The Sun. — London, England, 1826-05-12 00:00:00

present sufferings were so much to be lamented. He trusted that no esse of absolute necessity would call upon the Government to Prog4o4e, the. power entrusted to them by the second . measure. I,l4fit would be their duty after all, whether these measures were ou-ried or tuft, to take. the responsibility upon themselves if a scarcity, should unhappily arise, and admit foreign gi:ain in what ever quaLtities the exigencies of the country might require. He should vot against the -motion, and doing so he should . not consider .hialielf pledged in any way .upon the general question of the Corn Laws. Whenever that should come before their. Lor dships-, he should consent to no change which .did not secure a /term:item and' sufficient prot.44.ion to the agriculture of this i.ouutry f : . • 'the Earl of IInsr.W!RRT explained. Led ELVENBGROUGH contended that the speech of the Nobl i Earl 'oppOSite (Lord Aberdeen) lied not been directed to sny which denied that the, Inotion before their Lordships was sucdi motion as ought to be entertained. He was sur prised. to hear, the Noble Lord who replied to the speech of the Noble Mover, declare that he knew not what the system of the Corn Laws was. Now that system, whateVer might be its. de- . f,eni,-and howeVer absurd it might be in parts, was the work of the Noble Earls opposite. The measure of 1822 was theirs, and the measure of 1815 was in part theirs ; therefore he was asto nished to hear that system reviled and declared incomprehensible by them which they themselves had created. He denied that one single fact . had been stated which gave the least ground for anticipating a famine price of corn; and he was surprised that such a cry should have been raised, when it was known that the cry of famine was as mischievous as the cry of fire in a crowded theatre. Upon what ground could an . expectation of a famine price he entertained ? Was it upOu any signs of scarcity to be found in the granaries of this country, or was it, in the large, produce of Ireland ? He confessed he could only suppose that the Noble Lord had gathered his apprehensions frost the rex stellarum of Poor Robin's Almanack, or Some Stich Source. • He begged their Lordships to observe how the Government were creeping upon them by degrees With the question of the. Corn Laws. — Last year a measure wax introduced justified by fac-h and the necessity of the case. Now they had other measures without any frtets4et without : any justification whatever. In public affairs what was in novation one Year becarne'preceileof in the second, andfrnle iu the third. He was ready to confess-and he was per haps. kingitlar in that respect--that he had not made sip his mind -upon' the generid question of the Corn Laws. But this he was quite :sore would rather keep the poor lands of this country - 10,e4thivation than, the poor latids of Pomerania; lie would rather 'W.,* the tern consumption 'of 'the country produced upon the banks of the Thais is Pthannien 'than' upon those of the Nile, the Alississinpi; ab:rthe . Vistnta. He would not place the granaries of the' country under tho conteoul nod power of these who were jealous of our power :Old greatness. He looked upon the agri culturists of this comary as the life-guards of the Constitution; and .he would support them. He was strengthened in his opposition to the Measure 4 by the circumstances tinder which they had been Ilieught tbrward. Although he might be induced to make smite coneektion to argument and reason, he never would, while he had a seat in Pediment, or while be had life, make concession to out rage. Looking to the systematic attacks which had for swine time past been directed against the landed interest, and at the connec tion which was attempted to he established between, .the Corn Laws and the existing distrets, he could only view these measures as a premium upon insurrection. He felt that the . agriculturists had been unjustly and cruelly used; for whatever might' have been the intentions of the Noble Earl at the heed of the Govern- ment, in bringing foricard the Subject, was understood, by the 'dense and by ' the public, to connect the:agriculturist with the distress, and to. something t4en from the agriculturist the distressed manufacturer looked for relid. Neither could he forget the pledge of faith given "to the public by the Government, not mice, but frequently and recently, that no interference with the Corn Laws should take place during the present year. But if ho had none of those reasons, all of which would induce bins, to negative the measures, he could not, with the love)te bore the free Constitution of this country, een.. %out to place this dispensive pincer in the hands of any Govern ment whatever. Ile had no direet apprehension that it would he , absurd in the present ease ; 'but what was done by the Minister :of would be followed - by his successor.,: There was no man' in tho.eonntry try whop he 'would more readily entrust such a power 'than to the l'i4trl p 'lint he. Would net consent to pert with it at 7tII. Arid, altlibugh this dispenSive pincer was asked by. ttsc Noble . Earl, thiAt L6ilTifilp"4 oust net forget 'that' It tvottla be exercised by the , CounelVtiftrhicli he formed only s part,. If he • 'had not his 'word to the contrary, Ike,would net believe, for the honour of tine Noble Earl, t,,14,.1te had ,origmated tl.O agitation of this question, after the . tissuraneiStile - prMinedy given to the House coil fhe'cenetty. 'H6' not believe it when be 're membered the character of the Noble Earl, and the sentinicnts and opinions expressed by him in the year 11M. He called upon their Lordship* by their love for the best interests of the' country and by their respect for their own chitracter, to adopt the motion' :now ender their consideration. , , The.. Earl of WESTMORELAND, in addressing their Lord, ashiper is support of the amendment, would not follow the ex .attiplecof the Noble ,Lord who bad ,just sat down ; for he should not, say. one word upon the su,ject of the Corn Law Oeastion, sit t7t it• ntd. been agreed on all hands to postpone that diieussion to a future opportunity,' and because he thought, it Wholly .undnnect#4 , with .the, measure to which the ntotien before the ;,:Hottse referred. Ile denied that any one would be plAgerl . . to a removal of the Corn Lawn by Supporting,thoe measures. would Mk wliAtber any of their Lordships in voting for the' toopeusiuu of :the Jialwas Corpua Act were pledged thereby to rapport its repeal? It was said that there was no proveet of aeartity beratete.prices were low,at present; hut any man who Iriokad at the stlitejlie country was now in unrit see that the • price of corn was very high in proportion to that of other or - -ticles.. The ,Nolde Y,'arl who introduced the motion had alluded to the com of 1766, wiwit Lord Chatham's Administration hid an embargo upon All grain in our ports, But it must not be gotten the Act (lid net pass without severe animadversior They were tar that the King had no prerogative to interfere will. the law, acid that it was an'irct 'of power...-uot of prerogative. - lii r'eply to the argument that there were justifiable acts of power, of which tlt;s was one,' they *ere told that' such calamities. did na •eome upim a Wise rind '''Wetchful Government on. a sudden, and' • they ought tol4re tome to' Parliament to' ask for power, armed throttler the'exigehey. ' Thiewaiwthe course now pursued by the Government, and if the House refused to mit them with that power - they hattthe trlternativeof resorting to the other at their own Aims:flow end respensibility. - He trusted the Muse would grant it, and be was sure it would be exercised only in the case of urgent necessity, and in such a manner as could not be open to objection: Earl GROSVENOR said he approyed of the motion; and wart the more'satiStied with it, because it must lead to ali inquiry into the whole question of the Corn Laws ! Tie ohjectisi to both the twasures proposed - by the Government;' to the first, because it fixed a . duty which would hereafter be taken as amount for permanent protection ; to the second, because of all things'the limitation of quantity was most objectionable,. If such a crisis as waft supposed possible should actually arise, then the limitation *mild render the Measure wholly inefficient. He admitted that these measures ought to be kept'separate front the general question • of the Corn. Laws ; and' when that Came regularly before their LOrtlahips, be should be - disposed to agree to some alterations..-.- Bet before the 'questioa was granted there must be it large reduc tion Of 'expenditure. 'lf these mea.ures had been brought on be fere the i i iipplies were Voted in the tither Howe, he was sure the country, geotleueM' would hence risen as one man to ell for a re doctiOn of expenditure:and tates, lla thought inquiry necessary, and their Lordships Would. do will to pause before they rejected a proprtsition which could lead to, nu possible ill, and might do a great deatof good, FALMOUTH made. a few obsertmtions in oppoitien to the motion, which were inaudible. ; The Earl of DARNLEY complained of the want of fermight And fOrtithought on the part of the Government. If they had fore ten this distress, and come forward to meet it in thin., be L ave given them his soriluttl support. But instead'of doing that, they had rejected a motion made by his Mible Friend, which for its object to provide employment for the labouring pupa , Wien. The manner in which the meashres laid been brought tor- Ward certainly led to the conclusion that the distress depended • :upon the earn Laws. Notwithstanding that he entertained these opinions' he timm.:, , lrt the name ought to he provided for. When Ln fre'atd tlie'epinions 'of his Noble Friends' around. him, it was with'considetable hesitation that he doubted the propriety Of the orotiori halite the thruSe. But the mere pesSibility of a famine poidi being tontemplarod,wepld induce him to vote for the pre vious question, ' :He .had no fears as to tliii meinier'es theintelvA, it . Was marillestly, the intorest of ,Alinisters not to abuse isiWerij ieh kvoublbe4ntruated, to them. • Lord KING said, the. Corn LawsiWere mischievous. The , E a rl who had intreiliniek s the suhject, had omitted to bk ravi i,ns !la hriq in g t t he,:inewire forward, die Auost _ofN iotiV4 4 Jt scams Pileoa4y. i b to catch w i tmoont po li t i c i an q nn hi side of the house.—(A 'l4xi.Noblki thought they were,;rill, to.he tal4ut by his pro. LlG•W•kit 'wonfd ue romrived On the Miejyterial, s id e o f ie House he could not say, but it certainly did not give ge • eral satisfaction. It had been said the King's Ministers had dcen advantage of the danger to intimidate the landholders. .:II he could say was this; he knew his Majesty's Ministers to be men of great 'experience, and that they would not venture imtal e ___ . rash experiments. Nothing could be more rash than to incur the probability of a famine. The Noble Earl-had said let there be inquiry. They wanted inquiry to stifle the subject for one year. The Noble, Lord knew what this inquiry meant. It was recommended by those who were in favour of the Corn Laws. The distress then existing was occasioned by . the Corn'Laws, and until those laws were amended and free importation- -al lowed, eteryemarter of corn taken out'of a foreign vessel :might furniek the Manufacturer with the' means of ,gettingS tail of his manufactured goods. Unless they admitted foreign cern, fo reign nations would not take away the goods which the ma nufacturer had to dispose of. It bad been said . the Corn Laws did not produce the distress enemies the -niannfireturing , claeses, and that those laws had no effect open - the. workman and labourer. That was a proposition he, must deny. , Suppose Corn was three time* dearer than it was, then Corn Laws would be monstrous and intolerable. From 1752 to 1792 the pros perity of the country advanced rapidly, and that was a pe riod when theie was au unrestricted importation of Foreign. Corn. No part of the history of the country furitished an instance' of more prosperity. Wien corn was high the rate of interest was low, and the ipeculie'en ensued. Then they had all the misery of re-action. If those effects had been produced, he was right in saying distress was occasioned by the Coi ) n Laws. He should resist the Noble Earl's resolution. Ile had nothing to do.with the consistency of Minister's, but did not wish to see corn at famine prices. There would never be a steady price of corn until they made the prices nearer those of the Continent. The Earl of CARN.'.IIyON supported the proposition of the Noble Earl. There was nothing in_ the state of the weather, or the approaching harveet,.' to furnish ground for the apprehension. of a famine. In the moment of distress, the unfortunete, persons had complained' of power-looms and corn laws. If his Majesty's Government acted openly, they would call on Parliament to abo lish the corn laws and power-looms. That, however, was not the proposition ; if it were, they might understand it. But the measures to be submitted to the House were either the effect of fear, or what a Noble Lord had termed popular • humbug. Be lieving that the measures proposed would destroy all confidence in the agricultural market, he was assured they would lead to results disastrous to the country. Ile thought that there should be a settled beacon to which all might look. The Noble Earl believed it was their legislative duty to go into inquiry. If this Bill passed the danger of famine would not be great, but the danger of ruin to the agricultural interest would he great. Lord DUDLEY and WARD opposed the Resolution. The object of Ids Majesty's Government was to restore public tran quillity, and guaed against the danger •of corn being at a famine price. The object of the Noble Earl's Resolution was to prevent any alteration in the laws regulating corn before next Session of Parliament. If 'they supported that proposition, they must say, true it is, distress has been felt by the industrious classes—true it is, riot has been the Consevuence—true it is, force has been luna voidably emploYed, and men trampled down by dragootir—true it is, the King's authority may order martial law, and distress may still ensue, but corri must not be admitted into the ports for the relief of the, suffering people. To that feeling the Noble Lord could not accede. He should support the measures introduced by his Majesty's Government, believing them influenced by a desire to promote the public good—Solos popish supreme le.r. The Earl of MANSFIELD dill not wish to disturb the sys tem of the Corn Laws without previous inquiry. The Corn Laws, in the Noble Earril opinion, had not been the cause of dis tress. If he thought the preposition would materially relieve the suffering classes, he should support those measures ; but he did nut think letting out the bonded corn would be attended with adval tage. The price of corn might rise by letting it out of bond. In Stockport they had raised the price of ,potatoes in consequence of the late subscriptions., The Noble Earl was at a loss to see on what ground the Gm-element provided against scarcity. Infer mation might have been received liyhis Majesty'S Ministers; but he was ineppy to say titeee was net the slightest indication of any such a case. He could riot Consent to give,liis Majesty's Mini sters the power and dieeretion they sought for. It appeared to him that hie Majesty's l‘liniStere, and especially the. Noble Earl. had changed their sentiments with respect to theCnin Laws. In 1522 the language Judd by Ministers differed front theit-opinions at the present' day. , The Earl of LivEnpboi, , did not rice to go into detail. He wished to make some observations, on the epeech of his Noble Friend who budget jest down, heouse his Noble Friend trepposed he had changed his opinion. If the Noble lord niemit to say that the Corn Bill of 1822 was objectionable at the preseet day, he would readily intbseribeeto that statement. it was the very nature of the question that It must be variable. Taxation,,pretsed on so ciety more at one time than another. If agriculture bail been re lieved front taxation Gentlemen would ut deny that (ills, a quar ter now was the same as Boe. in 1815, when taxes pressed heavier than at present. Circumstances of distress had arisen to make it advisable for his Majesty's Ministers to see whether measures could be taken to avoid an increase of that 4istress but before the Noble Earl ,stated the ground on which he rested the measures, lie declared that he never did ::sly the high price of corn wire the cause of distress. He had seid over and over, that it was over trading. Taking the distress as arising from overetreriing or any other cause, to exist, would their Lordehips say that high 'price of provisions was not an increase of that distress? ~It bad been said that this ; equntry, did not,grow more corn than was enough for its censimoitien. " \Ft. - en their Lordifiliii u katiked at that fact,' they were to e(;ii:ifdtr'''iiiiat 'effect a had . harvest Would have metre interests of the people. There were twaperiods at' which they Might judgeewbether theednervest ,could .* good or bad. Wet setting, io e to ptirtienic l e i feine freqmeitly destroyed the. greatest espeaeeeno, thi a ing e ye i is i ears, the obeervatinne made upou the effect etithei ' liwieSed true. In the y ea r 1.61(; there wMii 'the triititeat. Peasiteet feom the 'appearance of the crops, and tnhi expactotiinn failed in one day. The conse quence was, that , wheat swlliele was et :rase. rose to 110 e. per quar ter, , The Houle might eioneider what the effect would be, if be fore June or the !segu - tin - of July, such a Calamity was to Occur. --Without the power called fur by'his Majeety's Government, they could not open the ports before- the 14th of August. The high prieeS would 'go 'end :there would be a scarcity without the power to import a single quarter of 'corn. It was ridiculous teiloule.to 'any calemity titre tide with indifference. Ismight occur, itni.l produce ruin to, the anemia of 110,000,000 riterlitig. It was said this might niit,baPpen, and dint they ought to hope for the best. It was ;the) urged why might this not happen du any other year ; the answer was L--the present eircuenstemees of the country 'made the ilifferenev.. Went of employineot was an evil the work beg pepoletien mule inderre, but suppose the effect of a bad hie vest to v i ews wheer dietrer Ives staring the manefacturers in the f a re; With callitnitVlCelbee thrSeyee of* the nation, Would it be Proper tole:rye the eonreoy et such a time with corn at a famine price. A defect in the ltarveet, el...wetness of the season, mightleave corn nit 150 s: and Government without the pirwir of admitting it single quarter. It became essential to give that power tinder the peculiar circuuest.usccs of the country which might be Withheld' at any ether time. If the Unfortunate: woCknien found their Wages . redireed to 7s. per Week, was it not a matter of importance to them whether tire loaf was at sixpence or a shilling ? Their situ ation se bed enough, but it would be much Worse to be deprived of the neceeeeries of life. The Nable Earl asked for a power which might be beneficial to thesenuinufactUring districts. It was a power they did not 'Mean to use unnecessarily. Whoever was the Aileister, be must have the confidence of the country. It wree not likely any MiOister would abuse the power then required. It was said Minieters might.exereise a discretion, and not call upon Parliament for a power which was dangermie in their bands. There was no discretionary 'power for which Ministers were not responsible. A. Noble Lord lied ellnded to him (Lord Liverpool) as the author of the measures he brought into that House: He as-owed himself the author of the measure. It was resorted to for the purpose of giving relief if neceseery; and for rescuing per haps' millions of persons from famine. He lied been charged with giving up hie opinion and the protection of 'the land ed interest. There never was any intention •on the' part of his Majesty's Ministers to propose any alteration of the Cairn Laws which was not founded on justice. In the negotiations they had carried on with Foreign States . , especially Prussia, the Mini sters of that Court bad been desirous of netting a favourable intro duction of their corn. The answer to the proposal •the Noble Earl read to the Muse. It was in the following terms :—" In dependently however of insurmountable cliffiiesnitiesr, the under signerl feels bound to declare that the British Government can never entertain any overtures from a Foreign Government, for an alteration of the Corn Laws of this country. A. question of so, Much importance must only. he considered with reference to the interests of the British dominions." Thet was' the answer to the Prussian Minister on the subject of the. Corn Laws, and it proved the feeling of the Government of the country. They had upheld KA'redly the 'View they had formerly took of the Corn Laws.— They hail not only refereed to give way, but to negociate on, the , obj , a It steed,' not then be said that • theihad given up the pampa . tders. Governthent only naked them to do that orae just anal reasonable, and be willing to come in with sv , ,i-trnent and Parliament 'to is just' 'arrangement. 'This wane the feeling with respect 'to the Corn Lanes, but the .measures . to i'eme utefore the Hoene h a d nothing. to do with the Corn Laws. — The power claimed'hidoverniitent was to be' 'exercised for the benefit of the public. It would not bin used embers it was wanted, and the House had to decide whether it was safe to deny it. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was desirous of stating the grounds on which he should give his assent to the motion of the. Noble Earl. He had no hesitation in saying he looked fora permanent system of Corn Laws preceded by inquiry. The . Noble Marquis had not been able to see the necessity -for: reposing the- power required .in the King's Govern ment. Similar power might be claimed in every emergency of the country. Knowing that an' artificial system existed ., not only with corn, but with other commoditieS, Which drove . persons out of all their calculwtioni, he thought they should look to the Legislature for . the 'protection of their interest upon a permanent system. He - thought-the interests of the coun try could not be deposited in safer hands than those of the King's Government. The great men in Lord Chatham's time held that a discretion might be reposed in Ministers for the benefit . of the subject. ReSponsibility in- the present state of things would he less dangerous than Sounding a previous alarm of :amine, which no man thought of some weeks ago. All extraordinary exigencies should be met by the determination of the . moMent..--- If his Majesty's Ministers were in possession of dangerous infor-• mat . ...n, and declared that to be the case, he should not oppose them, but he could not believe there seas any ground for appre hension. .If-a tine; should ever come for taking a calm review of all' the circumstances connected with the question,. they,would see the distinctions between the agricultural and manufacturing inte rests of the nation gradually disappearing. It was indeed im passible so to disconnect them, • that en injury inflicted- on one should not affect the other also. If unfortunately the Legislatime of this • country happened to be composed of .Memhers entirely . in the interest of one class, and if they, forgetful of their duty, shoal conspire to impose burthena on the other class, be was sure 'that those 1)110111.os would, with an effect as certain and unerring as the laws. of gravitation, force their way, and fix upon the shoulders of those who originated them. It was plain, from the points in Mr. Jacob's Report, in which all were agreed, that where there were no manufactures, the landed proprietors were stript of all the enjoyments of life; and it was equally clear that the manufacturers were fully as dependant on the success of the landed interest. It was to a fair adjustment of burthens between both those classes of the community, that he looked for the sound basis of a Corn Law. So far as any thing artificial could be per manent, he thought that an Act, founded upon such - principles, was likely to he so.. - The Earl of M.si.misaintv and the Earl Of LivEnrocit Paid a few words in explanation. The House then divided on the previous question— Contents ----,- , --Present 96—Proxies 70—Total 166 Non-Contonts—Present 49,-.Proxies 18—Total 67 11Iajority for the previous question - - 99 The House adjourned et Half-past Twelve o'clock. 'HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. Alderman Woon begged leave to withdraw the order for the second reading of the Thames Wntermen Bill. The Hon. .... 31ember . regretted . that owing to the Bill being considered private, be would be unable to carry it through this Session. Mr. HUSKISSON presented a Petition, signed by upwards of three thousand Roman Catholics of Liverpool, praying that they might enjoy those privileges in this country as the Pro. testants CASE OF COLONEL BRADLEY. Mr. HUME presented a Petition from a Gentleman, nnmei Bradley, - who had served for twenty years in the Army, and dur ing that time had been exposed to all the dangers attendant on a military life. This Gentleman bore the rank of Colonel, and was stationed with his regiment at Honduras, the Civil Superin tendant of which place was a Colonel Arthur, whose regiment (27th West India), had been reduced, after which reduction be had been appointed Civil Superintendant at that island, :nd re ceived his half-pay as Colonel of the 27th.. It was the custom in the army when an officer received half-pay, that he - forfeited the command of his regiment. Impressed with this idea, when Col. Arthur retired from his regiment, and took a civil situation, Co lonel Bradley presumed he had a right to take the command of the troopi stationed there, as lie had served as • a junior officer under Colonel. Arthur. It Ices to lie recollected, that Colonel Arthilr arrived at 'Honduras ,s Civil Superin- • tendant of that place ; shortly after Colonel Bradley , re • ceived a summons from that Gentleman to attend a meeting at the Government-hOuse to answer for his having taken upon him an authority which" he had no right to assume. Col. Bradley, however,. did not think it his duty to attend a summons of a junior officer (for in that light only Could, Cel. Arthur be viewed since his returning : on half-pay), and accordingly he declined attending. He afterwards received an intimation front . Col. Arthur, that if lie did not attend he. would be immediately put under arrest. This summons he still refused to attend to (impressed with the same idea as before), and was accordingly put under arrest, and re mained in that state for ten months. During that neriod be wrote several times to Sir H. Torrens but received neither ft direct nor indirect answer. Upon his release he however found that bis name had been struck off the Army List, and he was merely al- lowed to dispose of his majority. Thus was he thrown npon the world after a service of twenty years which had materially in jured his health, On the refusal of his' Racal Highness, the Commander-in-Chief, to grant him justice, he brought an action against Colonel Arthur for false imprisonment. The Court had . awarded him damages only for the time of imprisonment, when he was rot in the army, for it was during his imprisonment that he was deprived of MS Com Mission. Government, how ever had sent Colonel AOhitr 'out of the country, so thakhe (Cal. B.) was thus deprived of the iiittna of further redress, in addition to his not obtaining the &Aliso) awarded to him. Col. Arthur had been. defended thtioughout this action, at the expellee •of Government, , and be (Mr. Mow) did not see why the public monaypshould hp wade use of in the partial trimmer it bad been in this ease. • There Could be n e'deuhi' as to Colonel' Bradley . _ . s;iiitirAor offieer,'• Since it Was'the'rulei that no officer on half-pay could take npoo him to: coil:inland 'troops wider the order of a Commanding.:officer: , Afe,knew full well, it had been stated that Colonel Arthur luareceived: a counnis,ion to that effect from General Fuller, but that commission was invalid,. because it bad never been declared at. Jarintica or Honduras. • Colonel Bradley (he said) , could. prove that he had no such , commismion at the time he put him (Col. B.) under arrest, and that it was merely an ex post facto arran g ement to prevent Colonel Arthur being sued at law for putting olonel Bradley under arrest without authority. He hod not entered at length upon the details of this case, but shown enough to convince the House how the power that was placed in the hands of persons, 'under Government was abused. The Petitioner humbly implored•the House to grant him that jus tice which had been so long withheld from him. The Hon. Member concurred in the prayer of the petition, and hoped the House would do something for the petitioner, who had served twenty yeari in the army (eighteen of which had been under a tropical climate), to the satisfaction of all 'his officers, with this single exception. - Mr. BUTTERWOBTH opposed the petition. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL was surprised at the insinua tions thrown out in the petition. A CoMmission had' been pro &red in Court on the trial of ColoM4'Arthnr; Which commission the petitioner boldly' asserted to' be a forgery ; and not content 'with this assertion, he went on to *ousel two Hon. Persons fully periuring theMselves. The simple case was soon stated— Col. Arthur, in 1814, had been appointed to the situation ef Civil Superintendent 'of the Honduras', it the same time he had a coin- Mission from General Puller, which empowered him to act as Com mandant also. ' Col.' Bradley, upon hearing that Colonel'Arthur was upon half-pay, assumed the command. Colonel Arthur upon this sent him a message, requesting hint to wait till furthrr orders came oat from England (since he was in doubt as to the right of commanding). The reply to this temperate message Was— " No, I have submitted too long ; I am Commandant, and have nothing to do With Colonel Arthur." — Upon this, Col. Arthur was obliged to put him under arrest. So far from being under arrest for ten months, he would prove, by a document, which was produced in Court, that he was only confined for two monthi.— (The Hon. Member here read a paper, which proved that the period was but two months). The Petition further Stated, that he had not been tried by a Court Martial, but had been - removed by the representations of Colonel Arthur. This, however, was false, since his Royal Highness had deprived him of his commis sion from his own statement. (The Hon. Member here read a letter from his Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief to Col. Bradley, in which he assures him that from his Mvi'statement he was obliged to suspend him'from his duties as en officer.) Col. Bradley brought himself before the House in a Petition, in which he states that the commission was a forgery, for the purpose of depriving him of his rank in the army. Ile hoped the House would pause before they received a Petition of this kind. Had he merely complained of the hardship of 'his cite; he (the' Attorney- General), would not not have said any thing, 'but he felt himself called on when two individuals of such high rank as Sir H. Taylor and Si; 11. Torrent' were accused of falsely stating`. facts' to his Royal Highness the Commander-in-thief, for the purpose of re moving Colonel Bradley from his rank' in . the He would not "PP 6 se the'bringing up of the Petition;, but he certainly would oppose any 'steps being taken further on the subject. atkvles supported the Petition. Lord piLmErtsTON said, that if the Petitioner had confined his 9tatemt.i:t to his'rOngs, althoUgh he (Lord Paliiitititon) dif fered fro m hi m , ' w lie would notititv6 said any thing: . 'Ho had. read. the Petition, however, and found that.it contained charges against two Hon. Individuals, which were grossly lib e ll o us. He wonld therefore oppose the printing of the petition, so as'to prevent the House becomi n g the channel of such libellous and slanderous re marks as those contained in the petition. The simple fact was, that Colonel Bradley had been dismissed for acts amounting almost to mutiny. The sum which Colonel Bradley obtained by the sale of the majority was greater than what he originally paid for his commission. His dismissal was necessary to the maintenance of military discipline ; yeteven in that very instance he was treated with every indulgence, principally through the good offices of Colonel Torrens, against whom the petition 'contained such un `founded chafgei. Colonel Arthur might, perhaps, have acted more properly, but yet he hoped that the House would not sanc tion the publication of charges which the petition made upon publie men of indisputable honour. Mr. BROUGHAM said that the utmost charge against Colonel Bradley, even admitting him to he wrong in point of law, was merely that he acted under nn error of judgment. Mr. Secretary PEEL said that a Court of Law admitted the existence of that Commission, which, notwithstanding the oath of Slr H. Torrens, the petitioner said never existed. Was it' probable that such men as Sir Henry Torrens and Sir Herbert Taylor would go into a Court of Justice and commit forgery? He thought that they ought to have great hesitation in admitting evidence of such a nature. Mr. HUME said that he sent comes of this petition to the Noble Lord opposite, and also to the three individuals concerned. No answer had been given to the question whether or not it was the practice that all commissions, Civil and Military,.should be published, before any one acted under them. Now the commis sion of Colonel Arthur was not published at the time he under took to act. As it might be more convenient to the House, he would agree to withdraw the petition, to expunge the objection able parts, and leave the rest for consideration., Mr. Secretary PEEL expressed his acquiescence in this mode of proceeding. After a few words, the petition was then withdrawn. Mr. BROUGHAM postponed his motion on the subject of Negro Slavery to Friday the 19th instant. MR. BUCKINGHAM'S PETITION. Lord J. RUSSELL moved that the petition of Mr. Bucking ham should be referred to a Select Committee appointed to in quire into the case, with power to send for persons, papers, and records. Mr. WYNN objected that due notice had not been given 'of the motion. If it should he pressed, he would think it quite in consistent wilt the usual courtesy of the Noble Lord.. He would not oppose it, but he could not agree to appointing a Committee in the proposed way, by selecting six from one, and eleven ftoirt‘ the other side of the House. • Mr. HOBHOUSE said that the warmest advocate for reform could never wish for a more complete picture of the state of the country than the Right Hon. Gentleman had given, when he in . - timated that the motion should not be brought on till his benches were quite filled. If such were the ease,, they (the Opposition) might as well never come down to the House. • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, thought the Hon. Member was tinder a mistake as•to the words of his Right Hon. Friend. He certaiiily did not propose to rescind the foriner ClBlOll. After a short discussion the motion was, agreed to. .• : On the motion that Mr. Stewart's name be added to the Com mittee which bad been named previously, Lord MILTON objected that most of the Members lIQW named had either expressed an hostile opinion in Mr. Buckingham's case, were Members of his Majesty's Government, or East India Direr . - tors who did not form an impartial court ; whereas those originally appointed by the Noble Lord had been selected alternately from one and the other side of the House. Lord J. Ressrm, coincided in the objection of his Noble Friend. Mr. Secretary PEEL should, for the sake of elucidating what the Noble Lords meant by a different selection of jurors in this' case from one and the other side of the House, mention the names of them. The first five names were Mr. W. Wynn, Mr. Wig ram, Mr. Astell, Dr. Phillimore, and Mr. Courtenay. The .rest making up the list were all in favour . of Mr. Buckidgilam'a claims, from Mr. Trant to Lord Nugent, Mr, Hobhouse, Mr. Vernon, •Mr. Hume, Mr. S. Rice, and others to the amount of 14.—(Laud cheers.) • Mr. HUME believed that cases of selection by Ministers of names hostile to the claims of petitioners were not so unfrequent. In the case of the question of Scotch Currency, Mr. Secretary Peel and others had been named on this Committee, who had been known to be in favour of the interference of the Legislature with the Scotch Banks. Mr. Secretary PEEL assured the House, he never bad express ed any opinion upon the measure of the expediency of regulating 1 0 Scotch banks and Scotch currency on new principles. BRITISH MACHINERY AND TOOLS. Mr. HUME rose to submit a motion of which he had. given notice, relative to the Exportation of Machinery to foreign coun tries. He observed that at a period of dearth of employment amongst Our manufacturers, it was highly inexpedient to restrict the exportation of our manufactured machinery, which would al ways furnish a source of occupation to many of our ablest arti ficers at home, and retain them in this country, intead of per., witting them to emigrate and carry their skill and•talents into other countries whose respective Governments were daily endea"- Touring, lay way of inducement, to withdraw them flann this. country. The lion. Member moved for leave' to bring in a Bill to repeal part of the sth George IV. restricting the exportation of tools and machinery.. HUSKISSON felt the general permission to export tools • arainaAiiiiery'i t tliilild not fail to 'eiceitei considerable abiern in the manufacturing counties. Government had made some exceptions certainly aik,to.the.syst(nn of restriction, where it 'found that no strong prejaliees existed in the minds of the'inanufacturers on the subject. If the alitin which he apprehended, took place, be felt that he must oppose the further•progress of the Bill. Eight or ten days would, he thought, suffice to prove that the manufac turing public, would not. see it, without its exciting an irritation. and strong sensation thoughout dr. country. Mr. BIRCH felt, that in the present anxious state of the" touri: country, and critical state of the manufacturing interest,. it would be highly improper to agitate this question, or, advocate such a change. He should therefore oppose the Bill. Mr. HUSKlSSONrecorninended the postponernent tif the Bill and the revival of the Committee of last year. Mr. Secretary PEEL added his solicitation to that of his Right Hon. Friend. Mr. HUAIE consented to the postponement of his object to another Session. CORN IMPORT BILL. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the mond reading of the Corn Iniportation Bill. Sir T. LETHBRIDGE said he must oppose the Bill, because he 'thought that any provision for the introduction of so large a portion of foreign corn was altogether premature and unwise. He must, once for all, protest against the agitation of this ques tion at the present period, after the pledge that had been given by Ministers. He should take the sense of the House on the subject. Sir W. W. WYNN supported the second reading of the Bill. Colonel WOOD was sorry to lave heard the Hon. Baronet ex press a deterniinatitin to again take the sense of the House on this measure, beeaute he. thought these, frequent divisions only showed a sturdiness on the part of the agriculturists whirl injured their own cau.§c. Mr: nANKES stated that the present measure was in most points extremely objectionable,' although -he confessed that some improvement had been made in the Bill by the omission of the 12s• duty as a:protecting duty. He deeply regretted that the measure had been brought forward, and concluhd by moving, as an amendment, " that it be read a second time this day month." Sir W. W. WYNN would support the measure. He thought the importation of foreign corn would create a demand for our ma nufactures in return. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would not trouble the House at any length, because the objections principally urged, weremot so much against the measure itself, as against the cause by which it was proposed to carry it into effect, and the time at which it had been introduced. The Right Honourable Gentle man defended the conduct of Government from the charge of inconsisteney, and maintained ' the expediency of deferring the discussion of the main question, till a future period. They had been told it would hare been better to, resort to the Royal Pre zogative in ,ease of, emergency.. lle did not know what that prerogative was. In some cases it.might be right to exercise , even the illegal and arbitrary p ower of dis p ensin g with th e laws , bvery few cases .which: ttould justify th a t pro e e as in 1810, a sudden rise of pri ce t o ta k e u e t d i t n h g e . re were suppose, plareT acid G o vernment, under tile strong impulse of necessity, he as k e d, if as great a prejudice to the main question not hem' g.,.armed with the legal power to make a law f or th e occasion, ion n ' ot arise as by . to Ministers would l ea d to a the adoption of the present meas u re . Th e question of in4.olllPq. discus sion of. the whole question, and that under. th e di sa d vantage o f being thread "pressure ' • 'on by t 1 the objection that the measure - would do no good,, he would say that , they did not propose it as a, penacea or absolute cure for the cv a. With respect to the ilisorders which had taken place, he would not be the apologist of excesses ; but if ever a case existed in Which minultuouS proceedings 'might be palliated, it was the present case of the manufactiir6rs.' . -They hail now exhibited a s ymptont of bad feeling. The extremity of distress, coupled With their mistaken notion of the elfof ee,t power-looms, was the cause of the disturbances. If Government had in these circumstances refrained from proposing the measures they thought right, from the dread of heing thought intsilhinimons; they Would have exhi bited the extremity of fear—the moat contemptible cowardice. — They had poured a military force into that part' of the country which must overawe the refractory.': By doing alt they could du for the relief of the country,' they averelikely to allay any irrita tion of feeling which might exist. This effect had indeed already been produced. It was an important object to prevent the victim of distress from. becoming the prey of politiCal agitators. The petitions, although they strongly objected trethe. Corn Laws, were generally, free from any retleCtion or .imputation:-.upon the landed interest. - Lord CLIFTON did not see any probability of. a scarcity, but should support the motiOrt. , ' - - Mr; BV.NETY spoke a few words in oppoSition to the motion. Mr. WODEHOUSE annititneing his intention of supporting in the C:amonittee the amereitnent ofhis,Hon..f riend fli: Member for . Brecon. Mr, 'STANLEY said, that when the BOnded Corn Bill was in Committee, he shoeld move a clause to permit foreign corn to be delivered from the, warehouses free of duty, when purchased by Committees for . the relief of distress. Sir E. KNATCHVGLL was adverse to the principle of the present, Bill. But he rose principally to expreSS his approbation of the suggestion just Made by his Hon. Friend. ',Ord MILTON said that if any . . one thought - the present men- sum could be cheried without affecting the principle of the Corn Law they were mistal:en. These measures proclaimed to all the world that the Corn Laws- could not stand as a permanent sys• tern, and declared them only fit:for „fair weather, and that if any storm arose they must .be suspended or relaxed. Although the Corn Laws were certainly not the immediate cause.of the distress, they might be one of its more remote causes, by interrupting our intercourse with foreign nations. The Corn Laws must at last fall under the principleof - free trade, whether with limitations or not be could not say. But be would acknowledge that his own opinion went a great way towards perfect . commercial. freedom on this subject. He gave Miniaters credit for their professions as to the Corn Laws, but he hoped they did not. consider the presel meas ure as perfectly detached and insulated. He did not ag ree that it would have a small effect upon rents. The rents which had. beeneraised within the last 4 , or 5 years , must again be reduc ede and this he, considered to be tut crest hardship'. With reseese to.thscomparatiVe burdeus upon different interests, he thought that -of all classes the country gentlemen Itairthe - reitit reason to corn plain.—(No, no.)—His Ilao,Friend the jklember for Ikverley might say no, nee but he Would tell him why be said aye, aye.- - Who were the great supporters of the late war? The landed in terest, anoingst`whom he might include his own family. They were the life anti fortune men of the day. Now that 2s. an acre was likely, to he taken off their omits, theyavere the life and for tune men no longer,-25.'per acre 'difference in rent would make ten shillings per quarter diffeiiiiffin the price of wheat, and if the whole consumption or England amounted 14 millions of quarters, this woultl,givec a taxation of 7,000,0001. ivied upon the people of England for 'the 'benefit' Of the landed interest.-.. The evil of the Corn Lawa was not; however, confined to the ilo• position of a heavy duty, it ointatcd also as a non-intercourseis f not only in respect to the North of Europe, but to the countr4l across the Atlantic. With theie views, whenever the roll' question came before the liouse, he should vote for a verY lo°l - duty, and as he considered the present measu re of a similes ten dency, he should give it his support. Mr. Secretary PEEL regretted . the course the Noble Lord hid taken, which he could not but consider as particularly ill-timed. Whenever he heard it as a charge against the isnael gentlemen, that in a war - of unexampled danger so, exertion they. had reified round the Government , h e should fee' it_his duty to declare, that in doing so they had acted, as 11 ° thought, a noble and glorious part. The. Hon. Member Or trecon proposed to limit the discretion of Ministers, and allow - the admission of foreign corn only upon condition that o . l ° price of it should be 655. This did at present apPear to hire W li p g t liable to the objection of establishing a precedent which 04 , be expected to have an influence upon the discussion of ° general measure. It was to avoid this danger that in 'tie forward this temporary measure they had endeavoured to i o n it as indefinite as possible. With regard to the suggestei?nu,d the Hon. Member for Wootton Bassett, that the duty should be remitted when corn under bond was purchased by 'publicmittees , ai s d ea w .er u al to obj b e c ri g cm: uted oect a ir t red aib to it hi l i v n o , ul a d n d be b e rni t ; u s o t t i t i j a ; to grant it directly. Relief, in the mode suggesthoteh o op per era a t t e e u al it s eq Oa uall a y,zd t. k r i revox:ui4mitippral:dttle;:tage tO t ill the immediete neighbourhood of, the warehouses. °I. voru, and defeat the intentieft 'of P n ea' et ual foot tish farmer anti the owner cif bonded earn " stirs' Should be vested directly lug. Hut hie greatest objection of all waaa .tic was ne t tize the future,duty, and establish bad ' enrather that a sorn in favour of a Vote of inane), hut would inihntely _ _ than the suggea . Treasury, ie A toed never given -of the lion. Member should be odoPte - * as ban he should upon the vote - in his lite with greater nienet - ' t tom I) and sincerely from the present occasion ; for the meOsure w ' s re's The Right Hon' tended for the benefit of the landed intact. e the IlValltAgeS: ' • davernieenirtroalasee tthme 7ri- Geotleman then proceeded to point out the a proposal m w marl* in: comparison ith any other . I ‘.? proposal or the been su=uted. He emertaineci E L ) high en oping l in omnipotence of Parliament, flint he could n ,_ • f ! , feo stunt suppose they were actuated by aey r noti:e°, be ( e e s in proposing this measure. When lie looked •Ntotitingbefe, manner in which the. inhabitants: of PaislY. atbalntoeitedancyr'nYardtittel,lizirLksueitobtnilsei.ttitlrriyerr:ißonubtenvdenrcneeld,eirjelidare iisenterger.stutPiant3l)grtabfi..7lpttrtElt.iseshP:otcaediist:torfrentti:b;thcalt leeincliebet; stigmatized as eolem(a-17nd4rninitsC''ntiEjw.n—k°v(t'lhrl'aet:‘rit'ialittllle.T7re)r—n‘iiaritcrlk7:Nts!e';:f.tgitttlibsi had been presented this Session relative to the Coin e s- On arty other occasion, _and .behoped, his lloe. Friteid no al , e o , ere : .cauctseAularbi.liytinif.rwostueni:ihNteitEiolrtomurbseted iniitmealaidsrl,t:h;3,e,ouqrd.u)ocrtaiteisolotsf I,:eahanedtnioti...l3,nt if .after many ineffectual attempts to gain a hearing, sold , t we ,..-- could not claim the attention of the-Hotisie be would sit no o d e (Cries of "'No, no !go on !")-- No ease of distress hod h!e° out which - might fairly he seen by the state of the loather. would persist against the second reading of this measoree, druid Mr. 'WHARTON (amid loud cries of " Qtiestion" L ee the the charge made agai nst Country Gentlemeu having' "-- instigators of the last war.—(" Questimo question:l o 1 tar Mr. W. WHITMORE — (t h e c r ie s of cc Question ! tinuing,)—made a few observations. A division then took took place, when there appear c ` l ' For the Bill - _ 16 9 Against it 1 24 t y c ' Majority were The other Orders of the Day the n diaposed, °6 House adjourned at TWelve o'Clock. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEI~•niN ROUSE'OI' CO3I3IONS-CrillS : 1)0 ORDEIIg OF THE DAY. I. Importation of Corn Bill—Conimi ttee. ,',l` Iter Bankers (Scotland) still—Forther 3. Warehoused Corn Bill—toMmittee. 4. A lelloitses 'Licensing I.llll—t.Reponc. h. D2btoi and Creditor ArranKentent I;;ll—ReP rlt :,,,, f . 6. Parochial Clergy Residence. 13111--Second'r eo '" ' -!! „ xceriers eV' NOTiONS. T 1, 0 0, 0. 5, 1. Mr. Huskisson—To move fora Return ' I' a Ships built in the. British Dominions between 1 1 . 14 tbhoet amountclusi inclusive ace' 2. Lord John Russell4—ltesal talons relating to 13r 1 t ti d l ii , r tin tn g ri t n ii n s g h e in . g . ' : the numix . sr in ef t le e b ry Y wri ruption at Elections. i~ • NOTICE* GIV F.N V I•:3TE 111/A Y.' Will' Mirada: , May 18. Mr. Martin (of G a l iv4 I , '" • that tots • , Ilo os° to p y)- 7 -__ o move, tots its itr early in the next Sessian a Parliament, take into 1 to l if sideration how far it . may: be praeticable to tui"rd(tvetisf, man of that controul over, and disposal of • brute creation the protection sv-ithout ! w itici . a wise , Providence entrusted to iiihi for I is use ant •` t he +')‘ hut which trust, it must be inford, in reit - renee tO itil Aas vine Creator - of all things, was to be exercised' /I' regard to reason, justice, and conscience. • ,i. y.,. .3161 ~,f Slatf 1. Mr. Brou gham' ,- -/II ot s icn fOr bet iln - the c oralidn i li o e i P' - 2. '.."dr - . Peter Aloore—To move Grunt g f Public -- ' 'I 11. 0 the relief of local distre,s. PRIVATE B lLLS. —(Seetha /leaf/Ws) IP I ceeker's I. - Estate .1 4. thdceloy!ii '; 3u ,'.,,, f erY . 2. Wise's Estate . 5. Gohleo!lane 15.'` .1. Rhodes's Estate creatutieft;oetii,t.; Hon. The c ant. tiev . kAtariet3 oofitel'S etool M.A-1 has been licensed by the Ilev. R. Clifton, to the c w •urary of Stoulton, Wnrcestershire, void by the „loth of the vo l Hutchinson, on the nomination of the night 11° ,,,,.0 pre . se E lt m ted ers t . o — th Th e Vicarage icaVerrYageßet;* 1131rolemagDearnove°,f e W oid °ree lf; te t r h i l b.:"leil—th t o Rev. Dr. Wingfield; and the Rev. W . m. Dig by; • A " Af° vicarage of Wicheitford, void by .the death ef, the ne" Plumptree.