The Sun. — London, England, 1838-05-10 00:00:00

some such motive, and that such motives were in their idea sufficient reward. It was well known that authors, generally speaking, were ac tuated by very different feelings The Hon. Member for Bridport, when he paid that hollow anempty compliment to authors, must have been aware that as a class they depended for their subsistence upon their works. The greatest authors who ever wrote depended upon their writ ings for their daily bread.—(Hear.) This fact was undoubted—it was Rot for fame—it was not for plaudits that those works were produced which did honour to this country, and from which we have derived such inestimable benefits, daily subsistence being the stimulating prin ciple in most cases of a similar description. The assertion that public c ompetition was the best criterion of merit in an author, and would secure him a price for his works in case they were worthy of purchase, was a Most futile one. As he said before, it was true public competition Might, to a certain extent, ensure a sale to light or volatile works ; but this very fact would have the direct tendency of inflicting a grievous injury upon the literature of the country, by producing a supply of such works as would accord with the prevailing taste of the day. Were they then to protect that description of writing and give no protection to that of a more durable kind, often, let it be remarked, most calculated to confer a lasting benefit upon the nation ? Authors did not claim any exclusive privilege over the community ; they did not demand a right to tax the public. They demanded the same rights that protected the abours of every other class in the community. It was said that this Bill Would injure the rights of publishers, printers, and others. As well Might bricklayers object to the rights of property because such a right had a te n d ency to prevent building houses. There was no right in anY class t o o bj ect to the measure proposed. It was brought for ward for the purpose of p ro t ec ti ng t h e r i ghts of a respectable and deserv ing class, and the public would be equally benefitted. He therefore trusted, for the public good, that the unprecedented opposition which this Bill had received would be found totally unsuccessful. Mr. WARBURTON justified the double debate which had taken Place on the principle of the Bill, inasmuch as on the former the question had been debated as between authors and publishers, whereas in the pre sent it was as between authors and the public. In his opinion, a suffi cient inducement was givers to authors by the present law to write the best des cription of work s an d h e t h ought that when ample remunera tion had been afforded the author the public had a right to the rever sion of the work. Prices of the most liberal description were now paid ' by Publish ers. What advantage, then could authors reasonably expect beside ? Was the public to have nothing ? He (Mr . Warburton) de nied that the existing law of copyright had the effect of promoting the production of works which would go down to the latest posterity ; and in Proof of his denial he instanced the histories of Hallam, the dictionaries biographical and statistical of Watkins and M`Culloch. There were others also which he could refer to, but that he did not desire to trouble the House. If the Bill before the House became the law authors would not be able to sell their copyrights at an advanced price._ (near. bear, hear.) It was complained that by the pre sent law works unapprec i ated by one age, and appreciated by another, would bring the author or his family an advantage ; but he (Mr. Warburton) did not see that there was any ground for supposing such a case in the present day. The analogy between inventors in the arts and the works or authors was insisted on, but he (Mr. Warburton) aaw no ne. The Bill , i f carried into effect, would deprive the public of the advantage of all progressive improvement in literary works. It would raise th e price of books far beyond what they were at present, and it to uld complet e l y put an end to the diffusion of useful knowledge. i‘ v petuferi. cPeßpyAriEghDt f seaied that in respect t o th e ques ti on o f an a b s t rac t per_ book bei ng th e property o f an author, a C omm i ss i on and of the French Chamb ers, composed of men the most eminent in science evelearning, h ad approved of that proposition. The question, how ever, before the House w as, whet h er the period of copyright should be extended over a greater space of ti me th an it was a t presen t ? H e did not hesitate a moment to say it should; and lie did not hear a single ar gument adduced against the Bill, which had not a tendency of confirm. i ng him in that belief. He should, therefore, give the measure his most cordial support, Mr. STRUTT would vote against the Bill. He denied the abstract right of authors to a perpetual property in the copyright of their works; and he al so denied the analogy which had been drawn between that !ipecies o f property and property in lands or labour. While an author's ideas were i n manuscript he certainly had the sole right to them; bust once he published them, that right, in his opinion, altogether ceased to exist. At all events, he believed the rights now enjoyed by authors Were sufficiently extensive for all just purposes; and he should therefore oPpose any further extension of them. !MitSir R. It INGLIS said that the arguments of the Hon. Member were e i nconsistent with his conclusions. The Hon. Member for Finsbury had endeavoured to render the question a party question ; but a glance at the former division on the Bill would put an end to that attempt, and prove that it was altogether the contrary. It seemed to be the ° Pinion of the Honourable Member for Derby, that the whole busi ness of the world was to get as much from authors as possible—to treat them as horses —work them to the last, and then cast them off. The great practical evil of the present law was the effectual bar it placed against improvement an d emen d at i on b y authors i n their own works. An author at present might bestow a number of the most important cor rections on a wor k , and yet if his copyright expired at the same time he Might be debarred of all advantage from them by an unscrupulous Publisher giving an early edition, without the corrections, in a cheap forrn to the public. A bad author could derive no benefit from the Bill, though he would derive no injury either; while a good author, whom it Was the duty of the country to encourage, would receive by its means the Protection he merited. As far as regarded the main question, lie (Sir Robert Inglis) felt beund to say for himself that he should in his own per son desire nothing more for the literature of England than to see it de. fended by the Hon. and Learned Member for Reading, and attacked by the Hon. Member for Finsbury.—(Hear.) Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD, who was loudly called for from all parts of the House, then rose and said—lf he had advanced no arguments in favour of the measure on a former occasion, he regretted it so much the less as he found few to answer now.—(Hear.) He could find nothing 111 what had been urged by the Honourable Member for Finsbury which did not go to support rattier than impugn the Bill before the House ; for when he heard that Honourable Member that Milton only Rot 101. for the copyright of his " Paradise Lost," while Mr. Tegg, the leader of the present opposition to the measure, had a stock worth I 7 0,000/., derived chiefly from the republication of works of merit, the copyright of which bad expired, he could not help thinking that the de. duction and argument were in his favour. He (Sergeant T.) had heard With surpriee a repetition of the arguments of the Solicitor-General that night . Ho l ey were correct then there was no longer any such words as gratitude and justice in our vocabulary, and the best feelings of human nature were sacrificed to the heirs and successor' of Mr. Tegg, or reduced House was to the c o ld, d ea d l eve l of the utilitarian philosophy. The legislating now for the species, and not for the individual, as had been asserted in the course of that debate; for was it not legislating for the species to legislate for those who informed them—their teachers ? If t hey could have selected the "mute inglorious Milton" what honours, What rewards, would they have though too mighty to be conferred on Lim in Isis own era ? And now, when the fullness of time had conferred in arnortality on the sons of genius, would they strip him of Iris just those tr e e s - e su uneration ? The Hon. Member for Finsbury had he would W ho write for p os t er ity be rewarded by posterity;" Flow much m ore instead " but said now e not allow po s t er ity t o r eward them.—them.—(Hear,ear, co nsistent and equitable it would be, of tardily appropri a ti ng a Public grant of money, to simply allow the fitting reward to find its way in the fair mercantile channels through which authors and their heirs would certainly receive it if the Legislature permitted them.—(Hear.) His opponents asserted that they sympathised with what was good, an d great, and lasting in the literature of their country. He entreated them to prove it, and thereby establish also their sympathy in the cause of justice and of right. A division then took place, when there appeared— For the motion. Against it Majority The House went through the Bill in Committee pro forma, and it Was ordered to be further committed on Wednesday next. SALMON FISHERIES (IRELAND). it Colonel CONOLLY moved the second reading of this Bill, in which was advisable to adopt some modification, and hoped it would be allowed to go to a Select Committee when this might be effected. no W. S. O'BRIEN m ove d as an amendment, that the Bill be read a nd time that day six months. I ; i ir • W. ROCHE suppo r t e d th e amen d ment. Rtth WARBURTON thought it quite useless to trouble a Committee t his Bill, when the mover had abandoned the principal clause. ° rnoct `Muneifyl CONOLLY—I did not abandon the c l ause; I on ly consen t e d . b n • ROCHE (startin g up)—J us t so , Mr. Speaker—(Laughter)— uti,the mod ification would be worse than the origin a l.—(L aug ht er .) 1 , 7 , 11. • JARVIS stated that in Wales experience had proved that the salmon were caught in the sea. Lord AT sented to-i°ivitePETH said that after the Gallant Colonel had con_ up the principal clause, he did not think thcre was sufficient substance in the remainder to make it worth their while to appoint a Committee. • JEPH SON brgged to ask if the Noble Secretary for Ireland himself intend o n Irisfound any ed to motion on the Report of the Committee h fisher ies ? Lo re MO the Matter. RPETH was not prep a r e d t o sa y w h a t he s hould do in HoColonel CONOLLY expresse d his determination to div i de the Use on the Bill. the Tho g al lery was th en cleared for a division, but none took place, l; ca havin g b een withdrawn (as we understood) at the request of 'lulls Hon. Members. I , ‘, SAL MON FISHERIES (SCOTLAND) BILL . W.i; F. CAMPBELL moved the second reading of this Bill, nu aid that h e h ad sat on three Committees on this subject, and was convinced of the justice of the Bill. He was open to any suggestions that might be mad e i n Committee. oAitord. BROTH ER TON said, th at, as th i s was an opposed Bill , h e move the adjournment of the House, as it was too late to go on With it. After some little discussion, the House divided, when the numbers Were For the Adjournment Against it Majority ~,,,,11%411-; WALLACE, on our return to the Gallery, was on his legs, and v un derstood him to move that the Bill be read a second time that day ''' nionths. an li r ci , 4fp. . tALMERS seconded the amendment, and concluded by moving rornent of the Douse. C ampbell er a few words from Sir G. Sinclair, Lord Morpeth, Mr. W. F. oi leti , 11Ir. Chalmers, Mr. 11. Hinds, Captain Gordon, and Mr. liiB/1 0 P ' M AITLE denied that there was any intention on the part of in Z,_ e. Friend to get rid ( then te Bill by a trick. i ra . e Warm conversation ensued as to the course of proceed i ng, that Loi h several Hon. Gentlemen took part, the result of whic h , r the (I William Bentinck renewed the motion for the adjournment Th e l i , s "; but finally consented to withdraw it, when T he 'irrEAl{Elt put the question that the Bill be read a second time. °use then divided, when the numbers were— For the second reading Against it _l3 Th e Tr Majority f or the second rea di ng 32 lA, ill was th en read a second time, and was ordered to be coin. Ntiedit :b l 5 day f ortnight, on the understanding that any discussion that _ e wi shed might th en take place. other Orders of the Day were then disposed of and the House 4,Uourned at a Quarter to Two o'Clock. iAW INTELLIGI-L-NCE. COURT OF QUEENS BENCH, 11Lir 9. The TILE QUEEN V. J. J. I.LWSON. , efendant A TTORNE Y- GENERAL said that he was instructed on b e h a lf of the . infor • etridait to show cause against this rule, which was a rule for a criminal aileg : o nto be filed against the defendant for the p u bli cat i on o f an The publication in question took pla ce i n t h e Ti mes 4 ' e ws bet. Paper on the 9th of March last —Rule absolute. \ ItN E . 4 BAIL COURT, MAY 9. Itilr. V. TI LE BANK OP ENGLAND.—IMPORTANT COMMERCIAL QUESTION. i_lk!k uLesho wed cause against a rule obtained on a f o r mer d ay b y la w po calling upon th e G overnor an d C om p an y o f th e B an k of Eng show eau ., why they should hot deliver up to the plaintiff an Ic he y quer Bill for 1,0001., which had been deposited with them by a : Person named Partridge. The Learned Counsel said the Bank of Eng. tP`end w as willing t o obey any order the Court might be pleased to make on the subject of the Exchequer Bill, and to deliver it to whichever the Court might direct, and the only question was, whether the „ r, an. was entitl e d to their costs, and who was to pay them. He (Mr. ti e) trusted that the Court would not order the Bank to deliver up 1e Exchequer Bill until thei r cos t s h a d b een pa id . A, _ Justic e COLTMA N sa id there were so many complicated questions t 0 I .'e considered that he would postpone giving his judgment until to- Motvow (this day.) iECTIONS Numerous plans have been proposed in the course of this Session, for remedying the defects of Committees ap pointed to try Controverted Elections ; but we believe the grand remedy is yet to be discovered. The great difficulty arises from the strong bias of Members to decide rather in accordance with their party feelings and interests than with even-handed justice, added to a laxity of moral principle, regarding almost every act or circumstance that can in fluence the return of a Member of Parliament. Bribery, backbiting, brickbats and bludgeons—in short, almost every weapon is considered by the candidates and their partisans a legitimate instrument of warfare at elections. This laxity of principle unfortunately follows Members to the House, and prevails in almost every Election Com mittee. To abate this evil, Mr. O'CONNELL, Mr. C. BUL LER, and Sir ROBERT PEEL, have respectively submitted measures to the House of Commons, Bach of which is liable to the great defect complained of—political bias. All these Members propose to give great powers to the SPEAKER. This would certainly leave the responsibility undivided ; but it would at the same time impose a task which few or none but a thorough-going partisan would willingly undertake, and in that case the risk of partiality would remain undiminished. Mr. BANKS, a young barrister who has had considerable practice before Committees of the House, and appears to be well acquainted with the working of Election Committees in particular, has pro posed a plan similar to that which was adopted towards the close of the reign of JAMES 1., namely the appointment of " a Select Committee, composed of a certain number of Members eminent for their great abilities, and particularly distinguishedfor their knowledge in the Law and Constitution of their country." This Committee is to be limited to forty Members and a Chairman, who are to set down the issues to be tried by the Election Committee, and at the same time act as a Court of Appeal. In addition to this, two nominees are to be appointed to each Committee—Members of the House and barristers—who are to be remunerated liberally for their services and attendance. Mr. BANKS thus gives the details at length : " I propose to revive this Committee of elections and pri. vileges, that once served so wisely and so well, and to let it, in the first instance, examine, consider, and resolve upon the state of the law, and report their resolutions, with the grounds and reasons therefore to the House. I would have this Com mittee appointed every Session, composed of a certain num ber of Members, eminent for their great abilities, and particu larly distinguished for their knowledge in the Laws and Con stitution of their country. I would limit the number to forty, and a Chairman—seven to be a quorum, and to meet for the despatch of business whenever the House sat. These seven first to report any resolution respecting any case or point of law at which they may have arrived to the Committee at large, whose assent it shall receive before it be reported to the House. I should submit, that the advantages of having this Committee sitting constantly are very easy of exposi tion; it would not be enough to make a code of election laws, and then leave it for the use of Committees. In a country where the state of society is changing constantly, aced where all man take part in politics, it is to be expected, as experience proves of the past, that abuses affecting the freedom of elec tion will be constantly springing up; and, to a body move able in its nature, like the House of Commons, there should be attached a tribunal moveable, like itself, to interpret the common law and custom of Parliament, and to provide re medies, as well for new cases which may be within the mis chief a statute, as for those to which the common law alone can apply." " Enough, I should hope, has been said to establish the expe diency of the permanent Committee; now, as to its powers, they should be great, transcendent, and analogous to those enjoyed by the whole House; it should be a court of appeal for the decisions on points of law, by the revising barristers ; their resolution, when adopted by the House, is to declare and settle any moot point. Under certain provisions, also, it should be a court of appeal from decisions on points of law, by Select Commit tees. As soon as a petition, complaining of an undue elec tion or return had been presented to the House, it should be referred to this Committee, who would examine its character, consider its allegations, and set down in writing the issues which were to be tried before the Select Committee. Like wise, with respect to branches of the inquiry promoted by the petition, when substantial justice, and a regard to the suitor's expense might require it, this Committee should be em powered to resolve that it would be advisable to have a Com mission appointed to take evidence on the spot, for the use of the Select Committee, and report the same to the House for its approval. This Commission might begin its labours imme diately after the recognizances had been completed. Persons knowing that the petitions, whether p rosecute d or nct, were sure to be attended with expense, would be rendered chary of the grounds on which they petitioned, and time be saved. Inquiries thus conducted, in reference to certain heads of ob jection—such, for example, as disqualification on account of change of residence, receiving alms, and so forth, under the circumstances when such events disqualify—might, in cases of scrutiny, be made at one-third of the expense, and with certain means, in each case, of arriving at a correct conclusion. Un der the present system of fetching up crowds of witnesses from a distance, to depose, and that falsely, in too many in stances, to facts, the truth or falsehood of which could so easily be established in the place of election, money is lavished, per jury encouraged, and justice is not done to the parties, or upon the offenders. In addition to the advantages to be ex pected from the Committee as a court of appeal, and an as semblage of constitutional lawyers, to settle the law in all doubtful matters, I should anticipate great benefit from it in crushing those collusions, compromises, and arrangements, by which justice is defeated, the House of Commons abused, and the freedom of elections turned into a mockery." Regarding the appointment and duties of nominees, Mr. BANKS adds— " Let them be chosen from the House by the Committee, immediately after the e l ec ti on o f th e Ch a i rman . If the Corn: mittee agree in the choice of the two, so be it ; if not, let them divide, and the majority having declared one nominee, then let the minority appoint the other nominee. Let the Committee report their choice to the House; and if either or both nominees be excused, or can show good reason why they should not serve, the Committee must choose again. There might be some inconvenience in this, but I have no doubt it could be obviated. Perhaps the purpose might be attained by the Committee's agreeing to a list of nominees; or, as be fore, by the majority and minority's each naming a list for itself, on the which list or lists two persons might certainly be found to serve. The nominees should not alone be members of the House, but also barristers learned in the law. They should have no vote on the Committee. Their duties should be to aid the Committee with counsel and advice on all doubt ful questions of law and evidence ; the oath they should take ought to bind them to counsel and advise the Committee, ac cording to the best of their knowledge and ability ; and, ac cording to the law of the land, to the law and custom of Par liament, as they understood, and under the sanction of an oath (similar in spirit, so far, to that taken by the judges) would interpret it. I think, too, that to increase their feeling of responsibility, and to invest them in the eyes of the people with a purely official character, they should be remunerated liberally for their services and attendance. lof course under stand that the Committee arc to have a power of apportioning the costs of the parties. When a point of law comes to be deliberated on in the Committee, if the nominees cannot agree as to the law as bearing on the question, let it he referred in writing by either nominee, with the reasons and grounds for his opinion, to the Committee of elections and privileges, whose decision thereon is to be held final, and is to be entered on the journals of the House as declaratory of the law." Now this plan, giving the author every credit for his in genuity, is liable to the great defect which et present vitiates the proceedings of Election Committees ; and be sides, it has another. It would give to some seven lawyers —for the majority would be of that class—an enormous in fluence in deciding Controverted Elections ; and what secu rity have we that men, whose trade it is to make the worse appear the better cause, would act more impartially than plain country gentlemen not learned in the law ? The ap pointment of the Committee of Privileges too would rest with the majority of the House—in other words, with the Government, and consequently care would be taken that a majority of the Members should be men imbued with the ministerial bias. Perhaps the better plan after all would be to apply to Brother Jonathan for advice and assistance. Possibly VAN BUREN could furnish us with seven " learned foreigners," whose party feelings, as regards our domestic politics, are not so intense as to efface all regard to the sacredness of an oath. The pamphlet shows praise worthy research ; it is written in a spirited style ; and the au thor has tried to be impartial—but " bias" will out—Sir ROBERT PEEL is the god of his idolatry, and those whom some call the " Incurables," he calls " the pillars of the state,"—" the permanent guardians of the Constitution?' CORONATIONS.—That of the present King of Sweedcn was extremely simple, and conducted with a proper regard to economy. Those who assisted assembled at the palace. His Majesty ordered the procession to move, which was composed of the diet, coun cillors of state, chamberlains, ministers, knights of different orders, naval and military officers. Before him was carried a royal mantle, globe, sceptre and crown—the last borne by the minister—and troops lined the whole procession. It proceeded to the cathedral, with two bishops in their robes. One of them, holding the holy oil, saluted the King, exclaiming, " May God eternally bless the outgoing and incoming of your Majesty." All being seated, the-ornaments were laid on the altar. The Bishop of Drontheim then ascended the pul pit, delivered a sermon, and on being finished the King took the pre scribed oath, knelt down, and received the crown from the Bishop of Aggershuus. On rising he mounted the throne, on which the crown was put on his Lead, and the sceptre in his right hand ; when h herald loudly pro;:laimed, " Now Charles John is crowned Monarch of Sweden and Norway, and no other." 'file cathedral rang with shouts of "Long live Charles John!" The King returned to the palace amidst the acclamations of the populace, wearing the crown, holding the sceptre, and his train carried by three chamberlains. An officer on horseback, escorted by cavalry, proceeded along the principal streets, and distributed medals ; and in the evening the capital was illuminated. ---Rea Wilson's Travels in Norway and Sweden. Tuesday morning, between eight and nine o'clock, . a girl named E llen Dransden, a g ed t hirteen years, living with her en City-road, was lifting a sauce . p when the draught o f a i r from the d oor blew her parents of ts water in Mead's-place, o ad ff ' t s- h p o la fi c r e e , , Norfolk street, apron against the bars of the grate, where it immediately caught fire, and communicated to the rest of her apparel. She was in a few seconds completely enveloped in flame, and was so shockingly burnt that shelex pired on her way to the hospital. PHILOSOPHY AND POP. —At a shop in the Waterloo-road, where " Ginger.pop" and other exhilarating beverges arc retailed, the following announcement is exhibited in the window :- 0 Phrenology, physiognomy, lectures, and advice"—all gratis. MA, Acland, Sir Thomas f Arland. 'l'. D. Alfoll4 Vbollllllt Als,, , er, Richard Alston, Rowland Arbuthnot, Hon. H. Archdall, General Ashley, Lord Attwood, W. Attwood, M. Bagge, NV. Bagot, Hon. W. Bailey, Joseph Lailley, Joseph, jun. Baillie, Colonel H. Baker, E. Barldby, John Barrington, Viscount Barry, G.S. Bell, M. Benett, John Blackburne, J. 1. Blackstone, W. S. Blair, J. Blake, M. J. Biennerhassett, A. Bores, Bradshaw, James Brarnston, T. W. Broadley, Henry Broadwood, H. Brownrigg, J. S. Bruce, Lord E. Buller, Sir J. B. Y. Burr, Higford burrell, Sir C. M. Burrouglies, N. N. Camp bell, W. F. Cantilupe, Lard Cartwright, W. L. Cavendish, Hon. C. Cayley, E. S. Chetwynd, Major Christopher, R. A. Chute, W. L. Clerk Sir G. Clive, R. H. Codrington, C. W. Cole, Hon. A. Cole, Lord Compton, H. Conolly, Colonel Corry, Right Hon. H Crewe, Sir G. Crip;is, J. Dalmryple, Sir A. Darby, Georgo Darlington, Earl of Do Horsey, S. H. Benjamia Dottin, A. It. Douro, Marquis of Dowdeswell. W. Duffield, T. D. Dunbar, George DuiLtombe, W. Duncombet, A. East, J. Buller Eastnor, Viscount Eaton, Richard J. Egerton, W.T. Ellis, J. Estcourt, T. G. B. Etwall, R. Farnham, E. E. CONTROV THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, MAY 10, 1838. IRON STEAM-BOAT We had yesterday the pleasure of witnessing the launch of another iron steam-boat from the manufactory of Messrs. Fairbairne, and Co., Millwall Works, Poplar. Notwithstanding the rapid advance which this description of vessels has of late years made in public estimation, the port of London has been, if we may so term it, second in the race , comparatively few having been bunched upon the Thames. Thi s may in some degree account for the interest which the launch of yesterday" excited. At an early hour of the morning the spacious area of Messrs. Feirbairne's manufactory was crowded with visitors, who continued to arrive in rapid succession up to the time the launch took place. Among the distinguished and fashionable individuals present we observed his Excellency Baron Bulow, the Russian Ambassador, the Earl and Conn. tess of Wilton, the Earl of Minto, Sir Geo. and Lady Murray and family, Sir Charles Adam, Sir W. Parker, the Russian Consul Gene_ ral, J. J. Guest, Esq., M.P., and Lady Charlotte Guest and family, G. W. Wood, Esq., M.P., Joseph Pease, Esq., M.P., J. Brotherton, Esq. , M.P., J. Hindley, Esq., M.P., J. F. Young, Esq., M.P., and family, Si r John Rennie, George Rennie, Esq., Captain Dickinson, n Cap tain Back, R.N., and Professor Barlow. There were several foreigners of distinction, scientific gentlemen, and a long list o f fashionables, whose names we did not learn. The ceremony of naming the vessel, which has been called the Nevka, was p er. formed by Miss Fairbairne, and at half-past one the last of the sh ores having been knocked away, the boat glided gently and gracefully into the water, amid the waving of flags and the hearty cheers of the thousands of spectators who lined the shores, or were stationed in boats around. The Nevka has been built for the Emperor of Russia's private use, and measures 148 feet in length, by 18 feet beam. She is of nearly a similar model with the Sirius, launched from this factory a short time since, and combines great stowage-room in proportion to her bulk, with a strength and buoyancy hitherto unattainable in boats built with timber. Her draught of water when afloat was only 2 feet three inches, and with her boilers and all her materiel aboard, she will draw little snore than three feet! The builders have received a carte bl anc h e for the fittings up and decorations, which will be of the most costly a n d elegant description. Previous to the launch, the Lords of the Admiralty present went over the Rainbow, a Liverpool iron steam-boat, and the Lancashire Witch, an iron boat lately built by the Messrs. Fairbairne, which were anchored opposite the factory, and examined every part of the machi. nery, &c. with great minuteness. We are glad to find that the attention of the Government has been directed to the subject, because the advan tages presented by vessels of this construction, in point of strength economy, and speed, are obvious, and require only to be known to ensure their general adoption. The company were invited, after the proceedings had terminated, into the offices attached to the factory, where an excellent and sumptuous collation, with a profusion of wines of every description, was provided; and the attentions of the Messrs. Fairbairn, Mr. Price, and the other gentlemen connected with the Establishment, to the comfort of their vi sitors, were most cordial and unremitting throughout the day. The workmen, of whom upwards of 500 are constantly employed in the manufactory, were also regaled with a liberal allowance of sub stantial fare, and all parties appeared highly gratified with the proceed ings of the day. PARLIAMENTARY DI VISION. BONDED CORN BILL. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) WEDNESDAY, MAY 9. Order for Second Reading read; Motion made, and Question proposed,—" That the Bill be now read a second time : "—Amend ment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day six months :" Question put, " That the word ' now' stand part of the Question The House divided : Abercromby, G. It. Aglionby, H. A. Ainsworth, Peter Anson, Hon. Colonel Archbold, R. Baines, E. Bannerman. A. Baring, Hon. F. Barnard,.E. G. Barron, W. H. Bcamish, F. B. Bellew, R. H. Bentinck, Lord G Bernal, I t. flown, T. BlAckett, C. Blake, \V. J. Blakemore, R. Boling, W. Briscoe, J. Brocklehurst, J. Br.therton, J. Bulwer, E. L. Busfield, W. Butler, Hon. P. Cavendish, Hon. G. Chalmers, Patrick Clay, W. Clive, E. B. Codrington, Sir E. Collier, J. Colquhoun, J. C. Currie, ltaikes Dalmeny, Lord Dashwood, G. H. Davies, Colonel Dennistoun, J. Uivett, E. Duff, James Duncan, Lord buncombe, T. S. Hondas, J. D. Eas.hope, John Eliot, Lord Eliot, Hon. J. E. Ellice, Rt. Hon. E. Erle, William Evans, Sir G. De,Lacy Evans, G. Evans, William Fazakerley, J. N. :NORITY-AYES, 150. Feilden, W. Ponsonby, C. Ferguson, Robert Ponsonby, Hon. J. Fitzroy, Lord C. Reid, Sir John Rae Port, John Rice, E. B. Gillon, W. D. Rice, T. S. Hall, B. Roche, E. B. Harvey, D. W. Roche, W. Hastie, A. Rolfe, Sir It. M. Hawes, B. Rundle, J. Hawkins, J. H. Salwey, Colonel Hector, C J. Sander], Lord Heron, Sir R. Scrope, G. P. Hinde, J. H. Sharpe, General Ilobhouse, T. B. Smith, J. A. Hope, G. W. Smith R. Vernon Horsman E. Steuart, R. Howard, P. 11. Strickland, Sir G. Hume, Joseph Strutt, Edward Hutt, W. Stuart, Lord James Hutton, R. Stuart, W. Viaiers James, Sir Walter Style, Sir T. C. Jephson, C. D. 0. Talfourd,:T. N. Johnson, General Tennent, J. E. Kinnaird, Hon. A. F. Thompson, W. Labouchere, H. Thomson, C. P. Lambton, H. Thornely, Thomas Langdale, Hon. C. Troubridee, Sir T. Lefevre, C. Shaw Turner, E. Liddell, H. T. Vigor s, N. Loch, James Vivian, J. H. Lushington, C. Wakley, Thomas M'Leod, R. Walker, R. Marshall, W. Wallace, R Marsland, H. Warburton, IL Maule, Hon. Fox Ward, H. G. Melgund, Lord Westenra, Hon. R. Mildmay, P. St. John White, Andrew Murray, J A. White, Luke Muskett, George A. White, Samuel O'Brien, W. S. Wilbraham, Hon. B. O'Callaghan, 1). Williams, W. A. O'Connell, D. Winnington, '1 O'Connell, M. J. Wood, Colonel T. Ord, W. Wood, Captain Palmer, C. F. Worsley, Lord Parker, J. Wrightson, W. B. Pattison, J. Wyse, Thomas Pechell, Captain Yates, J. A. Pendarves, E. W, TYLLERS. Philips, Mark Scale, Colonel Phillips, G. Villiers, Charles I'. , JORITY—NOES, =Fector, J. M. Fellowes, Edward Fi!trier, Sir E Fitzalan, Lord_ Miles, P. S. Milnes, Richard Monypenny, T. G. Mcniaunt, Sir J. Neeld, Joseph Neeld, John Nicholl, J. Noel, Win, M. O'Neil, J. Packe, C. W.. pppi I P PPPP : eeec a e aa: arr r me rllg i c i k s k l tn i e ete v e ,e, r ' s r , rr ara ,i o T :Gß lC 1.:"..pa, Frederick Captain Thomas lon t Planta, J. Polhill, F. Powell, Colonel Powerscourt, Lord Prded, W. M. Price, Richard l'r.ng ,A. Pthiey, Rae, Sir William Richards, R. Rickford, W. Rolleston, Colonel 'loge, Sir George Round, C. G. Round, .1. Rushbrooke, Colonel Rushout, Bowles Russell, Lord C. J. F. Sanderson, R. Scarlett, Hon. R. Scarlett, Major J. Y. Shaw, P. Sheppard, T. Shirley, E. J. Sibthorp, Colonel Sinclair, Sir G. Smith, Abel Smyth, Sir H. Somerset, Lord G. Stanley, Lord Stewart, John Stunt, H. C. Surrey, Earl of Townley, R. S. Trevor, Hon. G. R. Tyrrell, Sir J. Vere, Sir C. B. Verner, Villiers, Lord Vivian, J E. Waddington, H. S. Wall, C. B. Walsh, Sir John Welby, G. Earle Williams, Robert Wilmot, Sir Eardle) Winnington, H. Wodehouse, Hon. E. Yorke, E T. Young, John Young, Sir W. L. -- - . Fleming, Admiral Foley, E. T. Forester, Hon. G. French, F. Freshfield, J. W. Gaskell, J. AL Gibson, T. Gladstone, W. E. Glynne, Sir S. It. Gordon, Hon. W. Gore, Gore, 0. W. Goring, H.P. Goullaiirn, H. Graham, Sir J. Granby, Marquis Grant, Colonel F. W Greenaway, Charles Grirnston, Viscount Grirnstone, E. H. Hale, It Blagion Halford, H. Handley, H. Harcourt, G. S. Han'lnge, Sir 11. Hawkes, T. Heathcote, Sir W. Ileathcote, G. 1. Hepburn, Sir T. B. Herbert, Sidney Hill, Sir Rowland Hillsborough, Earl Hodgson, It. Hogg, J. W. Holmes, W. A'Court Holmes, W. Hope, H. T. Hotham, Lord Houldsworth, T. Houstoun, G. Howard, W. Hughes, W. B. Hurt, Francis Ingestrie, Lord Irving, Jelin Jones, John Kelly, Fitzroy Kemble ,Henry Kerrison, Sir E. Knatchbull, Sir Knight, H. G. Krnglitley, Sir C. Lefroy, Or. T. Lemon, Sir C. Lockhart, A M. Lowther, Colonel Lowther, J. 11. Lygon, Hon. Gen. Mackenzie, Thomas Mackenzie,RW. F. Macnamara, W. Mahon, Lord Maidstone, Lord Manners, Lord C. Marsland.T. Martrn, G. 11. Master, I'. W. C. Nfatmsell,T. P Aleynell, H. Milts, W. TELLERS. Chandos, Marquis of Fremantle, Sir T. THE NEW AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY. The Meeting for the formation of this Society was held yesterday, at the Freemason's Tavern. Earl SPENCER presided, and among those present we observed Lord Amherst, Lord Braybrooke, Earl of Chichester, Lord Eliot, Lord Hatherton, Marquis of Tweeddale, Lord Oxraantown, Lord C. Russell, Lord Lyttleton, Lord Portman, Lord Rayleigh, Lord Easton, Lord Stradbroke, Sir R. Peel, Sir J. Graham, Sir E. Knatchbull, Sir H. Verney, Hon. B. B. Baring, M.P. ; Sir E. Wilmot, M.P. ; Hon. A. Duncombe, M.P. ; Mr. Sandford, M.P. ; Mr. Compton, M.P. ; Mr. Wilbraham, M.P. ; Mr. W. Long, M.P. ; Mr. Shiley, M.P.; Col. Sib. thorp, M.P. ; Mr. Cayley, M.P.; Mr. Stud, M.P.; Mr. Calcraft, M.P.:; Mr. Miles, M.P. ; Mr. Pendarves, M.P. ; Mr. Eton, M.P. ; Mr. Chil ders, M.P. ; Alderman Copeland, M.P. ; Mr. Pussey, M. P. ; Mr. Wode house, M. P. ; Sir C. Mordaunt, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, M.P., &c. The Noble CHAIRMANsaid he would tell them the reason why he had wished to have the association established. It was because he had heard of and had seen the great benefits which Scotland derived from the esta blishment of the Highland Society in that country. He believed that fifty or sixty years ago the agriculture of Scotland was inferior to that of England; he need scarcely tell the meeting that this was no longer the case. He believed it must be admitted that although there might be individual farms in England as well cultivated as any in Scot. land, yet they would not find any tract in E ng l an d , the cu ltivation of which equalled the agricultural condition o f S cot l and. He t h o ught that by establishing a powerful society, havin g th e means of comm unicating information throughout the country, r ec k on i ng among its mem bers per sons from the north to the east, and fr om th e west to the sout h , they would be able at last to diffuse among the fa r m ers of E ngland a k no wledge of the best mode of cultivating their land. B ut h e would say h e Was san guine enough to expect more—he trusted they would be able, by the combination of science and practice, to improve upon the best mode of cultivation that now existed.—(Hear, hear.) He would tell them what he thought the best mode of carrying out this object. They must have some establishment in this metropolis, as a central one. This must have the power of corresponding, not only with persons in every part of the United Kingdom, but with foreign agricultural societies, and scientific men abroad, who had ap plied themselves to agriculture. He thought that this would be one of the great objects of a society, formed to advance agricultural know ledge; and it was by communicating with those who had attended to this subject, and by distributing the knowledge so gained to the farmers of England, that he expected the greatest good would result.—(Hear.) But besides this, they must have agricultural exhibitions of stock in different parts of the country, for, although he thought that agricul ture should be their principal object, yet, for exciting interest In their favour, they must have m ee ti ngs for this purpose. Now, he wo uld say, to make this society effecti ve, i t was necessary that it should be power ful in its effect and influe nce ; and it was, he was certa i n, a b so lutely necessary that, to do any good whatever men of all parties should unite and cot together.—(L ou d c h eers.) But haw was this union possible, unless politics w ere exclu ded.—(H ea r, hear, and crie s of " No, no.") For this rea son th ey suggested that it should be an indispensable regulation of this society that nothing to be brought forward or pending in either Ilouse of Parliament should be discussed at its meetings.—(llear, and cries of " No, no. He found that there were some \vim differed from him—he found that a meeting of farmers had been hold on the previous night, at which they passed I esolutions to the effect that this proposed society was delusive in prin. ciple—(Loud assent and dissent)—having a tendency to mislead the . farmers of England, and betray the interests of English agriculture.— , i' (Loud cries of " Yes, yes," and " N o , no. ") Th ey h ad the full right to make any objections to the society—they had the full right to state to the public that those gentlemen were doing a great deal of mischief, but he thought those gentlemen had a right, as Englishmen, to form any association they pleased for a legal purpose.—(Cheers.) The Duke of RIcITMONO thought that a society that would render 'available to the general body of agriculturists, the improvements appli 'cable to their pursuit, would be of the utmost importance to the country. ' When Lord Spencer was addressing them, a gentleman observed that farms in Norfolk was as well cultivated as any in Scotland ; but this showed him (the Duke of Richmond) the absolute necessity of such a society as that which they were about to form; for though it appeared that in parts of England there were farms thus well cultivated, yet in the other parts of the kingdom, perhaps in the neighbouring counties, agriculture was not improved at all—and why ? because the great body of the farmers of England were not aware of the system that had been practised in the north, and were, therefore, not enabled to avail themselves of it. In the Highland Society of Scotland they never thought of discussing political questions at their meetings; the mem. hers met together, men of all parties, of all political opinions, and the only object that engaged their attention was, which could do the best to promote the welfare of the agricultural interest of the country. The Noble Duke then moved a resolution, that the Society should be called " The English Agricultural Society." Mr. HANDLEY, M.P., seconded the resolution. He observed that the application of science to practical agriculture was the object of that meeting, and, indeed, in many parts of England they found farming in such a state, that they might well seek for something to improve it. It would not be denied that they were miserably deficient in the analysis of soils, and the nature of the manures applied to them, and, above all, that which was the food of plants. It was a proud characteristic of the people of this country, that those admirable inventions and discoveries which had so greatly contributed to the welfare and happiness of the people, had been the result of individual enterprise, individual skill, and individual exertion. But there was a wide difference between the respective positions in which the ma. nufacturers and the agriculturists were placed. The instant any inven. tion or improvement was promulgated or developed amongst the former, it was rendered useful by a thousand competitors ; whereas he feared the farmer in Cornwall could not avail himself of an improvement which might be suitable to the farmer in Cumberland. He held that this society would be the means of disseminating information to the farmers in all parts of the country ; and if any individual in a remote corner of it, discovered that which would be of service, it would be immediately made known to the whole body of agriculturists.—(Cheers.) Mr. TIIURNILL, a farmer from Cambridgeshire, begged to move as an amendment, "That the proposed society was delusive in principle, and that every similar society must be so which did not recognise the neces. nity of legislative protection for the farmer." Lord SPENCER called the attention of Mr. Thurnall to the terms of the requisition calling the meeting. He would then see, that those only who concurred in opinion with the requisitionists were invited to at. tend. Some observations were here made by several speakers as to their right to take a part in the discussion at a public meeting. Mr. HANDLEY, M.P., said that he had seen a letter of Mr. Allnutt's calling on gentlemen to come there and put down the society. Mr. ALLNUTT3 (addressing Mr. Handley)—Then I am to go the gentlemen who sent me here, and tell them that a British farmer was refused a hearing.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. HANDLEY (addressing the Chair)—As far as I am concerned, ho may say so; only let him tell the truth—that he was not acting fairly —that he was intruding upon them with opinions not theirs, and which nobody asked him to give. The Noble CHAIRMAN—If Mr. Allnutt wishes me to take the respon sibility on myself, I have not the slightest objection that'Mr. Allnutt should go to Berkshire and tell them that Lord Spencer refused to hear a British farmer. Let them believe it if they will.—(Loud cheers.) But I do object to Mr. Allnutt coming to a meeting, called by persons to ask such as concur with them in their views to join them in the for mation of the society, and endeavouring to prevent the doing of that which they considered would be beneficial to the public.—(Cheers.) Mr. Attxurr—And I shall say that I was confirmed in the opinions I had previously entertained—that the society would be formed, not by the friends, but the enemies of the farmers.—(Cheers.) The opponents of the plan here left the room, calling upon " the in dependent farmers" to accompany them. The resolution was then put, and carried unanimously. Sir B. PEEL said—Since I came into the room I have been most un expectedly called upon to move the second resolution. I can say with truth that I postponed the performance of public duties that I might be enabled to attend here. I postponed them readily, from the deep in terest I take in the prosperity of agriculture—from the firm belief that there are other than mere political considerations involved in the pros perity of agriculture—that it is not merely the consideration of increased agricultural produce, but that if you can elevate the condition of the British farmer—if you can improve the condition of the British labourer, I believe you will be conferring moral and social benefits on this country, al well as increasing its agricultural produce. The resolution I am about to move declares that one of the fundamental laws of the society shall be, that no question be discussed at any of the meetings which shall refer to any matter to be brought forward, or pending in either of the Houses of Parliament. Now, Gentlemen, the simple questions raised are these—whether benefit is likely to arise from the establishment of an institution of this nature, and supposing the institution to be formed, is it advisable to attach to it, as an an indispensable condition. as has been expressed, that it be of a political nature.—(Hear, hear.) I main tain great benefit to agriculture may be derived from the establishment of this association ; but I am perfectly confident, on the other hand, that not only every benefit may be forfeited, but a great evil entailed on the agricultural interest, if you do attach the condi tion to it that it shall assume a political character.—(Hear.) Now I have an intimate conviction that there is no oocupation to the pur pose of which capital is devoted so important as that of agriculture, and I may add, that there is no one to which it is devoted where there is greater opportunity for improvement; and I entertain that impression, not from the slightest disrespect to the character or intelligence of the British farmer, but I see from the force of circumstances, and the ne cessary condition of the farmer, reasons why he should be ben ind in the application of new discoveries, and agricultural means. If it be ad. twitted that the application of science to agriculture will improve it, and if it be contended that the farmer is too poor to institute experiments, is not that a conclusive reason why an assembly of rich men interested in the progress and success of agriculture, should be formed, that they may be enabled to concentrate the new and successful experiments, and give to the poor farmer the benefit of the new discoveries.—(Cheers.) Every reason that I have heard to-day against the formation of the so ciety, strengthens my impression that great benefit will be derived from its exertions. I think it will be a connecting link between the higher and inferior classes of agriculturists, and so far from believing that it will estrange the landlords from their tenantry, I believe that, by their frequent and kindly communications with each other, the cause of truth and justice is more likely to prevail, and that the landlords are more likely to find it will be their pecuniary interest to aet liberally towards their tenants. Ido not hear it denied that great benefit must accrue to ........„ agriculture from this society, or that it must be useful to secure what improvements in chemistry, and other sciences, may be made of a nature applicable to agriculture.—(Hear.) I did hear some argument that supposes protection could ha had, the home market secured to the Ili itish farmer, and foreign produce excluded. I did hear some ergo. meet, or an attempt to show that the British farmer could be prejudiced by improvement. If increase of produce be an injury, the position will m h o a l t d k e wth s e e t c h o e t r ed you have to you, a t n h d e n h .i o a m d e e market s o a r i, e not. If y c e. sary o u had the home element o of this society, the argument would equally apply that the farmer should not increase the produce, because thereby the price of corn would be di. minished. I concur with the Noble Duke that we have had a warn c 0 u Ts i ill:, er jYr:e. country. — Be in g this day politicaltlnt t no great nieam harmonymeasures are permitted likely t 0 0 0 arise be di s c i in s agricultural sed. If we meetings if are to establish a tort of convention, sitting in London, supported by ramifications thro oghout the country, undertaking to discuss every measure that may be passed by or pending in Parliament, my firm belief is that, instead of benefiting the agriculturists, you will deter many of the real friends of agriculture from uniting with you. Firmly, b e li ev i n g that great advantages may be derived from this society, unitedcec,icle;i ati rt:iYaedk'itriietialuhlitYnlpe:aneoapnipdp:isr'inaiae:lene: common object and believing fatal results might follow the introduction of politics as a necessary element in the constitution of it, I cordially propose the resolution.— (Cheers.) Mr. San w I. E r E itdidata r tgw l the:di::: that seconded c s o e n t d t i e ri d g the s resolution. ide a n o 1 i t i c l a t i waspi opinions, , i , ni t f e r y tu li n id e f t i h iv,iti e l: R ic,fi, i h,a g rin : h t he. H (i o ii, n. th ß e a yrone t, but on this occasion tas t h ot o de, disposition yr.Le fov t r o o ) do thoughthis had found neutral ground resolution Gaanaai said he was an old member of the Highland So. heart— he meant the prosperity and improvement of the agriculture of the lived on the confines of Scotland, and had the advantage of (Cheers.) The then put and carried. clay. seeing the good effects produced by that society in that country. The Right Honourable Baronet dwelt upon the harmonising eff ec t w h ich would be produced by the harmonious combination of the aristocracy, the yeomanry, and the gentry, of theoretical and practical men ; and from hi s e xperience of the Scottish Society, he would observe, that if they ex cluded politics from their proceedings, they would find the society would efficiently promote that object—which he had uniformly contended was a paramount object—the promotion of national agriculture, which was, after a ll, the first business of every nation, as being the real foundation of national prosperity.—(Cheers.) He was most happy to become a member of the society. The Right Honourable Baronet then moved a resolution as to the amount of subscriptions to constitute members and Governors. Alderman COPELAND, M.P., seconded the resolution, which, after a ZWILLIAM said he was about to embody in a resolution the 1 • h had been thrown out by the Right Hon . Baronet s uggestion w James Graham), as to adopting the ambulatory system of the (sir nd Society. The resolution was to the effect, that the annual Highland briEefurcloFfloaquial discussion, was carried. meet ings of the society should b e h e ld in different parts of England 'and Wales. He could bear testimony to the good effects of such a plan in the case of the British Association for the advancement of Science.—(Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that great benefits would be derived from the operations of the society, as much ignorance pre vailed as to the general resources of the soil. Mr. PusEy, M.P., seconded the resolution, which was carried. The Earl of CHICHESTER moved the appointment of a committee to frame the rules and regulations of the society. Mr. CAS LEY, RP., seconded the resolution, which was carried una nimously. Lord PoeTxtsx moved the nest resolution, which was Sir F. Lo wE, and carried unanimously. The Noble C HAIRMAN read a letter which he had rece i ve d f ro m the Duke of Welli ngton, regretting his inability to atten d t h e m eeting, and enclosing a sub scr i pt i on of 501.—(Loud cheers.) seconded by Lord ELIOT moved, and Mr. MILES, M.P., seconded, a vote of thanks to the Noble Chairman, which he briefly acknowledged. she had lo ved -: CLAND ESTINE MARRIAGE.—A young lady left Chic hester about f our months s i nce , a s was supposed, on a visit to Ports. mouth, where she wa s qu i c kly joined by a valiant knight of the thimble who is also one of the choristers of our cat h e d ra l, whom the goss i ps say with One whom he considered , wont to look upon his visage with secret admiration, while his voice as " not wisely, but too well." The fair maiden had been it mingled with the soul-movingstrains of the organ, filled her ears with delight and thrilled her bosom with enchanting extacies. By some means the secret which struggled for utterance in the lady's heart was made known to its object; and from that time the lovers continued to hold sweet converse together, despite the irascible and resolute conduct pleasure of the y o ung lady's father who peremptorily forbade her all intercourse secret happiness daughter'. • h notice. However, at the period above mentioned the young couple exchanged vows at the hymenial altar and returned to Chichester in regard to condition in life, beneath his intending for a time to keep their mutual bliss an inviolable secret. The they have consented to dwell apart in semblance of the bride's former state of " ppiness of the youthful twain has however transpired, though single blessedness;" the least agreeable fact is the avowed dis pleasure to Brighton Guardian. ' of the lady's sire , who refuses to see his offspring's liegelord.— . A requisition, signed by the united Tories and Ra dica!s, has beer. presented the Constable of Huddersfield, to call a House of Commons.—Halifax Express. express their sentiments on the Factory Bill now before the ANTI-SLAVERY.—On Friday last at Berwick, a public meeting was convened by the Mayor in the Townhall for the pur pose of considering the propriety of petitioning both Houses of Parlia ment for the immediate emancipation of the Slaves. The Reformers of Newcastle-upon-Tyne have sent to London a subscription towards defraying the expenses of the Hull Inquiry. If this were more generally done by the Reformers of the North, it would act as an incentive to Liberal candidates in otherplaces. NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP. MEETING AT THE CITY OF LONDON TAVERN. A public meeting of the " Friends of the Negro" was held yesterday at the City of London Tavern, fur the purpose of considering the mea sures which should be taken to procure the total abolition of the negro 'apprenticeship on the Ist of August. On the platform we observed Sir James Duke, M.P., Sir Moses Drlontefiore, Mr. Under-Sheriff Wire, Mr. Alderman White, Mr. Wilks, and other eminent gentlemen of the 'City, and Members of the Anti-Slavery Society. GURNEY, Esq., upon taking the Chair, said—Fellow citizens, it is with no small difficulty I undertake to occupy the Chair on the present very interesting occasion. But there had been a prospect of our having a more able champion of the cause to fill the Chair. My relation, Thomas Fowell Buxton was willing to take the Chair, but particular circumstances have prevented him, which I regret, as he would have have performed the duty with more ability than I can. I am inclined to say something of the object for which this meeting has been called together, and which is to obtain the total abolition of the negro ap. prenticeship system in the West Indies, by a legislative enactment.— (Hear.) Here I have to acknowledge, that for some time, I had some difficulty in lending my name and my small influence to this object. In the first instance, I thought that the time for the expiration of the ap prenticeship was rapidly approaching; next, that it had become the law of the land ; and further, that by waiting until weshould be able to pre sent ourselves in a more unanswerable position, we should better serve the Negro in his future prospects. But I acknowledge I was mistaken —(Cheers)--and accordingly, I approve of the measure which you have now in contemplation.—(Hear, hear.) I had my doubts, that if I did not come Co near to what some people call a contract, yet it ought not to be interfered with. But on looking at the syeeches which have been delivered on the other side, and the facts that have been proved, I have come to the conclusion, that if it were the firmest contract, it has been broken and should be put an end to.—(Cheers.) I will state to you briefly a few of those eircumstances which induce me to this belief. The Colonial Assemblies have not done their part of the contract—(Hear, hear),—but have endeavoured as far as in their power to permit, or even to provide, that the change from slavery should be realised but partially, except in name.— (Hear, hear.) I will take one or two points, which may serve as a sample. Thus, in a state of slavery, 211bs. of farinacious food were al lowed to each slave weekly ; that has been reduced to 311)5.—(Shame.) Laws of that nature having been passed, that in my opinion establishes that the Colonial Assemblies have, if not directly, insidiously prevented the fulfilment of the contract—(Hear, hear)—if there be such% contract as they say, which I do not admit—they have withheld from us what they contracted to give.—(Hear, hear.) I am in frequent com munication with persons in the city who hold West Indian property; and there is hardly one of them so bold as to deny that the West Indian Assemblies have behaved themselves most improperly.—(Hear.) They say the West Indians are a bad set—(A laugh)—but do not punish us for their acts. But in fact those owners of West Indian property are legally, if not morally, responsible for the acts of their agents, as hold ing the property under our Government. It is beyond dispute that the Magistrates, however carefully selected, have not administered justice to the blacks.—(Hear, hear.) There are honourable exceptions. But they have not been able to administer justice to the blacks. On the contrary, the law has been administered in a cruel and horrible way, of which you can have no idea in this country.—(Hear, hear.) It is said that those Magistrates have been appointed by the Government at home, and the West Indians are not responsible for their acts. There may appear at first to be some reason in this. But I believe the fact to be that an immoral influence is exercised by the planters in the neigh bourhood of the magistrates.—(Hear, hear.) The influence which the white inhabitants have upon the character of the magistrates prevents justice being done to the blacks. The majority of the planters are under the influence of—what shall I say ? Ido not like to use harsh terms— of the feeling engendered by their having been educated in the character of oppressors; and this feeling is opposed to allowing justice to the us groes.—(Hear, hear.) Thus they have in some instances deprived them of their prospective holidays for years—(Shame) —and I do not overstate the matter when I say that has the appearance of being done, or that I have no doubt it is done, with the intention of doing away with all the minor features of the apprenticeship, and to render it as near as possible to the former state of slavery. You ate all acquainted with the statements of Williams, which have been investigated and confirmed by the Commissioners sent out by the Government to inquire into them. The truth of these statements have been acknowledged by Lord Glenelg in the House of Lords. Now if the cases which we heard de scribed in Williams's Narrative can pass with impunity in a country like Jamaica, and the whole population not rise up in arms against it, there can be no doubt that the whole administration of justice is in an incorrect and embarrassed state.—(Hear, hear, hear) lam inclined again to state to the meeting what passed between myself and my friends in the City, who are engaged in this property. Although I differ from many of them, yet as men of humanity they do not yield to me; but they are satisfied with the representations of their agents, whose interest it is to put an appearance upon matters to please their employers ; and the owners are ignorant of what is doing on their estates. So that, except the responsibility of a principal for the acts of his agents, they do not think they have ally share in what is done on their estates. I say this on the part of my friends, who own this property, and who are liberal in coming forward in all philanthropic measures in this country. When I speak to one, he says, Things are not so bad in British Guiana—but what you say is very true of Jamaica." Going into the next trial, lam told that it is to Guiana my complaint applies, and not to Jamaica."— (A laugh.) Now, as to Guiana, I find in the papers, that when the Le gislative Assembly was applied to by the Governor, in the name of the Queen, to make the distinction between prwdial and non-prcedial ap prentices, that the latter might be freed by the Act, they peremp. torily refused—(Shame)—so that the non_pra•dial might not enjoy their freedom as the law provides on the Ist of August next.—(Shame ) Does not this show that we are entitled to say that the contract has no I been fulfilled, and that we should take the law into our own hands.— (Hear.) For those reasons I have come to the conclusion that it is perfectly reasonable to touch the contract—perfectly just and honour. able to carry the measure which you contemplate.—(Hear.) You have the admission of the Secretary of State in the House of Lords, that the case has been made out, from the conduct of the Legislative Assembly and the magistrates —and I may add, the ccnduct of the blacks them. selves—that the immediate abolition cf the apprenticeship ought to take place.—(Applause.) I am surprised that, having that opinion, Lord Glenelg's action on that conclusion should have been so opposite.— (Hear, hear.) Ido not wish wrong to be done that right may come thereof. I wish to do justice to all. But is there no justice due to those who have paid the 20,000,000/. Is there no justice due to the blacks who were to have their freedom, and be paid for their work, instead of being whipped for it ?—(Cheers ) As to the po. licy of immediate abolition, although that is a minor consideration, yet it may at least be stated. If we are to have labour done well and cheer_ hilly, it must be rewarded.—(Hear, hear.) What is not rewarded, will come slowly, badly, and unprofitably.—(Hear, hear.) On the details, which are a tissue of horrors, unfit to be stated in a public assembly, I have come to the conclusion that—contract, or no contract—the ap prenticeship should be immediately and effectually terminated. WM. ALLEN, Esq., moved the following resolution :—That this meet ing regards, with feelings of deep disappointment and sorrow the loss of Sir George Strickland's motion in the House of Commons, for the aboli tion of the system of negro apprenticeship. They, at the same time, regard the inconsiderable majority by which that motion was defeated, as one among many circumstances calculated to encourage them in those exertions which they believe it to be their indispensable duty to continue, until slavery shall no longer exist under any name in the British dominions, This (said the venerable gentleman) is the nature of the resolution that I was requested to submit to your notice. With regard to the agree ments upon the spirit-stirring subject, they have been lavished abun dantly in meetings in the great metropolis, in the presence of thousands of our fellow-citizens. The facts of the case have been very clearly and very satisfactorily stated, and I believe the majority, if not the whole, of those whom I have DOA' the honour of addressing, have made up their minds to rejoice, if I may so speak, with joy unspeakable, if our great object is in the way of being speedily attained.—(Cheers.) I am per fectly aware that there are many among the planters of our West India islands who are men of humanity. I only regret that the minority is so small as it is — (Hear)—but I am very glad to be able to announce that this minority of West India proprietors are beginning to see the policy as well as the humanity of granting the object that we have in view. They cannot conceal from themselves, that after the noble example set by the Marquis of Sligo, followed by William Ayler Hankey, and other proprietors, they a very striking effect will be produced on the minds of the black population in Jamaica and other islands, on the first of the month called August next.—(Cheers.) A very strong effect will be produced on the minds of the prxdials when they see the object as far as reg ads the non.praedials, is in the way of being Immediately at tained. Now we cannot conceal from ourselves that the proceedings going on in this country, from one end of it to the other, are known by the black population in the West India islands. They know that they have in this oountry a very strong body of friends, and they cannot but see that the efforts of these friends will be increased—that they are a set of men who will not be trifled with—that they are a set of men who will pursue their object until its attainment.—(Cheers.) Now all this is matter of calculation for the persons concerned. If by any chance any number of prxdials should say, we really are told that our complete freedom is registered by Act of Parliament, that a very large sum of money has been given for it, and we are told that we are to be put in immediate possession of it—now if this should occasion any want of la bour upon the estate of any planter there, so far as that want of labour should go, there would be a prospect of a diminished crop ; while the estates of the Marquis of Sligo, and of other proprietors who see the policy as well as the justice of giving adequate wages for the labour be stowed upon their estates, they will have their estates well cultivated. Should the price of Sugar rise in the market in consequence of the defi ciency of labour on other estates, it will be a boon to the wise and to the liberal planters.—(Applause.) I shall not dwell farther on this part of the subject, but leave it to the contemplation of those who are im mediately concerned in it. With regard to the other question, I have now arrived nearly at the age of three score and ten ; I have observed what is going on in that part of the world called the West India islands —I have observed what has been the:effect,tthe deplorable effect of per mitting slavery in any of the dependencies of this great and enlightened and otherwisefree nation. I have watched the effects from time to time, but the consequences, if they were written out, would be like the scroll of Ezekiel, written within and without with lamentation and woe. Oh, that I could get ray fellow.citizens to be deeply convinced of this— that wherever slavery in any country is at all countenanced or permitted it has a blighting and a withering effect upon the morals of the people _(Cheers) —it has a pestilential influence worse than the misama of the Pontine marches—(Cheers)— and our object is to . pursue the subject un til we have wiped this foul blot from our beloved country.—( Applause.) We call upon all to assist in, who feel the sanction of religion—who be lieve in that Saviour, who said, " Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye so u n t o th em. " —(Cheers.) We shall never be safe, the property in the West India Islands will not be safety until we have re moved slavery from it.—(Cheers.) I was glad the other day in receiving a message from a West India proprietor, whose name I cannot mention, requesting a conference with use, He said, " I am come to the deter midation of giving wages to my black people on the lit of August next, and have sent out directions for that purpose—(Cheers)—but you must not mention Toy name." And I know there are others who are about to do the same thing, so that the example of the Marquis of Sligo, W. Ayler Mulkey, and other respectable and humane proprietor, I have no doubt, will be very extensively followed. Something has been said with regard to Ministers not coming forward to support this measure. Now the fact is, they stand in a very difficult position, and those who know the most of public affairs will feel the most deeply for them; and far be it from me to charge upon them want of humanity, because they cannot go the lengths which we think they ought to go. I am satisfied of this, that when the voiceof the public shall have attained the height, energy, and force, which it will do, the members of Government will then be with us. We have all, every individual of us, a very strong interest in this question, whether we are planters or not. No one can doubt that the most dreadful cruelty and oppression is going on. We have sent witnesses who have gone through estate after estate, and who have published the results of their investigation. Vie have upon the table of the House of Commons proofs, horrid, shocking proofs, of the nature of a system which has committed atrocities like these. Then, whoever is a believer in what is recorded in the Holy Scrip tures, the book of truth —must believe that the Judge of the whole earth will eventually do right—(Cheers) —that a day of retribution will arrive—that a judgment will be held when the oppressed and the, oppressor will stand side by side, and equal justice will be ad ministered.—(Clieers.) Every one who turns over the pages of his. tory will see that whereas individual sins are punished in an indi vidual capacity, so national sins arc punished in a national capacity. Our poet Cowper beautifully alludes to this even in the state of Spain : " Oh could their ancient Incas rise again, How would they take up Israel's taunting strain ? Art thou too fall'n Iberia ? Do we see The robber and the murderer weak as we ? We come with joy from our eternal rest, To see th' oppressor in his turn oppress'd."—(Loud cheers.) Sir JAMES DUKE, M.P., in seconding the resolution, said, I do not know anything more gratifying to a public man than to find that the course pursued by bins in his public duty is not only in unison with the sentiments of the constituents whom he has the honour to represen but also in unison with the feelings and sentiments of the country a . large.—(Applause.) And I am su re th ere i s no ques ti on w hi c h has eel. tated the public mind, and in which the people of England have ea . pressed a deep er i nterest, t h an the subject upon which we are now as sembled.—(Cheers ) It has afforded me very great pleasure in my place in the House of Commons to record my vote in favour of the Emancipation of the oppressed negro; and I came here wills the greatest pleasure on the summons of the worthy Chairman to show, by my presence, that I was anxious to continue my best exertions in his behalf. Although we have been disappointed by the late division of the House of Commons, I trust by continued perseverance we shall still be able to throw off the shackles that bind the poor oppressed negro.—(Cheers.) My feelin gs in behallof tins oppressed race have not sprung from the circumstances that have lately agitated the public mind. I remember in 1810, when I was present at the capture of the Mauritius, my feelings were shocked at witnessing the dreadful treatment which the negroes experienced in that island.—(Hear, hear.) lam happy to say that it was not under European planters ; but I remember the poor oppressed negroes dragging dreadful loads which would make the citizens of London cry " Shame" if they were placed on the beasts of burden in our streets.—(Shame.) I remember seeing them manacled round their bodies with chains thicker than my arm, merely for some trivial offence—(Hear, hear, hear) and I also remember when the ship which I belonged to was taking her departure from the island, that a poor fellow of the age of five-and-twenty, who bad escaped from his master under the terror of punishment, clung to our boat, and was actually rowed off nearly half a mile, risking his life, to escape the punishinent he was afraid of —(Loud cheers ) I trust that these and many other circumstances will stimu late us in our endeavonrs to shorten the days of the oppressor of the ne. groes ; and though I am not acquainted with the treatment of the ne. gross in the West Indies, yet from what I have heard from various men, who have had an opportunity of ascertaining the fact, I am sure that we are justified in the course we are now pursuing to endeavour to 1 iberate them from the sufferings which they are enduring. I will not go into the question of contract or no contract—l go into the question— are the negroes prepared to obtain their emancipition ? and, I must say, that I think the conduct they have shown entitles us to believe that they are now qualified to receive that boon.—(Loud cheers.) I will not tree. pass longer on the time of the meeting, but again urge you to persevee. anse, and to remember that— " A day, an lif.ur of virtuous liberty Is worth a whole eternity of bondage."—(Cheers.) The CLIAIRNIAN then put the resolution, which was carried unanl. mousiy. Mr. Alderman Wunre said he should claim the indulgence of the meeting but for a short period, in proposing the resolution he had just bad put into his hand. After the admirable manner they had been ad dressed by the Chairman, who in addition to sterling philanthrophy, added mercantile experience in this great cause, it would hardly be ne cessary for him to say a word. He need not point out again the diffe rent cruelties that had been adverted to by the venerable patriot for freedom, Mr. Allen.--(Great cheering) He would, therefore, merely say, that the resolution be had to propose for the adoption of the meeting was in commendation of the admirable and praiseworthy conduct of some of the Members of both the Upper and Lower Houses of of Parliament with respect to the great cause. Among them was fore most the name of the Marquis of Sligo—(Loud cheers)—who, although be was a planter, had declared his determination on the Ist of August next to abolish slavery of every description on his plantation. He (Alderman White) had ever been the determined enemy of slavery in the West Indies, believing it to be productive of every species of crime. The resolution he had to propose was that, the meeting was desirous to express the admiration of the conduct of Lord Sligo, and to tender to him their thanks for his righteous determination to emancipate his slaves. The meeting was also desirous to return their sincere thanks to those Members of the House of Commons who had voted with Sir George Strickland's motion for the entire abolition of slavery. The Rev. Mr. HINTON seconded the resolution. There was some. thing in this great cause at the present moment almost unprecedented, as in his recollection of the period of slavery he did not remember what be might call double meetings on one and the same subject ; yet for evidence of that he had only to advert to the great meeting at Exeter.. Hall on the subject of slavery,—(Cheers) That was a double, he might almost say a treble meeting.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) Still it was necessary to persevere and call meeting after meeting in every town in the empire, in order to show the hydra head of slavery, which had such stubbornness and tenacity for life, that they were deter. mined to conquer it.—(Cheers.) The Government ofthe country had thought if they allowed the first sensation to subside, that the people who were foremost with the cry of " away with slavery for ever," would bequiet.—(Cheers.) He could assure them that in that suppo. sition they were most miserably mistaken; there would be no quiet, there would be no lack of exertions, both against Ministers and the slave-owners, until the entire and unconditional freedom of the negroes was accomplished.—(Cheers.) And if there were any desires in high quarters, upon this matter, their basis must be identified with their surrender.—(Cheers.) The case with respect to the negro population was deplorable in the extreme; the enemies to their happiness were bent upon their wrongs and oppression to an interminable extent. The attempr of Mr. Gladstone to introduce on his estates what he called free labour for five years was cruel in the extreme, as its design was to lower the market for negro labour in British Guiana, and to ren. der the negro unable to take the produce of his free labour to a proper market. Mr. Gladstone seemed to think that robbing the negro of his liberty was not enough ; but he must deprive him of the produce of the sweat of his brow for ages to come.—(Cheers.) What does the meeting suppose the family of the Gladstone's alone had taken from the fund which the country had ,;ranted for the emancipation of the negroes? No less than the sum of 120,000/.—(Shame.) He felt shocked to see the manse of Charles Grant sanctioning such proposition. It might easily be judged what the state of things would in future be, from what had hitherto taken place—the planters had shown themselves a most inhuman and tyrannical set of men.—(Cheers.) And these were the men into whose hands the Indian labourers were to commit themselves. If such were the state into which they were to be taken, the mischief would net end here ; for the example would spread to India, and contrivances would be set in motion to get the Indians on board ship. English agents go into the country to revive the old sys tem of pilgrimage, telling the people that they are to go to the Cons. patty's liabouoti, or village, and that everything would be very good and pleasant. A lie every atom —every syllable.—(Shame, shame.) By such fraud and misrepresentation the people were induced; and he believed that in no one instance were they told the truth.—(Shame.) There was one case of a fellow getting six months wages in advance to go to the Mauritius, and then snaking another man drunk or stupid with drugs, and, getting him on board, left him in his plaac, where he was de tained and carried away.—(Shame.) This was a fact stated in the Par. liarnentary papers. Three men also got a woman on board, and carried her away to the Mauritius, where they kept her by force, as their joint. property, in the most horrible of human slavery.—(Vehement cries of indignation.) The authorities said that they would take measures to prevent such things : but it was impossible. The Court was too ex. tensive ; and besides, the system would go on at Pondicherry, which was a French settlement, to which the British regulations would not apply. The voyage was attended with all the horrors of the middle passage in the old slave trade, as regarded the waist of accommodation and the privations of the CoJlies, and in some instances the mortality had been greater than in the African slave ships. Yet to all this Charles Grant, Lord Glenelg, had set his once noble and honoured name.—(Hisses.) Lord Brougham was the first to bring this atrocity before the public ; but the facts con.. tlnued to multiply, and the last Calcutta papers state that one vessel had just sailed, and that another would be ready in the course of the month— (Shame)—and that one man was authorized to take out 10,000 Coolies, to take the place of the negroes.—(Great indignation.) It was said that the Coolies were very happy in the blessings of the apprenticeship ; but he had there an account of their revolt.—(Hear.) Thus the slave trade was transferred from Africa to the heart of Bengal, there to perpetuate its incredible horrors.--(Shame.) It was their duty to do everything possible to put an immediate end to it. In this they had some admired and noble helpers--the Marquis of Sligo was one.—(Cheers.) They had also three of the City Members—he could wish they would have the fourth, Mr. Crawford, on Sir E. Wilmot's motion. The Committee in Tolsenhouse-yard had resolved to call together the delegates from all parts of the country, previous to that motion.—(Applause) Mr. Gladstone, in Isis speech, had accused the abolitionists or being insincere, because they used American cotton, which was the produce of slave labour, when they could get Indian cotton, the produce of free labour. Now it was well to learn from an enemy; and suppose they were to carry out the principle, and prove their sincerity,'",,by ab , taining from the consumption of the slave_ produced sugar of the West Indies.—( Hear, hear.) If the self.sacrifice were acted upon, only to the extent of diminishing the consumption of West India sugar one-half, the planters might find it to their interest to abolish slavery themselves, and supply the abolitionists with sugar the produce of free labour.—(Hear, hear.) He concluded by moving a re. solution of thanks to the Marquis of Sligo for his noble conduct, and to the Members for the City who voted with Sir. G. Strickland. Mr. WICKS said he would net at this late hour detain the meeting by many observations. They were assembled on this occasion because they would not allow a single opportunity in which they might demon. strate the intensity 9f their feelings and ardour of their souls to escape. (Cheers.) It was not because they wanted their passions to be stimu lated, but because they required their judgments to be convinced. They assembled no doubt partaking of the general regret, of the mournful dis appointment which had attended the determination of Parliament-- (le tr.) They assembled under these peculiar circumstances, inquiring and reflecting, whether, after this eer.e.uct on the pant of Government— whether, after the votes given in both licenses of Parliament—whother, , after the enactment of a Bill, which was a rn're apology for that resto ration and conference of the rights upon the negroes for which the people had no long contended—whether, under such circumstances, their exer tions were to be paralised, and an injurious acquiescence displayed, or whether they should feel that all the great principles by which they had been impelled, and to which they had dedicated themselves, should nerve them to renewed and endless exertions, until the great obje7t which' they had determined to accomplish should be happily (Cheers.) Under these circumstances, the question was, whether they owed it to the Government—whether they owed it to the owners of pro perty In tho West Indies —whether they owed it to the negroes and to themselves, to acquiesce in the measures which had been proposed, or to renew their exertions, and wills unhesitating energy to perse vere.—(Cheers.) Ile felt it his duty to attend on the present occasion, and to avail himself of every opportunity to urge to renewed, universal, and augmented exertions, all, those who regarded the honour of their country—all who felt interested by a philanthropic solicitude for the welfare of mankind—all who thought that even sound policy required the object should be conceded; but, above all, those whose motives arose from Christian principles, and from that eternal and sacred truth on which their exertions might be best founded,—(Cheers.) Whether they were patriots, philanthropists, or enlightened politicians, or Chris.. tians'inspired by sympathy for their suffering fellow-creatures—under all these circumstances, and under all these characters, it was their duty to renew their exertions.—(Cheers.) There was one circumstance which had not been sufficiently brought before the attention of the public, which showed the indispensable necessity of enlarged as well as persevering attentions to this great cause. Not content wills the evils already in flicted—not content with the cruel oppression beneath which the popu lation quailed, a measure had been devised, by which they were to be cajoled and trepanned from their native habitations, in order that they might become slaves under the name of apprentices, in the Mauritius and British! Guiana. He would only add to the facts already commu nicated to the meeting, that Lord Brougham stated, from returns made to Parliament, that in the vessels in which the Coolies (of whom 100,000 more had been ordered to be immediately transmitted from Ilindoostan to the Mauritius) were shipped, a greater portion died from neglect and cruel treatment, than ever disgraced evens the most cruel and nefarious of other proceedings, when cruelty seemed to riot and revel in all its power in the mid-passage from Africa to the West; Indies. or 240 persons, 81 died during the voyage, and out of 7d not less than of, died—showing the mortality to be at least one. fourth of the persons taken. These persons became the cruel victims oft hose, who talk as they would about humanity, were introducing into our possessions the commencement of a tyranny which would be at tended with the most fearful desolation.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances he repeated they were bound to persevere, and he was glad to find that Sir Eardley Wilmot had given notice that he did not mean to abandon this great subject ; but that, undaunted by ministerial opinions —undaunted by the small majority which had been obtained by combination, he was again determined to renew his measure, (Turing t' e present month.— (Hear.) The resolution which he had to move was-. " That this meeting entertains the deliberate opinion that, if, as has been alleged, any contract with the plenum was involved ins the biassing of the Bill far the abolition of slavery, the official evidence that it has been grossly and very generally violated by themselves is ample and conclu sive evidence against the validity of any such contract, of which violation they regard Lord Glenelg's act as decisive proof." : agreed in tee opinion given by Lord Denman, the Chief Justice of the Court of Quesn's Bench, that such a contract never could be made. (Cheers.) No individual could enter into such a' contract, and it was beyond, the power of any owners of p roperty to enter into a contract which holed affect his personal freedom or his natural rights, because t h e y might suppose he wauld be thereby beneAtted. Much as he re spected Lord John Russell, and attached as he was to the Government, h e was pleased that on a recent ocelsion, when the Noble Lord