The Sun. — London, England, 1838-02-16 00:00:00

ore of property, ad of course attended with the oth er I m a y b e a bl e to fi x upon some i n di v id ua l defaulters, and —t rights of property hat it catlbe made the object of b ar t er ! a ff or d an opportun i ty to the l andlord, supposing your hypo and sale? The Hon. MemleFr f i re. Sheffield has plac e d, th es i s to b e correct, to s i ng l e out a f ew v i ct i ms on w h om of all men living, the most miserable and sordid construe- to revenge the disappointment he has experienced. Such tion on this great privilege that I ever heard before. But would be the case supposing the utmost practical secrecy w the Honourable Gentleman had a manif e st i n t eres t i n d ec l ar i ng were kept up; but is there a man ho knows anything that this privilege had none of the qualities of a trust ' - and in of the f e eli ngs a n d h a bits of the people of th).-.., Country Wresting it with all the privil eges o f p r i vate property, for he who does no t in hi s conscience snot, that the secret •;;;,, was the man who contended that the great security against abuse not be kept even by the parties thennapive..: —( Hear. : ) in all cases of trust was the publicity of free discussion.— The Hon. Member for Lincele ( Hear, hear.) You arc trying to engraft the principle of between the gentlemen e: ( 1 _, b .: drawn a comparison the people of this country and secret voting upon a country all of whose institutions are those of Gerrearn: . He has stated that the German gentle founded upon the principle, of free discussion and publicity. .._( Cheers.) You are trying to introduce amongst a people i pe-: ,y, mal:t is, - 7, - ,lerally speaking, a man of no great mental ca and indolent and unaapiring in his habits ; and that whose manners, and habits, and feelings are, and have _bee.- , alien to it, a system et . concealment and secrecy ; it 13 from amongst the lower classes that all the bright spirits because lam full convinced that this system ef ' - ...1 it is emerge who give a lustre to their age and nation i but 'secret voting tnat in England, on the other hand, the gentlemen of 'the is revolting to tni e fix e d habits, institutions,hnd feelings of the country take the lead, and hold a strong influence over the people thr e t I mainly object to the neopointion of the Honour- n,inds of the Rinser classes. New, if the case is as eteted by able Member for London. Ido not deny that some evil the Honourable Member, I must say that I Vat not disposed exists in t h e present system, but, at the same time, I be- to give up the advantage which 1110h:11)1y in my in live th a t t h ose ev i ls have been grossly exaggerated. In - resu l ts to t h e country f rom the intimate connection op which the midst of great excitement, and at a public electiren, exists between the English freemen and voters of OUT where there is a peculiar latitud e for freedom of epeech, counties and boroughs and the English gentlemen where every app ea l i s encou rage d by the beetile par- an opportunity which must obviously tend to fit the ties to the feelings and interests of the voters, violent latter in a superior degree for their public duties. But expressions are made use of, and threats of future there is another objection which I hold to the Ballot. I be vengeance are dealt out, which are ne':er intended to be car- lieve that in times of great public excitement and disaster vied into actual execution. Ido occupying tenants have actu bel!ieve that instances in which we could not with safety trust to the principle that every logs on account of their v ell.; been deprived of their hold- man—whatever his degree of intelligence—whatever know_ are very rare. I , do r etes being adverse to their landlords ledge he may have in public affairs—is equally fit for the a threat; but I gel eit at all vindicate the execution of such exercise of a secret voice in the state. Your theory is that its being : .eve the occasions are comparatively rare of any one man is as well calculated to give an opinion or exer "fere:ed. Ido very much agree with what has fallen cise an authority in public affairs as another. But if they give from the No t ele Lord opposite to-ni g ht on this subject. It their vot e s p u bli c ly, y ou k now w h o are the persons who exer may be Pr esumption in me to to say it, b u t w h en Ido see the cise this authority, whereas in cases of public calamity and ex- Noble T AJord taking a manly tone and giving a direct negative citement, whenever they may occur, the great mass of the to a proposition of this kind, in spite of the unpopularity which voters being freed from all considerations or interest in the he may be risking in so doing, I cannot avoid expressing my property of the country—enjoying none of those reciprocal admiration of such conduct ; though I feel in my own case that feelings of esteem between landlord and tenant which now that very unpopularity acts as an additional motive why I should , exist—might with great ease put the Ballot to a most disas not shrink fro m perf orm i ng wh a t I conceive to be my duty.— I trous and fatal test. There might arrive a time when great ( Hear.) As I ha ve said before, I believe that the sevil of (delusion should exist on the state of public affairs, and a the present system of voting has been exagneerateal n there is a great discrepancy in practice ' and that general election take place during all the excitement con duces me- sequent on such a state of things ; and I say, that if the daces held out during elections and the aeeme.l fulfilment of Ballot were in operation under circumstances like these, the them afterwards. I believe that the l eistances of tyrannical institutions of the country would be in great jeopardy and and unjustifiable interference on tiee part of landlords are danger.—(Opposition cheers.) I think we should always be c o m p rtivlyrre, !et hic ' that so 'tar from th e opportun i ty for in danger of disasters of thi s ki n d if we were to g i ve t h e power teir adding any thir, g to the value of their property, it of secret voting without the protection which the influence of would, on the co n ' erary, materially increase the landlord's property at present naturally exercises. The Honourable interest in his. centates if such i nter f erence were totally at an Gentleman has quoted Gibbon on this subject, but he has ene._( H ear .) When the Hon. Gentleman tells me that I not favoured us with the whole passage in which that writer am bound_ to correct all proved abuses, I venture to say that speaks of the practice of voting by Ballot in Rome. Let us in any system of society of which lam aware, it would be ab- take the whole passage, and see the opinion which that writer solueely impossible to frame any Constitution or any set of entertained of the influence which the Ballot had on society at Dews which should not be susceptible of abuse in practice.— large :—" The tribunes soon established a more specious and abuse—the The trial by jury itself has been charged with popular maxim, that every citizen has an equal right to enact use—the liberty of the press itself is constantly liable to the laws which he is bound to obey. Instead of the centuries abuse; but shall I listen to any proposition for abolishing they convened the tribes; and the patricians, after an ineffec these important constitutional privileges simply because teal struggle, submitted to the decrees of an assembly in which abuses have been proved in their exercise, and that without their votes were confounded with those of the meanest plebeians. any remed y at h and which might not itself lead the way to Yet as long as the tribes successfully passed over narrow greater abuses? No. In my opinion there are cases wherein bridges and gave their voices aloud, the conduct of each citi the removal of an abuse itself may be refused, from the fear of zen was exposed to the eyes and ears of his friends and coun inn a curring a greater evil in its absence ; and I believe of the trymen. The insolvent debtor consulted the wishes of his cre- B llot that it would incur infinitely greater evils than ditor, the client would have blushed to oppose the views of his any d which exist under the - present mode of free voting. I patron, the general was followed by his veterans, and the as o not believe, in the fir place, that any contrivance, wile- pest of a grave magistrate wns a living lesson to the multi don's Mr. Green's Ballot-box, or the Hon. Member for Lon- tilde. A new method of secret Ballot abolished the influence don's Ballot-box, I viweveringenious their mechanical construe- of fear and shame, of honour and interest, and the abuse of tion may be, will ever persuade the peopl e to rema i n, i n all freedom accelerated the progress of anarchy and desp otical." cases, perfectly satisfied with the result which they unfold. When next, Sir, the Hon. Member for the city of London I greatly distruct the secresy of the Ballot. A Ballot-boa quotes gibbon, I hope this will encourage him to give the is to be .c sent to ever) , pe ir ing _ pinne, under the c h arge of teltole passage instead of only a portion of it.—( Hear, and a this,a ve p w ublioffice r , who is to be answerable for betsi inviolability. laugh,) The Hon. Member for the city of London asks why I think, is an enormous trust to rced in a ny individual, and I have that confid e ehc in the ingeee e ty, as far as ancient the Ballot may not be as beneficial in England as it was in an character, and the skill of the pr p e eo e p si t t e in o n f this tn co / n tr e , • . . the cient countries? Now, my answer is, that lieve that —assuming your yto be- countries, in which the Ballot was pr ß act ll i o se t. d, a l re wil c l o n n o c t er r n e e fe d r , tyranny of landlords and their pun. t . fi ). i ne true of the the weight of authority is against the . election matters —no Ballot -bee that 1 ..ule interference in to any hacknied passage in any of the ancient writers against de whose ever hands intrusted, would could be devised, in the Ballot ; but I will advert to a passage in which i P tee against their curios'ey prove an effectual guaran- scribes a voter at Rome going to the Ballot. It l s il a l y short read might be the effect of 'l O - s c 1- There is no knowing what passage, and, with the permission of the House, what mechanical skill *; h s ' br ibery, there is no knowing it. It is a passage in which Pliny, adverting to will evils the Honourable I from mr.mbe m r: g t be able to effect, to frustrate which various writers had prophesied would resu t . sions also in whn c h the s ingenuity. There must be occa- secret voting, thus describes the elector proceeding . to give suaded of the public mind might hardly be per- his vote :—" Proposcit tabellas, stylum . accepit, caput con , existence of perfect fair play ; because after didit, neminem veretur, se contemnit."—(Hear, hear.) Promises received and public tamed, if -- 'those promises arepe disappointed expectation generally enter- He retired from the Ballot self-degraded because he was suspicion,a p poin ted and which that but e x p t e ct a t f i o n conscio h us of is disanpointed, there will be a s smaller havi c n r g: in t o ol t d ha t n ha t t he li hich we ' are no told is e vo w ter at present commits w in que':3!tly occurs in France, of somebody aving tampered ° with re y a ie m ll e nss to the influence of others. But how are these tbe awakened He n ry hear.) And if once the suspicion is moral offences to be accurately estimated? And how are . that any paid agent of the Government, or any you to institute a comparison between the voice of one in enhterested friend of the nominees, had by any means added to 'dividual, who is now induced to show that he is a friend in the e e number of votes for the returned candidate, as is constantly to his landlord by openly voting for him, and the virtue of beh .case in France, depend upon it your ballot-box will not another individual who may be induced to gratify private be because, tencaeuxstestenbee threemonths afterwards--( Hear, and a laugh) spleen or prejudice by giving a secret vote against his land ,an above, that . you are. parting with all the means of lord?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Now, a man's opinions, whatever detecting use, if commetted.—( Opposition cheers.) I they are, are known. Why would it be better that they object therefor e to the Baßot, in the first instance, because I should be concealed ? Why is a tenant not to pay any entertain great doubt va'nether any mechanical skill which reverence to the judgment of his landlord? At present he may be brought inte, operation for its protection may not is in many instances content to listen to that judgment. be over-matched l u y superior ingenuity • and, in the next An Hon. Gentleman has talked of the influences that affect place, because, judging by the experience' ot other countries, the country gentleman ; but why may not the same influences I believe theet it will lay open those who are entrusted with be allowed to affect the farmer? Going on to apply the the r ee=avgement of the balloting to great and constant passage which I read from Pliny, I ask if there . is any suspi`zirellos of unfairness ; depriving us at the same time of evil arising from the practice of open voting which all weans of allaying the irritation of the public, and quiet- would not be m uc h more th an counter b a l ance d b y the evils ine rt suseicions wh en once awakened.—( Hear, hear.) In France arising from sec re t vo ti ng ? Wh at pr i nc i p l es o f d ecept i on and the number o f voters is 160,000. Ido not believe that there falsehood may you not inculcate by the introduction of such a is any other object in employing the Ballot in the elections practice ? Might not those principles have a still more inju in that country but the view of protecting the voter from rious effect on the national character even than pecuniary cor the influence of Government ; but at the same time is it not rtiption ? May not the present evil be much more tolerable notorious that in almost every recent election in that coun- than the evil that might proceed from the practice of asking try there have been constant complaints of errors, of names for and obtaining promises for the performance of which there put in improperly, and of numbers inaccurately stated ; or, would be no security ?—( Hear.) On those grounds, being as the Noble Lord has just observed, have there not been re- perfectly aware that I have introduced no novelty into the dis peated imputations against the Government of undue influ- cussion, but being unwilling to be supposed capable of leaving ence ?--( Hear.) The first charge against the Government of the Noble Lord to bear all the unpopularity of opposing the Prince Polignac was that of having tampered with the the Honourable Member's motion, I think it my duty to say elections ; and at every succeeding election is there any one that I concur in m o st o f th e sen ti ments expressed in the who is bli n d to t h e fact of the preparations with which it is Nobl e L or d' s s p eec h ; an d t h at I t h an k him for the direct met, the circulars which are sent out from the Government to and manly manner in which he has met the subject. Sir, their agents throughout the provinces, and the perfect know- one word more. The supporters of the Ballot deal largely ledge which the Minister ',n Paris appears to enjoy of the dc- in prophecy. They complain of the present state of gree of zeal and good eervice rendered by every one of his the franchise, and they predict that there will be no se subordinates ; and, . i a s tl y , t h e d i smissals and changes which curity for its free and beneficial ex erc i se u n til th e V o t e by hear.) so invariably . t-e e e p l ace at this critical period.—(Hear, Ballot is established. Why, Sir, I well r eco ll e ct the f ormer But t will grant, for the sake of argument, that prophecies of the same persons with respect to Parliamentary the 8a110t... 00x may insure secrecy —I mean mechanical Sc- Reform. I well recollect when the Reform Bill was in agi erect'', and that the conduct of the public' functionaries em- tetion how confidently they talked of the great advantages ployee t in the elections shall be totally free from all suspicion which the people would derive from the measure. But how, of unfairness —and then, even admitting all this, I must ob- according even to their own account, have those predictions nerve that we s h ou ld not be introducing a new system of been acc om pli s h e d ? W e h ave h ear d an H onoura bl e Gen voting am ongst a new people, and that there is a very great tleman de c lare th a t E n gl an d was never i n suc h a s t a t e o f P difference b e t ween i ngrafting it upon the institutions of the humiliati on an d su ff er i ng in that respect as at the present mo people of this couutry, and taking it as one of the original mint. The Honourable Gentleman says that the forms of ingredients in the political Constitution of the United States. tree election remain, but that the spirit is gone. And this However well the practice of secret votin may be adapted is the state of thin gs w hi c h h as procee d e d f rom t h e R e f orm g to Ameri can h a bi ts, h ere I maintain that public feeling and from which so m uc h was ant i c i pate d. Th e i mprovements all the h a bi ts o f t h e people are repugnant to such an expo- made in our elective franchise have, it seems, reduced client. It is at all times a difficult matter to discuss the England to the same state in that respect as that of Rome laws and habits of other Stetes ; but, judging from the ac- in her decrepitude. Certain forms remain, but the spirit counts of travellers, I de, not believe that there is any coon- of liberty has fled from them. Now, Sir, let us contrast all try in the world in 'which party feeling is more prcdomi- this with the promises which were held out to us four or nattily displayed, and where men are more prone to boast 0. five years ago. And if we find after making that contrast their conduct 'el election contests, than in America. So that, that there has been a grievous disappointment of those pro in fact, I de) not believe that in the United States the Batlot mists, am I not justified in entertaining considerable - appre is suffici.ent to insure secrecy of voting.—( Hear, hear.) But hension that similar predictions with respect to the benefit to evaivtng all these arguments, I will first ask the House to con- be derived from the Vote by Ballot may experience similar cider how we shall proceed with a general election after the falsification ?—( Hear, hear.) May I not fear that if the l3als Ballot has onc e been put in operation. It is quite clear from lot be now adopted we shall be. told, four or five years hence, The very arguments of the Hon. Gentleman who opened the that it has turned out quite an unsatisfactory measure, and that debate, and who always argues this question with a degree s.nne further change is indispensable ? Sir, my conviction is of ability which renders it unnecessary for it to have the that such would actually be the case. My conviction is that charm of novelty, and makes me listen with great deference it would then be found out that this plan of secret voting was and attention to all he says, but without, I must add, not sufficient for the purpose of its proposers. My conv on the least a p proac h to conviction—it is quite clear that if the is that we should then be told that the privilege of indulging Hon. Gentleman's own arguments be correct, we should alto- in secret voting merely afforded a cloak for corruption, and gether interdict th e practic e o f canvas s i ng at election s .— that there was no cure for the evil but that of not merely ex ( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman says, " Did you ever tending the elective franchise to Household Suffrage, but of bear of any one attempting to influence a witness or a juror in rendering it coincident with the age of twenty-one. —( Hear, a court of justice ?" and maintained that "it was es great a hear.) I resist the motion of the Honourable Member for the crime to interfere with a voter at an election, as a juror or a city of London, not only on the ground of its intrinsic de witness."--(Mr. Grote was understood to express dissent.) merits, but also on the ground of the inevitable consequences I beg the Hon. Member's pardon—l pay great attention to which I see would result from its adoption. The Right Hun. what he says, and I think I repeat him correctly. Well, Baronet on sitting down was lou cheere. then, ibi s an equal crime to influence a voter, as to influ ence M r . C. BULLE R, rose amidst dly cries of d " divide, divide." a juror o r a witness. But the Hon. Member himself says, The Right Honourable Baronet (he observed) had come for that there should be an influence of property at elections. ward in a chivalrous manner to defend the Noble Lord from But let me ask how this is to take effect, and how it is to be the attacks made upon him in another quarter. Now, reconcilers. to his principles? Did the Hon. Gentleman ever although he gave credit to the Right Honourable Baronet hear tae the influence of property in a court of justice ?—of a for the magnanimity of his conduct towards a political oppo- Inatt corning up to a juror, or a witness, and saying, " You ncnt, he could not forget that the most effectual method of Vete me so and so, and I expect you will give your evidence damaging such an adversary was to assist him in in ept- your verdict accordingly."—( Loud cheering.) The creasing his unpopularity.—( Hear, hear, hear, and a.laugh.) Hon. Gentleman says that it is legitimate for a landlord When the Right Honourable Baronet said he had not to appeal to the reason and affections of his tenants—but introduced any novelty into this discussion, he did him let me cbs.e.ve that is precisely an appeal which would be self great injustice ;f he certainly hd uce Most illegal aril unjustifiable when a dd resse d to a j uror or into it great novelty of or discussion. He would intro not d refer witn-ss ; and, therefore, though it may be argued very phi- to ancient history as copiously as the Right Honourable losephically in the abstract that the dices of an elector and Baronet had done; but he would just remind him that of a juror are equally sacred, yet practically they are not on Cicero said, " that the Ballot opened the front of man." the same footing. The lion. Gentleman says that there is The Right Honourable Baronet, referring to the elections in no use in asking for a promise from a voter unless we are sure France, said that there was a tampering with the Ballot-box ; the promise will be kept. Now, I can only say, that if this that after the votes had been deposited in the box they were is the Hon. Member's argument, it only shows how weak is nut safe, but were exposed to be tampered with by the re bis case.—( Hear, hear.) lam perfectly satisfied of the course turning officer, who, consequeetly, frequently made a false which the landlord would pursue were the Ballot put in op- return.-._( Hear, hear.) Now, he denied the Right Hon ration—that is, supposi ng th e h ypot h es i s o f t h e tyrannical Baronet to find an instance of this ins x tlke l whole hi s - . and undue i n t er f erence o f l an dl or d s w i th electors true. The tory of France, from the time of Louis 11. Many landlord would go r oun d to hi s tenants, an d would say, " I elections had been illegal ; but there was not an instance of think you h ave alway s found m e a good landlord, we have al- one which had been tampered with in the manner described ways agreed well together, and our interests are the same ; I by the Right Hon. Baronet. The illegality consisted in ask you to promise me your vote for such or such a candidate." the returning officer depriving the elector of his right of The promise so demanded would be given, and I venture to add, writing down his vote secretly, and compelling him to write that in nine cases out of ten, in spite of your Ballot-box, it i t down in public. As to the opinion of the people of France would be kept.—(Opposition cheers.) Your Ballot-box secures or of the people of America, with respect to the Ballot, he this. There may he some person here or there who has a did not pretend to be intimately acquainted with it. Nor grudge against his landlord, who is an ill-tempered, bad- would he refer, as he might, to the statement of travellers on conditioned felleiv—( Ironicali cheers from the Ministerial side) that subject. But he would advert to much higher ....-who has read, he last tirade in a Radical news- evidence. He would advert to the public testimony paper, and who will take . a . Pleasure in voting against his land- afforded by the conduct of nations, as showing . what the by y land. But cases of this kind will be the exception, and not thought of the efficiency of the system of voting Ballot. the rule ; and in general I believe that the promises of votes He would challenge the Right Hon. Baronet to show an at elections will be kept. But suppose, on the other hand, i nstance i n all the countries of the modern world in which a that these promises should not be kept, what security, let me st a t e , adopting a representative Government, had not, at the ask, do you give the tenant against the tyrannical interferenc e same time, adopted the Vote by Ballot. In all the new States and suspicion s o f hi s l an dlord ? Four hundred votes have o f America that had been done ; in all the alterations made in been promised, an d on l y t h ree hundred given, and th e elec. th e o ld States, that had been done. In switzerland the same tion lost. An in qu i ry i s instituted, you do not believe it nos- and though the utmost se. t hi ng h a d occurred. Where the States were free there the erect' is kept up, I put i t w h et h er Ballot was fo un d ; w h ere they were not free the Ballot did not sib's that befor e very l ong t h e vigilant eye of the steward exist. All th e cantons in Switzerland wh ichpartookof the THE SUN, LONDON, FRU)" FEBRUARY 16, 183 g. revolution, of 1830, adopted the Ballot: Therb was not it single instance in which that was not the case. And yet the House had had been told that the Ballot did not work well ; they had been told so, notwithstanding this general acknowledgment in its favour. They had the testimony in its behalf' nye gI the fAencle of the people. he. ' • 4 wiener-- • ' _•- e" at . t1 1 1 ..` nein l ies o f the people. F'or one enemies of the people attempted to violate their privileges they attacked the Ballot. One portion of the ordi nances which that eminent statesman Charles X. hart been advised to issue was directed Against the Ballot. He (Mr. Buller) protested therefore, against any inference being drawn against the Ballot from the conduct of the Liberal portion of America. Switzerland, or France, He would now say a few words on the morality of the question. Ile would not stay to ask how the Ballot was found to be in consistent with the condition of the moral and enlightened cantons . or SWitierland, With th e m o r a l and enlightened mo earelity or ranee—(Ar laugh)—or with the moral and en ' lightened republic of America. In all those countries moral and religious freedom was preserved, notwithstanding the syss tern which its opponents declared must demoralize any country into which it was introduced. He would grant that the Ballot would give voters the power to accept bribes from both sides in an election contest. What was the inference he drew from that circumstance ? That by establishing the Ballot they would take away from any man an interest in bribing a voter. That was not the only case in which our laws and usages operated in this indirect manner beneficially. In order to prevent minors from being cheated by tradesmen, minors were allowed the power of cheating t ra d e smen.—( A laugh.) Why were they all owe d thi s p o wer ? For the plain reason that it rendered tradesmen loath to give credit to persons who were permitted by law to cheat them with impunity. Candidates would not bribe voters who could cheat them with impunity. Ile was afraid he had already trespassed too far upon the pa tience of the House, but he hoped he might be alluded to make a few remarks upon the speech of the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell), who, he must say, had been as little guilty of novelty as any body who had addressed the House upon the occasion. It was not with the arguments which the Noble Lord advanced against the efficacy and morality of the Ballot that he intended to deal, but with the argument which, with out a shadow of reason, he endeavoured to fasten upon all tile supporters of the motion of the Honourable Member for London (Mr. Grote) and by which be attempted to make out that the Ballot would be employed as the first and pri mary instrument towards the achievement of very wild schemes of extensive and unlimited encroachments upon the Constitution. To say the least of it, he thought that the ' Noble Lord was most unjust, when he advanced such an ar gument against the supporters of the motion. The proposi tion for the adoption of the Ballot was not brought forward with the view of making it the instrument for effecting future and more extensive changes. He (Mr. Bulwer) could not conceive how it was to operate as an instrument of change.— (Laughter.) The proposition for the Ballot was introduced for the purpose of consolidating political power in the hands of those who now possessed it.—(Cheering, and laughter.) The Reform Bill gave the right of voting to a large class of persons ; the supporters of the Ballot wished to enable that large class of persons to exercise their right of voting unchecked and uncontrolled—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Divide")—unchecked and uncontrolled as much by the non-elector below them, as by the wealthy and influential above them.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord ( Lord J. Russell) in the course of his address, had raked up all the speeches which had been made at various meetings at various places in consequence of the unfortunate speech made by him ( Lord John Russell) at the commencement of the present Session of Parliament. The Noble Lord had alluded particularly to the speeches made by the Honourable Member for South wark (Mr. D. W. Harvey), and by another Member of the House, in one of which he said the Ballot was recommended, because it could not fail of becoming the instrument for effecting an extension of the Suffrage, and in the other be cause it would lead to a shortening of the duration of Par liaments. Now, the real effect of the Ballot would be to make the 101. householder perfectly independent in the exercise of his vote ; and that, he supposed, was what the opponents of the Ballot did not wish.—( Cries of " Oh, oh," and " Divide, divide.") The Right Honourable Baronet (' Sir Robert Peel) was wrong in saying that he had in troduced no novelty into the discussion of this question. The Right Honourable Baronet was too modest—(Hear, and cries of " Divide.") The Right Honourable Baronet had been guilty of the great novelty of being too frank.—( Cries of " Divide.) ( Here the Honourable Gentleman alluded to some portion of the argument advanced by Sir Robert Peel, but the frequent interruptions of the House rendered him in audible in the gallery.) The argument advanced by the Right Honourable Baronet was an argument against representative government altogether, and that was what the opposition to the Ballot really meant.—(General cries of " Divide.") The Ballot was opposed because it would substitute repre sentation in the place of nomination.--( Cheers.) That was the avowed ground upon which the Ballot was opposed. —(oh 0 Every argument upon which the opposition rested distinctly avowed it.—(" Divide.") By the Reform Act the people obtained the suffrage ; but matters had since been so managed as to render the effect of that measure in a great begree null ; and now that the true and legitimate objects of the Act had been defeated, the Honourable Gen tlemen opposite came forward and declared themselves its staunch supporter? Why? Because it kept the voter in thrall—because it prevented independent excereise of the Franchise.—(oll.) He had always observed that nothing so much excited a noisy and obstreperous cry of Oh I" from the Opposition benches as a plain tellin g of the truth.—(Cries of " Oh," and " Divide.") The fact was that since the Honourable Gentlemen opposite had be come practical Reformers, they had forgotten all their an , cient principles of conduct, and nothing was now so distaste ful to them as to be reminded of their former sayings and doings.—( Oh, divide.) The Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) thought that the rote ought to be free; but, somewhat oscillating between Aristocracy and Democracy, he added that he thought it ought to be checked by responsibility—to whom he (Mr. C. Buller) could not make out, whether to the Aristocracy or to the Democracy. He (Mr. C. Buller) stood between the two, and said that the voters to whom the Reform Act gave the franchise were the fit deposi taries of political power, and that means ought to be given to them of exercising their franchise with freedom and security. But he maintained that the legal gift of the fran chise had been nullified by the deficiency which existed in the mode of voting. —( Cries of " Divide I") He asked for no increase of the franchise. He did not agree with the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, who, in spite of their professed respect for the Reform Act, endeavoured last Session, when they voted for the proposition of Sir James Graham, to curtail the franchise by depriving a large class of electors of the right to vote. He did not agree with those who wished to dis franchise the freemen or the 501. leaseholders. He wished to disfranchise no man. Ho would leave the franchise as it now stood, neither curtailing it nor extending it. That was his wish at present; but he did not mean to say that hereafter• an extension of the suffrage might not be necessary. — ( Loud hear.) cheers from the Opposition.) Ile was not presu m p tuous enough to lay d own l aws to bi nd poster i ty.— (Bear, He did n o t t hi n k that the franchise presc ribed by the Reform A c t was a franchise that shoul d l ast for ever.-- ( Hear, h ear .) B ut h e had no intention to c h an ge it ; ho merely wished it to be unfettered.—( Hear, hear.) For that purpose he su pp orte d the Ballot.—( Oh, and cries of " Di vide.") Il e wou ld not trespass two minutes furt h er . It was not to the p r i nc i p l e, but to th e d e f ect i ve ma chinery of the Re form Act, that h e an d those who thought with hi m upon the subject of the B a ll ot, attributed the evils of w hi c h they corn " The Reform Act" he continued, " is a g ood Act if y ou wou ld carry it into effective operation. It is gcod in as foafr intelligence t i e t n e i g o n e f u e e r e s the aud legal r title to t h the e e franchisecountry. on the m All we call on y ou to d o i s to adopt y an alteration in the mechanism of voti ng , t h at s h all insure to that class the actua l posses sion of the pri v il ege which the law has given it. We see k no t ad mission for any new principl e . Th e i n d e pendence of the vo t e r is a pri nc ipl e as anc i ent as Parliament itself. Many laws have been pas se d to guard it ; a hundred resolutions o f t hi s House have proclaimed its importance and its sanctity, and still the independence of the voter is not rese rved. What I ca ll upon you to d o i s to v i ndicate your own laws. Do not allow the insolence or the frauds of wealth to trample on the funda mental principles of your Constitution, but by .the simple machinery of a box and a card protect rights which yoU pro fess to revere—rights svhich a mighty nation cherished and o o f ppO s s p iti i o v n id b e o . ; t is he will have respected."—(Cheers.) Right HonourablmeNooßtbioalrenonLiei Mr. GROTE rose to reply amidst loud and general cries opposite ; he hoped he might the Ri g three remarks upon what had fa at i bd i de( en SbieLre or ( or . • to Russell) e Y u me s i s a) t e k h l l e e v v ) h d a t e w n:d o i i si e coa o d irt f of " Divide.) With all the ability them oily.—( Cries of which they had em ployed upon the occasion they had not done what it was in cumbent upon them to do—they had not reQied to his objections, nor to the corn pl 'nt of the voters of England, who were' s and o ections the principal 'Attica In terested in the discussion. They had neither of them denied the existence and reality of intimidation • they had not pre tended to provide any other remedy for intimidation ' than that which he ( Mr. Grote) proposed, unless, indeed, he were to be called upon to adopt as a remedy that sort of i to the landlords which the Noble Lord ooh rtt n po i lent lecture ussell) the Member for Stroud had not been ashamed to evening, although ho had used it at his election use for a Devon shire that shire in 1832, and although subsequent experience haven convinced him how utterly useless, how wholly null it ( Cries of " Divide.") He repeated, that to the ws: complaints and objections of the voters of England no solid had been returned, either by the Noble Lord or the RighttnswerH Baronet. Instead of returning a solid answer b o a n d . been done ? Why, they ascribed to the Ballot a what tendency— which in no reasonable view the Ballot could be held to possess—to stifle free discussion. He (Mr. Grote) maintained that the Ballot would at once open to the constituene ofEng land a greater freedom of discussion, a greater freedomY f speech than they had ever yet possessed. Ho maintained e further that it would encourage and strengthen all those mo ral influences which the Noble Lord and his Right Honour able Ally contended it would depress and destroy The Right Honourable Baronet had said much about the impossibility,f maintaining secrecy. But, surely, it could not ha - p d the Right Honourable Baronet that, if he wished toveseeseae whe ther the plan which he (Mr. Grote) proposed would be e effec tual or not, he ought to allow him (Mr. Grote) to • odu e ce his Bill, If the provisions of the Bill did not satisfy the permitted frontdomb elr tt Right Hon. Baronet that a complete secrecy could be a y secu then lie might oppose it; his oppositi on now was premature.red If he (Mr. Grote) were one of those wh o felt eager for the permanence and popularity of the Government ofwhich the Noble Lord was the leader, he should express his very great r e y regret at the language which he had u se d that night ard the opposition which he had given to th e question. Little did the Noble Lord know the eff e ct whi c h wou l d be produced in ~ the country by the words he had utt ere d that eventeg..—. ( tidal', hear.) Ile (Mr. 6rotei was mtiA Noble Lord did not soon find reason to regret those words and t:e . decisio n th ey announced.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord told them that the Ballot was now indissolubly connected w.th “tcrtsicliQf narage and triennial Parliaments. And what had made it so 7 He itoti l ni LP, .74,-,1,1A Lord. It was his own declaration upon these subjects at the commencement of the present session:—( Cheers.) He (Mr. Grote) was a friefid to tht Ballot, a friend td ail cttensitin of the suffrage, and a friend to triennial Parliaments; but he asserted that the three questions were quite distinct, that any one of them might be supported and the others resisted by the same individual, without his being thereby exposed to the charge of inconsistency.—( Hear, hear.) It was the Noble Lord and his Government, who were doing all they could to connect the three questions by an indissoluble tie, and he would take leave to tell them, that though for the mo ment they might get over the difficulty caused to them by the question of the Ballot, they were laying up for themselves far greater difficulties, and that ere long the three questions they so much apprehended would roll in upon them and the House in a way they would find it impossible any longer to resist.—(Cries of " Hear.") He maintained that the Go vernment had no right at the present moment to connect the three questions indissolubly together. He now introduced to the consideration of the house the separate and distinct ques tion of the Ballot, placing it before them on its own grounds and merits, and on those grounds and on those merits, and without reference to any other question, he called upon them for their decision. —( Cheers. ) The House then divided, when the numbers were— For the motion l9B Against it 315 Majority against the motion --117 The announcement was received by loud cheers from the Liberal Members. CALL OF THE HOUSE. Mr. HINDLE Y asked whether he might give notice that a call of the House should be moved on Tuesday, when the motion of the Hon. Member for Oldham (Mr. Fielden) should be brought forward for the repeal of the Poor-laws Bill ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER observed that it would be hard to enforce the call against those Members who bad no notice of it. After a few words from the SPEAKER and Sir R. PEEL in opposition to the motion, Mr. HINDLE Y said he should be satisfied if the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel, brought down his supporters in the same numbers as he did that evening. CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS BILL. Mr. B ULL ER, in moving the further consideration of the Report, said he had great difficulty in fixing a day for taking the discussion on the principle of this measure on which ha could rely on a sufficient number of Members. If he were to fix it for Wednesday he greatly feared that the Members of the Government would not attend. Sir R. PEEL agreed that the conduct of the Government was in that respect at least very contagious.—( Laughter.) He knew there were many Members who were anxious not merely to discuss the Bill in Committee, but to state their views in a connected form with respect to it. It was a most im portant measure, the subject of it being one on which all parties agreed that if a better system could be ste)stituted for the pre sent it ought to be adopted. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that if his Hon. Friend would fix Wednesday for the Committee he would take on him to ensure the attendance on the part of the Government. After a few words from Mr. WYNN, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that if all were so well agreed on the importance of that Bill, why did they not make the sacrifice, and fix some Wednesday ? Sir ROBERT PEEL felt so much confidence in the con viviality of the Queen's Government—(Laughter).—tbat he feared a short attendance in the House. Mr. BULLER, to save trouble, would fix Wednesday, the ith of March, and as it was Ash Wednesday, probably Mem bers of Government might attend and postpone their dinner till Thursday. Sir ROBERT PEEL remarked that as it was fixed for a fast there was little probability of a Cabinet feast.— (Laughter.) TRANSFER OF AIDS AND EXCHEQUER BILLS. These Bills severally went through a Committee. CHELSEA HOSPITAL. Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice that he should move for a repeal of so much of the Act 3 George IV., c. 25, as related to the appointment of Commissioners to Chelsea Hospital. The House adjourned at Half-past Ono o'Clock. THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK. Arrivals this morning of French and Ostend mails. Ship letters from the Cape of Good Hope of an old date. We have very few arrivals this morning, and the American Papers by the Sheffield, of the 24th ult., have not been received as yet. Late yesterday afternoon, the Bank Directors issued a notice that on and after the 16th instant, the rate of interest on Bills of Exchange, and notes discounted at the Bank, will be four per cent. per annum. This operation on the part of the Bank Directors will not produce much profit to the Bank of England, as good bills can obtain discount from two and a half to three per cent. per annum ; money being so plen tiful at the bankers' and capitalists'. The United States Banks and American merchants will also greatly profit by the Bank of England lowering the rate of interest. Sovereigns, which obtain, at New York and other parts of the United States, a profit at about three per Cent, to the exporters from England. i will be now sent there in abundance, and enable the banks of America to renew specie payments in a short time. We understand that already 30,000 sovereigns are on their way on board the packet ship Westminster, which will soon be followed by much larger amounts. As soon as the notice of the Bank lowering their rate of interest was known at the Stock Exchange, a considerable improvement took place In the British Funds. Consols, which were during the morning of yes terday at 92 1 ,6 to t, for the Account, immediately advanced to 92i, and closed at 92% j. Consols opened this morning at 921 buyers, but they soon receded to 91 sellers, for the Account. Exchequer Bills, 14 56; Bank Stock, 201 206 ; India Bonds, 55 57 ; India Stock, 264 26i. . . • In the Foreign Market little doing as yet. ,Brazil Stock closed at 74 '4 1, opened at same ; Spanish Active, 1.80 i, opened at same; Portu guese, 200 27, opened at same; Three per Cents., 17} I ; Dutch Two. and.a.Half, 53i i ; Mexican, 29i ; Columbian, 270, opened at same. Owing to several private letters being received from Bahia, of the 2d and 3d of January, which do not mention the sortie made by the in surgents, and their loss of 300 men, as well as the arrival of the Govern ment troops from Rio and Pernambuco, the accounts of the above events are doubted ; nevertheless the price of Brazil continues the same as it closed at yesterday. Consols just done at 9 Z'; i for Account. PRICES OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Bank Stook 206 514 India Stork 255V, 3 1"'r Cent. Me d. 9314 I ,i, •., Ditto Bonds 3per Cent. Con s 22-)f0“ South Sea Stock IlittpooritCedent......... .- ........... 1 - 01% O N l e d w A o n i n tt n o itios .. New 31 4 per Cent 10 0 1,04 3 per Cent. Annultiee, 1751... New 5 per Cent.. — Exch. Bills, £l,ow 55 57 OM. sank CougAnnultieetoexpire Ditto 500... . .. 6", 57 pm. Jan. 5, laic ....... 15 5-10 W Ditto Small Oct. 111 :559 Jan. 5,1 e; 147 Ditto Advertised pin Jan. 5, Ptßo April 5, l ` . 30........-.. ...... .. , Indla Stock for Account — Jan, s, 1t 1 70.............. •..... —lComols far Acoonnt 9'2 % 'is PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK Austrian Bonds Belgian Bonds — Ditto Account ....... ........ ... Dktto Account Portuguese Bow's — Brazilian Bonds .. - 410 A 2 1 ,411 Ditto Account — Ditto Account ..„ .... a4vi 3%. - ci Ditto New Bonds ......... ii.ierins Ayres Bonds 2l Ditto Account ixtt. Account ..... ..-... ..... D.tto, 3 per cent.... ..... hillinn Bonds .....,- ..... .....-. Prissian 11 , ,ids — Ditto Account C Atimbian Winds ..... ......... Dittc Account ... ... Ditto Metallic. •;)Junibian Bonds, :89.1 27 2 4 f 8 7. Spanish Bonds Ditto Account ... 27%14 81,4 IA Ditto Account --. Owlish Bonds ... .. Oat() ACCelltit -• Ditto Account Weak 80nd5.... ..... ....... ..... ... French, 3 per cent ......... --f. --c. —1 --r. Ditto Bonds, Ins ....... ..... f —e. Ditto Account Exchange -- 3 4 1,,:.:,,r cent..cen t . Dutch 24, per cent. Nll•.', N, Me ; x it ic to an A li cc ots i , t 5 pr r cent.... f , Mtto, f, per cent. to 9.9 ii ilitto Account.... ..... 9)!<, 30 '20% Noltroli t tta ....... PRICES OF SHARES THE Dab; AC:c . ount Ditto, 5 ecr cant. lO2 Ditto Account • DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK raid. Nl* Share. dat 51. pm ) 9(1 19% 19 23% 4 ed 031. IN. 04. Brazilian imperial Mining Co. (Isom Ditto 51asattbas Cocaes Realdel Monte Mining Co., Register Ditto Unregistered - 154 Biriningliarn and Derby Railway Company :10 I/ Bristol and Exeter Railway Lion - Irani., ,,,,,,,, !,, 19 6 Cheltenham and Great Western Railway Commercial Blackwall Railway Company 2 CV'i Dublin and Kilkenny Railway Company Eastern Counties Railway 3 2% 2 4 Fidiiiblirgh ) Leith, and Newhaven i 116 iii-eat western Rail*ay Company ll5 115% 6 Hull and Selby Railway Company lO 6 . 6% Brighton Railway Company London and Blackwall Railway Dittn StripA:l.‘l•7l. •• p j 3 7 14%% 1. ndon and Blrtilingliant Rail.tay Company , go 166 6 London and Croydon Railway Company se; nchester and Birmingham Railway 7 9 % 10,4 % Midland Counties Railway Company 2O 18 Northern and Eastern Railway Company N.rth Midland Railway Company 26 26 1 ,4 4 Pouth Eastern end Dover Railway Company 7 6 %31 7 20 2.54 24 32 Canadaßi tt • s h North pt American asntyoek B Bank n k Bank fpndoll 7 Fi ßa v n e k pe o r f CRlreEe:Na.nc.d.ilogrturir 51c. 45c. F. 7 4 2 7 514. 39 Provincial Bank and a Half nor Cents. 105 f. LOc. Four per Cents., 104 f. lihrtle per Cents., 791. 55e. Ike. 55c. Bank Actions, 1,6111 f. 500 (lento de Naples, 98f. 950..99f. Roman Five per Cents., Wl4. Spanish Actives, 19X%. Belgian Loan, 104 1 0. Belgian Bank, 1,527 f. 50c. Portuguese LOatl, Three per Cents 174. EICHA Wig ON LONDON. One month, paper, 23f. 4734 c.; money, 25f. 4714 c Tkree months, paper, 25f. 35e.; looney, 25E 3234 e. LAST PRICW. Ms per Cents. 1091, 500. Throo per Cents., 70f. 65c. Bank Actions, 9197 f. ioc. Romans, 101 X. Belgian Bank, 1,527 f. 50e. Portuguese Throe per Cants., 17g. Spanish Actives, 1514. HALF-PAST ONE O'CLOCK. The Consol Market has been very buoyant (luring the morning, w ith a considerable improvement in the prices. Consols have been d on e at 921 for the Account; at present may be quoted 92L ; Money the same, owing to its being known that there will not be a large augmentation in our army, consequently the expenses will not be so grea t a s previously anticipated by the public ; also they are Bears in consols to a large amount in the Market, E xc hequer Bills, 55 57 ; India Bonds, 15 14, to be paid off; Bank Stock, 2054; India Stock, 2654. In the Foreign Market, Spanish Active improved to 194, with Cou pons; Portuguese, 274; Threeper Cents., 17 M ; Brazilian maintains the price, 744 ; Dutch Two.and.a.Half per Cents. 53 ; Colombian, f ; Danish, 741 ; Mexican, 294; Peruvian, 204 21. Most of the Shares have improved; Brighton done at 5 premium. We have received the second letter from Liverpool. The sale of Cotton has been 3,000 Bags. There are a great number of arrivals at Liverpool, from various quarters. Consoli for ttio Account, 924, THREE O'CLOCK. Pitotintss of TIItttALLOT. It has been said that no question of pt - itic Utility was ever yet brought into the House of Commons, but what ulimately succeeded, however small its original support Qr diticoura g inoy slow its progress. The Ballot began with tiffee Member!' only—Mr. JAMEP_, Mr. HUME, and Mr. RICARDO—it now numbers two hundred; The Rubicon is passed ! ' The following is the progress of the ballot since 1833 : 1833—For the Ballot Against it 2ll 1835—For the Ballot Against it 319 1836—For the Ballot Against it... 139 1837—For the Ballot 155 Against it 1838—For the Ballot Against it 317 BRISTOL ELECTION COMMITTEE. (THIS DAY.) The Committee met at one o'clock, Mr. Charles Wood in the chair. The petition was read at length by the clerk. It alleged bribery, &C., on the part of Mr. Francis Hervey Fitzharding Berkeley, and prayed that Mr. William Fripp might be declared duly elected. Mr. Thessiger and Mr. Wortley appeared for the petitioners; Mr. Cruwder and Mr. Adolphus for the sitting Member. Mr. TIIESSIGER proceeded to open the case at considerable length, stating a variety of circumstances to prove the allegations in the petition, particularly with regard to Mr. Berkeley and Mr. Cunningham (the Chairman of Mr. Berkeley's Committee), which we refrain from publishing until they shall come out in evidence. c • , 4 1 , t . 4li - .4) 4 r - ot , 'Nev;;, tot :4- ( Zlbt WITH WHICH - THE TRUE SUN" IS NOW INCORPORATED. LONDON : FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 16, len The question of the Ballot was last night brought for ward in the House of Commons, and the result of the dis cussion has been such as to convince us that the measure must ere long be carried. A greater number of Members voted in its favour than had ever voted before, and this notwithstanding Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S formal declaration of hostility at the commencement of the Session, and the well-known fact that the majority of his colleagues are equally hostile to it. For this vast increase of supporters of the Ballot, we may thank the Tories, whose con duct during the two last elections has impressed all right-thinking men with a strong moral conviction that the measure is indispensably necessary to the proper working out of the great problem of Reform. Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S speech will not go far to weaken this conviction ; but, on the contrary, will lend it addi tional energy. A more impotent display of sophistry, which had not even ingenuity to recommend it, we have not often witnessed in the House of Commons. When we say that it was merely a begging of the question, we do not do it justice ; it was throughout a studied perversion of it. The Ballot, forsooth, was a " moral plague," and would make the dependent class of electors infinitely more cor rupt than they now were. The landlords would still insist rigidly on their votes, and the latter, in turn, would falsify their pledges through the safe medium of the Ballot•box ! This is the'ivery poorest of all poor sophistries. What object would the landlords have in exacting promises, the redemption of which they knew it was beyond their power to enforce ? Grant the Ballot, and the landlord's despotism is at once done away with, for the motive for its continuance will exist no longer. Lord JOHN RUSSELL must hare been well aware that he was urging the language of the sheerest Jesuitism, by the approbation which his remarks met with from the Opposition. Sir Ro- BERT PEEL himself was not more applauded by the Tories, than was the introducer of the Reform Bill into the House of Commons, whenever he expressed a senti ment more than usually hostile to the Ballot. These are untoward symptoms, and almost induce us, when bearing in mind the uniform principles of the Tories, and the very accommodating ones that the Whigs are now striving to bring into fashion, to cry out with honest Tybalt—" A plague on both your houses !" But if we speak—and we do so with the bitterest regret— in terms of disapproval of the conduct of Lord J. RUSSELL'S speech last night., what are we to say for that of Sir J. CAM HOBIIOUSE, who had actually the effrontery—we will use uo milder term—to record his vote against the Ballot ? What, our readers will ask, the twenty-years Member for Westminster—he whose very name was a synonyme for ultra-Radicalism—who was ever foremost to take part with the oppressed against the oppressor—who, if he pro fessed scorn and loathing of the Tories, professed still deeper for their opponents—what, this man, after all his noisy professions of patriotism, sink down from a fierce, effervescing Radical, into a mere flat, small-beer Whig ? Even so ! The fact seems incredible, but there it is on re cord against him ! The votes of the House, which we have seen this morning, show him among the opponents of the Bal lot. What will the electors of Nottingham say to this? If they do not instantly call on him to resign his seat, they will deserve to have him as their Representative—and we can imagine no crueller punishment—for ever. Of Mr. Pou- LETT THOMPSON we must also say a tew words. What became of his vote—his speech we could have dispensed with—last night? Where was he, when the great question which he had so solemnly pledged himself to support on the hustings at Manchester, was to be decided? When every vote was of consequence, and it was more than ever expected by his constituents that he should do his duty. The Member for Manchester had, to use Lord GLENELG'S pet phrase, " bolted." He was non cat inventus, as the lawyers say. Such arc a few of the men—such their slipppery charac ters—such their happy facility of acceommodating them selves to circumstances—that now hold the reins of autho rity over us. They may, we think—on the question of the Ballot, at least—be fairly enough divided into two classes— the Intolerants and the Shufflers. LordJoHN RUSSELL repre sents the first, and Messrs. HOBHOUSE and P. Trromrsox are finished specimens of the last. But let them retrace their steps ; let them seriously bethink them of what they are doing, and the results that are likely to flow from their infatuation—in a word, let them consult their coun try's interests in preference to their own—or so surely as they are now trembling in Downing-street, and dreading the result of last night's discussion—so surely will they be ejected from office, ere a month shall have flown over their heads But to return to the Debate. Mr. WARD made an ad mirable speech, in the course of which lie satisfactorily accounted for the comparative paucity of petitions on the Ballot, by showing that the intimida tion of the landlords had prevented many scores of addresses, and many thousands of signatures. Mr. HALL also made several very pertinent and forcible remarks, which were not without their effect on the House, and Mr. OWEN STANLEY, infinitely to his credit, in a speech as full of argument, as Sir ROBERT PEEL'S was of sophistry, professed himself a recent convert to the Ballot, from the overwhelming practical proofs of its necessity supplied to him by the last elections. Of Mr. GROTE'S observations we shall say no more, than that if common-sense had been allowed to exercise its legitimate influence, the majority would have been in favour, instead of against, the Ballot. We announced on Tuesday that the Tories meant to return Sir JAMES GRAHAM to Parliament for the Pem7 boke district of boroughs, and that Colonel OWEN had vacated his seat for that purpose. The addresses of the retiring representative, and the aspiring candidate, are now lying 'Afore us. Colonel HUGH OWEN tells the "indepen dent" electors of the united boroughs of Pembroke, Tenby, Wiston, and Milford, that in retiring from the honour of representing them, and giving them an immedi a t e opportu nity of electing another representative, " T have sacrificed personal gratification to a paramount sense of public duty, believing as I do that the candidate who eel's himself to your notice and who I trust will be the object ofyour choice, is far more capable of ren d er i ng you effectual service, and that his election will a l so b e i n this time of difficulty of the mos t essential benefit to the country." The Knight of Netherby, he o f t h e b right sword, and of the par ty which is renegade • from liberty, informs the electors of the above-mentioned places, without, however, mocking them with the epithet of independent," my friend. Colonel OWEN, having vacated his seat, for reasons which he has staled to you, but on which I cannot dwell, since they are to flattering to me, I venture to offer myself as a candidate for the high honour of representing you in Par liament." We have something to say about the high honour and independence of all the parties to this transac tion, but we must first remind our readers that the two ad dresses completely confirm our statement of Tuesday. We repeated that stat ement yesterday, with the additional information that Sir JAMES GRAHAM would be supported by Sir JOHN OWEN and Lord CAWDOR, and would, most probably, be returned. From a Correspondent, at Pem broke, we learn that this also is correct, for he says that " the Conservatives and the Conservative Whigs" support Sir JAMES, and no other candidate is in the field. In fact, against the OWEN family, which according to the Parliamentary Pocket Companion has great interest in Pembroke, and against Lord CAWPOR, who has also eon siderable influence, it is of no use trying, and we may be quite sure that the votes of the independent electors will be an transferred to Sir JAMES GRAHAM. Some encouragement, however, and some hopes are held out to Reformers by a " Ministerial Paper" of last evening, the accuracy of which may be judged of by the fact, that it confounds the boroughs with the county, and describes Sir JAMES as a candidate to represent Pembrokeshire, in the representa tion of which there is no vacancy. The venal error of the Courier, however, is of less importance than the con duct of the Pose and the Chronicle, which, having our correct and more complete information before them, copy the error of our ConternpGyary. That is, however, less for us t^ complain of than their readers, who will hardly excuse thai ilind animosity to this Outerprising Journal, which induces them to copy the errors of:he " Ministerial Paper" rather than our correct information t ;•is the condi tion of naming The Sun. We come now to speak of the high honour of a !' the parties concerned. The first person who appears on On scene is the Gallant Colonel, who, having in the month .1 July, in 1837, solicited the suffrages of the independent electors, finds out in the month of February, 1838, that he must lay down this honour. He is at the same time careful to assure the electors that he retains a respect and regard for their interests, and will attend their call if they should require his services. He wishes, therefore, to hold the seat, but cannot. Why, then, does the Gallant and Honourable Officer retire ? Poor boy, he does as his Papa and Lord CAWDOR bid him. He nominally sat for the borough, but was really the Representative of the Noble Lord and Sir Jolts OWEN. They want the scat for a more efficient Member, and the Gallant Colonel, without a court of inquiry or court martial, resigns one of the highest nominal honours which can be conferred on man, and retires from Parliament. If he were sn unceremoniously dismissed from his regiment, would he not feel and acknowledge himself disgraced ; and what else but disgrace can he feel at being thus dismissed from the House of Commons ? So looked at, this ease is curious ; but the more curious part of the matter is, that the Gallant and Honourable Colonel is an active agent in inflicting this disgrace on himself, and, by vacating his seat to bring Sir JAMES Gaats,sm into Parliament, confesses to all the world that he was only the humble servant, like a butler, of the patrons of the boOogh, and not the inde pendent representative of the independent electors of the boroughs of Pembroke, Tenby, Wistog, and Milford. The Gallant and Hon. Gentleman seems to us, by retiring from a place he coveted no longer ago than last _Rummer, and without any other reason than that of pi,:eing an" other gentleman in his situation, when he has not bee" asked to do so by the electors—not only to acknowle3ge that he was the mere tool of the patrons of the borough , but that, since his election, he has assumed the character of an independent Member of Par ment, which he knew did not belong to him,' The next person who comes on the scene, and goes througa the hypocritical farce of writing and publishing an address; to the electors, is Sir JAMES GRAHAM, while he ktins v " l that the whole matter has been arranged by the two patrons of the borough. The electors have nothing to do with It , except to vote for him as their patrons tell them. Sir JAMES GaAWAM is, in fact, about to step into the dePe n : dent place of the retiring Colonel ; and while he is see ' into the House of Commons by another influence, intends to hold himself out to the world as the independent represen' tatire of an independent body of electors. He, too, is most honourable man, and all the parties to the transac tion—which appears to us little better than a species ot political humbug—are all honourable men. We must ex' elude the electors, who, while they are thus trans ferred from OWEN to GRAHAM, and go through the cere mony of withdrawing their confidence from the Colo nel ' and giving it to the Baronet, are only called independent , as if the epithets applied to both parties to the tran sacti o n were intended to point out and contrast the qua lities 1 1 11 ,, which both are deficient. Sir JAMES, once the real honoured representative of the independent freeholders Cumberland—an honoured seat he deservedly lost for 111' to political tergiversation—condescends to step into th e bode" like lace of Colonel OWEN, because he "is unwilling '`, remain excluded from Parliament." He thinks e ither that the nation will go wrong unless set right by his e lo q uence i; or that the Tories will divide the spoils of office, for whii he has laboured so hard, without giving him any share d Whether his exuberant vanity or a desire for place make him submit to take such a prominent part in the farce can'; the independent election for the borough of Pembroke, "r` leave the reader to decide. w One part of Sir JAMES GRAHAM'S address is very siig- th nificant. He speaks of his past official coonection y.rst the local interests of Pembroke. Sir JAMES til ig l A. Lord of the Admiralty, and at Milford there is I"`° yard. By that allusion, no doubt, Sir JAMES mea nt to r _ vive the gratitude of the electors , and gratitud e has heel' appropriately defined a lively anticipation of future favotirg• Sir JAMES points to the time when he is to be again First Lord of the Admiralty. I i a strange doctrine that "an ex-Chancellor ought n ot to condemn the Law-Officers of the Crown, or arraign the law, b e c a u se " that line of conduct operates as a great encouragement to the commission i sf offences." Such, however, was the charge made by Led MELBoustiO against Lord BROUGHAM last evening. So that, if men have been convicted by a se v er e l aw , or have suff ered long imprisonment on charges which the Law-Officers cas:ld not sustain, or if subjects residing on the North Ba nk of ti Tweed are to be punished with fifty-fold greater seven*" than those on the South, not a word is to be said Against the inequality of the law, or the severity of the punishment, or the conduct of the public prosecutor ! All the declared charges against the Glasgow Cotton-Spinners were e re irrelevant by the Scotch Judges—the minor offenceS "'men sustained by a bare majority of the Jury• had been imprisoned previous to the trial for seven i' A b more than twice the period of imprisonment allotte d s i j s r be the law of England on conviction, and yet they are - the banished for seven years in addition to these seven moil imprisonment ; and when Members of both Houses Coinith plain of this anomaly and severity, they are Charg ed r h a e tontho abetting crime. We can see . neither the justice Ir e policy of such conduct. We care nothing for t graver accusations against the prisoners—as theY t hem not proved, the law c an t a k e no cognizance of the h lt in awarding punishm e nt. Th e Jury evidently d great doubts as to the proofs on the minor indictment ; an taking that into account, as we ll as th e s light punishenmt that would have b een i n fli c t e d by th e E n glish law, therei has seldom been a s t ronger case ma d e out for the rnerei fe consideration of the Executive. The papers moved for bY Lord BROUG H A M , h owever , w ill th ro w more light on the subject, and enable the public to judge for themselves. A writer in the Herald states, that the discrepen, e , between the laws on the different Banks of the Tweed '5 not so great as was made out by the Learned Lord. ale says, that by the common law these parties might have boot indicted for a conspiracy which would have subjected their , if found guilty, to .a longer term of imprisonment that three months, and also to a fine. He also states that by the 9th of Geo. IV., cap. 31, " any assault committed in pursuance of any conspiracy to raise the rate of wages, the Court may sentence the offender to be imprisoned, with or without hard labour, in the common gaol or House of Cor rection, for any term not exceeding two years ; and may also, if it shall think fit, fine the offender, and require bile to find sureties for keeping the peace." He infers, there fore, th at it is incorrect to say, " without qualification, that the punishment for a conspiracy to raise wages by illegal means, in this country, is li a bl e to no grea t er punishment that two »Iona? imprisonment." Though the discrepancy' be not so great as Lord BROUGHAM described it, still th e p ublic must be startled at learning that the same off ence committed on the north of the Tweed, subjects a ri1313 to transportation and hard labour for at lea st seve l years, which if committed on the sunny tide, would a t roost only be followed by two years' imprisonment. Laws W e, a more important office than that of punishi n g erirn th o f e They i n f orm , gu id e , an d i nstruct th e m oral sense people, and to suffer such di scre p anc ies to exist in the se T e empire, can only c o n f use th e mora l p erce ptions of the p e°Pe and obliterate the distinctions between right and wrong' aise the prop er an d j us t pun i s h men t o f co nspiracy t ° r wages be two years' imprisonment at most, the five Y e additional transportation must be unjust, and is in file, far great er cr i me comm i tte d b y th e l aw a gainst the Cot,tol4 spinners, than the offence for which they are punished. Ass - Letters from Od essa o f the 26th of January state that the Empress of Russia h as or d ere d 5,000 rubles t o be sent, as a donation to th e p oor o f th a t t ow n. The harbour 0' the Golden Horn, at Constantinople, is completely froze° over, and th e c l oc k s o f t h e c i ty are s t o pped from ex cessive cold. Prom the l eng th o f t h e D e b,.te we are compelledt o leave over several articles of news, &c. PATENT LEVER WATCtir''' Four and a Half Guineas each. A variety o f S econ d - h an d W atc h es, on t hi s ce lebrated con s tru i e ( - 1 tion, with go i ng fuzee, to'Continue going while winding up, di ky le an e d in fou r holes, hand to mark the seconds, hard enamel al, other mod ern imp rovements are offered at the above price, "gal' ranted, a t COX SAVORY'S, ' Jeweller, Silversmith, and Wat n maker, 47, C orn hill , London ( S even Doors from Gracechurch street). On the 14 t h inst., at Woodlands ßlßT Somersetshire, the lady of Cal" fain Maher, of a son. MARRIED. At St. George's Church, by the Rev. Mr. Boys , Pe ter Young! P_sci., mercha n t, D emerara' to Margaret Blair, eldest da u g hter of D. Smith, E sq ., merc h ant, London. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of Ne• 112, Stra n d, a t Th e S un Offi ce , No. 112, Strand, in the county Aliddlesex,—Friday, February 16, IE3B. 1