we want to put the burthens epon the shoulders of those who can best bear them. We want to send poor men to Parliament, who would do these thirgs for us. To promote the honour and glory of this country, so boasted of, the people must be fed, clothed, and lightly worked, so that they would rise in splendour and dig nity, having a due leisure for education. That was the splen dour, the honour, and the glory which they called upon the meeting toinsist upon being restored to England. These were the great practical results. Never let them forget Universal Suffrage ; it would not be refused if, following up the meet ing of this day, they followed the example of the wealthy, and stood by their order. Their's was the cause of the great God above ; He made them brothers, but they were not treated as such. They were called low, uneducated, and vulgar ; but they would be acknowledged as men andbrethreu, and should be respected as such by one another.—( Cheers.) Mr. GILL then proposed the next resolution, which embodied those principles, and those principles alone, which would tend to secure the happiness of the whole mass of the community. He proposed that every individual in that immense assemblage, and through the country, should have the power conceded to him of voting for Members of Parliament.—(Cheers.) Was there an individual before him, whose dwelling or apparel was ever so bumble, that did not consider that he had a right, as an Englishman, to have a voice in the making of those laws which controlled him at every moment of his life? The man who did not consider be bad ouch a right was a self. willed slave— an alien to the Consttution—a disgrace to humanity—and a curse to all bis children and to posterity.—(Cheers.) He should content himself by proposing the resolution,:viz. : " That the People's Charter,' containing the principles of Universal Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, Annual Parliaments, No Property Qualification, Equal Representation, and paid Members, is a practical measure calculated to secure honest Representation; it is therefore solemnly adopted by this meeting." Mr. G. B. ELLIOTT seconded the motion, and strongly re commended the peaceable and orderly exercise of moral force as the best means to accomplish the objects they contemplated. WILLOUGHBY WOOD, Esq., of Campsall Hall, supported the resolution, and vindicated the claims of the working classes to a fair share of the intelligence possessed by the other classes of society, and instanced the Corn- laws—the affairs of Canada —as proofs that the aristocracy were not possessed of the exclusive wisdom they laid claim to. He did not feel with Mr. Ward, who rejoiced when the British troops were victo rious in Canada. It would not enable them to feed their wives and children a bit better.—( Cheers. ) Mr. BUCHANAN also ably showed the claims the werking classes have for intelligence, as exhibited in the machinery of the manufactories and the goods produced by them, whilst the rich had saddled the country with debt to put down liberty in France, and had thereby enriched Jews and stock jobbers. He exhorted them to unity, to be peaceable and firm, and then no power could prevail over an united people—the sword of knowledge being the strongest power. He then moved the third resolution—viz., " That the National Petition,' now read, erabodying the principles of the People's Charter,' be adopted by this meeting. PARKER, a member of the Association, seconded the resolution. Mr. WORTLEY moved the fourth resolution, viz. :—" That William Gill be appointed by this meeting to meet the dele gates from other towns in London, to superintend the presen tation of the National petition,"—which was seconded by Mr. C.RABTREE, in his most energetic style, deprecating the small sum they received for the large amount of labour they had to perform ; whilst the Dowager Queen received more money yearly than the working population of a neighbouring town, containing 14,000 inhabitants. This would not be the case if they were represented ; but as they could not be admitted to the House of Commons, they would have a House of their own in the shape of a National Convention, where the Member would not quote Greek and Latin to make up the absence of common sense. Mr. PEARCE, of Birmingham, detailed the proceedings of the people of that town, which had led to the present move ment; and declared that as Earl Grey had determined to stand by his order, it was now time that they should stand by theirs.—( Cheers.) Mr. LOMAS moved the fifth resolution, viz., " That this meeting do pledge itself to support the National Fund, for the purpose of carrying the foregoing resolutions into effect." Mr. RICHARDSON, of Manchester, in supporting the reso lution, stated that they had a meeting yesterday at Man. Chester, which had amply made up for the deficiency in the Palace Yard, inasmuch as 300,000 persons attended—there were 60 bands of music, and more than 300 banners. He said it was indeed a glorious day. He rebutted the charge of ignorance, and quoted the following couplet from a Birming ham flag :—" If we are too ignorant to make taxes, we are too ignorant to pay them ; and if we are too ignorant to make laws, we are too ignorannt to obey them. He then recom mended that they should each save a week's wages to contri bute to the general fund, for without money, the sinew of war, they could do nothing. Three cheers were then proposed by the CHAIRMAN for Birmingham. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman for his services, which was carried amidst loud applause. The assembly then quietly dispersed. In the evening a numerous party of ladies and gentlemen partook of tea, &c., at the Bath Saloon, Mr. Ebenezer Elliott in the Chair. The meeting was addressed by the Chairman, Messrs. Wood, Salt, &c. &c. TURKEY AND PERSIA. CONSTANTINOPLE, SEPT. 6.—Letters from Tabriz of the 13th ult., received ' 'here on the 3d inst., state that the British Ambassador wa s t o have left Tebera on the 6th, with all the gentlemen of the mission, and was expected at the above place on the 23d. It was generally believed that Mr. M'Neil would at once proceed o n t o th e T ur kish frontier, and wait there for an answer to the d es p a t c hes Col. Stoddart had been sept with to the P ers i an camp. Th e o bj ec t o f this officer's missionis said to have been to acquaint the Shah with the motive . of the British t roops ' arr i va l at t h e i s l an d of Carak, off Bush ire, and inevitably would represent t o hi m t h e gr i evous consequences he would draw up on hi s own head by refusing, while yet there was time, to take the steps which alone could prevent a rupture between Great Britain and Persia. The state of apprehension in which the probability of a war keeps the minds of the British merchants in Persia naturally disposes them to look en the state of affairs in the most gloomy light, and to doubt as to t h e possibility of a friendly accommo d ation taking place. It is not Improbable, however, that Colonel Stoddart may, on his arrival at the camp, find the Schah pre pared to l en d a more willing ear than for the past to the Bri tish Ambassador's warnings, and, taught by the disasters his arms have lately aga i n met with befor Herat, to distrust the assurances of success confidently held out to his ambition by the Russian Envoy. Although following the plan of attack traced out i by Count Sim on i tc h , t h e P ersian troops completely failed u their attempt t o t a k e H erat b y storm in July last. This affair cost them u p war d s o f 3,000 men. Several offi cers of distinction were killed during the action, and among them General B arrows k y, a Polish officer of great merit, for many years renowned for his bravery in the Persian Army. Should the position of the Schah be at present one as jeopar dous as ti . ,e letters from Tabriz represent it to be, it is diffi cult to I "Jelieve that he will have the temerity of courting fresh dangers by provoking a rupture with England. The Trebisond steam-packet, by which these letters came, brought the appalling intelligence of the plague having mani fested itself in that city. One of the deck passengers died of this disorder during the voyage, and on the vessel's arrival one of the mates was ascertained to be labouring under the came complaint. The board of quarantine very properly pre vented the landing both of the passengers and cargo. But Government having, with its umil improvidence, neglected to erect even a temporary building for the performance of qua rantine, all the individuals on board were removed to the old tw o-decker, where it has been the practice of the Turkish guardians of the public health to huddle indiscriminately all travellers, without troubling themselves to ascertain whether they come from an infected or from a healthy port. The Ottoman fleet sailed from Smyrna Bay on the 29th salt. It is reported to he bound to Cyprus. On leaving the port the Capstan Pasha issued a Proclamation, whereby shop keepers were invited, in case money was owed to them by persons belonging to the fleet, to present themselves at his banker's, where they would receive the amount of their claims. The Ru3sian Envoy, M. Botaenieff, arrived here from Trieste on the 3d inst. Melrose has long been the resort of tourists from all parts of the world, but the number of visitors during the pre sent season has been great beyond all precedent, including within these last fe w da y s, the Princess Schwarzenherg, the Prince of Orancre, Lard Fitzclarence, Ahmed Bey, and other personages of distinction, all of whom expressed themselves highly gratified and delighted with their visit.—Caledonian Mercury. GRAND SIGHT !—There is to b e a g rand explo sion of a steam-boat at Gitive.ston, Texas, in about a month. Those who wish to see this most beautiful exhibition have yet time to reach the spot in season. It is calculated not to destroy more than seven hundred lives, and person; can be er admitted to that part of the ceremony by paying double. The steam Correo gces from Galveston to Houston in seven and a half hours. —American Paper. NEWSPAPERS.—The largest collection k nown be longed to the late Dr. Burney, c o mprisinc , a numerous and ei ite 0. • ;...i i i • - .. , 2 hese reriod'cals from the year 1603 to 1818, -m rx •:-, he whole to 700 volumes, and valued at 1,000 ". _. 4 ,f 7. .... . important thedocuments for the illustration of 4 . 11 3 - ic ? , A. \. 1 ,. .i.S -. ...An, " ' r... 7 , • chased b .TIA, ~, ether by .V.:iitfrretri-441-itNOV; from 1818 ( ... , t.* - Xidro: thin 31,006,volumes, for t m o t a he s'i--TAqa4el4liii/any other library record' Government for the British complete sets of all the news present time, consisting of in the of public events not to RADICAL DEMONSTRATION AT LIVERPOOL. ( Abridged Atm the Corning Advertiser.) Lts - Esroon, Tutsoav EVENiNo.—The meeting of the Liverpool Radicals, for the purpose of adopting the Birming ham Petition, was held this afternoon, in the Old Infirmary. yard. Delegates were present from various parts of the king dem, all of whom, as they were recognised on the hustings, Were retetved with loud applause. Mr. GoobeEnnow, a working man, having been called to the Chair amidst the cheering of the meeting, stated that they were assembled on that occasion for the purpose of carrying the People's Charter, which demanded Universal Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, Annual Parliaments, the Abolition of the Pro perty Qualification, and the Payment of the Members of the House of Commons by the nation. He would call on John Robinson, a working man, to move the first resolution. Mr. RODIN:MN, who was received with much applause, came forward for the purpose of bringing under their notice a reso lution containing a great and important principle, which, if carried out to its full extent, would secure peace and plenty to this happy land.—( Cheers.) That principle embraced Uni versal Suffrage, or the right of every man to vote for the re presentatives of the people in the Commons' House of Par liament. The labouring classes, to be sure, were told that they were too ignorant to be entrusted with the franchise ; it was a boon too great to be conferred upon them. If that event were to take place as the community now stands, our enemies say the rights of property would be invaded. He denied that such would be the result. The rights of property were too holy and sacred to be invaded ; but equally sacred were the rights and privileges of the labouring classes. They tell us we are prone to violence—that we are a mere mob. He denied it. They tell us we are levellers, and that our object is to destroy capital. He would assert that the Radi cals of Liverpool never entertained nor professed any such principles; on the contrary, they revere its sacredness, and Ihad always displayed that feeling. The labOuring classes want nothing more than their natural rights—a good day's work, and a good day's wages.—( Cheers.) He cordially moved the ffrst resolution—" That from our experience of the past, and the prospects of the future, we have no hope in the Howe of Commons as at presented constituted ; we therefore adopt the National Petition, demanding for the people Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments, Vote by Ballot, Wages of Attendance, and the Abolition of the Pro perty Qualification in Members of the House of Commons, and that it be recommended for signature to the whole of the inhabitants of Liverpool and its vicinity." Mr. EDMONDS, a Delegate from the Birmingham Political Union, came forward to second the resolution. He came there as a delegate from the Birmingham Political Council, and he could with sincerity say that hi was glad, after all the political experience he had had in various parts of the kingdom, to have at last an opportunity of meeting the people of Liverpool.—( Applause.) The speaker then went on to state that he had assisted Mr. Attwood in the formation of the Birmingham Political Union—a union which was generally admitted to have been the instrument of much good, and was on all bands allowed to have carried the great and important measure of Parliamentary Reform. Now, if they by combina tion, could carry a measure like that, which did not compre hend the interests of thousands upon thousands of non electors, what ought they to accomplish by the same means in seeking for measures which comprehended the interests of all honest men throughout the empire ?—( Loud applause.) He rejoiced exceedingly in the grand movement that was now being made—he called it a grand movement, and such it un doubtedly was ; for it would rouse up and stir into active life every, even the lowest, atom of society, and leave not one un: influenced by its operations.—( Hear, hear.) He was sorry to be obliged to own that they had obstacles to encounter ; but such was the fact. The meeting there assembled was a great meeting ; but it was not what it ought to have been ; they should have had many more persons there. But he would let that pass, and to those who were present he would say that the time had come when they must begin to bestir themselves. It had been said that Mr. O'Connor had beets recom mending a resort to physical force, but the assertion was un true;. at least, it was untrue if it was pretended to be asserted that he had done anything but what was sanctioned by the Constitution, itself. A resort to physical force, in cases of extreme oppression and tyranny, was a right which had been obtained by Englishmen at the accession of the present Royal Family. As Mr. O'Connor had said, however, the man who now recommends physical force is a traitor ..—( Hear, from Mr. O'Connor)—for when the time came that that would be necessary, they might rest satisfied that it would not be requisite for him or any other man to recommend it.— ( Cheers.) At present their weapon was the weapon of moral force. And what was moral force? He would tell them. If they could imagine this to be what it was not—a fine clear day, with the sun shining gloriously above them and casting their shadows upon the ground, then moral force would be to physical force what the shadow was to the substance. Moral force was, in fact, the shadow of physical force. The great evil under which the working men of this country laboured was taxation—grievous taxation. One-half the earnings of their labour were taken from them, in the shape of taxes, on Saturday night. Let them make known to their tyrant op pressors the evils under which they labour. Let them do it in a spirit of indignation that will be heard and feared by all.—(Hear.) There was one great error into which the people had been led—they had been told by men of great name to take their rights by instalments. Take no instalments was his emphatic advice. If their full demands were not con ceded to them, let them go on promulgating their opinions, upholding their principles, and combining the people ; and he would answer for it that the same display of moral force and energy which would suffice to carry the most paltry concessions from the faction which opposed them, wouid serve to carry Universal Suffrage and the other important measures which they sought to obtain. Their opponents might erect barriers to stop their progress ; but they did not care for their barriers ; they might as well attempt to stop the course of the sun as to stop the on-going of the principles of Reform. Let all who gloried in the name of Englishmen determinedly come forth to put a pe riod to the wrongs of their oppressors ; let there be much ink shed, but no blood. The faction under whose tyranny they groaned acre but a paltry half million ; and a combined move ment on their part would, by the silent operation of peace and justice, deliver their country from that galling tyranny which had been the growth of ages.—(Applause.) He concluded by seconding the motion.' Mr. FEARGUS O'CONNOR them presented himself, and was received with loud cheering. The Learned Gentleman ad dressed the multitude to the following effect ;—" Universal Suffrage would accomplish all that they could possibly look for, and until they could get that measure, it would be impos sible ever to look for any thing else. He would himself con tend for the rights of the working people of both England and Ireland without distinction. He should never forget that he was an Irishman. —( Hear, and cheers.) Ireland was his country, and the world was his republic.—( Hear, hear.) He saw several thousands of his unfortunate fellow-countrymen in a state almost of starvation in the town of Liverpool. They came to England in search of work ; they were an industrious population, and they had a perfect right, so long as they had not the means of exercising their industry in their own country, to come to England for that purpose.—( Hear, hear.) He He must have justice for Ireland as well as for England, and if he could help it, unless justice was done to his own country, England should not have justice either.—( Hear.) He would challenge the whole Press of Liverpool, every single soul con. nected with that Press, to stand up on that platform and contend with him upon any of the subjects for which thot meeting hal assembled. Let them not skulk in their garrets with quills behind their ears, croaking like a sow with pigs is her belly, beginning all their sentences with the personal pronoun we, making their readers believe that what " we" say are the opi nions of the whole world, whereas they are only the opinions of the person who writes. The Mercury said he would ask Feargus O'Connor how he had voted on the Corn-laws when in Parliament. Now he ( Mr. O'Connor) never voted against the repeal of the Corn-laws, but he voted for a fixed duty. Speaking of the Press, the Learned Gentleman said that of all the daily papers in London none stood by either him or the working classes except the Morning Advertiser—it was the only paper in London which was doing justice to their meet ings.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) There was the Mercury, the Times, The Sun, the Globe, the Courier, the Chronicle, were all against the working classes. He would agitate, and by agitating he would put doe n all the Press. He had travelled the country agitating ; but all the expenses were out of his own pocket. The Whigs, however, had hired a bagman to travel into Holland, into Austria, and France —this bagman was one Dr. Syntax Bawrincs b —the Whigs have created a new place for him, and he goes from town to town speaking about the Corn-laws. Ile was its Manchester the other day, and he said that corn was alway s hi g h in p rice when labour itself was high, and pointed to Switzerland as a proof of his assertions • but he never told his audience, that in England every man was' mortgaged to the amount of 1231., w T o h u e l d Learned c o a r t n h e e d p O'Connor) w Switzerland such was not the case. He ( Mr. F. as as determined as any man for a repepl of the Co i r i n e :l n avvs,•,b u t a repeal of those laws, or of any other laws, that they e G op en le tl o L em f e Universal Suffr laws stated, that ag the e with in the last few years This land, if put into proper head of a family sufficient connected A ne c t na oe si e n of the aElisniginlanadavenroti,gigoodaguanintiltothtehye got the pocket their own savings. ofg 6 0 2 u 0 r e bad robbed the people et , ecotuegl O dtri 0 0 v wwaotoi cultivation, acres wouldof commonafford to every land. itthbethfeoodLitvheartpohoel Press, r o e u s l s d , geese who was afraid .Qo to meet Mr. but M w r. as was O'Con northere t e on s p a e clearspeak te s licete stage.—(Cries e question,. —(C r e a o n f d wou e ld sti p o r n o . p " o ) se He an amendment to the original motion. If it was_ r a merit to have , been a Radical in the worst of ti mes , th en he M : Aeland) de served this merit.—( Question, question, and cries of ‘ your am en d ment .") H e wou ld not read his amendment u Read lie had fi n i s h e d w h at h e h a d to say.—(Order, orde‘r, , e and t until confusion. E o ) stosins rose to order, and said that a t a meet i ng like this, consisting of many thousands, the Ch a i rman h a d a right to kn ow the nature onf the amendment. The CHAI RMAN having decided in favour of Mr. Edmonds' suggestion, Ac stion ' LAND then pr ocee d e d, am id st shouts of laughter, a t o il tijoelheraofdi thei hise people ii ciuo orpsl,eand of f amendment,th theuws oul country A w nrt a ya s ril t o the eff ec t th a t t h e majo rwere in th e h a bit o f us i ng unproductive e incurred the danger of whilst intoxication—a danger ex posedunproductive the weak amongst the constituencies good, of the countryit to the mischief of bribery and corruption. Mr. O'CONNOR rose to order, and the question having beer, put as to whether the amendment was relevant to the objects of the meeting , it was de c ided b y a show of hands that it wa s not so. The resolution was then put and carried. Mr. JOHN MURRAY disapproved of the use of ardent spirits, but he had seen nearly half a million of people at Manchester, and he had not seen one drunken man amongst them—let them then not talk of immorality amongst the people.—(Loud cheers.) But he did not come there to read them a lecture. but to propose a resolution.—( Hear.) What they contended for %%as Universal Suffrage. He would conclude by pro posing the following resolution :—" That this meeting fully approves of the People's Charter, as the outline of an Act to provide for the just representation of the People of the United Kingdom in the Commons' House of Parlia ment, in accordance with the principles set forth in the Na- tional Petition."—( Cheers.) Mr. CORBETT had to return his thanks to the Committee who had appointed him to second the resolution just proposed. The principles set forth in the Charter to which the petition referred were Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments, Vote by Ballo', no Property Qualification, and the payment of Wages to Members of Parliament.—( Cheers . ) It was to procure these objects that this meeting had assembled—it was for that object mote than 300,000 persons had met at Kersall- moor yesterday, and they must, in pursuing, it, determine that they shill never be swayed or deterred by their crotchety friends, who might pretend to join them.—(Cheers.) The Whigs, the humanity-crotchet. mongers , the teetotal-men, and the education people, all joined the masses when they took their business into their own hands ; but whenever they got the people to join with them, that instant they sacrificed them.—.. ( Cheers.) That was the trick which had been played when the Reform Bill was gained. — ( He ar, hear, hear. ) They bad been told by Mr. O'Connor that Dr. Syntax Bow ring had been in Manchester attempting to get up an anti. Corn-law agitation. Now, he (Mr. Cobbett) was, as well as Mr. O'Connor, an advocate for the repeal of those laws, and when, with a reformed Government, they could go for it, and the measure was rendered practicable, then he would warmly advocate it.—( Hear.) Nay, if they had the power to repeal them now, he would tell them to go for it—but he was now against it, as a Whig humbug, got up to distract the minds of the manufacturing classes, when they were moving to obtain their own rights.—(Cheering.) He called it a humbug, because it was a question well calculated in the agitation of it to create disunion between the manufacturing and agricultural classes in Lancashire and Yorkshire.— ( Hear, hear.) It was well known that on this point they differed, whereas they were agreed upon the question of Universal Suffrage ; and thus it was to prevent their acting in concert to yrocure that question on which they were agreed, that that on which they disagreeed was agi tated.—(Cheers.) He called on them to have nothing what ever to do with those deceivers to whom he referred. Their meetings had been termed demonstrations, as tending to show their power derived from their union, but if they did not act as well as talk then these demonstrations were mere vanity.—( Hear.) He would advise them all, therefore, to become members of the Political Union, and if they could not pay to its funds a penny a week, let them pay a halfpenny.— ( Hear.) Let them attend the meetings of the Union, and never give up agitation till they had obtained their rights. What was the meaning of moral force but the informing their enemies that they had physical force ready when they wanted it ?--(Cheers.) He would not advise them to use physical force, for whoever advised them to do so should be ready to lead them ; and although be (Mr. Cobbett) might be a good attorney, yet he was not aware that he was a good general. Therefore, he would not call on them to hare recourse to physical force ; but if they pretended to make demonstrations of moral force, and were not ready to use physical force, if it became needful, then they were either grossly deceived by some persons, or they had not sufficient strength of mind to act for themselves.—(Hear, and cheers.) Mr. COLLINS, from Birmingham, said, the man who paid taxes, and who was unrepresented, was a slave ; but he could congratulate the meeting on the march of mind amongst the working classes, and it was high time the people of Liverpool should be up and stirring, and the good ship Britannia would soon be propelled by the paddles of Universal Suffrage, which, once acquired, the filth of Whigism or Toryism would be unable to stop the progress of the gallant vessel. It was impossible that the masses, when they congregated, aware of the miseries entailed upon them, should separate without manifesting their determination to get rid of them. A million of people in Scotland were with them—the men of Birmingham were with them, and with the aid of those who were assembled yesterday on Kersal.moor, the country would soon be free and happy.—(Cheers.) Mr. LOWRY (of Newcastle) supported the resolution in a powerful speech. The people were now (he said) determined to achieve their own freedom. The Tories had ever been against the working men, whom they considered to be born as hewers of wood and drawers of water." The working men, therefore, hated the Tories, and the Whigs also, who they be lieved to be as bad as the Tories, if they had the courage te exhibit their vice. If the Tories had the Manchester massacre, the Whigs had their Calthorpe-street massacre. Let the peo ple, then, cast away the delusive hope that they had anything to expect from them. The people had sufficient intel ligence to govern themselves, and they would do so. He had said in London the other day that literary men were the basest apostates, and he would say again that integrity was the only test for the Suffrage..—( Loud cheers.) He would not consider the people to be freemen till they could stand up holding equal political privileges with any aristocrats, and if they relied on themselves they would soon be in that position. —( Loud cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried. Mr. M . NULTT proposed the next resolution, which was— " That Thomas Smith, Esq., and Mr. Whittle be appointed delegates to attend a General Convention of the industrious classes, not exceeding 49 in number, to be assembled in Lon don for the purpose of adopting every legal measure which may be considered necessary to induce Parliament to carry the great objects of the national petition into a law." The resolution was seconded and supported by Mr. Buss; and thanks having been given to the Chairman, the meeting ,arated. • THE RADICAL DINNER AT LIVERPOOL. The dinner took place this evening, Tuesday, at the Queen's Theatre, the pit of which was boarded over for the occasion, along which, extending from the stage to t he boxes, six rows of tables were laid, not a place being unoccupied. The lower circle of boxes was appropriated to the ladies, and was also completely filled. A number of banners and union-jacks were displayed in various parts of the theatre. Neither Mr. Attwood nor Mr. Sharman Crawford were pre sent ; Mr. Attwood being confined by illness in London, and Mr. Sharman Crawford having written a letter of apology. Shortly after six o'clock, the Chair was taken by Mr. Jonm CLARKE. After the cloth was removed, The CHAIRMAN rose and said, that they had been assem. bled on that evening for the purpose of celebrating the corn mencement of those rights which had for its object the re storation of those rights which at one period they certainly and undeniably possessed—the right of choosing their repre sentatives to serve in Parliament—the right of choosing those men who would, and whose duty it was to guard their rights, their interests, their lives, and the property which they earned by their labour.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) They were told by their opponents that they did not possess sufficient knowledge—( Hear, bear, hear)—but when, he would ask, had knowledge been made tho basis of the possession of civil rights—( Hear, hear, hear)--the basis of that right which they claimed as their natural possession, and which they asserted no man had a right to take away ?—( Hear, hear.) They did not claim this right on the ground of the inferior knowledge of others---(Hear)—but because their claim was one for that which was their natural right, and that, which if taken away from them, would render them slaves.—( Hear.) And he would now ask whether those in the ranks above them exer cised the knowledge they asserted they possessed judiciously, did they find it so, or rather, when did they n ot find that these high er ran k s had prostituted their talents, th eir intelli gence, th e i r influence and their wealth, for the p ur p oses of cor ruption, if it had been acted on with judgment ?—( H ear.) When and fo r oughtthe to purpose enc ofnr encourage ?—(Loud u t d h o s o e h whose s. e er there w ere ot h er o bj ec ti ons u rged against the Ex t e nsion of the Suffra ge; it w as stated that the great masses of the p eople were prone t o corr uption. Now, what was corrupt ion ? When he me n ti one d t h e wor d, h e wou ld ask what was the me anin g of it, and w h at wax i ts b ear i ng ?—( Hear, bear.) The lab ourin g interests they classes did not seek to corrupt the labouring; classes—the poor did not desire to corrupt the poor—they did riot seek to drive —they had not the power to drive—the poor out of their homes, or to intimidate or terrify them by threats. No, the nobility and the aristocracy were those w - ho sought to intimi date all, to drive and to demoralize the poor, who could be demoralized by the temptation of a small sum.—( Hear, hear.) Thus it was that it was they who made their wealth were those whom the aristocracy desired to destroy._( Hear, hear.) The other objection urged against the rights of the working classes was that they were not mon of property. Now, this certainly was a dreadful charge.—( Hear, and a laugh.) But they were the labourers, and labour was that which produced property— propertyyh whowho he l c d r a e tet the e t l h a a n t offspring dod prope r e t a y rn in e d t a h l o o r o e o n n t o r n y e ; y ear and th y tt e l t was the offsp r i ng o f l a b our .—( H ear , an d c h eers. ) Y es , and ‘ od r s a te s hw c e harged against them that they were not men of property. ed, a L n e d t t t h h e e r m o w e x a h s i no i t p fi o r w m e n r es l which e c t t u h l e d m d o b n e y m t o o d t e h r e a m t e their and u r i n g i h t Cheers.) He did not despise the force of learning and knowledge; on the contrary, he wished that it should be ex tended as broad as the earth.—( Hear.) But it was not learn ing alone that constituted the independent man. (Hear.) Moral courage and firmness of character were of vastly more importance, as enabling them to take their;rights as patriots and independent men in the country.—( Loud cheers.) He would conclude by proposing to them " The people and their rights, and no less."—( Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then said that the next toast was, " Tho Queen and her rights, and no more." The toast w as drunk with loud cheering. C The HA HOMAN next proposed" May the principles of Uni versal Suffrage and the essentials to the free exercise of our political rights 'become the polar star of every lover of his country."—( Loud cheers.) Mr. Connell' responded to the toast. Their Chairman had talked of gentlemen who possessed nsore experience than he did, but he ( Mr. Cobbett) thought that it would be allowed that he could not be included in the remarks which had been made in reference to experience.—( Hear.) It had been said that they derived the experience they possessed from the con nexion they had with commercial marts. Now, as to these advantages, he thanked God that it had been his good for tune never to have been contaminated by a connection with with commercial marts.—( Hear.) In making these remarks, it would be believed that he meant nothing disrespectful to the people of Liverpool, or to its inhabitants whom he saw around him ; but he meant to give expression to the great principle which embodied the horror he entertained of the grossly tyrannical influence of capital over the labour of the working people.—( Loud cheers.) It was that capital, or rather the peculiar situation in which it was placed, and the power which it gave to a comparative few over the rest of the community ; that was the influence which had produced the greatest evils in the country.—( Heat.) This was the grand giievance of which the people had a right to complain, and which he had nevertheless no doubt would be removed by the Reform In Parliament which they sought.= ( Loud cheers.) There were no slaves on the face of the earth—not by any means the blacks of the Nest ladies ea cepted—so tyranised over as the unfortunate people of this country.—( Heat'. ) Let him also mention that onva of the worst measures which had every lie sinterely believed, been passed by any House of Commons or by and tiriernrnent in the world—in all respects the worst—was the Poor Law Amendment Act.—( Hear, and loud cheers.) lie could tit - it but mention also the conduct of the House of Commons which had been pursued for years on the subject of the reduction of the hours of labour in the factories.—( Hear, hear, hear. ) They had passed a law professing to be a law for the reduction of the number of hours during which the little children—the boys and girls—were compelled to la bour there. In this law they professed to reduce the hours of labour, but they did not enforce it--( Hear, hear) —and their &fence was that it was so complicated, although the law was of their own making, that they could not enforce it upon the master manufacturers who had the power to resist it—(Hear)—aud thus, although the Poor-law was enforced at the point of the bayonet, and by their soldiers scattered throughout the country at a shilling a day and all their ex penses, and by their police with ss. a day and all their ex penses—although they acted thus in their efforts to enforce the Poor-law, yet there never had been any one instance in which they had sent any individual to enforce the Act for the reduction of the hours of labour.—( Hear. ) Could the Radi cals, then, suppose that they could get any good measure from such a House? It was ridiculous to think that this House would of its own accord grant to the people anything, and, therefore, it was the more necessary that the Radicals of Liverpool should join with the people of South Lancashire and of Yorkshire, until that House granted that which the people ought to have—( Hear, hear)—that which for a long period of years had been not only the law of nature, but that of England. That was what the people should have, and if the House of Commons did not grant it in their own way— the people would have it in their own way.—( Hear, and loud cheers.) They had been told by their Chairman, that accord ing to the laws of England the people were entitled to Univer sal Suffrage. He would not mention the question of the dura tion of Parliaments, or any other question.—( Hear.) The suffrage was all they asked for, and all these other questions being matters of detail, to procure which it was only neces sary to carry out the first.—( Hear.) But they still could not carry out the utility of the Suffrage without the protection which would be afforded by the Vote by Ballot and the re moval of the Qualification of Members, which restricted the people as to the numbers from which they had to choose their representatives.—( Hear.) Again, they could not protect their Suffrage without paying their Members, those who could not afford otherwise to live in London —( Hear, and cheers.) They had then by the constitution of the country, which was in writing and upon record, the right to possess all they petitioned for—or, rather, that which they demanded. —( Hear.) England was at present in a situation which afforded circumstances peculiarly favourable for their struggle. —Cries of " Hear.") He knew no other nation but America which had been placed in so favourable a situation. He would exhort them not to move for the faction—not to acknowledge a leader in any party whatsoever. It had, he said, always been the complaint that the Radicals had permitted them selves to be led away by men who for the time being would make great promises, but never stick thereby, The CHAIRMAN then gave, amid loud cheers, the healths of Thomas Attwood, Esq., and John Fielden, Esq., and success to the unions of which they are the representatives. Mr. EDMONDS then rose. He stood forward there as the friend of labour, and of the equal rights of man. In that he bad been ably seconded by his friend, Mr. Thomas Attwood, a gentleman who had done what few men bad it in their power to do. After about thirty years' writing upon one favourite subject—the currency question—he consented to give up his ,hobby-horse to assist in obtaining Universal Suffrage—( Hear, hear)—Vote by Ballot, Annual Parliaments, no Property Qualification, and Wages for Attendance as a Member. Now, he had been told that Mr. O'Connell op posed the payment of Members of Parliament. What ! the man who receives 10,000/. a year for his services as Member of Parliament? If any man had a right to stand up and op pose the payment of Members, most assuredly that man was not Mr. O'Connell.—( Some confusion and hisses here en sued.) After order was restored, he said he was endeavouring to show them that Members of Parliament ought to be paid. He objected to Mr. O'Connell's objection. If a Member of Parliament discharged his duty properly, he was very properly entitled to payment.—( Hear.) But, said Mr. Edmonds, they need not discuss that point just now. If they procured Uni versal Suffrage and Vote by Ballot, lie knew that the other measures would follow.—(Mr. Edmonds sat down amid loud cheering.) Mr. JAMBS WNITTLI next rose, and spoke to the following effect :—Gentlemen, 1 am so little in love with change, for change sake—l so much prefer the lessons of experience to any benefits promised, merely from speculation—( Hear) — that if I saw in England the spectacle which she once dis played—if I saw her a great and powerful realm, the mother of a free and happy people, marked as freemen by their easy lives, their plenteous houses, their candour and their probity— (Cheers) —if I saw England thus, no love of theoretic improve ment, I confess, should tempt me into agitation for change.— ( Hear.) But let the rich recollect that the change must come; that the revolution is already commenced ; and that what we have to deal with is a realm already ruined by those who had the undisputed mastery of it; that all is now confusion, all is now distress, all is now disorder, and all has been produced by the undisturbed will of one of the most powerful and arbitrary Governments that ever existed upon earth.—( Hear.) The 150 despots who sold the seats in the House of Commons dealt as they pleased with our lives and our property. They directed our exertions to what they pleased. They wasted the fruits of our labour as they chose, and they mortgaged the labour of our children.—( Hear.) If we remonstrated they punished us; and there are gentlemen here present whose portion has been the gaol, only because they humbly petitioned for these very rights which you are here, I hope, determined to achieve, and which you have this night heard are written as your rights in that very charter (Magna Charta), which our tyrants have had the insolence all the time to boast of as the glory of their ancestors—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers) and the highest distinction of our common country. Such has been their power, and the result of it has been the destruction of the state which they administered. They have inflicted the blow of death on the social system which they found established.—( Hear, hear.) Change has been commenced by them ; and our task is to guide it to a wise and just conelusion.—(Cheers.) But in some shape it is inevitable. Let me tell you, as a fact, that the meeting of Kersal-moor has subdued the Government, and that the fact is already ascertained. The Government we know had determined to place the troops within call of the meeting—( Hear, hear)—we know, too, that that determina tion was changed, and that it was changed because the Go vernment feared their contamination by the taint of Radical principles. They feared that the soldiers would have liked to he within hearing of the hustings. Such is the attitude of the people, and such the condition of Government, resulting from the absolute power which they possessed over us. It is the work of their own hands.—( Hear, hear.) The CHAIRMAN, in introducing the next toast, would not detain them further than by saying, that in drinking " Jus tice to Ireland" it would afford them the opportunity of hear ing Mr. Feargus O'Connor. Mr. FEAROUN O'CONNOR was received on rising with the most enthusiastic cheering. He had long struggled for the rights and privileges of his fellow-countrymen. He had endea voured to follow the example and conduct of the illustrious Irishmen who had gone before him in the same path. A more lovely land never existed ; her climate is genial, her sons hospitable and manly, her daughters fair and virtuous. It was a land worth living for, aye and worth dying for.— (Cheers.) But Ireland, with all its great natural advantages, was an unhappy and miserable country. She had been unfor tunately the sport of politicians, and those who/ought to have been foremost in defending her rights were, he was sorry to say, phtintHaiare)boneeo oNut, t rvivad h aelro e rmei oui laboured.—(No.) removal ah s al forwardt es(okNmfto.lhne)es ctmriir monstrous in betraying her. From 1800, down to the period of the passing of the Reform Bill, extending f over thirty-two years, 100 Irish Members were sent to the House of Commons. If there is any one curse greater than another to a country, it is the existence of a State Church. Many Roman Catholics were there listening to him. Let them say whether they agree to a mere reduction, or a final extinction of tithes. As a Protestant he (Mr. O'Connor) had exerted himself as much as any man in the House of Commons, for the rights of the Roman Catholics—(Cheers) —and the ground on which he had asserted those rights was, the privilege of every man to worship his God without being amenable to another. He did not take " Justice to Ireland" to mean the mere transmission of Corporation power from compelled pfealcletidontotoleaavneoththeer,irwhhiolme homes s he in w s r e e a t c rc h h e d of re f s o id o e d n , ts an w d er t e o wander through the streets of Liverpool in . penury and wretchedness. For thirty-two years the Irish Members were ever ready to do the dirty work of the English . Members in the British Parliament. When the Reform Bill passed, which was to raise the country to the pinnacle of glory, their numbers were increased to 105, and it was hoped that . a new system, a more manly independence, would have been displayed. s Bttosiloievoutosnilrbsi je a hteh the pcpornodbuact of of a al r i l s r h i s m h e n M; m. Has s it b be ea ean such as s be- t os c e a c m e men and patriots? Every Irishman present who ap proves of that system, who imagines that the beautiful land of his birth has been benefited by that system, let him hold up a hand. There is not a hand held up. Why, now you agree with me ; and I assert that the serf of seven hundred years since was not more a slave than the Irishman of the present day, He would ask Irishmen who have Irish blood is their w hether they are prepared , much longer to endure the grinding oppression of the Law Church, whose arms are the bayonet and the sword ? He would ask them whether at the present moment the working classes are not as much as ever at the mercy of the aristocracy ? When he first started into public life, he (Mr. O'C.) saw this selfish aristocracy lording it over the people,aristocrac y alncg tb a he n ae d tn h d e om in instrumentale resolved ered in y over rn i s apouwt putting Catholic down o d w t n o put u peoplept r.dootaewnsnd. the system in 111 S own country. He had succeeded. He was d was equally ready cw as Immense. t t h o e l a e vi n d iasv d cl loshuw h euena i atet s dlyhtrdeesei assistance ernsargstwlyow.i kso:htedi eicemi:lAuf: tias, arenoasoupltpnatebt, unhappy sasd t tarb t aapr i innipdpnstgvyet advocate dcerhns country t w nuni:l n htaf oarsi a ysit Catholic aristocracy in their attempt to domineer over a Ca e is t h pr e lye i; ?l a i—e ttempts to resist the rapacity of their landlords. i cce o o n ipune o not f Parliament by Mr. O'Connell, could lead to the re g.'ulns cry ing w hethere hadevils la boured. Let them lay aside the notion that their salvation rested upon the shoulders of any one man. They were told, for-sooth, that the land was over populated. Un- • til be should see the country cultivated like a garden, he would never say it was too small, nor would he recommend emigration. There is no such thing in ex istence as a constitution in Ireland. At present the coun try is rot worth living in ; but, with the blessing of God, it different state of things would shortly exist. It it not for Irishmen to be satisfied with the bestial, the nonsensical plan of corporations. You have, to your credit, emancipated the blacks of the West Indies. You paid twenty millions of Money on that occasion, and never runs money better paid. But before you emancipated the blacks you might to have emancipated yourselves.—( Great cheering.) W e me ss look to ourselves, and depend upon ourselves. The poor :rash baVe always been led away by false delusion ; as a proof of this feeling hsi would state, that at a late meeting in the West of Ireland, a banner WO exhibited on the day of n the c T onation—" Queen and Reform. This was a mistake feeling. The Irish people have suffered by the cut' , anochise ment of the English people — that , as Canning Fail f the damning Union, the curse of Ireland is the cure of England. The battle of Ireland is to be fought on English ground. Ire land has been robbed for six hundred years. What lie wished to convey by justice to Ireland was, that it should he out of the power of any man to give over his nei4libour to the rapacity of the law. There was t o be a remission of 25 per cent. of tithe, leaving 75 per cent. in the form of a horse-shoe, to perpetuate all the scenes of blond and misrule to which the system bad previously given rise.—( Cheers and laughter.) They had heard of this five-and-twenty per cent. being the first of an instalment ; but when, he would ask them, did they ever hear of a wound being healed by instruments?—( Cheers ) He trusted that Irishmen would lay aside all sectarian pre judices. Let them rise up, and casting from their faces all gloom and despondency, stand erect in the land of their birth The day is not far distant when Ireland must regain her rights, and in effecting t hat ob j ect no one would feel greater pleasure than himself. Mr. WHITTLE briefly introduced the next toast, which was—" The memory of the late William Csbbett, M ijer Cartwright, a=id of all the illustrious departed advocates of the people's rights."—Drunk in silence. Mr. BUSSEY, in a brief and eloquent speech, spoke to the toast. Mr. O'CONNOR rose to propose the heelth of a gentleman who had not only endeavoured to change all the bad , institu tions of the country, and to substitute g ood ones lit their stead, but had battled with every iniquity wherever he ;:ad met it. When he ( Mr. O'Connor) first came to Liverpool, he came trudging along unheeded and unwelcomed, with a little infant in his arms, called Universal Suffrage; but now he had in support of that cause, which he had long advocated, a number of eminent and eloquent men, among whom the Rev. Joseph Raynor Stephens was not the least.—( Applause.) The Rev. Mr. STEPHENS then arose amidst tremendous ap plause, which having subsided, he spoke to the following effect : He was of opinion that only in the enjoyment of political liberty could there be social happiness, and only in this view could there be any right worship of God. Could there be any separation of religious and civil liberty ? Could they tell him that he was free to worship God in his mind, while in the body he was bound with chains? Could they tell him that he possessed religious freedom while he was bound in civil bonds? Political freedom was the freedom of the body ; reli gious freedom was the freedom of the spirit ; and if they ma nacled the former, how could the latter be free ? Or, if the latter was in bondage, how could the former be free? After some few other remarks the Reverend Gentleman pro ceeded to say that he had come to Liverpool that day, having been publicly branded as an incendiary and a firebrand. The word of God, he could affirm, had been the sole standard of his agitation.—(Loud cheering.) If he had ever laid down a principle not in accordance with that Book, let them de nounce, let them reprove him. If he had ever given utter ance to a word which could not be deduced from the precepts of Christianity, then he was no longer the friend of the people of England, nor should he ask to be esteemed as a friend of God. —(Loud applause.) His political career had been a short but eventful one. A few years ago he was a man as unknown in the world as one residing in a retired vil lage could be—a man of domestic peace—living only in thought, in study, and in the society of Lis friends—whose natural disposition and habits would more likely have taken him a thousand miles from such a meeting as he then addressed than have brought him hither. But in the solitude of his re tirement he observed that there was a great and growing evil in society, which was to him a source of most anxious thought. His speculations on the state of things, however, were of a different kind to those of all with whom he was in the habit of coming in contact, and especially from his brethren in the Ministry; and he could not shut out the idea that he was not altogether right, He pondered over the subject for years, and it was not till he came to a district where the manufacture of cotton was carried to a great extent that his thoughts and opinions began to assume a tangible shape. This change in him was effected by visiting the cottages of the work-people, by seeing them in the mills, in their homes, or on their sick beds—by inquiring how they lived, and by instituting, in fact, a regular investiga tion, that he became acquainted, practically acquainted, with the condition of the working classes. Hereupon he took up the question in what he considered the only efficient manner, and by so doing estranged his friends. He told them, in con versations which took place between them, that there must be something wrong, and that it seemed to Kira that if they did not apply a remedy the consequences would be fearful. He spoke to some, and said, come, let me introduce you to the workmen, in order that the good master and the good work man might learn to respect each other. This proposition, however, was not complied with. The poor man was preju diced against the rich man, and the rich man was prejudiced against the poor man. He knew, however, if the poor man was disabused of his prejudice (and it was no impossible mat ter) he would become the most powerful protector of the property of the rich man--( Hear, hear) —and if the latter be disabused of his prejudices, in like manner he would become the warmest promoter of the interests and happiness of the other. He knew that there was an indissoluble link between both ; that both acknowledged that God was the common father and friend of all.—(Cheers.) It was soon after this that a few of his poorer neighbours, the operatives in the dis trict, applied to him to take the means to obtain from Parlia ment an Act for limiting the hours of labour; he complied, and the4onsequence was that his rich friends forsook him, and instflld of being a Minister extensively respected, and re ceiving a support which was equal to his wishes, he became a shepherd to a few scattered sheep in the wilderness. He told those men, when they asked him to go to London as their de legate, that he should require twenty-four hours for considera tion, because he felt that it would. prove the most paralyzing and destructive step to himself that he could possibly take. He knew full well that if he did that work which was sought to be entrusted to him in the spirit of his Master, to him only would he have to look for his reward.—( Applause.) He saw that religion, if it were anything at all, consisted in the helping of the poor and needy, and in the advocacy of the cause of the fatherless and the widow, and of all such as were desolate and oppressed ; and in that spirit he gave his answer to the men, and that answer was in the affirma tive. From that moment he never passed a day free from persecution, and persecution of a kind, and of an extent, without a parallel in the annals of modern religious persecu tion. He would not, however, trouble them with a detail of that, but as he knew himself to be a man misrepresented and maligned in Liverpool, as well as in other places, he thought they would pardon him in having gone thus far.—(Tremen d - ius applause.) Within three short months after having taken up the factory question he was deprived of five or six preaching places at a stroke, and turned out of places in which he had been constantly master for years, and having by him a partner who cared even less about the circumstance than he did, he went to the highways and to the hedges —he stood upon his own door-step, that had never yet known dishonour, and there, instead of preaching to con gregations of 200 or 300 only, he had preached to 3,000 per sons, and on one occasion to as many as 12,090. When other measures came before the attention of Parliament, the Poor-law Amendment Act, for instance, he again showed himself in favour of the interests of the people. With respect to that Act, he had received a friendly hint not to advert to it, as there were persons in the room who were friendly to it ; and he bad been advised either to pass it over altogether, or touch on it so gently as not to tr cad on any corns in the way. He would, he said, not scorn himself more than they would scorn him, if they thought he thought so meanly of them that they would not listen to a man whose sentiments differed from their own, if those sentiments were delivered in a manner which every Englishman would feel it incum bent upon him to deliver them.—(Loud cheers.) He had seen a child in the boxes that evening—that child he would select as his text. He would propose that evening, on the question of the Poor-law, that every man in the assembly who professed himself a supporter of it would meet, not him self, if they thought he was too intemperate or violent in the extreme, but to meet a man whom they looked upon as the mildest and most philosophical opposer of it. If the evening had not been too far advanced, he would have endeavoured to have spoken philosophically, and in a gentle spirit, and to have shown that the guiding principle iii its construction would have been such as were allowed by the common prin ciples of our Christianity. If the Poor-law Amendment Act was squared to that it might then become an acceptable boon to the people.—( Applause.) He asked this not as a Tory, nor a Whig, nor a Radical, for he professed himself to be nei ther one nor the other—he kn e w of no parties in politics, or of denominations in religion. He held that there was but one Church, and that every religious man was a member of it.— (Great cheering.) He held also that there was but one commonwealth, and that every good man and every neigh bour was a member of it.—( Renewed cheering.) His desire was, and he hoped that every man in the room would agree with him in that at least, to make every thing secure in the country by endeavouring to make all c omfortable and happy. He advocated Universal Suffrage, because he thought he had no right to withhold from his neighbour the constitutional defence which he possessed himself. There was but one real title to property, and that was the title of the poor to com fortable subsistence, w ithout the sense of shame—with out the brand of degrading inferiority and forlorn aban doment to the innumerable miseries of the waste or wilderness of life. They had, it was true, bonds, cer tificates, and parchment deeds, but they were all reduce able to that at last. No man had a right to more than his neighbour, so long as that neighbour stood in netd of so much of his supcifluity as nature required to make him and his contented and secure. Let them but make the poor man's case their own, and they would more than feel the full force of the argument he bad briefly, but he hoped correctly, stated. He implored them to bury every difference—to give party to the winds, ceasing any longer to be mere partisans, and glorying in being true lovers of their country. H e was not a sectarian in religion, nor a partisan in politics. The. was but one true church, and every good man was a member of it—but one real commonwealth, and every good man was a citizen and a subject of it. The Rev. Ge„,tleman sat down amidst loud cheers. The CHAIRMAN then proposed prosperi t y for :the Working Mens' Association of Liverpool, which was receir e. w i t h lo n g Mr. SMITH moved a vote of thanks to the chairman.• The CHAIRMAN briefly returned thanks , a nd left tht.' chair, nhen the meeting separated in good order , shor tl y after were o'clock. EAST INDIA HOUSE• (Concluded from The Sun of yesterday.) The CHAIRMAN said that in submitting the resolution of the Court of Directors to the Proprietors, he trusted that he did not entertain too sanguine an expectation that the appeal would give general satisfaction. On the 22d of March, 1835 Nl,-. William Fraser was basely assassinated—cut off in the flower of life, while zealously, honestly, and uncompromis ii,gly executing the duties of his high office, to % Oriel' he had been appointed by the Governor-General.—( Hear.) Mr. Fraser had served for many years previously in Indiar and his high character was not unknown to the General Court of Proprietors.—( Hear, hear.) He (the Chairman) alluded to the character given of the deceased by the Governor-Ge neral in his despatch to the Court of Directors, in which he p•,kehighly of r. Fraser, arid said, that happily for the i+rcl csts h g of justice the instigator as well as the perpetrator of the murder had teen discovered and punished. No motive could have existed on the part of Shunasodeen Khan to insti gate the murder of Mr. Fraser except that of personal animosity for a decision given against him by the deceased, and which bad drawn dow n the ven g eance of the Nawab. Mr. Fraser had died in the zealous performance of his duty, i.nd the annuity granted to his mother, of 2001. per annum, was wholly incompatible with the valuable services ren dered to the Company. He read an extract from the memo rt vial addressed by the mother of the deceased to the Cou (which we gave yesterday), and he should be much disappointed it this simple appeal on the part of an aged mother was c a n t r esponded to by the Court of Prop rietces.—( Hear.) He co cluded by moving that the resolu tion of the Court of Direc tors be approved. The DEPUTY-CHAIRMAN seconded the motion. Sir C. FORBEs rose to move an amendment, to the effect that the further consideration of the q uestion be deferred till the next General Court, and that the papers relative to tk* grant be presented in order to afford the proprietors full infor" notion upon the subject. LIT.. MARRIOTT seconded the amendment. Sr. G. TUCKER (a Director) could not concur in the giant, ant: his reasons had been placed upon r ecord. Colonel SYKES X..! ipported the grant. Mr. CL4ItKE was anxious that the rote upon the question should be postponed. Mr. HANKEY spoke in favour of the amendment. Mr. \VIGRAM (a Director) opposed the grant. The question was then put, and the original motion carried by a considerable majority. Oa the demised of nine Proprietors, a Ballot was fixed for Tuesday, the 9th of October. FAMINE IN INDIA. The CHAIRMAN, in answer to a q uestion from Mr. Weediag' said that a despatch ha d been received from the Governor; General, in which it was state d that, owing to the late ' the famine had almost entirely ceased, on the Mr. MoNTGO I O RY MART I N g ave notice of a motio n 0 state of the land reven3es of British India. Adjourned. THE REGISTRATIONS. Mr. LEE'S CASE....- W Mr ESTMINSTER . CRAIG said, when this case '", last before him last year it was much considered, and be ) . e „ himself obliged to come to the conclusion that he was not titled to be registered. Mr. Martin's case was precisely ail!: lar, and was involved in the decision on Mr. Lee's case. "I t i, mediately after the last registration, Mr. Lee , togetherm:r Mr. Martin, entered into an agreement wit h the lan"'",.e: which was dated the 9th October , 1837, an d under that agr-e, merit they had continued to occupy up to t he present rc Inasmuch, however, as the occupation must e xtend to a Perl(l antecedent to the date of the agreement, name l y , to the 3.4 13 .`i n July, 1837, it was necessary to inquire w hat was the neton, of the occupation between the 31 st Ju l y and the 9th ign iy tober, 1837. It appeared that the occupation was Pr ee d - be the same as described in the evidence last year , 3° 7 . 00 would therefore read from the note of his former'dee'sn- e r the description which was then given of the n ' Gen' in which the house was occupied. The Learned I.. `" e io , tleman then read the following evidence :—" in a j " ° t - h s e No. 7, in Tavistock-street, Mr. Lee occupies a parlour on in ground floor, the whole of the first floor, and the kitchens" the basement. The first floor consists of four rooms. by second floor is occupied by Mr. Martin, and the third floocrlo Mr. Dixon. All these three gentlemen rent these resPe t , nt particulars of Mr. Baker, who has a lease of the house , a w ni does not by himself, his family, o r his sereants , reside iinyoll part of the house. Mr. Lee, Mr. Martin , and Mr. 1 enter by one common door from the street into a Pa 5,,, which is also common, and they ascend to the upper r all, o oms ' I J o . staircase, which I understand also to be comrcon to s o as the respective heights of the ir resective apartmeilts . „ na y or e a have each a latch key for the s treet door, and the y b t he mon right to the use of the principal key of that doOr door, however, has generally bee n fastened b y means of ) bol ts t and a chain; it has been the custom fo r one of these i.e" tlemen who happened to be last out of night to make this door secure, or if neither is out late, Mr. Lee, or Or of his family, secure the door. Mr. Martin kitchen for Dixon have a right to go down into the kiteche "r. water ; but not to use the kitchen for any ot h e r purpose. ' l " b ti d Martin has a coal cellar in the basement s tory.:' He a nd been urged to consider the grounds of his determunatinnP for ho understood that a large number of perso ns was w aiting a favourable decision, in order that they might put in e Dr , for similar qualifications before the date of that greenlet" After going through the arguments at considerable length,sion Learned Gntleman said that he had come to the conc.lute _ that the apartments occupied by Mr. Lee did not constitutbe; house, in the ordinary acceptation of the term, and tbst cb were not embraced in any legal definition of that word , w ve he could venture to follow in a question of this kind. So d " the l ; as Mr. Lee and Mr. Martin's qualification contintlet S ob same as when it was before him last year, they were P o no as to entitle them to be registered ; and this rendered it % n o cessary for him to consider the change made by the it of the 9th October, 1837. The names of Mr. Lee and Mr. Martin were therefore el" punged. 30 will g e sten. o f Bell's Life in London of Sunday, Sept. '' panic contain the most correct particulars of the li c‘ t Races, with engravings of the two Cups. Th e pub ture R the country edition of Bell's Life in London will in --bieh commence on Saturday noon, at twelve 11 o'clock, Wtloci arrangement the Papers can be forwarded b y the tw n o , n ieg• trains, and delivered in Birmingham the same ev-„,riiv• Bell's Life in London of Sunday, Sept. 16, with the e " . 9 36 of the t be ing of the splendid Doncaster Cup, also the Parr with the portrait of the winner of the St. Leger. InlY rit i' s , had at the office, 170, Strand. The ice o fßeir s 't Jour London is only Fivepence, and is now Pr printed in London. ~,z Tfl ig ASCENT car Mlt. VAN ANIBURGII A'' a r ieo the largest ROYAL NASSAU BALLOON WITH A TIGER,. FCOM iii'llicoir made yesterday at Vauxhall Gardens, it appears ° at ' : 041 0 ' sequence ha of the interference of the Mil istrates at the ~ro-11 11 Police-office, the proprietors havegresolved that thetrtbe posed merit shall not take place • but, in order to Pr / ,.. e° sal' disappointment of the public, they ' intend to exhibit we mals in the fire-work ground. i inno r Y It appears from a statement presenting 4 " ii , OP 1 folio Jou t o i f the proceedings for effecting the voluntary coo the of th e to tbs t A t u hes in each county of England and Wales I,IP gust last, that the total in England and W aleS e up Ot i f li e.. period has been—notices of meeting, 7,0 12 ; l 'lr rc-me e'l lne ° op port ceived, ,c 2,252; agreements confirmed, 1,357 ; jolt r eived, 386 ; apportionments confirmed, 7 6 . ~i Wi t -ra t JOSEPII ADY AGAIN.—From a coMi..-n so ti , --„ t7seived by the Lord Mayor a few da)s ago, it app s it oth,, lotorious personag,e has lately been though_ as yet, apparently, but little to lis 1 ....... -- - '' ' , _ c'l' '' ___ ~ tfy a i d ef int ae• PATENT LEVER AVAT-Idon• Price, at T. COX SAVORY'S, 47, Cornbill, L.° 6 6 16 X 6 6 0 SILVER CASES. With double-bottom cases ............................. With hunting cases .......... : .............................. ••"'' 11 . 1 0 GO LD CA CF.S. . *** j 4 14 $ Size for ladies, with elegant gold dial ................. ifh ic " h - ....... o n . t h the Size for gentlemen, with enamel dial ........ - This celebrated construction (the most ) n accurate ice,in watch can be made is ow oered at the above P r v iell°, 4 o% latest improvements, i. e., the detached es eapen' en ' i iairi tall four holes, capped, hand to mark th e seconds, an power to continue going while winding tip - ill, T. COX SAVORY - , 47, Working Silversmith, Goldsmith, and r _ atchtrakevt,c_t). Corn London (Seven Doors from GrUacechureh-sre I? IR TR S.of Mr' ocher, C o ____ On the 21st inst., at North Brixto n, the wife le Of roo u, of s daughter. On the 21st inst., at Clifton, near York, Mrs. Croft p ley Me ek a (laught. Ica e, On the 24th inst.. Mrs. H. Parker, Caroline -P 0 1(10, burgh-square, of a daughter. Line° In's-inn- On the 24th inst., in Great Queen - st reet, the wife of R. W. Tamplin, Esq., srageon, °f a ' °ll. ____ Cory MARRIED. John , Dan nell the 24th inst., at St. Mar - 's 13r anston-scrlaaAter 01' nell De La Rue Bevan, to EmilyYP'assey, )0 3 Y , we st ' 4 10° 4 1 Butler. - Willie ° r o ' On the 25th inst.., at St. Pancras New Church, i ans oht e Welsh, Esq., of Wells, Somerietshire, to 31ary , 44 Captain C. C. Pratt, Royal Marines. of l ' . DIED. w ife 0 iov el On the 21st inst , at ,ii(leford, Caroline Chapilla'\•ie l a te - 1 Pridham Esq., and sixth surviving‘ daughter of t ` . Of E etV Patch, Esq. fsq , At Edinburgh, on the 23J inst., John Darling, ~,f r. church-buildings, in the (i9th year of his age. u ,,hter of P. On the 24th inst. Elizabeth El:zabeth Anne, third c i la i p . .. of To , Charles Crakanthorp . , of `Wilmington-square, ag e( ' petervez.- ci. On the 24th inst., aged 81, Mr. Samuel Hen 7 sw itzeo•ndent falgar-square, Stepney, formerly of Neufchatel, I„ erivi 00" Sir l' At his seat, Broome, near Canterbury, Va n der" Bart., aged 84. Jam es , - At Brighton, on the 21st inst., Anne, relict of . zee, Esq. _ ~..---- 1 10, _—..-;,Aii,/G, (:_ lO l, / London: Printed and Published by 1111.111D0 1 Strand i n the cu 112, Strand, at The Sue Office, No. 112, t.tr„, a of Middlesex. —Thursday, September 27, INIP4 THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 18 I