The Sun. — London, England, 1838-05-23 00:00:00

prime characteristics of slavery in it, the right of one man to the labour been made out against the present working of the apprenticeship in e the of another without a corresponding obligation of rendering him pay or Colonies. He could understand that in a country likethis there might reward ; and what was still more important, there was the denial to the be a great tenacity of the regulations made by Parliament, and that too labourer of the right of choosing his master:—(Hear, hear.) Themes. great jealousy could not be exercised in order to secure the preservation ter was told that his dominion should only endure for a limited time, and of the national faith ; but he was at a loss so understand how a delibm he, professing to believe that he never could procure the service of that rate act of the Legislature could be construed into a contract, because man after the expiration of that term, was ,I.me interested in extorting he conceived that in order that it should be a legally constituted contract from him all the labour that he could, and was divested of the interest there must be two parties to it. Here, however, such a state of things he had before felt in the economy of his health and strength. did not exist, for these was the Parliament alone which acted as an am —(Bear, hear, hear.) On the other hand, the slave, doubtless tempted bitrator between the contending claims of the negro and of the West with the prospect of freedom, affected in his disposition by the promises India planter.—(Hear.) With regard to the question of compensa_ of the Abolition Act, was more alive to the ill-treatment he received, tion, if it should be contended that in the event of the abolition of the and less disposed to submission.—(Hear, hear.) He only lived upon the apprenticeship system, that which had already been given was insuili hope that he might survive the day when he could change his master, or, ment, he for one was ready to go into the whole question, but he would if he had only the feelings of a European, when he might revenge himself never accede to the proposition, that any part of the liberty of the negro upon his master. He (Mr. Villiers) could hardly conceive a more devilish should be taken as a part of the compensation given. The apprentice system of society than this would produce; the master would b e more s hi p sys t em was created solely, in his opinion, for the benefit of the tenacious of his power, and the slave more impatient of his condition, negroes, and in the Act which had been passed, that was the reason re_ and thus a constant stare of irritation would be maintained,—(Hear, cited for its adoption : it could not be said, then, that it was a part of hear.) And what was the contrivance which was devised to check all the the compensation, for the real object was to afford proper means to the evils too probable to occur from this system, and to restrain the masters slaves to pass from a state of slavery to one of freedom, in such a manner from an oppressive exercise of the power which they wielded with such as that they might be calculated to enjoy the improved means of existence complete authority and irresponsibility throughout these colonies ? It afforded them. During the last discussion on this question, the Hon. asthe constitution of the office of special justice. This was an impor_ Baronet the Under Secretary for the Colonial Department bad said th e Izntfeature in the case, and he hoped the House would give it their at_ House should not listen to statements made by persons whose imagine_ tention, as the whole working of the system turned upon it. Who, Lions were heated by the scenes which they professed to have witnessed, he asked, was this functionary that was to assume an independent but that Honourable Members should refer only to the official documents, station in these slave colonies—that was to extend protection to the and on them should rest the opinions which they formed. He had apprentice, and restrain the power of the master ? Who was to arbitrate adopted the suggestion of the Honourable Baronet, and he was bound to fairly between them in the eternal disputes that would arise be. deceare his belief that, so far as Jamaica was concerned—and there was tweenthem, that in fact was to administer the English law with intelli- reason to believe that the system was productive of equally bad conse gene., independence, and courage? Why, it was any p erson w h o cou ld queeces in other colonies--no disinterested man could look at the facts be induced to leave this country for a salary of 3001. or 4001. a_year, which were proved without coming to the conclusion that the Colonial and settle in a tropical climate, where he would find no society but that Legislature, the Stipendary Magistrates, and even the minor function_ of the planters, whose hospitality he could not accept if he intended to aries, had been leagued in one common attempt to annul and render use perform his duty, and whose hospitality if he did not accept, he would less the provisions of the Emancipation Act.—(Hear, hear.) As ro be suspected by the planter, who had in his power every means of garded the condition of the apprentices, it appeared to him that it was harassment and persecution should he decline to be the ready instrument worse than even that (Mae slaves. Formerly it was the interest of their for all his purposes.—(Hear, hear.) This was the functionary on whom owners to see that they were properly fed and taken care of, but now an the whole working of the system was to depend! Let any man calmly extent of labour was exacted from them greater than their bodily reflect on the probable conduc, cf such persons, judging them only as strength would enable them long to sustain, while their allow they would other men, namely, by the "mtnstances under which they ance of food was decreased, and they had in many other acted, and then say if they wandered at chi selsarges that are brought respects been placed in a position infinitely worse than that against them, if they felt surprise at the followiee eremunt given of them in which they were as slaves. The same observation applied by Lord Sligo from his personal knowledge. The Nobie -reds said:— to the women and children, who were tasked beyond their powers be " During the two first years of the apprenticeship, more t ee . •--enty cause their inhuman masters no longer had any interest in keeping them special justices fell victims to the climate and to their own exec.,.; . in health, and because, therefore, their only object was to procure as and many more resigned, from finding that the emolument was not ' meeh work from them as was possible. Nor was this system confined sufficient for their support ; or sickened by the opposition they met to the planters alone. The special justices had made themselves the with from the planters ; or in consequence of their bodily strength tools of the planters ; and so long as they continued to obey their wishes being unequal to the severe labour imposed on them. The first thing and views with reference to the unfortunate negroes, they were wel. that a special justice has to do on landing is, to establish an agent corned with kindness and hospitelity. If, however, on the other hand, and borrow from him money enough for his outfit of horses, saddlery, they should persist in carrying out the wholesome provisions of the portmanteau, &c. He thus becomes embarrassed at the outset, and is statutes for the protection of the apprentices, they became immediately obliged to pay a portion of his salary for the liquidation of his debt. If the objects of obloquy, and they were hunted down and perseeetsd, and he has the misfortune, not uncommon, of losing one of his horses when made the subjects of civil actions, and instances were even known in on duty, he gets into difficulty still farther ; and unless he has a pri. which, having applied to Courts of Justice, justice had been denied vote fortune, with which his expense as a Special Justice has nothing to them. With regard to the punishment of the slave, he found that the do, he cannot long maintain his independence. The stipendiaries are slave for any dereliction of duty, or improper act, was subjected to punish. compelled on this account, as well as in consequence of the scarcity of ment with the lash ; while the master, on the other hand, for any act of inns, to have recourse to the hospitality, so proverbial in Jamaica, of impropriety towards the slave, was liable cnly to a penalty not exceeding the planters; and then it is difficult for him to do his duty honestly, in 31. in amount; and although, in some instances, the slave was compelled to a house where he has been received with kindness." Again he says— give extra services to his master, yet in no instance was any portion of " Unless a magistrate be a notorious partisan of the planter, nothing the penalty inflicted on the master appropriated to the benefit of the is too bad for him; whereas, for those who are what are called slave.—(Hear, hear.) Then, again, let any man look into the system of Busha Magistratee—that is, under the influence of the overseers, workhouses, and he would venture to say that he would find in that nothing is too good. Two magistrates have been dismissed, both of alone matter such as, if it were dealt with by one skilled in eloquence, them accused of an improper administration of the Abolition Law ; would be sufficient to rouse all the feelings of humanity against it, and for both of these a subscription was immediately and liberally to induce every Honourable Member in this House to raise his voice entered into--to one a present of plate was made, and the other against a system so horrible. He did not propose to go into minute received the amount of the subscription in money. The persecutions, details, but he found cases in which men, and even women, were put to on the other hand, with which the planters visited those who showed a work, and being unable, as the phrase was, "to dance the mill," they were leaning to the side of the negroes, prove the disposition which exists to tied up by their wrists and allowed to hang there by their arms till they take advantage, if possible, of any mistake which the special justices fainted, and even in some instances until they died. He had derived these may happen to make, with the best and most humane intentions. The facts from the papers referred to by the lion. Baronet, and even these cases of Bourne and Oldrey are remarkable instances of the feeling were not all that he had learned. With reference to the hours of labour which prevailed throughout every part of these transactions. The the recommendations of the Government received no attention; and other instance of persecution of the special justices which it will be although it was admitted on all hands that the nine-hour system was necessary particularly to advert to, happened to fall to the lot of Mr. more advantageous for the apprentice, inasmuch as it afforded him Baynes. From the time that he took an active part in trying to punish an extra holiday on Fridays, yet the planters persisted in retaining those gross and cruel violations of the law which took place in the work. the eight_hour syst e m in opposition to the wishes of the Legislature house of the parish of St. John's, it was determined that all means of as well as the interests of the apprentice. He would ask the House, annoyance should be put into force against him." What does he say then, was this the state of things which had been purchased by the besides ? Why, that upon the special justice depends the whole good peep:e of this country ?—(Hear. hear)--and Was there one man in the working of the system.—(Hear.) Why should there be any wonder, House who would consent to be a party to the continuance of such a then, after this avowal, that a special justice should be cognizant of all st stem for one hour longer ? He was quite sure that the imme the horrors detailed in James Williams's narrative, and re t print Mete abolition of slavery in all its fowls would do no harm, and them ? Why should the r e be any wonder that those in this he was quite sure that until that step was taken there would House who were connected with West India property, and Le no happiness and no peace for the unfortunate apprentice desired to vindicate the system, should eagerly quote the The necessity of preparatory enactments had been talked of, reports of the special justices, and denounce the persons who but he was quite confident that the necesity for them was bring to light the case ofJames Williams as anonymous slanderers? How not so pressing but that it might be dispensed with, al_ could Hon. Members doubt that the majority of the reports would be in though he must admit that some such preparation would be favour of the system, and that only a minority would have the nerve to advisable; still, however, such a reason ought not to weigh with the detail to us all the horrors of which they had had cognizance ? This was House when a measure of such vast importance was under considers. an important consideration for the House, because it should be rernem_ tion, but they should stiffer all those minor details to be more fully con bored that the special justice was the only security which they had that sidered when the time should arrive at which they were required. It the system in future would not be as bad and as infamous as it had already was on these grounds that he had determined to give his support to the proved to be. And now, havi ng s h own that the apprenticeship system 'melon of the Hon. Baronet opposite; and on these grounds he called on was attended with no advantage, and with no security against abuse, he any Hon. Gentleman who might entertain a doubt on the subject to give wished to learn what was ths objection to complete emancipation ? the motion the benefit of that doubt, and to vote in its favour. Would any person pretend that if it was not beneficial to the apprentice, :sir. W. ROCHE rose amidst loud cries of "divide!" and, after a that it was to the propreetor e Why, it was now acknowledged, few observations, expressed his intention to support the motion. and beyond question, that free !abour was more economical than slave Mr. HUME was also greeted with renewed cries of" divide divide!" labour. This point had long been settled. The only doubt was, whe. He said that, although the debate had hitherto proceeded in a very lan ther the negro would labour if he were free; but if he would not, that quid manner, yet the subject was one of the very first importance con_ was an argement against freedom, not for the apprenticeship system ; nee ted with the interests of this country. It might be considered that but that doubt had now been removed by experiment, and it was shown the deliberate opinion of Parliament having been taken on that the negro was as industrious, orderly, and docile, when free as the subject already in the course of the present session, any peasant in any part of the world ; that he coveted all the objects the question was of so little importance as to induce many of civilised life, and was actuated, when free, by all the motives Hoe. Gentlemen to stay away from the House this evening ; but that influenced other men in free communities,—(Hear.) Evi- the question having been brought forward, he thought that as he was un dence there was now in abundance, that it was greatly to the interest of :Miens support the motion of the Honourable Baronet, he was bound to the proprietors to emancipate their slaves. He had seen letters from state his reasons for supporting the view taken of the subject by Ministers. Antigua, from Jamaica, and from other places, all showing that the lie could not but express his satisfaction that in all the discussions which estates had risen in value since the slaves had been made free —(heer, had taken place on this subject no person had been found who was bold hear.) What, then, he would ask, was the excuse for keeping these enough to stand forward to say that the slavery system was one which wretched people any longer in bondage, exposed to all the cruelties and should be continued. Every man had reprobated that system, and he abuses of which the system was capable ?---(Hear, hear.) He would not was convinced that the situation of the House since 1833 in reference to longer detain the House by going into all the details and documents the question, was such as to induce every Honourable Member to wish which would substantiate his views, but he defied contradiction in any that some means should be taken to secure a final adjustment of the quarter, deduced, as his opinions were, from a careful perusal of all the question on the most advantageous footing. He did not forget that he evidence which was now before the public. He contended that the am_ was a party to the Act of 1833 ; but he must express his conviction that prenticeship system was of advantage to no party—that it engendered the Government had done all that was in its power to carry out the bad and bitter feelings between those whom it was an object to unite by meeseres of that enactment. The question was, whether the intentions every social tie ; but it was above all things dangerous to suffer the of Parliament had been frustrated, and if so, what should be done? — partial emancipation that was to occur this year, inasmuch as the most (Hear, hear.) He had heard, with deep regret, of many instances horrid state of feeling would be produced by the distinctions that of individual cruelty ; but he was not able to find that there would then be erected, and the sufferings of those who were continued had been an indiscriminate violation of the Emancipation Act in bondage would be rendered far more severe. If there was no other (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, those instances to which he had al_ reason that justified immediate emancipation, it was, that in luded seemed to have been received with general reprobation. The ',- direct violation of the Abolition Act there had been no prover classifica- suit of his ,resse cases of violation of the Act did not tion of those who were isessees: w ireetiom tins year as the non-prmdial, form anything like the majority of cases.—(Hear, hear.) If, then, this ,;:we wno were termed prandial, who were to be emancipated in was the case, was it just that they should overturn the compact made for 1840. Indeed, the distinction at all was most unwise, as nothing was the benefit of the negro ?—(Hear, hear.) If they broke the agreement more calculated to render field labour distasteful to the negro in future that was made with the colonies, would the result not prove detrimental than the brand which was now imposed upon it by the law in postponing to the negro population? They had made a solemn promise that the state the boon of freedom to those who had been so engaged. Regarding it, of apprenticeship should be continued for a certain time; and they had then, in every view, he could not discover one solid reason against the pledged themselves that this should be observed by this country. The object of the present resolution. All that could be alleged was the colonies had at once assented to the agreement, and th e y h a d repeate dl y compact with the plant er th a t h e s h ou ld reta i n hi s wretched power till been assured by the Government that they would not interfere fur -1840, which if there was any person fastidious enough to consider ther than by endeavouring to promote every measure connected binding, after gross violation by the planters themselves, he would with the future welfare of the negroes. He was of opinion that it only ask the House to reflect whether any other moral could be drawn was the duty of the Legislature not to lend themselves to a pro_ from its disregard but this—that when a great but dangerous country, position of this kind, which involved a sudden change without like England, determined at an enormous sacrifice, to accomplish a gene- making adequate provisions for the consequences that must ensue. sous and benevolent object it would not suffer itself to be defied and de. He did not intend by these observations to cast any reflections on frauded wit} impunity by those with whom it had, in a liberal and con- those who demanded immediate emancipation ;on the contrary, he was fiding spirit, bargained.—(Cheers.) prepared to bestow every praise, on the Quakers in particular, for Mr. BLACKETT said that as this was a question which much into'. their exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought that the rested his constituents he wished to say a few words. Ihe question was Legislature should be slew in Misdoing themselves to the opinions not how by abolition they were to punish individual cases of cruelty or of those who were excited by their feelings, and who believed the oppression on the part of the planters, for which he wished the House repasts which they had received from the colonies, but which had had the power of visiting them with punishment, but rather how they been greatly exaggerated.—(Hear, hear) With regard to the could reconcile the general welfare of the whole body of planters with existence of abuses he could not shut his eyes to the evident ex_ the duty of the House, of the negro, and with the faith of the country. istence Of the greatest abuses for a long time in this country, where He had looked over the evidence most carefully, and though he might there were laws to protect all classes, and where public opinion have come to a decision which would be unsatisfactory to many to was so stro..gly expressed ; therefore be was not at all surprised whose good opinion he was much indebted, and whom he held in high to hear of outrageous proceedings occasionally occurring in the co esteem, yet he felt compelled to adhere to his first opinion, and to support lonics ; but every desire had been manifested by the Govern her Majesty's Government. Could it be supposed that in any vote which ment and the colonial authorities to put a stop to these objection_ he might give he would be indifferent to the fate of the negro, and that able practices. At any rate it wa s the duty of the Government to he would not be most happy to emancipate him if he could do so with a take care to prevent any future abuses existing in the colonies, and if due regard to safety and justice?—(Hear, hear, hear.) When the any should now be found to exist they should at once be put down. The Abolition Bill was introduced, Mr. Stanley had stated that negro Hon. Member then read a number of extracts from the report of the labour was to form part of the compensation to be given to the Anti-Slavery Society, with the view of showing that where abuses planters, and he could not see how a resolution solemnly entered into existed, the Government had always, on complaint being made, shown a by the Parliament of this country could be alt ere d, Il e thou g ht, al s o, disposition to put them down. The inference he drew from all that he that many of the evils in the practical working of the measure had been re_ had read on this subject was, that the Legislature should be extremely meshed by the arrangements of Lord Glenelees Bill—(Hear, hear)— cautious in taking any hasty steps such as were involved in the present which would give an honest and immediate relief to the abuses which bad moment. If the Act that had been passed was not found sufficient to been pointed out, and the remedies proposed by that Bill had the merit of protect the negroes, let them at once proceed to make a more stringent working independently of the local legislatures; and he thought that, under law which cou'd be readily enforced. He agreed that they had not this good Government, tile intervening time might be well employed in gained all that had been anticipated by the Appointment of special rnagis preparing the negro in comfort until the last shackle should fall from the (rates ; this, he believed bad chiefly arisen from tire circumstance that limbs of the slave, and he should enjoy that perfect freedom to which they had not been able to induce a class of persons which they ex every man was entitled.—(Hear, hear.) pected would be willing to do so to undertake that office. This, how- Sir H. VERNEY said there was another reason why he should ever, was a failure, rather from the want of adequate means that could support the course taken by her Majesty's Government upon this clues- be employed than from intention. Ile was most anxious to fulfil Lion. He thought that this country had been guilty of as great a crime those engagements which had, as he thought, much to the honour as had ever been committed, and a crime which would never be of the country, been entered into in 1833, and he never could effaced by the mere shortening of the term of apprenticeship, agree that they should be broken in the way now proposed. Would when it had allowed the importation of slaves into its West it be for the advantage of the negro population in the West Indies that India colonies ; and that, without effaceig the crime by the im.. the present arrangement should be set aside? What would be the mediate emancipation of the negroes, tias country would thereby result ot; even in this country, at once breaking the titles between lower its position, and be enabled to take a less firm position master and servant ? Would it not be to cause a great deal of distress with time colonial Legislatures, and would be less able to compel those to the latter ! Under these circumstances he was anxious to see oppres- Legislatures to pass the necessary laws for securing the perfect freedom sion removed in all parts of die empire and although there . . were many of the slaves, than if it maintained the Act as originally passed. The acts of the Government which he disapproved of, he had no doubt that object of the Legislature should be, by securing the good will of the they had a sincere desire of enforcing the Act of 1833. planter, to promote the permanent interest of the slave. The present Mr. E. L. BULWER—Whatever good might have been produced by proposition was well calculated to throw odium on that (the ministerial) the excitement referred to by his Honourable Friend the Member for side of the House, and to alienate the good will of parties in the country Wolverhampton, one evil it at least had effected—it had made the from the Ministers who had ably and zealously co-operated with them House suppose that Members who agreed with him were actuated by in striking the shackles from the slave: such an effect the motion was their constituents, not by deliberate judgment; and fearing he should to have ; such an effect it might have, because he believed that her not be exempt from that reproach, he felt it was almost hopeless to ask Majesty's Ministers would enter upon no such consideration, and that no the House for that patient and silent hearing it had not hitherto afforded thought of that kind would make them shrink from what they thought to those who agreed with him.—(Hear, hear.) He should not enter to be their duty; and that they would not give way to any immediate into the abstract inquiry whether or not there was a comeact between or personal interest, but would look to the good of the country gene_ the planters and this country, or whether it were a law with conditions rally, which all ought to support. It was thought also that a pos- attached to it—it was quite clear that our honour was equally pledged sible majority on this motion might have the effect of displacing from to the planter—(Hear, hear, hear)—ay, and to two other parties_. office that Government to whom belonged the honour of destroy. equally pledged to see that faith was kept with the planters, that faith ing the great curse of this country, negro slavery.—(Hear, hear.) was kept with the negroes, and that faith was kept with the English This honour, however, would not soon he forgotten, and the Mi. people according to the promises and the understanding for which they nisters, he was sure, had deemed this honour greater than any emolu- paid their money,—(Hear.) Those promises and that understanding ments to be derived from office, This was the effect which the motion were, the English Act of Parliament which declared that slavery should was intended to have.—(oh, oh, and No, no.) He heard cries from cease and the speeches of the Government, especially of the Noble some friends near him disclaiming such intention ; but did they sup- Lord the Member for Lancashire, in which he declared that after the pose that it was o n the consistency of enemies of negro slavery that he passing of that Act every slave should enjoy every right and every pri meant to cast censure ? far from it; but if he cast any censure it was vilege of a freeman, subject to this restrictian only, that he should for upon those who, having been the supporters of those who have all their a certain time remain under contract to labour industriously in the lives been opposed to emancipation, now took advantage of the present service of the employer. Now, this is the question from which proposal to obtain a little popularity in the country, and to strike a the opponents to the present motion shrink. They talk of pre. blow and inflict an injury on her Majesty's Government. It was true serving a compact and keeping faith solely that the course which he w,,s tsking d emanded a sacrifice on his part planters, and seem quite toforget the two other partres to whom in differing from many individual, em whom h e f e l t great respect, but they had given equal promises the negroes and the English people.— be did so because he was satisfied that. I motion was made without (Cheers) Now, then, has faith been kept with them; have the pro_ any regard for the safety or advantage of the - -try, and only to ob- raises of the Noble Lord been fulfilled ? The Hon. Baronet the teen some temporary popularity at the expense of e - esters. In con- Tinder-Secretrry for the Colonies says —yes, by the majority' ; he says elusion, he would say that if he did not believe that the sees sehich h e th a t "i n t h e great majority of instances there has been on the part of proposed to g i ve wou ld benefit the cause of the slaves, he conks - - se ' the West India proprietors a bona fide adherence to the spirit as well the Hou se that no party f ee li ng or bias could induce him to vote ~. 4 the letter of the Emancipation Act." Now (said the Hon. Member) PPosition to the motion of the Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) I nd that the Act or the compact has been violated, not by a Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN said that this seemed to him to be one of minority —not even by a small majority, but by nearly the whole body those occasion s on w hi ch the Government m i g ht sacrifice the principl e Of the planters in every colony where legislative assemblies exist, which they had laid down in order to obey the voice o f the country, For how, in the first place, can eation deal with nation, or a and the voice of the majority of the House.—(Hear, hear.) He mother country with her colony, emeept through the medium Vibuglit that theterguments on the other side resolved itself into two of the legislative assemblies in those 'zees where I ems.. / 0/7,&e,-caufseT&i,lTletsu! , , one of which grounded itself on the alleged contract of' lative assemblies exist ? When you suspended ' the Conan.. *1:30 bstt4eifthy House a n d the West India planters, by w hi c h a com- t u t ion o f Canada you said, justly, that it was not so much on accouet tr - 'i .perisatiopwa.igftenikty this country t o t h e planters, w hich it was eon- of the revolt, as because of th e con d uct of the Legislative Assembly die! , Sse le etslssiseCor4letedef ofmoney, as w e ll as of the services of the slaves The Assembly, where it exists, is the legiti ma t e organ, not of a mine : . ''' Ires lot oerigriretsisse to!which the r i g h t of the planters could not be con- city, not of a majority, but of the whole body,—(Cheers.) Well, then, l'sre'• tee cited.- the othar_argument seemed to be that no adequate case had is it not of the Legislative Assemblies freely chosen by the white popu .sesseseress - est- - *4 - "Ni Jot a lation—the voice of all the planters--that your governors most com plain ? The Assembly of Jamaica, containing the largest slave popu lation of all, you give up. You have the evidence of your own gover nor that that Assembly violated the law or the compact in almost every particular—in the hours of labour, in the allowance of food, in the flogging of females. You have Lord Sligo's evidence not only that they violate the law or the compact, but when the violation is pointed out they do not pay the smallest attention to his remonstrances.—(hear, hear.) Mr. Jeremie, in the Appendix to the Report of the Select Committee on Negro Apprenticeship, after comparing the Jamaica Act with the English Act, states (page 5 of the Appendix) that " nearly every one of the enactments of the Jamaica Act is directly opposed to the spirit and letter of the British Act, and therefore that they are legally null and void of initio." Who is Mr. Jersrnie ? Why the prime, the favourite authority of the Government. Mr. Beldam, after analysing the Jamaica Acts, states that the passing of the Act No 3, and the subsequent conduct of the Jamaica House of Assem bly on the question of the revival of the Act No. e., which, note ith. standing the remonstrances of the Home Government and the Colonial Governor, had been suffered to expire, removed all further motives for delicacy in treating with this refractory colony, as it plainly demon strates the want of good faith so long and so loudly complained of by the friends of the enfranchised negroes. It now remains to be decided by a competent tribunal whether laws of the character already exhibited in the preceding analysis, are to be accepted as an adequate and satisfactory fulfilment of the conditions upon which twenty millions sterl.ng have been paid by the mother country?—(hear.) And 1s Jamaica a single instance ? No ! Pass on to page 83 —we come to Barbadoes. " The Barbadoes Abolition Acts, even it: their amended form, exhibit most of the glaring defects already noticed in the Jamaica Abolition Acts," these detects being nothing more nor less than viola tions of the English law, in other weeds, of the mutual compact. But Barbadoes and Jamaica are solitary instances. Not so. For the sarne authority (your own authority, mind) goes on to state " that the laws of nineteen colonies, in many respects equally objectionable with those already commented upon, must undergo the same inquiry.'' So, then, not by individuals, not by minorities, but by the constituted delegates of their whole bodies, the planters have been guilty of systematic, gene_ ral, deliberate, formal violation of your boasted compact 2—(Cheers.) Even in the first flush of their pecuniary triumph, with the British gold yet heavy in their hands, with the ink scarcely dry on the Imperial Act, we beheld these men making their own Assemblies the systematic de. (eaters of the law and the fraudulent violators of its conditions. Well, but are the legislative assemblies the only criminals ? Where fleet should we look to see If the planters have broken faith as a body ? Not to individuals; no, but to their subordinate authorities—their officials —these are the next representatives of their opinions and conduct. What does your favourite, Mr. Baynes, say (Part IV., p. 314) of the Local Magistrates? Why that"the illegal commitment ofapprentices to th e house of Correction by the Local Magistrates isa practice prevalent throughout the island of Jamaica, though a manifest violation of the first principle of the abolition law." What can we say of a Coroner's Jury, who, in the celebrated instance of the woman tortured to death at Vie treadmill, re turned a verdict—" Died by the visitation of God ?" What can we say of constables, generally selected for their qualifications as slave drivers ? What of Grand Juries, charged by Sir Liouel Smith himself of disrsg ef their oaths ? The fact is clear, from the highest to the lowest, the officials are net diessemars f bat tr 's and instruments for consummating oppression on the negro, and completing the fraud upon British credulity.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But well, said the seconder of the motion in that speech which, if it fell cold on the House, would not fall cold on the country—well said the Member for Wolverhampton, that we could want a stronger proof of the universal violation of the compact, than your own Bill, which is to be universally applied.— (Cheers.) What does your Bill propose ?—merely to enforce the former Act, which in all its provisions had been invaded; and what was that Act, but the parch ment of the very contract upon which you insist ? I then throw back upon you your own assertion of breach of faith. I assert that with the planter we have kept faith; that there was no adulteration, no par ing and filching of the gold he received; perfect it was in tale and weight. You kept faith with the planter ; but I tell you with whom it is you ask us to break faith—with the thousands and tens of thousends whom you mocked with the name of free—(Cheers)—with the majesty of the Imperial Parliament, whose acts have been trampled under foot— with the people of England, who paid their millions, Hot to abolish the name slavery, but the thing slavery. You ask us to break faith with justice, with humanity, with Heaven itself, in order that you may keep faith with Mammon.—(Loud cheers.) But the Honourable Member for Newark claims exemption for British Guiana! Barbadoes, Jamaica, you cannot get over; the first lawyer in England has allowed that Jamaica violated the compact. Well, then, what is Jamaica? Why, the colony possessing the largest slave population of all. Ja uaica has four times the slave population of Guiana; Barbadoes has nearly the same population as Guiana. What, then, if we were to meet the Member for Newark at once by making him a present of Guiana ? What if we were to say, This is but one colony--it is subordinate to Jamaica, the colony which it is impossible to defend. Grant that Guiana is immaculate—grant that your facts are true—and still the innocence of one colony is never to be held as an exemption for the guilt of the others—(Hear, hear)—or at most, all you can do is to make a special case for Guiana ; and 1 call on the House to observe that all the Hon. Member can say on that subject may be at most to vindicate one colony ; but till he has proved Jamaica, and Barbadoes, and the Mauritius innocent, he cannot prove any thing against passing the present resolution.—(Cheers.) But is Guiana innocent? The Honourable Member fur Newark on a &rifler night complained of es parse and unproved :tatemento. Did he indulge in none himself? Hese not nearly all his facts been denied in public rnet t:rigs, and in the fare of day—denied by eye-witnesses of the state of Guiana—denied by references to parliamentary documents ? (Mr. Gladstone shook his head and smiled.) Ay, and though it may suit Honourable Members to sneer at the zeal of the friends of the negro, I say that, according to all the laws of testimony, it is more likely that men having no sinister and settle!) interest to serve will give more faithful accounts than tine planters, who lieve a direct personal interest to bias their judgment.—(Loud cheers.) I grant that in Guiana the negro is much better off than in Jamaica. I grant that it is the colony in which slavery seems least odious. But is Guiana innocent? Has not Guiana violated the law? Has it not in. vaded the contract? Listerr again to your own beloved authority in the report upon the system of apprenticeship. Does not your own analyst assert that in many most important points the British Guiana Act violates the compact, that is the Imperial Act, for the Act and the com pact you allow are one and the ;same The power of inflicting un limited extra labour as a punishment for grevious complaints is repug nant to the Imperial Act, and would of itself explain much of the ap parent content of this colony." So again, section 0 and 10—" These clauses contain direct. infringements of the rights of manumission, and are plainly repugnant to the Imperial Act." But is this all ? I will concede to the Hon. Member, that punishment in Guiana have greatly decreased of late. But in the returns before the House, the third table, from the Ist of June, 1836, to the 31st of May, 1837, gives a total of punishments of 7,596, which averages one in every nine appren tices throughout the colony; and if you will compare this with any re turn from Jamaica (fur that or any other year) you will find it (compared with the relative populations) •equal in the average to the number of Punishments in Jamaica; viz., to the most barbarous of all the co lonies.—(Hear, hear.) But punishments has decreased since. Yes ! and why ? I call in Sir James Carmichael Smyth, who is your auffia rity for maintaining the remeeeticesnip, as my witness tier its abolition . —oecause (according to Sir James Smyth's uniform te s timony), not ofl the leniency of he planters, but because of the exemplary conduct ofi the ne&roes He says, that " whatever complaints have been made against the labourer, it has appeared on investigation, that the fault arose from the fraud or illegal exactions of the planters." He asserts that in mm part of the globe are the labouring population more peace able, more industrious than in Guiana. In his speech ofJanuary, 1836 (2. part 111, p. 120), he says, " I ask if any gentleman can point out any part of his Majesty's dominions where fewer crimes are committed, where greater tranquillity is enjoyed, or where the labouring popu_ lation is more industrious? Well, will the House believe that in the very year he pronounces this eulogium on the population, the returns of punishment —yes, in that very month of January, 1836 amount to 922, which would gi ve an average o f 11,064 for the whole year, being nearly a sixth part of the whole popu lation—(Hear, hear)--a population thus industrious, thus orderly, thus free from crime, and yet thus punished under the orders of the spe cial magistrate. What do Sir James Smyth's statements prove? Why. that this admirable population is fit for liberty, and every word in its fa vour is a testimony in favour of the motion before the House.—(Loud cheers.) We remember the effect produced by the Member for Newark, when he told us of the slaves on air elate clubbing together, and sanding to their white brethren in these realms, who were in distress, the con. tribution of their savings. And when I heard that touching ins tance of humanity and beneficence in those poor negroes, I did compere them with us ; I did ask whether those men had not proved themselves by that very act fit for emancipation, and I blushed to think that the genius of one of our ablest Members was at that instant citing their very virtues as an argument for their continued degradation.—(Cheers.) And you assert that the slaves are not fit for immediate freedom. Will two years of additional misery render them more fit? Is there anything in the justice of Jamaica taskmasters and overseers that can trein them up to a better comprehension of freedom ? . Not fit for liberty, when in Guiana your Governor tells you that there is no more improving and industrious population—(Hear, hear)—not in the colonies —no, but in all her Majesty's (dominions. Not fit for freedom, when in Jamaica your own special magistrates declare that in respect for the law and in religious sentiments the negroes are superior to the p'anters ! Well, but they may be fit for freedom; but still Heaven knows what might happen if it were granted immediately. Why, in Antigua, the slaves have twig been emancipated, and you have, therefore, had the comparison between apprenticeship and immediate emancipation, and what has been time re sult? In a colony where there was but a handful of whites, and an immense preponderance of negroes, not an outrage has been coin:l - fitted —not a labourer has left the country—not an estate has fallen out of cultivation. I have heard that a Member of this House, previous to the emancipation, would have given away for nothing an estate in Antigua to any one who would emancipate the slaves on it; that the estate was a yearly loss to him, and that it now brings in 1,5001. a year.—(hear.; Danger horn the free negro! Why, in Antigua, who are the police them. selves?— Who are the constables?—Negroes ; and if there was no dan ger in Antigua, where the whites are so few, and the negroes so numer ous, how can there be danger in Jamaica, where the white population could at any moment master any insurrection of the blacks.--(Hear, hear.) But what does Sir Lionel Smith, in one of his last dos. patches, November 13, 1837—what does lie tell you ? Why, that so far from the Jamaica planters thinking there would be the least danger in emancipation, " all parties would agree to abandon the system to morrow for further compensation."—(Cheers.) Well, but we are nut provided with laws for the'apprentices after they become and they mill be in a worse condition if you emancipate them, than they are new• Oh, how this argument condemns the Colonial Govern ment, for are you not going now to emancipate the non-prx.lial la. bourers ? On time Ist of August, 1838, you will turn loose 50,000 fr ee:nen on society, and where are the laws to provide for them? And you cannot draw any distinction between them and the psmdials, with out also condemning yourselves. For though no laws are passed, you have been yet recommending to the various States to enfranchise the prmdials. The Isle of Nevis has already done so, Tortola will follow the example, Dominica and Grenada appear disposed to do so ; and if, therefore, your argument were good, you yourselves would heave re commended the very measure which you tell us would b e more injuri_ ous to the negroes than the present system. Oh, but then you say there isa difference whether the colonists do this of their own accord or whe ther we compel them to do it. And how does Barbad oes (the third greatest sieve colony), meet this assertion ?—(H ear, hear.) Why, the House o f Assembly tells you that it w ou ld be placing itself in an onerous position with the British Parliament, were it to su persede by an act of its own one of the most important provision s of the Abolition law, mill thereby assume to itself the responsibility of a mea sure which could be carried into effect with more safety and with greater chance of success by that august body. The fact is the vory colonies that hold out are the very colonies that have most insulted the mother coun try, most dumped the English people, and most flagrantly violated the corn part—viz. Jamaica and Barbadoes.—(Hear, hear.) And they hold out avowedly only in the hope of extorting a larger ransom, and doubling the pieces of silver they have already received as the price of blood. It is not to them—it is to us you owe the account; we have paid the ran som—it is for you to obtain the redemption.—(Cheers) But you say it is only two years—why make this pother for two years ? What! are two years nothing in the life of a man ? Observe ! when any convicted criminal in this country is sentenced to a few years' imprisonment or transportation—observe the interest that is made to strike two years off the term; but now, when you add infinite suffer ing and torture to time sentence, you call two years nothing in the ag grcgam of human existence.—(Hear, hear.) And how do you expect that this system will continue in defiance of the people of England, under whose petitions your table groans? How can you expect se curity, and peace, and order, when the negro on one state sees the ne groes on another (no better than himself) are free, when father and son are separated by your unintelligible verbal barbarisms of prxdial and non-p.m. la'--when you yourselves are recommending their legislators to emancipate thew, aid r:!3 , ..,1, if they were to rise (which heaven forbid) you would not dare to interpose a military force lime tete Leen. try between mutual massacre and revenge 7—( Hear, hear.) And the Colonial Government hope that the parchment of the Act passed throng' this House will serve to remedy all evils. If so, why recom , mend emancipation ?—(llear, hear.) But you know it cannot. Your Bill devises two remedies : Ist, you propose to give proclamations the ford of law ; 2 int, You arm your special magistrates with new authority. As to proclamations, your own governors tell you that the planters laugh them to scorn. As to giving them the force of law, law itself is a dead letter, when the public opinion of those on whom it is imposed does not breathe into it the only principle of life it can receive. —(Cheers.) Special magistrates, why, what have they been ? Either the mere tools of the planter, or else, where they have been the friends of the negro, they have only succeeded in embroiling matters, and exciting false hopes in the negro, new tyranny in the planter. Take the case of Judge Palmer. He was superseded : for what offence ? Will the House believe it ?—" because the Commissioners of Inquiry dec'ared that lie administered the law in the spirit of the English abolition Act, and that the present state of St. Thomas.in-the-Vale was to be attri buted to such a mode of administering the abolition law." So, here is a special magistrate condemned and punished for administer ing the law in the spirit in which we framed it, and according to the object for which the English people paid their gold--( Hear, hear.) But few Magistrates commit the same offence and incur the same fate as Judge Palmer :oh no. I find the Jamaica Standard (the organ of the planters) loud in praise of Special Magistrates as men who have done their duty, and calling upon the planters to contribute money to the widows and families of such of them as have died. The friend of the negro is suspended—the friend of the planter obtains pensions for his family. And these are the unimpeachable judges, on whose zeal for the negro the Colonial Government places all its superstitious reliance. No, depend upon it, all attempts to relax and mitigate slavery are hopeless and absurd. There are no ways of patching up the everlasting distinc tion between slavery and freedom ; all that you can do is to diminish the interest of the planter in the health and life of the negro, and leave the wretch more exposed to the jealousy, because more obnoxious to the fears of the tyrant. I cannot understand this one-sided niceness of conscience, this terror of violating by a hair's breadth your compact with a planter, and this deaf and blind indifference to the equal obliga tions clue to the other parties of the compact, the negroes and the people of these realms.—(Cheers.) You know that our law, which was the corn. pact, has baen violated in, all the colonies; you know that the English people have not got that for which they paid their money, and yet you give up the i ights of two parties for the sake of the third, a guilty party, and find no sanctity except where you are forced to recognize fraud, anti frame a new law to resist oppressicii.—( Hear, hear.) The Member for Ness ark talks of the planters as a body of men equally merciful and ma ligned. Mr. GL A DSTONE.—No Mr. BULWER —cNThat, - ;hen, I mistake! If not merciful their case falls to the ground ; if you ,ay they are, you say only what was said of them in the days of Wi!berforce and Clarksrm.--(Hear, hear.) But I say nothing against them, but against the system. We dispute for years upon the forms an.! ceremonies of our religion, whether this oath may be abolished—whether this distinction may be removed—whether by one law or by another we can best preserve the husk and shell of religion—its ecclesiastical establishment. I honour all men's con sciences upon these points ; but I say we have now come to the foun tain of Christianity itself—its ali-piotecting brotherhood, its all smb.a_l:l,;. love. When scholars and divines have summed up the blessings that our common creed has conferred upon mankind, first and foremost of those blessings they have placed the aboli tion of that slavery which stained and darkened the institutions of the Pagan world. I know of no Pagan slavery worse than this Christian Apprenticeship Bill.—(Cheers.) Here, then, we fight again the same battle as our first fathers, the primitive Christians, from whom all our sects and divisions have emerged. Here is a ground upon which Catholic and Protestant, and the various families of dissent, all may unite ; and I do believe that h;. who votes against this dark hypocrisy of slavery in disguise will obtain something better than the approval of constituents —something holier than the gratification of party triumph and political ambition—in the applause of his own conscience, and in those blessings that will not rise the less to the Eternal Throne because they are uttered by the victims of human avarice and pride.--(Con.- tinued cheering) The Housethen divided. The numbers were— For the motion Against it Oq tIJ Majority ... —3 REGISTRATION OF VOTERS (IRELAND). Mr. Sergeant JACKSON then rose, pursuant to notice, to move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to the registra tion of voters and Wang of polls in Ireland. The Right Hon. the Attorney-General for Ireland had already introduced a Bill in con nection with this subject, but not a word was said in reference to the registration of freemen in Ireland. Many of the clauses of the Right Hon and Learned Gentleman's Bill were extremely objectionable. One of the in provided that no person could be admitted to register as a freelnan in Ireland unless he was in a position to enforce his claim by a writ of mandamus. The Bill before the House contained, in his opi nion, some objectionable matter ; while, on the other hand, there were some important points which were omitted. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin (Mr. O'Connell) had complained of the Irish Reform Bill, that it gave a stinted franchise to Ireland as compared with that of England; he should be prepared to discuss that question with him whenever there was an opportunity, and to show that the qualification in Ireland was in fact of a much more extensive character than the qualification in this country. There were certain abuses at the poll which the Bill of his Honourable and Learned Friend did not pro pose to rectify, and his object was not only to amend the law of regis tration, but to improve also the law of election. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, Mr. Justice Perrin, and Mr. O'Loughlin, had brought in Bills to amend the law of registration and of election, and to assimilate the law of Ireland in regard to these matters with the law of England; but their Bills had all in their turns been abandoned. The fact, however, of the introduction of the Bills was a sufficient autho rity to support him in the course he was pursuing. In conclusion, he begged the House to give him leave to bring in his Bill, and he trusted that out of the two rneaures that would then be before the Ilouse, one "night be framed which would effbct some beneficial changes.--(Hear, hear, hear.) Ile moved fur leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to the Registration of Votes and taking of Polls in Ireland. Lord MORPETII said the object of the Honourab'e and Learned Gentleman being to bring the whole subject into consideration of the public, he should have no objection to the introduction of the measure, the House being left perfectly free to deal with it as they thought fit— either to adopt the Bit', or to adhere, which he hoped they would do, to the Bill of his Honourable and Learned Friend the Attorney-General for Ireland.—Leave given. SAVINGS' BANKS. Mr. HUME brought forward, pursuant to notice, a series of reso tions relative to the state of saving's banks. Ile said he should now only move that they be printed, and should give due notice of the day on which he would bring them under the consideration of the House. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, being anxious to avoid any of the mistakes which might arise out of doors on the sub ject if the reso:utions were entered on the journals of the House, he hoped Honourable Gentleman would consent to allow them in the present in stance to be only printed and circulated with the parliamentary papers fur the consideration of Members. Mr. HUME concurred in this arrangement. Ordered to be printed. SAVE RY. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—IL am desirous of addressing a fear words .5 the House in consequence of the division which has taken place to night on the motion of the Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) I have no wish to revive the discussion on that motion, but I feel it might lead to serious consequences —I fear that great evils might result if the inten tions of the Government on the subject were left even for a single evening in doubt.—(Cheers.) The resolution which has been carried by a majority of three has in contemplation the alteration of an Act of Parliament—(Hear, hear)—and of course that alteration could only be effected by another Act, which it would be necessary for the Hon. Ba. ronet or some one else to introduce. I wish, therefore, to declare that if the Hon. Baronet proceeds to introduce a Bill, or moves the adoption of any other measure in pursuance of the vote of this evening, her Majesty's Ministers will consider it their bounden duty to give to such a proposi tion their most strenuous and determined opposition.—(Much sheering.) THE TOWER. On the motion of Mr. HUME a return was ordered of the number of persons admitted to see the armouries in the Tower in each of the past years 1827 to 1838, distinguishing the number of those who were admitted free of charge by Government orders and by Ordnance orders ; the number of those who paid for admittance, stating the amount paid for admission by each person for the several objects and parts of the same in each of the years; also, the aggregate amount of money received in each year, and how applied. LICENSED VICTUALLERS, &c. Mr. PRYME moved for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the house: of licensed victuallers and coffee-house keepers within the me tropolis. After a few words from Lord J. Russell, Col; Wood, and Mr. Hawes, the motion was withdrawn. HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. Sir F. TRENCH moved the re-appointment of the Select Committee on building the Houses of Parliament. He explained that his object was to amalgamate the Ventilation and the Building Committees, which he considered might now be done with advantage. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the motion, as it tended to unsettle Leans which had been already agreed to by that House and the other. Experiments bad been going on which had al ready cost the country a great deal. The experiment in gas had cost 1,0001., and various experiments were going on without any authority at all, and the Government knew nothing of them. Colonel SIBTHORP supported the motion. Sir F. TRENCH, in reply, declared that no expense had been in. curred through his direction. Thu motion was negatived without a division. VAN DIEMEN'S LAND. Mr. WARBURTON, in the absence of Mr. Hume, moved for a re turn of the number of persons who have been sentenced to death, and of the number who have been executed in Van Dieinen's Land, in earls year since these colonies had been made a penal settlement to the year 1838 ; distinguishing the classes of capital offences, and the number who have been sentenced to death and executed in each year, under each class. A he return was agre_d to. WATERLOO ANNUITIES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCEIEQUER moved for leave to in troduce a Bill to transfer the management of the Waterloo Annuities to the Commissioners for the reduction of the national debt. The motion was agreed to. SLAVE VESSELS CAPTURED—BOUNTY ON TONNAGE. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, the House resolved itself ir.to a Committee on this Bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the resolution which he had to propose to the Committee, and the Bill which he hoped to be allowed to found upon it, would make a very considerable and im portant alteration in the law upon this subject. By the lew as it stood the bounty upon captured vessels was entirely restricted to cases where slaves were captured on hoard. Now the object of the resolution was not merely to put clown and punish the slave trade, but to prevent, if possible, the slaves being put on board. It was perfectly clear that the services rendered in capturing a slave ship without slaves on board were to the full as important and possibly more useful, inasmuch as it prevented cruelty being exercised on the slaves, than if the vessel which was captured had slaves on board ; but, accord ing to the law at present no bounty was payable unless slaves were actually on board. He thought that the services rendered in the first instance ought not to be estimated in the same manner as in the other case. They ought to be estimated in a snore liberal menner.—(Hear, hear.) It was his intention to propose that upon ships taken under the equipment article, without slaves on board, the tonnage should be estimated at 11. per ton, and half the proceeds of the sale of the vessel, and that there should be a tonnage.bounty t.f 4/. per ton where slaves were captured l i o o n wa s beard, a, x togetheriou s to With a h o a c l the s p r p o r c o e p e o d s s i t o i i thee f on t , he he s c a a le us o e f I v ia e :l sel b . een stated that in consequence of the absence of retina. neration in cases where no slaves were found on board the captured vessel, the officers and men of the cruisers were not so anxious to prevent slaves being taken on board as to cap ture the vessels when laden with slaves; but far be it from him to sup pose for a moment that there existed the slightest indisposition on the part of the officers of the cruisers to perform their duties. His only object at present was to move a resolution to the effect that it was expe dient that provision be made out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland for the payment of bounties upon the tonnage of all vessels seized and condemned under the prove. sions of treaties with foreign powers tbr the abolition of the illegal traffic in slaves. He was anxious to obtain permission to introduce a Bill founded upon this resolution, and when the Bill was in the hands of Members he should be most anxious to receive any further sugers. Lions upon it.—(Cheers.) The resolution having been read, Colonel WOOD s:11.! 11:: had ❑o objection to the introduction of the But referred to by the Chancellor of the Exchequer; but, on the con trary, was very much gratified at what had fallen from the Right Hon. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDA Y, MAY 23, 1838. Gentleman. He mu , t ex prose hoop fhit who^ t'o intro,'—^' it would be possible to apply the system of paying tonnage money to every description of s!ave vessel captured; so as altogether to get rid of head money. He must say that, considering there was now a bounty of 5/. upon every slave captured, and that the average of slaves was two to the ton, he thought that 4/. per ton tonnage money would not be sufficient. Captain PECHELL wished to ask whether the tonnage money would be paid out of the tonnage money of this country, or out of that of Spain and Portugal? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought the Gallant Officer could not have attended to his statement, as the object of the Bill was not lo take away but to give. Under the existing law there was no reward where vessels were taken• under the equipment article unless there were slaves on board, and the object of the proposed Bill went to alter this system, and to affbrd reward whether slaves were on board or not. Sir It. INGLIS concurred in the opinio❑ that the bounty proposed was not sufficient. However, that would be a question open for discus sion when the Bill was before them. After a few words from Sir G. CLERK the resolution was agreed to, and the House resumed. The LORD ADVOCATE brought up the report of the Advocations (Scotland) Bill, and of the Personal Diligence (Scotland) Bill. SHERIFFS' COURTS (ENGLAND) BILL. The SOLICITOR.GENER AL moved that this Bill be read a third time. Mr. Sergeant TA LFOURD thought it unreasonable to go into the discussion of this Bill at so late an hour. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said he had moved the third reading, and had not expected that any discussion would take place, and lie there fore hoped that the Bill might. now be read a third time. Mr. JERVIS should move that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. This Bill was similar to one introduced last session, and had been smuggled through the House. It proposed to enact that issues might be tried by sheriffs, and the shed iff's assessor might be an articled clerk to an attorney (if we correctly understood the Hon. Member) of eighteen years of age. But the power of the sheriffs was not even to be confined to actions of debt, but they might try all actions at law. It was said that the Judges approved of this Bill, but he had reason to know that all the Judges did not approve of it. The Bill was of the most ob jectionable nature, and he should now trove that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. Mr. Sergeant TALFOU BD seconded the motion, and concurred) the objections which had been urged against this Bill by his Hon. and Learned Friend. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL expressed his willingness to postpone the discussion to a future night, on which Mr. JERVIS withdrew his amendment, and the Bill was ordered to be put in the paper on Friday, with the understanding, however, that it should not come on that day. The Suitors' Money Bill was then read a third time and passed. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Twenty Minutes to Twelve. PARLIAMENTARY DI VISION NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP. (From the Votes mad Proceedings of the House of Commons.) TUESDAY, MAY 22. " Motion made, and Question proposed,--" That it is the opi nion of this House, that Negro Apprenticeship in the British Co lonies, should immediately cease and determine :"—(Sir Eardley Wilmot :)—The House divided MAJORITY—AYES, 96. Abercromby, G. R. —Stirlingshire (Hurst, It. H.—Horsham Aglionby, H. A.—Cockermouth Hutt, W.—Hull Aglionby, Major F.—Cumberland Jackson, Mr. Stmj.—Bandon Bridge Atwood, W.—Greenwich James, William—Cumberland Attwood, M.—Whitehaven Jervis, J....- Chester Bailey, Joseph—Worcester Jones, John—Carmarthenshire Bailey, J. D.—Sudbury Langdale, Hon C.—Knaresborouyli Baines, Edward—Leeds Lister, E. Canliffe—Bradford Barnard, E. G.—Greenwich Litton, Edward—Coleraine Hewes, 'l' —Plymouth Long, W.—North Wiltshire Blake, Martin J.—Galway Lushington, Dr.—Tower Haml. Blennerhassett, A.—Kerry Lushington, Charles—Ashburton B dkin, J. J.—Galway Co. Matthew, G. B.—Shaftesbury Bridgman, Hewitt—Ennis Maunsell, 'l'. P.—Northamptonshire Briscoe, J. I.—Westbury Meynell, Captain EL—Lisburne Brocklenurst, J.—Macclesfield Monypenny, T. G.—Rye Brodie .IV. B.—Salisbury Morris, D.—Carmarthen Brotherton, J.—Salford Muskett, George A.—St. Alban's Bruges, 1 7 1. H. L.—Bath Neeld, Joseph—Chippenham Bryan, Maj. Geo.—Kilkenny Co. Neeld, John—Cricklade Bulwer, E. L.—Lincoln Noel, Wiliam M.—Rutland Busfield, W.-13radfiird O'Connell, Daniel—Dublin Butler, Hon. P.—Kilkenny Co Parrott, Jasper—Toiness Bong, Right HOll. G. S —Chatham Pease, Joseph—South Durham Cayley, E. S.—N. Yorkshire Price, Richard—New Radnor Collier, John—Plymouth Richards, Richard—Merionethshire Conyngharn, Lord A.—Canterbury Roche, William—Limerick Craig, W. G.—Ed inburghshire ualwey, Lient.-Col.—Ludlow Crewe, Sir George—South Derby Smith, Hon. R.—Wycombe Dashwood, G. H.—Wycombe Staunton, Sir George Thomas Divett, Edward—Exeter Stewart, James—Honiton Duff; James—Banffshire Strickland, Sir G.—West Yorkshire Duke, Sir James—Boston Talfourd, Mr. Serjeant —Reading Duncombe, lion. W.—Yorkshire Thornely, Thos.—Wolverhampton Eaton, R. J.—Cambridgeshire Tollemache, Hon. F.—Grantham Erle, WM .-Ox ford french, Sir F.—Scarborough Evans, William—North Derby Tu riser, Edmund—Truro Farnham, E B.—N. Leicestershire *Turner, W.—Blackburn Finch, F.—Walsall Visors, N. A.—Carlow Co. Gore, 0. J. IL—Carnarvonshire Vivian, John Henry—Swansea Greenaway, Charles—Leominster War:{, H. G.—Sheffield Grimsditch, P.— i4acclesfield Wemyss, Captain_Fifeshire guest, J. J.—Mert:yr Tydvil Wilde, Mr. Serjeant—Newark Harvey, D. W.—Southwark Williams, William—Coventry Hindley, Charles—Ashton Wood, G. W.—Kendal Hodges, T L.—West Kent Worsley, Lord—Lincolnshire Hollond, Robert—Hastings I torsman , Edward— Cockermeuth Hoskins, K.—Herefordshire Humphery, John—Southwark TELLERS. Wilmot, Sir J. E.—Warwickshire Warburton, ll.—Blidport MINORITY. Adam, Rear-Adm, Sir C.—Clack mannan Arbuthnot, Gen.—Kincardineshire Baillie, H. D.—lioniton Barneby, Joh::—Worcestershire Barr G. S.—Cork Co. Benett, J.—South Wiltshire Illackett,C.—South Northumberland Blair, J. Wigtonshire Bramston, T. W.—Essex South Campbell, Sir John—Edinburgh Carnae, Sir James IL—Sandwich Chapman, Aaron—Whitby Childers, John W.—Malton Clerk, Sir G.—Stamford Courtenay, P.—Bridgewater Curry, William —A rmagh Dalmeny, Lord—Stirling I'arLy, George—East Sussex Dundas, Frederick—Orkney Dundas, Hon, T.—Richmond Egerton, Lord Francis—Lancashire' Eliot, Hon. J. E.—Roxburghshire Ellice, Capt. A.—Harwich Ferguson Sir R. A.—Londonderry Dirtier, Sir E.—West Kent Fremantle, Sir Thomas—Bucks Gladstone, W.E.—Newark-on-Trent Goclson, R.—Kidderminster Gordon, lion. W.—Aberdeenshire Goulburn, Right Hon. H.—Cam bridge University Grey, Sir George—Devonport Halford, Henry—Lei xstershire Hawkins, J. H.—Newport, I. Wight Hepburn Sir T. B.—fladclingtonsh. Hinde, john Hodgson—Newcastle upon-Tyne Hebhouse, Right Hon. Sir J. Cam Nottingham Hogg, James Weir—Beverley Holmes, Hon. \V.—lsle of Wight Holmes, W.—Berwick-onTweed Howard, P. Hughes, W. 8.--Carnarvon flume, Jose, 6—Kilkenny Hurt, Francis—South Derby Hutton, Itobert—Dublin Inglis, Sir It. FL—Oxford University Irving, John—Antrim Co. Jephson, D. o.—Mallow —NOES, 93. Jermyn, Earl—Bury, Suffolk Johnstone, J . J. IT,—Purefries-shire Jones, T.—Londonderry Co. Kemble, H.— West Surrey Knight, H. G.—Nottinghamshire Lemon, Sir Charles—West Cornwall Liddell, lion. H.--North Durham Loch, James—Kirkwall " Mackenzie, W. F.—Peeblesshire Nl' Lead, It,—lnverness Mordaunt, Sir John—Warwickshire Morpeth, Lord—Yorkshire Nielioll, J —Ca: dill o'Brien, Cornelius—Clare Ord, W.—Newcastle-upon-Tyno Palmer, George—Essex Peel, Right Hon. Sir R.—Tamworth Pendarves, E. W.—W. Cornwall Perceval, G. J. West Surrey Plumptre, John r —East Kent 'Power, James—Wexford Co. Rice, Right Hon. T. S.—Cambridge I Rickford, W.—Aylesbury Russell, Lord John—Stroud Sandon, Lord—Liverpool Scarlett, Hon. J Y.—Guildford Seymour, Lord—Totness Shelborne, Earl of—Caine Sheppard, Thomas—Frame Slaney, R. A.—Shrewsbury Smith, Benjamin—Norwich Stanley, Lord—North Lancashire Strutt, Edward—Derby Stuart, Lord J.—Ayr Stuart, Villiers—Waterford Co. Talbot, J. H.—New Ross Tancred, H. W.—Banbury Teignmouth, Lord—Marylebono. Thomson, Right Hon. C. P. —Man chester , Vere, Sir C. B.—East Suffolk Vivian, John Ennis—Truro Williams, W. A.—Monmouthshire Wodehouse, Edmund—Norfolk Wood, Colonel T.—Brecknockshire Wood, Thomas—Middlesex Yates, J. Ashton---Carlow TELLERS. I Labouchere, Right Hon. Henry. Taunton !)Terrall, Richard M.—Kildare OFF. AGAINST. Maclean, Donald—Oxford Fitzsimon, Nicholas—King's Co. Nlelgund, Viscount —Hythe Howard, F. J.—Youghall Broadley, Henry—East Yorkshire Elope, G. W.—Wcymouth itzalan, Lord—Artuidel Baring, F.—Thetford Waddington, H. S.—West Stiffbik Price, Sir R.—Herefordslthe Houston, G. J. —RenfrewAire R M.—Pontefract tiayter, W. G.—Wells l!ellew, M.—Loath Ellice, Right Hon. E.—Coventry Rolfe, Sir R. M.—Penrhyn Smith, R. Vernon—Northampton Harcourt, G. S.—Bucks Fergusson, Right Hon. R. C.—Kirk cudbright Bell, Matthew—S. Northumberland Lamhton, H.—North Durham Conolly, Edward M.—Donegal Ingham, R. -South Shields 'Lynch, A. H.—Galway [Awls, Edward—Nlonaghan Lincoln, Ear , of—South Notts Mackenzie, Thomas—Ress-shire Fazakerley, J. N.—Peterborough PAIRE FOR. Pechell, Captain—Brighton Browne, R. D.—Mayo Hall, Benjamin—Marylebone Fitzroy, Lord C.—Bury St. Edm. Handley, Henry—Lincolnshire Alford, Viscount—Bedfordshire Bainbridge, E. T.—Taunton Sanford, E. A.—Somersetsbire Winnington, T. E.— Belvdley Townl y, Rd. G.—Cambridgeshire Denistoun, J.—Glasgow Leader, J.-Temple—Westminster O'Connell, Maurice—Tralee Evans, G.— Dublin County Easthnpe, J.—Leicestrr Etwall, Ralph—Andover Hill, Lord A. M. C.—Evesham Bowes, John—South Durham O'Brien, W. S.—Limerick Co. Seitoleficitl, J.—Birmingham White, A iiiirew—Sumierlind Brabazon, Sir William—Mayo Co. Jervis, S.—Bridport Style, Sir Ckarles—Scarborough Chalmers, Patrick—lnverbervie Ferguson, Sir It. C.—Nottingham Dundas, C. W. D.—Flint Stanstkld, W, R. C.— Huddersfield TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIB, —With reference to the letter published in your Paper yesterday, signed by Mr. Dillon Browne, M.P., that gentleman has not given the full explanation of what passed between us respecting an article that appeared in the Age newspaper, concerning Mr. J. P. Somers, M.P. for Sligo. I then distinctly told him that I had nothing to do with the article in question, nor did I know anything about it, and that I was not respon sible for it in any way whatever, but referred him to the Editor of the Age, with whom alone all responsibility rests. If Mr. Somers or Mr. Browne require any further explanation they had better call at the Age Office, No. 1, Catherine-street, Strand. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, FREDERICK POLHILL. House of Commons, May 22, 1838. GLOUCESTER.-(TUESDAY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Stn,—The rich Tory has prevailed, but the Antislavery party have obtained their end—he has pledged himself to vote for immediate eman cipation ; but still we regret the loss of Colonel Webb, although it will teach the Liberal Ministers what they must expect. The poll is Colonel Webb 11. T. Hope ......... 695 P.S.—Money has flowed like water. iVIr. Gillon was prevented by indisposition from voting last night in the Majority on Sir Eardley Wilmot's Motion. We observe that Mr. Glenny, the successful ex hibitor of twelve stove and greenhouse plants, on Saturday last, has given notice of his intention to compete for five of the medals at Chiswick. It is, however, doubtful whether mere rarity and beauty carry much weight there. The Gardener's Gazette, whether justly or not. we not say, flatly accuses them of injustice in all their distributions, and in a manner which imperiously called for a denial, if it could be given. On the night of Tuesday last, some mtdicious rascals again smashed the lower tier of windows at Crosthwaite Church, Km.. wick, and demolished nearly 40 Squares of glass. LATE SEASON.-On removing a heap of bog earth, lying in an orchard, at Markeaten Hall, near Derby, on Tuesday, the Ist of May, about nine inches below the surface, a mass of frozen earth, six feet in diameter, and from six to eight inches thick, was found. • Nearly two hundred copper coins, and one gold coin, of the reign of Constantine and other Roman Emperors, were lately found by two boys in Cockerbe t k , near Darlington. At the meeting of the Halifax Board of Poor Law Guardians, on Monday, notice was given of an intention to petition the Legislature for an alteration of certain parts of the Poor Law Amend. ment Act. The body of a new born infant was found in the Mill-dam, Darlington, on Monday last. Chepstow is now a bonding port, and last week 100 . casks of wine were deposited in the warehouses in that town. lir TT A 'Tr a.ll. • THE GREAT WESTERN STEAM-SHIP. (FROM OUR EXPRESS EDITION.) KING-ROAD, BRISTOL, MAY 22, HALF-PAST EI,EvEN O'CLOCK A.M. The Great W es t ern came to anc h or h ere at ten In i. flutes before eleven o'clock. She left New York on the 7th inst., at half -past two o'clock, having had to en' counter contrary winds, except for about six da - : s ()flair weather. She has on board 51 passengers, who are well and in excellent spirits. Her arrival was an flounced by the firing of guns ; and when she came to anchor, the band on board struck up, in admir able style, " Old England for ever I" This splendid ship' which carries four masts, and was looking fresh as when launched, had floating at her foremast th e American ensign ; from the second a streamer, from her " Great W es t ern S team Shi p " on i t ; In and, fr her fourth mast, th e English ensign. The Cambria ii steamer was waiting a l ongs id e , t o convey t he passel ) " gers up the river. Th e arrangements ma d e for this purpose, and also o n b oar d, were mos t complete. Captain Hoskins announc e d t o t h e Passen g e rs that it had been arranged th a t th ey s h ou ld b e l a uded a t through Ronwhan, without th e d e l ay o f pass i ng throt, : 1 the Custom-house, which a nnouncement wa s rece t with cheers. The G rea t W es t ern l e f t N e w York a half-past two o'clock, on Monday, the 7th instant, and spoke the Comm, of Bristol, for New York, at half -past 11 A.M., on the 9th. On the 10th M I Y . the Great We s te rn spok e th e s hi p H ow ard, 0f Greenock, bound to St. P e t ers b urg h. Th e S ir ius jell New York on the Ist, and reached Falmouth on the 19th—eighteen days' sail. The Great Western has made the voyage to King-road, being 140 mi les greater distance, in fifteen days. At :., late hour this evening we received from o ut Correspondent at Bristol, a file of American pap ers ' to the 7th inst., arrived by the Great Western, fr om which the following are extracts : NEW YORK MONEY MARKET. WALL -STREET, MAY 6.—Th e wea th er h as b een so veryf stormy to-day as to retard all o u t-d oor b us i ness . The stt ° Te stocks at the Board was un common l y sma ll . The w% j, amount sold was only 1,139 s h ares . United States r 34 %vi , went for 116; Delaware and H u d son C ana l , 72; Ni°l'3 R. Road, 59; Harlem, ditt o , 58 ; St r , n i ngton di t t o , 3 5 1' TREASURY NOTES.—No ne o ff ere d. S pec i e continues the same as through the week, and nothing doing. BANK DIVIDENDS.—We p u bli s h e d t h e di v id en d s 0 e tee ° , t- b' ir anks Banks in a table on F r id a y, s i nce w hi c h t h e f o ll ow i n g 13 ~1 have t'eclared, and we publi s h th em toget h er w i t h the tots amounts from Friday's paper. f Ed Capital. per cent. AMC:Milt° Thii teen Banks 12,271,200 8 1 023, 720 Layfayette Bank, 50,000 8 40,000 , National Bank 750,000 8 60,0 00 Butchers and D rovers 50 0,000 ......8...... 40,000 , Greenwich Bank 200,000 8 16,0 00 ..--------- -------. ~n d ol 14,921,200 dol. 1,179, 7 =. - 0 The State Bank a t Alb any h as d ec l are d a di v id en d Of ik. per cent., payable o n th e 16 t h, an d t h e C ayuga C oun try 13 a r • a dividend of 8 per cent., payable on the 22d. A Convention of th e W es t ern B an k s was h e ld a t Aribur . on the 25th ult., J. H. B eac h, E sq., o f Au b urn, p residin: and William V. J. Mercer, of Waterloo, acting as Secretary,' It was very numerously attended, and resulted in a d e l mination to co-operate with the city of New York in an earl t resumption of specie payments, and to maintain the cree . lL t. New York safety fund notes. A Committee to proceed t' New York and to assure the city banks of this determ was appointed, consisting of Messrs. H. Dwight, Beach, Oliver, W. B. Wells, J. Magee, A. St. John, J. H. h and L. Jones. This Committee meet in this city on the "` . instant. held a A numerous and highly respectable meeting was , i Fort Plain on the 28th ult., at which a resolution declarlitt expedient to organize without delay a Banking Associa tw o . that village, with a capital of 200,000 dollars, was ac ee P - o f A Committee of five was appointed to promote the object the meeting. „ As the rumour has gone abroad that Biddle's Great Reg" pre lator would resume specie payments on the 15th of the sent month, we think it well to publish the following, to s ilos' , his condition on the Ist of April : Dollars. He had in specie His liabilities were—Due State Banks Private deposits New notes Circulation Post notes inattum:. Resurrection notes From this statement there can be but on,‘ a c onc l us ion drawn, and this is, that Nicholas Biddle is who:ly unable to' resume. PHILADELPHIA BANKS.—The Commercial Herald of phi'. ladelphia states that a convention of Delegates of the Phila delphia Banks were held on Wednesday evening, for ti:e", purpose of determining the period when it will be practicable for them to resume specie payments. A Committee was ap pointed to report on the matter. It seems that the meetleX last Monday of the citizens generally, came to a resolution, as the deliberate opinion of the meeting, that nothing but the influence of the United States Bank, exercised over the oth er ' banks, prevents them from redeeming their promises to PaY" A Committee of eight was appointed to get the banks to say at what time they int en d e d to resume and the causes whie retarded the resumption. MICHIGAN—By the terms of the suspension law, which ex pires on the 16th inst., the banks of Michigan must, en that day, resume speci e payments, or incur a forfeiture of r"ek,- charter. In alludi ng to t hi s subject, the editor of the Billl a - Commercial thus expresses himself:— We have advices from New Orleans to the 28th ult. T he y .i, state— e e n " t s., but Dollars have th er e ia advanced nn g re l at P per cent a fo n r d cdiothuebrl. u oons . 12 s. Bank Notes are no 5 w as' 4 per cent., w hi c h i s an adv ance over the rates of last week 1 p h same, er cent. Al a b ama money re mains ave mains the 14a 15 per cent. els. Treasury notes , advanced t o 7 a 71 per cent. prem., and have become sCBre;ti Mississippi m oney rema i ns a b out the same as last week, say . : a 35 per cen t. dis.—This circumstance appe a rs most .ex t ! --A 5 ordinary when we take into consideration that MississiPP i b i s • the largest cotton growing state in the Union, and whe n der article is at the p resent t i me substituted for specie, in °,' to equalize Exchanges between this country and Eurr,pe: o f MISSISSIPPI BANKS. -Th e pat i ence of the good peop le a t the neighbouring State, seems to have 3 Jeen worn e ut d . length, i n consequence of the impolitic course P ursued by - ,y e Banks, and l ou d an d bi tter complaints are hoard on cv „, - .' hand, char g i ng t h e b anks with a wilful depreciation of thei r A own paper, with t h e v i ew of buying it in at low rates , ' n i t ' other delinquencies of a"serious and flagitious character. t meeting was held on the - 19th instant, at Vieksbur -- the Obje ct of which was to express popular feeling in relatioti ' to the " i e ; • preciation of bank paper, and the course pursued by the banks. The resolutions are drawn up in strong lang tia ' ' imperatively calling upon the banks for an exposition of their affairs, and the causes which have brought on the deteriora ti° of their p a p er . I t i s expected that similar meetings will 1) ,-;• ° held in oth er p arts o f t h e S tate, The state of public fall°, is represented as uneasy and excited, and no doubt a r igorl g scrutiny will be instituted into the manag , ,tment of the ba" .. ing institutions. The positi on o f t h ese b anks is peculiar. The c hart , I - ,al banks have b een managed with as much ability and lionestY:: any banks in the country; they are in as good condition as the Ohio Banks, b u t t h ey cannot resume without running ,„ greatest h azar d o f b e i ng forced to suspend th e second ti a ' The troubl e i s t h at Mi ch i gan has no surplus products, the ba lance of trade is continually and heavily agains t her. i her Ohio, on th e contrary, h as a large surplus. The bills °' banks, a lth oug h i n fact they may not be a whit better t' l: i ' l° . those of Michigan, will purchase pork, wheat, flour, `Y . II which sent to New York or any other easteen market , A " u l d command cash. This fact gives Ohio Bills currencY' - a at keeps them up nearly to while par, Michigan notes are old discount of from 12 to 15 per cent. The Ohio banks e° to resume without dan ger , b ecause balances arse ~, du e that ta from every quarter. ve Judging by th e t one o f t h e leading Michigan paPers '„. i I should think an e ff ort i s a b out to be made to call a aPie-1:1 meeting of the L eg i s l ature, i n order to devise 7some mos giving effectual support to the banks. _ . -. including,eno 0 1 dates lb: . I' : b. i 19 Three packet ships have arrived to-day, United States, from Liverpool, which brings factors to April 9. Business in Europe was improvin and the L u i% N were expecting large orders for fall goods fro g m ' this country.. The papers were sp ecu l at i ng as to the result of the stea m navigation between the two countries. The political new 9 15 of no importance. Sales at the Stock Exchange, May 5- 50 shares United States Bank 50 do do do 50 do do do 50 do do do 100 do do do 20 do Phenix Bank 50 do Butchers and Drovers Bank 25 do Commercial Bank 25 do Delaware and Hudson Canal cash 20 do do do do 50 do do do do 250 do do do do 60 do American Trust Co Balt 50 do do do do 10 do New York Ins Co 50 do North American Ins Co 45 do Mohawk Rail Road 100 do Harlem Rail Road 25 do do do 25 do do do 100 do New Jersey Rail Road 26 do do do 10 do Stonnington Raid Road 116 s /- s od s 115 . 1 s s 2 24° 0 5 d dd 5 : 1 (; 1 11 1 1131-41 08i s $o ds 981 103 99k 59 sash b 7 57f 58 93 's 30 di 35} - - 1 934"