The Sun. — London, England, 1864-01-21 00:00:00

The President of the Board of Trade and his Constituents, ASTITON,UNDER-LYNE, lan. 20. The Right Hon. T. M. Gibson, President of the Board of Trade, addressed a crowded meeting of his constituents this evening in the Ashton-under- Lyne Town-hall. The Mayor presided. Mr. GIBSON, who was received with loud cheer ing, said—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen,—l have sometimes seen it stated in the public journals that at the present moment, when there is no active con-1 test betwixt the great political parties of the country ' upon any stirring question of domestic interest, it is difficult for one speaking upon public affairs much to interest his audience ; and I must say, if there be any truth in that, I feel that it requires a much better orator than I can ever pretend to be to make anything but a dull speech. The hon. gentleman continued—l am afraid your worthy mayor has given rise to expectations which I shall be unable to fulfil, if he tells you that I can either instruct or edify ; for it is my belief that instruction and edifi c ition must, in these days, come from constituents to members, and will not be conveyed by members to those whom they represent. (Hear, and cheers.) However, there is one duty which obviously devolves upon me, to present myself in public to my consti tuents, to pay to them my personal respects, and to thank them for the confidence which they have hitherto reposed in me. I think that meetings such as this are salutary, and that they are useful, more especially so in a great and populous constituency like that of Ashton-under-Lyne, where the relation between a member and his constituents is more real, and where the representation is more free than in many parts of this kingdom which it would not be difficult for me to point on. (Hear, hear.) Wawa last I had the honour of addressing this constituency, some months since there existed a condition of great suffering amongst the operative and other classes, and the future was dark and gloomy. At the present moment suffering to a great extent still exists; but I think I may say, in the presence of those better informed than I am, that the future at no distant period promises to be better ; that there is blue sky appearing in the clouds, and that, aithough there may not be any immediate amelioration in this particular union of Ashton-under-Lyle such as you could desire, filled as it is for the most part—l speak of those who are out of employment—with cotton operatives suffering probably from the absence of adequate supplies of cotton, yet, from all the information I can get—l think we may look forward to an approaching period of reviving properity in the cotton trade of this dis trict. (Hear, hear.) I judge so from the returns of last year. The imports of cotton from India, from Egypt, and from other countries, very materially increased, showing a tendency to make us almost, if not altogether, independent; for probably it will be long before we arrive at adequate American sup plies. Still, to a great extent this increase will make up that large deficiency in the supply of the raw material of your industry which has been cc• casioned by the American war. (Hear.) But, Sir, speaking of the distress that has prevailed in this district, I will undertake to say that the history of the world does not afford an example of such a bitter trial having been borne with so much fortitude, and having been got through, as it were, with so much smoothness. I remember the tax at the outset upon the manufacturers and others, and I would ask now, after the long period of distress which has existed, has this locality done its duty or has it not ? The county of Lancaster, I believe, has subscribed as mach as the whole of the United Kingdom. The management of thesegreat difficulties has been mainly in the hands of local authorities. The distress has been grappled with, not by the State, but by the local authorities; and when we read advertised in the newspapers the large subscriptions received from various parts of the United Kingdom, we must not forget that there has been an amount of aid in public contributions in this district of which per haps the world at large are little aware, and from which, if we could get an accurate account, we should form a more just estimate of the suffering and the difficulties that had to be encountered, as well of the beneficence with which they had been met, Now, it is the fashion. to say the country is prosperous; and what does it signify ? We were always told that the cotton industry was the main foundation of England's prosperity, and now we see that industry almost prostrate, and yet there is coo eider thin trade, gradually increasing exports, and much prosperity in various parts of the kingdom. N)vc, though I am obliged constantly to make use of statistics I area not an entire believer that figures give you the fall truth. la these respects of the condition of the country I do not believe it possible that this country can be so wealthy, or that there can be so much happiness amongst the masses of the people as there would have been if this great American war had not taken place, and as if there had cot been this prostration of your great cotton manufacture. I have heard it said "It is an ad vantage to England that this blow should have fallen upon the United States of America"—as if a nation prospered by the downfall of neighbouring countries. (Hear.) I hold no such opinion. (Hear.) I believe that the nations of the world arc like the individuals in a particular nation, that they are de pendent upon each other for their prosperity and happiness, and that if there be a great destruction of wealth in any one nation, the common stock is thus invaded, and there is less to be distributed by the channels of commerce through other coun tries of the world, Therefore I believe that this and other countries of Europe must of necessity share in the losses that have arisen from that des perate civil strife that has prevailed in the United States, But there are undoubtedly signs of pro gress in our trade that are worth mentioning. Take the shipping interest. We used to be told that free trade in shipping—the power to employ the foreign ship as well as the English ship—would be damaging to British navigation. But what is the case? We find that the tonnage of British ships entering in and clearing out with cargoes in the United Kingdom has increased in the present year to an amount of something like 14 millions of tons and upwards, against seven millions tons of foreign shipping ; thus showing that, with a great increase altogether, British shipping has kept gradually in advance of foreign shipping in the trade with the United Kingdom. But it would not be fair to take credit for this improvement in shipping as due to any policy in this country. lam afraid that some of it is due to the transference of the carrying trade from American ships to British ships. And why this transference from American ships to British ships? No doubt, partly in con s:Atience of the war that prevails in America, there may not be the same po wer i n man ning and fitting out merchant vessels; but I am afraid there is something more than that. There is the fear among the American merchant shipping of attacks by certain armed vessels that are career ing over the ocean, and that are burning and de stroying all United States merchant ships that they find upon the high seas. The fear, ther e f ore , of de struction of these cruisers has caused a large trans fer of American carrying to British ships. Now the decrease in the employment of American shipping is very great. In the trade between England and the United States it is something like 46 or 47 per cent. I mention these facts to show you that it is right that the atimtion of this great commercial nation should be serioasiy turned to those laws which govern the acts Of belligerents upon the high seas .—(hear, hear ) — for If some two or three armed steamers which a country, with no pretence to a n avy, cen easily send upon the ocean, armed with their one or two guns, and al most clear n a t t h io e n seas h what t h e merchant shipping of a particul ar might ha eon to this country, with her extensive commerce over the seas, if she went to war with some nation that availed herself of the us e of simi lar decrlirtion of vessels ? (Hear, hear.) w hy, the whole system of maritime warfare is altered by the introduction of steam; and these fast steamers clenot be ovi - !rtakc ,, n by the most powerful navies, The SC% is a very broad place, and they can roam about, for there is no saying how long, capturin g and destroying commerce ; and it is not in the power of navies to prevent them. Well, if it be so, is it not rendered worse if neutral nations aro to supply such vessels to belligerents ? (Hear.) We might with our great navy, for instance, if w were at war with some country, blockade its porte, and we might prevent vessels from sailing forth from its harbours ; but if that nation with whom • x e were at war is to be at liberty to go to some stant re gion —some country friendly to our- h - es—and there be furnished with these armed ivateers to cruise about the ocean, I should like to know what possible protection the great navy of England and the great expenditure upon which it rests would be able to give the commerce of this country—(hear, Naar, and cheers)—and, therefore, the Government have seen, not only in an international point of view, the great evil of neutrals furnishieg ships-of war to belligerents as a principle, as being contrary to the general good understanding amongst coun tries. Feeling this, and also the still more paramount consideration that it is vital to the interests of Eng land that this fitting -out of vessels in countries not themselves engaged in the warfare, should be pre vented, they have taken a course which the laws of this country have required from them. They have endeavoured to the best of their ability to put the laws of this country in force against those who are engaged in supplying the so-called Confederate States of America with these vessels, to cruise against the commerce of the United States, a nation with whom at this present moment we are on terms of friendly alliance. (Cheers.) I do not know whether any gentleman here has taken the trouble to read the legal arguments upon this question, but really I confess for one that I am unable to under stand much of what has been said upon the subject. I am told you may sail a fleet of ships through the Foreign Enlistment Act. It may be so, but I will undertake to say that I will sail another fleet of ships through the construction which any one of the lawyers has hitherto put upon that act. (Laughter.) Common sense tells me that the Confederate Go vernment are the parties who have, directly or in directly, caused these ships to be built in this coun try, and that in so doing they entered upon a deli berate course of violating and evading the laws of England. (Hear, hear, and bond cheers.) lam no lawyer, but that is my construction—(hear, hear) — and I do not think you can sail a fleet of ships through that. (Cheers and laughter.) I have touched upon this question of shipping not so much for the purpose of calling your attention to the fact, with which I daresay you are familiar, of the great increase of our shipping, but to point out that it is a subject that well deserves the grave consideration of every commercial community. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the exportations of the country, it is a remarkable fact that the exports during the eleven months of the year which have just ex pired—(we have not the tables complete for the whole eleven months)—show, in point of value, the largest export on record in this kingdom ; but I am sure it must occur to every gentleman present there is a little delusion here. There may have been an increased value without an increased quantity, and therefore without a corresponding employment of the operative classes. (Hear.) I believe that to be true to some extent, but not en tirely true; for there is a considerable increase in the actual quantities of some articles exported from this country—the total value of the exports for the eleven months amounting to 132 millions ; the largest amount, I believe, on record, for a period of eleven months, in the history of the country. In 1862 it was £113,000,000 for eleven months. In 1861, £115,000,000, and so forth ; s'iowing that there has been a very considerable recent increase; and it is remarkable that although our imports of raw cotton have been so small, and therefore the amount of the cotton manufactured correspondingly diminished, yet the proportion of the value of the total exports of cotton to the whole was 32 per cent. in 1863, and only 38 in 1860, before the cotto❑ trade was so seriously impaired ; but there has been an increasing quantity in some goods, no doubt, par ticularly arising from the fact of the substitution of linen and woollen for cotton. I find that linen yarns exported have in quantity 21 per cent. and 20 per cent. for the cloven months; of iron and steel, 15 per cent.; of woollen and worsted yarn, 17 per cent. I merely mention this to show you that, although it is true in the main, no doubt that the total declared value of all exports becomes so ler ge from the greatly-increased price of some particular goods; yet in some trades there is not only an in crease in value in the exports, but also an increase in the quantity; and I am glad to find a growing increase in the trade with those countries in which we might expect improvement. I take Italy, where it is to be hoped more free institutions and a more liberal system of government will give greater scope to com merce; and I find an increase in the nine months of last year compared with the nine months of 1860, of from £3,106,000 to £4,411,000. (Hear, hear.) We find, in consequence, mainly of the treaty with France—l will never mention that treaty without asserting positively that this country is mainly and almost entirely indebted for it to the exertions of my hon. friend Mr. Cobden. (Loud cheers.) It was not ancient and orthodox diplo macy that succeeded in breaking the ice in France, and for the first time we induced the French Go. vernment to turn a favourable view upon the policy of free trade. (Hear.) Well, wo have got from 1860 to 1863. During the nine months—(unfortunately I have not the 12 months' return)—there has been an increase from X 3,656,000 of exports to ..%573,000. With Egypt we have a considerable increase. With the United States we had gone up since 1861, when the exports had fallen down to £6,802,000 in the nine months. During the nine months of 1863 the exports had risen to the amount of £10,492,000, showing the tendency there is fora great extension of trade with the United States. Now we have got something still to look forward to; for you must bear in mind that we have not got the benefit of the French treaty. Oa the Ist of October, 18134, there will take place impor taut reductions of import duties in the French and Belgian tariffs. I❑ France there will he a considerable reduction upon iron and other metals, woollen, jute, tissues, chemicals, earthen- ware, and paper. In Belgium there will be a re duction upon similar articles, and cotton, linen, and woollen yarns ; therefore whatever increase in trade we have hitherto had, in consequence of these ex cellent commercial arrangements which have been made by this Government with France and Bel gium, we shall, we hope, derive increased benefits when the future reduction of duties takes effect. Before I have done with commerical questions, 1 must beg leave to make one or two respectful observations with reference to the proceedings of a body of men which have lately taken place in Manchester, I mean the proceedings of the paper makers. I have the greatest possible respect for that important trade ; I think the men connected with it are an example of everything that is most respec table in the manufacturing classes of England ; and I should be exceedingly sorry to see any policy per sisted in which—unless the claims of justice seem paramount for taking an opposite course— wou ld have the effect of depressing the paper manufac turers to a state of difficulty. One of the main ob jects of the repeal of the paper duty —I thought the question had been finally settled —was to give scope and freedom to the Press. it was not the only object, because there were commercial objects of high importance ; but it was felt that an artificial enhancement of the price of paper was an obstacle in the way of the extension of the cheap Press of this country, and it was felt at the same time that with such institutions as we have in England—in stitutions which we hope to improve—nothing is so vital fur the mental, moral, and intellectual welfare of the people as the diffusion of knowledge—pohti cal and all other knowledge—by a cheap and a good Press. (Applause.) That Press is beginning to develop itself; it is not what it will be. With the progress of education in this country you will have a larger Press, growing with the taste for reading and information that must follow the general spread of instruction ; but so far as the paper duties are concerned, I thought, for one, that we never should have revived that question; but it seems that the papermakers met in conference in Manchester the other day, and they passed resolutions to the effect that they were suffering in the trade, and that the Legislat ure was b ound to give them rel i ef. I think, with all respect for these gentlemen, that the day is passed for the imposition of any protecting duties to raise the price of any production native industry. (Applause.) All classes have been subjected to cempetitien, the farm. , r • TITS SCIN, LONDO the manufacturer, the tradesman ; and the paper , maker must fall in with the rest, and by his enterprise and his exertion each must overcome the difficulties which he may have to encounter ; and I am one of those who prognosticate most confiden tially that those difficulties will be overcome, and that the paper manufacture of England will be one of the greatest and most prosperous industries. Why do I say this ? I find that our friends the paper makers can manage to export a good deal of paper to foreign countries, and sell that paper in foreign countries in competition with foreign made paper, and that an increasing trade. I don't understand why, if we can export paper and sell it at a profit in the various markets of the world, we need be afraid of the competition of foreign paperma kers in our own market. In 1863 there was imported of paper for consumption 111,503 cwt., and exported out of the country 130,000 cwt., so that, in round numbers, there was 100,000 cwt. of foreign paper, for printing or writing purposes imported for con sumption in the United Kingdon in the 11 months of 1863. Well, how much was there exported of British-made printing and writing paper during the same period P Why, 103,974 cwt., so that the paper makers had at any rate the advantage of themselves selling in foreign countries a large amount of British made paper. Weil, then, where does the ruin come from ? There is a larger amount of paper made in this country than ever before, and I believe the whole imports form a very inconsiderable percen tage of the paper consumption of British manufac ture in the United Kingdom. The value of British paper of all kinds (except hangings) exported for the 11 months of 1863 was £511,737 ; in 1862 the value was £411,776 ; in 1861 the value was £327,986, showing, under theloperation of free trade in paper, a gradual increase in the production of rags in this country for exportation. The importa- tion of paper has also increased. In 1863 there was imported 34,746 tons of rags against 18,084 tons in 1862. These facts I should like to have ex plained, because it appears to me totally inconsis tent with the allegation that trade is depressed and going to ruin, to find increased production for home consumption accompanied at the same time with in creased production for foreign exportation. (Hear, hear.) Our worthy chairman alluded to the Ameri can war. Ido not know whether I should say a word upon the subject. Very likely, if I were to avoid it altogether, and say it was a foreign ques tion, and that with it we have nothing to do, I should be charged with having some reason for the reserve, and with being unwilling to state frankly the faith that is in me. (Applause.) Now, when I am before my constituents I feel as if I um a little bit out of harness. We meet together as friends, end I just speak my own opinion ; and very likely I am not experiencing the proper amount of reserve becoming an official. But, however, I will avoid saying any thing I ought not to say—(laughter and applause)— because I feel, and I beg you clearly to understand what I say with regard to these matters are my in dividual opinions, consistent with the general prin ciples of the Cabinet to which I belong. But in all governments, as under all circumstances in which men are placed, there are certain modern diversities. Some go in one direction rather farther than others ; but provided there be an agreement in general prin ciples, questions of degree are not such as ought to prevent men from acting together for the benefit of their country. (Cheers.) With regard to the Ameri can question the Government officially is strictly neutral. Their policy has been to do nothing and to say nothing, as a Government, that should favour the views of either of the contending parties. I think generally that policy of neutrality has been approved by the country. (Hear, hear.) We have been urged to recognise the South; to take steps to bring about the cessation of the blockade, not recently but formerly; and it is a circumstance which I cannot pass without observation that the people in this United Kingdom whose own interests would appear the most likely to be promoted by putting an end to the blockade have most desired that our policy should be guided by justice and good feeling, with a fair allowance for the enormous difficulties which the Government of the United States have had to encounter. (Cheers.) These urgings about America have not come from the cotton districts. I suppose it is found out, by this t!me, that the cotton districts have souls and intellects, and the power of appreciating what is just and right in our na tional policy, and are not prepared to recommend that this country should take an unworthy course far promoting the pecuniary interests of the class to which they belong. (Loud cheering.) lam one of those who think that at the commencement of this American war many persons too hastily formed the opinion that it was impossible the Union could be restored. The common saying was, in many parts of the country with which I am acquainted—" There is one thing certain, that whatever else happens, the Union cannot be restored." I never came to that conclusion. (Hear, hear.) Ido not know whether it will be restored: I can't look into futurity, but I cannot go the length of seeing so clearly before me as some, and saying that it is impossible the Union should be restored. When the Southern leaders took up arms—for be it remembered they com menced this war---(hear, and cheers)—it was a war of aggression on their part when they took up arms for the purpose of compelling the Government of the United States to acquiesce in breaking up the in tegrity of the country,—l always felt that the South had undertaken a task which it would be difficult to accomplish, Nothing short of something like such a conquest of the North as would compel them to lay down their arms in despair was likely to induce the Government of that country to agree to separate in tb.o way which was proposed. But when I was told by the Southern leaders, that their object in taking up arms was not merely the enjoyment of their own independence, but the establishing of a model slave republic which should perpetuate the institution of slavery, and hold it up as an institution that should be cherished and not condemned, I then said to myself, if these men are right, and are going to succeed in establishing these principles as foundation stones of a new empire, what have we been about for years and years in preaching and teaching that slavery is a curse, and that it is the greatest degradation that can fall upon a country ? Why have we been endeavouring to inoculate every country with which we have come in con tact with our ideas as to the necessity of abolishing the slave trade ; and therefore I say slavery also, because if slavery is right, then the slave trade is not wrong ? Well, if the Southern States of America are right in endeavouring by force of arms to establish this model slave republic, then, I say, we have all been previously in the dark, we have been poor benighted beings that have lost sight or have not been aware of the great truth which Mr. Stephens and others have taught in the Southern States of America—that the normal condition of the negro, his only proper, natural condition in the world, is that of slavery. But, as we are told by this same gentleman, Mr. Stephens, this Govern ment of the Confederate Stales, which is about to be estab lished, will be the first Government in the history of the world that has given the lie, as it were, to all the canting policy which has been supported by England and other countries against slave institutions. If this bo the state of affairs, can I, as an Englishman, wish or hope for success to such a cause? I sympathise with nations struggling for independence. But that is not the ques tion hero. (Hear.) No man has alleged a grievance in the Southern States, except the growing sentiments of the North against the institution of slavery. No man has said that in the South any right has been withheld, or that any wrong has been without a remedy; and, in fact, Mr. Jefferson Davis himself has lauded the institutions of the country in reference to the past ; and has only said in the future he sees looming that growing sentiment which will endanger the slave institutions of the South, and which must con tinuo to embitter the relations between the North and the South, if it went on, and that therefore it was better to separate. Well, I believe myself that one end of this great civil war in America, that one termination at any rate will be the abolition of slavery. (Cheers.) My hon. and re spected idea, Mr. Bright—(loud cheers)—is often charged with wanting to introduce American institutions into Eng. land. 'Well, I say with regard to this American war, the South rebelled and raised this insurrection because they foresaw that English institutions, viz., the emancipation of the slave, was about to bo introduced into their country— it was the resistance to this policy of ours, to the policy of England of all other countries in the world, that gave rise to this great insurrection. (near.) We are told sometimes that tariff questions had something to do with it. Disabuse your mind entirely of that idea. I assert, and if th ere were time I could prove to you by the clearest demonstration, that tariff questions had nothing on earth tct do with the quarrelbetween fr l e V e h t 3 r - a , d t e h ; e t south o u was th never ne v e r h eiunitedupond one opinion up on the q uestio n of protective du ties. On the contrary, L ouisiana was for protecting her Sou t o f North t h e questionand h. sugar, and other Stags of the South were for protecting their produce. And as for its having anything to do with the form of government, why, if America had been a mo narchy, if it had been au empire like France, when these ', THURSDAY EVENING two great sentiments—freedom of labour on the one side, and slavery on the other —came inte collision on the scale in which they exist in America what are the certain conse quences ? Why, we did nut find it so easy to emancipate our own slaves ; we had some trouble. We paid £20,000,000, and we had a long, eager agitation, in which there was much embittered feeling; anc my firm belief is, that if the slave party in England had oorne the same proportion to the rest of the community when emancipation was demanded in this country which they bore in the United States at the commencement of the civil war, it is very probable you would not have been able to get through your emancipation in this country without a resort to arms, or perhaps to the secession of your slave countries to some other slave coun try where there would have keen a greater affinity to them selves. Now, it is remarkabie what is going on at the pre sent moment in the North, notwithstanding this tremen dous pressure upon their resources, which no doubt will raise a very large debt, but which debt I believe that coun try will, with its growing population and its vast means, be enabled to bear. I have got in my hand a report of the Commissioner of Agricultur e in the United States for the last year, and I find that in 1862 there was grown in that country 169,993,500 bushels of wheat. I find in 1863 that that quantity has increased to 191,068,239 bushels. I find that nearly all articles of agricultural produce have increased considerably even during this war, and notwithstanding the fact that no less than a million of men employed in the army and navy have been withdrawn chiefly from the agricultural producing class. Notwithstanding we see this remarkable statement,perhaps emigration may in some mea sure account for it, I find that large numbers of adven turers from every part of Europe are still crowding the shores of the United States, I find that the commissioners say that " 'While some as adventurers seek the western world for military fame, stimulated, by our large bounties and chances of promotion, on to fighting sincerely the battles of freedom and equality, the greater part come to labour, to enjoy independence and quiet, and to make happy the humble homes for themselves and theirchildren. According to the re ports of the New York Commissioners of Emigration the number of immigrants arriving at that port was 146,519 against 67,307 during 1862. This increase holds good in re spect to other great ports of our country, and independent of the large number of persona from Canada for other por tions of America." I will read only one small passage more of the commissioners' report, because if I were to go ox at any length I should read some opinions which would be held to be unpalatable in certain quarters. (Laughter.) I shall confine myself to one passage, in which he wishes to indicate some of the causes which have led to this great immigration at this particular time in the United States. Ho says, "to an intelligent mind, and especially to every American, the causes of this influx of foreign population, even during a period of war, are very evident and gratifying." I shall simply indicate some of them without discussing them at length. In the first place, the present rebellion is being understood abroad in its true light, as a revolt against de mocracy, the rights of labour and human nature, and that the triumph of the Government guarantees to immigration its great reward of peace, prosperity, and freedom. (Cheers.) I hope I may be forgiven for speaking out so much on this question, but I could not disguise my feelings, and I think the contest has arrived at a stage when we should frankly express our views and interchange our ideas. (Hear, hear.) I will next touch briefly on some questions of domestic re. form. No doubt I ought to do so. I ought to say a great deal on reform. (Hear, hear.) I shall be asked what has become of the Reform Bill—is it put in the pigeonhole never to be taken down again till covered inches de:p with dust ? (Laughter and loud applause.) I would say the Reform Bill when brought forward was a question which had neither friends nor foes. (Applause.) It was smothered with kindness—everybody was a reformer. Lord Derby proposed a considerable reduction of the county franchise, and said, "Go to £lO in the counties." Mr. Disraeli thought the borough franchise ought also to be extended, and if so effectually ; and that the promise should be kept in the spirit as well as in the letter. The Go vernment brought in a Reform Bill proposing a £lO franchise in counties and £6 in boroughs. But that bill was completely talked out of existence. What was the cause I I think it would not have been in the power of any Government to withdraw a bill of such impor tance after it had been laid on the table of the house, unless they found, on the part of the country and the House of Commons, indifferent and lukewarm support. (Hear.) My opinion remains unchanged. I think it is a mistake to postpone the question of Reform. I believe that England's happiness and prosperity have rested upon the fact that our reforms have been progressive and gradual, not effected by sudden and extensive leaps. If the Reform Bill was put off till an indefinite period, a Reform may then be asked and have to be granted, which will not then receive the sanction of parties that would not support a u , eful measure of Re form, it would be useful for a Government, if backed by the country, to bring forward a measure of Reform which would extend the franchise to a larger number of the working classes, and thus place the institutions of the country on a broader and surer foundation. (Applause.) These are no new opinions, thay have been expressed by the leaders of both parties in the House of Commons. All parties are committed to Reform, and some wish it to be understood that they have abandoned those opinions upon which the present Government was brought into power, and the pre sent Parliament elected. All say "Bring on Reform at a convenient season." However, who is to say when it is convenient? I say that the constituencies—the country— must answer the question. Reform, political reform, was never made a free gift to any people, and yet was never granted by any governing body or Parliament except at the demand of the country and in accordance with public opinion. The laws of England have never anticiputed public opinion, and I hope will never do so. A Reform must be such as public feeling can support and cooperate with. And, being so, nothing would have a greater ten dency to sweeten the political atmosphere and to increase the general confidence of all classes throughout the coun try. (Applause.) I am precisely where I was. I have already expressed my views on the question of vote by ballot, upon which lam also where I was. I believe you cannot have a genuine vote from a constituent body, what.. ever that constituent body may be, if you impose as a restriction on the voter that his vote shall be published. Unless you give the voter the power to vote by ballot, if he sees fit, you cannot secure that the electoral body will give countries expressio in which thentoitspurea cl ndg a e s n se u s aineroo so equalpinlon. in the socialeremaybo position—there may be circumstances in which the ballot is rendered a question of no moment ; but I believe there was never a country of our social feelings, our sense of caste, our aristocratic predilections, our gradations of wealth and poverty—there never was a country in the world which requires for the eliciting of the genuine vote of a constituent body the power of secret voting, to much as England. (Cheers.) A VoicE.—Denmark. (Laughter and cheers.) ANOTIIERVOICE.—Ap, that's it. Mr. GIBSON.—WeII, at asked to say a word about Den mark. Ono of our eminent statesmen on the Conservative side said that the Danish question, or rather the Schleswig- Holstain question, was one which few heel st tidied, and which none understood. (Laughter.) I confess my studies have not been very diligent in regard to the Schleswig-Holstein ques tion ; but I do not know that anybody who is not a German professor is expected to be able to explain all the refinements of German law, and all the difficulties which surround the question of succession to the two Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. But it appears to me that this is a question which ought to be settled without fighting• (Cheers.) I remember that when the Congress of Paris met, after the Russian war, which Congress was attended by delegates from all the chief Powers of Europe, I think my Lord Clarendon, very much to his honour, moved a resolution, which was supported cordially by the French represtiita tive, to the effect that for the future it was very much to be desired that when questions arose between the different countries in Europe —equations of dispute—that before having recourse to arms the office of some friendly Power by way of a mediator should be invited. I happen not to have the resolution ,before me, but it came to this, " Try if you cannot settle the difficulties in future in Europe which may arise, and which are sure to arise, by reference to some third party, before you resort to arms." Well, I think that was a very sensible resolution, and I wish they could see their way to act upon theta in this Danish Schleswig-Holstein question. (Cheers.) All I know as regards the policy of this Govern ment is, that the object they have in view in any advice that they may have given, or any moral influence that they may have attempted to exercise, their object has been to pro mote faith to engagements, whether on one side or the other, to promote justice, and also to secure peace. (Great cheering.) But beyond telling you that the question is one which I hope may not give rise to war between any Powers of Europe—beyond telling you that it la impossible for me to form any opinion as to what may be the ultimate views of Prussia, or Austria, or Denmark in this matter—l know not the grounds upon which they aro prepared to settle the question. Our obligation is a very limited one in the matter, and merely relates to the succession. (Hear, hear,) We no doubt are parties to the treaty of 1852, whioh attempted to settle the question of succession of Holstein and Schleswig to the crown of Denmark—beyond that I should rather avoid saying anything for fear I should mislead. (A laugh.) I fear that at the present moment the question is in a very peculiar position, all hoping for peace everywhere in respect to it, still it looks dark and threatening, and if we express any confident opinion perhaps we should be only misleading —(hear)—but my earnest desire is, that it may be settled by some kind of conference or arbitration, rather than having recourse to arms, which only settles who is the strongest, and very often leaves unsettled who is in the right, and who has justice on their side. (Cheers.) I thank you once more for your kindness. You have heard me with great indul gence. I have told you that my opinions upon reform are where they were. I know that official men aro supposed to part with their first loves and form new connections. I have not done that yet—(cheers)—and I mean upon every occa gen when it is in my power to do so, to promote those views which gained me favour in the first instance with this constituency—reform, religious equality, extension of edu cation, freedom of vote—l mean vote by ballot —extension of the franchise —(A Voice—" Retrenchment' — (Laughter.) My hon friend says retrenchment, so say I. (Cheers.) lam for retrenchment. lam sorry to say I do not think the House of Commons is for retrenchment. it is very popular is a largo expenditure, and very difficult for a Government to reduce expenditure, If the income shows there is more , JANUARY 21, 1864. money able to be spent there are always excuses rising up from one of the services or the other, and demands arc made for increased expenditure which it is exceedingly difficult for the Chancellor of the Exchequer—than whom I assure you there is no man more inclined for economy—to resist. During the last few years there has been a considerable re duction of expenditure. My belief is that your expenditure may be reduced below what it is at present without impair ing the value of your establishments—(cheers)—and I think if her Majesty's present Government are permitted much longer to carry on public affairs, in all probability there will be reductions following that course of reduction which has taken place during the last two years. And now, gentlemen, if there are any questions which you may wish to address to me, I shall be most happy to answer them, I perhaps could better discharge my duty to my constituents by putting the matter before them in that light than, per haps, I could by commencing to dilate upon some subject in which they cannot take a particular interest. (The right hon. gentleman, after repeating the expression of his readi ness to answer any inquiries from his constituents, sat down amidst hearty cheering.) A hearty vote of thanks was given to Mr. Gibson, and a similar compliment to the Mayor closed the proceedings. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, DAILY NEWS.—It is of importance at the present moment that the real ground of the Ultimatum which Prussia and Austria have just presented to Denmark should be clearly understood. If the peace of Europe must be broken, everyone inte rested in its preservation is naturally anxious to know the precise causes, the definite wrongs and grievances, which have rendered this extreme step necessary. The only grievance alleged by the Ger man Powers as the ground of their summary action against Denmark is the common Constitution adopted in November last, immediately after the death of the late King. This constitution, while carefully preserving the rights of the Provincial Estates in Schleswig and Denmark Proper, created a central organ or common assembly for legislation in common affairs, in which both should be equally represented, The German Powers assert that this step is in direct violation of the engagement solemnly contracted by Denmark in the diplomatic correspondence which took place between them twelve years ago. They maintain that in that correspondence the King of Danmark pledged him self not to incorporate Schleswig with the kingdom of Denmark Proper, or take any steps tending to produce this result, and to satisfy the just claims of the rival nationalities of Schleswig, The alleged violation of the first of these engagements is the ground of the German Ultimatum. Prussia and Austria require the immediate withdrawal of the November Constitution, on pain of armed interven tion in Schleswig. The vital questions are, whe ther the engagements said to have been made by Denmark have really been violated, and whether in any case they were of a kind to justify hostile inter vention on the part of Germany. Taking the last point first, there can be doubt that before the final pacification in Holstein and the withdrawal of Federal execution in 1852, the King of Denmark did engage that Schleswig should not be incorpo rated with the kingdom; but the very form of the engagement would seem to determine its true character as a voluntary and sovereign act, in which none of the existing rights of the monarchy were surrendered. They were made in the form of a proclamation by the King to all his subjects, specifying his intentions with regard to the future government of the whole monarchy. This procla mation was communicated to the German Powers and the Diet, in so far as it related to the German Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg. These pro vinces being Federal territory, the Diet, having as sisted the King to restore order in them, was en titled by the provisions of Federal law to ask for explanations in regard to their future Government. But no such right existed with regard to Schleswig, nor does it appear to have been once claimed throughout the whole of the correspondence now appealed to. It is true that the German Powers pressed the Danish Government to declare its in tentions with regard to the future government of Schleswig as well as of the German Duchies. But the Danish Government, in meeting their request, reserved at the outset the sovereign rights of the King, formally denied the right of the Confedera tion to extend in any way its authority beyond the limits of Federal territory, and declared that any communications made with regard to the govern ment of Schleswig were of a strictly informal and confidential kind. These reservations were accepted by Prussia and Austria, and recognised in the for mal decree of the Diet which closed the correspon dence. " The annex of the Prussian despatch of December 30,1851, declares the affairs of the Duchy of Schleswig, being those of a non-German country, to be, as such, not subject to the investigation and discussion of the Germanic Confederation." Austria made the same acknowledgment, that communica tions with regard to Schleswig must be looked upon as voluntary, and could not possess the character of formal engagements. The King's proclamation was communicated to the Diet under the express reser vation that this was done only in so far as related to the Federal territories, and the Diet accepted this communication as satisfactory in a decree which named up the official points of the previous correspondence. In this final resolution, passed on the 29Lla of July, 1852, no reference whatever is made to the Duchy of Schleswig. Any statement with regard to the government of Schleswig made to the German Powers under these circum stances can hardly amount to an international ' obligation, much less afford any ,justifiable ground for hostile intervention. Still the pro mise not to incorporate Schleswig with the • kingdom was undoubtedly made, and the Danish Government is honourably bound to fulfil it so far as this may be possible. The question is whether it has really been violated, and if so to what extent. The Danish, Government declares that it has done its utmost to carry cut all the promises contained in the Royal proclamation of January 28, 1852, to which the German Powers now appeal as a ground of action. In Schleswig it has not only restored the Provincial Estates but enlarged their prerogatives. This was the main point urged by the German Powers in the correspondences of 1851 and 1852, and the facts of the case show that they regarded the restoration and retention of the old Provincial Assembly as affording a sufficient gua rantee against the dreaded incorporation. The very proclamation that protected Schleswig from incor poration eontained the promise of a common consti tution far the Whole monarchy, and this was ac cepted by Austria and Prussia es a perfectly legiti mate scheme, not conflicting in any Way with the promise now invoked. The Prussian despatch of Dec. 39, 1851, contains the following decisive para graph t—" The German Powers acknowledge that, as a consequence of the principle of the integrity of the D midi united monarchy, a representation of all portions of this monarchy in a distinct legislative assembly for discussion and decisions is not incon sistent with the separate rights of the German Duchies of Holstein and Lanenburg." If a common constitution is not inconsistent with the separate rights of the German Duchies, it surely cannot be seriously maintained that it is inconsistent with the separate rights of Danish Duchy of Schleswig; and in the light of these facts the grievance complained of can hardly be regarded in any other light than that of a convenient pretext for carrying out a fore gone conclusion. The Gelman Powers have cer tainly no right to insist on the withdrawal of the constitution, and it would seem from their own ad missions that there is no good reason for making such a demand. HERALD.--The National Shakspere Committee was divided against itself last week, and should have fallen to the ground. it is nor sub-divided against itself, and its standing would ue slid More contrary to proverbial precedent. The clan Bet must be imminent when the crew take td the boats ; and Mr. Tom Taylor, Mr. Shine; Brooks, Mr. Theodore Martin, and their friends, whoee" letter appeared in our publication of yesterday, are no unimportant secession, more especially as they are evidently prepared to pull together towards an intelligible shore. The fact is, that the ship in which they sailed was rotten, and should not have been trusted to the sea. There was ill fate against it from the first. It must have sailed on a Friday. There must have been a black cat on board. But there is no occasion to seek for wonderful causes. The failure may be accounted for in the most natural manner. The ship was in wrong hands. Shakspere at the prow was all very well, but Mr. Hepworth Dixon at the helm was a different matter. No other literary pilot could have greater experience of the rocks in his way, and, like the Irish skipper, he must have been well acquainted with the one upon which ho struck. But the strike was inevitable. The vessel may hold together a little longer, but it must go to pieces ; and to Mr. Dixon will doubtless attach the honour—belonging properly to the cap tain rather than to the pilot—of being the last man to leave her. Indeed, we should not wonder if he clung on to the wreck a little longer than was ne cessary for his personal dignity—the courage of the hero being intensified by the constancy of the bar nacle. We confess we are glad to hoar of the last disaster to this unmanageable craft. Not from any disrespect for the object in view, which, properly carried out, would reflect honour on the country. But for the same reason that the gentleman liked to hear a child cry—because he then knew it would be taken out of the room. The National Shakspere Committee has from the first shown so many ele ments of discord as to be hopeless. Any further crash is welcome, therefore, as likely to clear it out of the way. There seemed some chance of rational proceeding when the report of the council was re jected, and a sub•committee appointed to prepare a new one. But when the sith-esmenaittee were denied time, and it was resolved that a great national me morial, of a nature not known, should be determined on, designed, executed, and subscribed for, all in a period of three months, it was quite time for men who appreciated the importance of the object, or who did not mean joking, should take means to save themselves from the ridicule, as well as the in dignation, which would he cast upon failure. The idea, too, of seeking a regular public subscription for a certain sum, without any knowledge of the amount required, or explanation of the manner in which it would be employed, was fatal to the end in view, as far as present machinery is concerned. There is no such generous public in the world as that of these kingdoms, if it understands the re quirement; but there is no public less likely to part with its guineas for doubtful objects to be carried out by a quarrelsome committee. If the polite request for £30,000, carried at the last meeting, be publicly put in force, we doubt whether it will realise anything beyond what the personal influence of the committee—or rather the majority of the committee who voted for it—can command. The general public will stand aloof until they know what is to be done : and this, whatever it be, can not be determined upon and put into execution by the 23d of April. As was suggested in the letter published yesterday, some pleasant celebration might be arranged for that day, leaving the perma nent part of the memorial to be provided in due course ; but the precipitation, if persisted in, will ruin all. Let us hope, then, that it will not be persisted in ; that the public will not be disgusted with the object itself by an appeal towards a mere sham; and an appeal, moreover, which we are con vinced will not be adequately responded to. With respect to the numerous suggestions which have been made as to the form of the memorial and the nature of the celebration, it must be confessed that those of the council—which have only entered into the second question—are the least inviting. They are-1. Three medals for the three best poems on Shakspere. 2, A soirée in Westminster Hall, at which books, prints, and other Shaksperian relics should be exhibited. 3. A morning concert of Shaksperian music at Covent-Garden Theatre. 4. An evening performance at Drury-lane. Now, this is surely a very sorry programme. The notion of the prize poem is most melancholy, as the probable result would be that out of a certain number—all bad—the three worst would be selected, and that if the result were otherwise nobody would believe the fact. The Shakspere relics available would be lost in Westminster Hall, unless the house at Stratford was brought bodily up to town in defiance of the mayor and all the local enthusiasts. For the rest, there would be nothing left to do but for the lions to make occasional speeches, and for the smaller animals to walk about the hall saying, like Lord Frederick Verisopht, " What a clever man Shak spere was." The concert of Shaksperian music is a better idea, because more defined ; but we doubt whether it would be sufficiently exciting for such a time. As for the evening performance at Drury lane, we have most of us seen something like it before, and in honour of Shakspere one might as well propose to take a walk down Fleet-street. best suggestion we have heard is that of Mr. Tom Taylor—viz., for the endowment of a National Theatre, to be in London what the Theatre Fran cais is in Paris, and to have for its principal object the representation of Shakspere, pure and undefiled, by the best talent available. But for this or any other practical purpose the present committee must lose its present form, alio give place to one of a really " National" character, in which every class in the country shall be adequately represented. POST.—The question that remsins at issue be• tween the Porte and the Moldo-Wallachian Prin cipality is one that can hardly be allowed to fall into the condition of a chronic grievance. The dignity of the Ottoman Government and the inte rests of the Eastern Church are equally at stake. It becomes, therefore, of considerable importance to point out the state of this question in the crisis which has new arrived, as well as the actual bear ings of the dispute. Prince Couza, on his accession to the united government of Moldo-Wallachia, found the Greek monasteries of those provinces in possession of vast estates. These estates have formed, for some centuries, the chief support of the Christian Church both in Asia Minor and other parts of the Turkish empire. All this property, however, was seized and sequestrated by Prince Couza, in defiance not only of traditionary right, but of the express limitation of his own powers over the united Principality. The Porte thereupon protested against this act of wholesale spoliation, as not less illegal than unjust. The Prince of Moldo- Wallachia, however, set this protest at defiance. Great Brimin, Austria, and other Powers then united with the Porte in demanding a restitution of the monastic property. But the only result of this combined representation appears to have resulted in a legislative enactment which was designed to con firm the spoliation. Prince Couza submitted the question of the secularisation of the monasteries to Moldo-Wallachian Legislative Chambers. This Chamber pissed a bill of secularisation by the great majority of eighty ta only seven votes. The aliena tion of the monastic property now accordingly is pretended to rest on what is falsely called a Par liamentary sanction, though the question, all the while, does not lie within the competence of the Executive or Chamber of Moldo-Wallachia. It is with this defiance that Prince Couza has had the audacity to meet the formal demand of Turkey and her allies for the restitution of the property of the monasteries. At this point the question now rests. It has been the custom, in some quarters, to argue the matter thus at issue between Turkey and the united Principality as though it were analogous to precedents of monastic spoliation in the west of Europe. It is said that less than thirty years ego the English people were advocates of the suppression of the Spanish monasteries, much as three centuries ago they suppressed the same establishments in their own country. To this we can but reply that we are surprised that arguments SO futile and inapposite should be used. To begin with, the one case was that of a suppression of monastic establishments ; the present case is that merely of the sequestration and secularisation of their propeetv. It' a case were made out against the Molclo-Wellachian monasteries themselves, we should be unwilling to defend their continued pre servation ; and if the establishments themselves are to be suppressed, their revenues are diverted, as a matter of course, into some other chae'nel. But Prince Couza has simply secularised and alienated the property of the monasteries, while he has left the monasteries themselves as so many monuments of poverty and indigence. Moreover, the property of the Moldo-Wallachian monasteries have been de monstrably applied to the most beneficial uses. We have already said that they have long served to support the Christian Church in very many of the regions in which it has flourished amid the Maho met an institutions of the Turkish empire; and these monasteries thus exert a strong and indisput able claim on the general support of Christendom. The dissolution of the Spanish monasteries, and the alienation of their property, were in themselves harsh measures; but those institutions could put forward no such plea of public utility for their sup port. It is in a spirit of equal liberality and justice that the Ottoman Porte has opposed this sLame less spoliation by Prince Couza. In the phased ; however, into which the question of the Moldo- Wallachian monasteries has now entered, the question of the Ottoman ascendancy on the Danube has become directly involved. The Porte on a has been set at open defiance by Prince Couza and his subservient Chamber. The constitutional re lations between Moldo-Wallachia and the Govern ment of the Sultan, as defined both by the treaty of 1856 and by antecedent capitulations, have been not less clearly broken. One difficulty is that an indignity and a gross insubordination once borne with and left unredressed, other acts of the same kind will inevitably follow; and it is easier for the Sovereign Power to exact reparation on the occur rence of the first grievous outrage than when it has hmitted to other such defiances of its suthority. theuo Turkish ions first the h of t r s s Stan, Indeed, te:re are already sufficient evidences among aetionalities of the Porte of a dis other Christian - supremacy its position to challenge announced practicable occasion. It ie ution declaring Herzegovinians have passed a rub, •b . that they will pay no more taxes to treasury; while the insurrectionary prepre_ that the Prince of Servia appear to be increasing. It becomes, therefore, at once the duty and the interest of the Porte to sustain its preitege, and not to allow itself to be driven to the wall by such an intriguer as Prince Couza. It is well known that this monastic question has been got up for the most part in a spirit of hostility to the Porte, and with the view of setting its legitimate supremacy at defiance. Nor can it be doubted that Prince Couza, in pursuing this unfor tunate and ill-judged coarse, which can only bring upon him defeat and humiliation of one kind or another, is secretly backed by powerful supporters. But we suepect that these supporters will be found to avail him little in the hour of trial; and we be lieve that it will not be found consistent with the temper of the present Sultan to treat Prince Couza with any deference for the extent or success of his foreign intrigues. In a word, the ascendancy of the Porte is now openly assailed in more than one quarter; and the preparations for the formation of a military camp at Schumla will convince Prince Couza that one rebellious vassal is not likely to be treated by the Porte with much greater considera tion than another. Persons in debt may obtain instant protection against Imprisonment or seizure of their goods, and an entire release from all debts and liaLilities without publicity, by application to Messrs. Marshall, solic tors of the Court of Bankruptcy. Charges under £5 payable by easy instalments. Offices— (established 1830),1?, Hatton-garden. City branch-0, Moor gate-Wed, Bank.—Apyr. AvAS THE ALLEGED EARLY PHOTOGILD:--is : For some months past photographers have be en tlie state of excitement about the alleged discovery, ar e°hg d papers of the late Matthew Bondi on , of a series o f coloures t, : 4 Bona ,r o prints supposed to have been produ ced by now unknown, and about two early specimen of P .otl 1 : 1 : f osnmistihlv,eorfedthpelai‘tieussienuaradroafwreratienutths,e library at Soho. ,„ w ho met wi th t 4 17/ specimens, related their history to the Photographic S:.. in November last, and read documents which he °° ,: 1i i,4 61 dpeereeedeeteeienndedwteorperopvreetdhuemhdypohtyhesis that the pictures PI ::,. agency at a date prior to 1791. Aches:l2:ll. in these Arts Journal, evidently acquainted with theoe Pi et 0 , considers the evidence produced does not justify the, 811 1 791, tion a that the daguerreotype art was known at Soh° i ll t ia nd he endeavours to point out the fallacy of attribacio the production of the paper prints to photog,raphic e g d ell i,/ $ Mr. Smith states that the prints were he method invented by Mr. F. Egington about the Yea r - ay , that he was taken by the hand by Mr. Bonita. /111°Eof peered to have undertaken the production of copies froal, , yas ten; painting, on paper, copper, canvas, and other reostoogor,atarP;e6:f The copies were made in dead colo urs, and in ac me we re f more than one were employed. Thus produced, theYiro, i r n equently finished as oil-paintings, or watercolonr dreg, ot e: to; T gs, being passed into the hands of Mr. Barns)? ()the sepia tone of some of the prints corresponds w it d e li , the photographs now produced, while the otreD ie ka o cacy h of the surface from which the impr e ssion be tat of sled to a belief that such an effect could only be the ofOCO has chemical . agents acted upon by light. The basis tta opinion is that the impressions were taken on pond, surface of which had been specially prepared,t-bere 1 the lapse of nearly a century the prepared surface ',..1 tts moved by friction, and the entire impression oblitertgl'a6 paper, image not having been absorbed into the substance ° pe t. per, which is a hard and not a soft jil ting Pt' .° pr ~ itt i That they were frequently finishel as Pain til)gs, I tort o intelligble, and the prints themselves 111 ' . pbs their th mode of production. That they are not Ph atg i ;itti thee writer referred to believes, because the paP er t faeli t impression is taken bears evidence of the use e` .. , ; ',4 iLI plate, a well-defined marginal line impressed dii%tlia passage methd through the press. And with referellee.Lol), tain d o by which the minutely granulated P rate () " - o ld he believes any skilful aquatint eng r n i f er Il lig , produce e a similar surface by laying the ground 0 -: P O' by means of a delicate solution of any of the gnn is °. r ol e of to al 3 oo o used be. in that process, the gradations from ligh t ing dependent upon the action of acid in biting it e d hi the surface of the plate. That the effect was oo thei)tepics regards as evident from the flatness of the parts of pl . tare which have been stopped out, and are e 0 p 8 63111 ° f 0 rent in the foliage. With regard to the coloratioa ell e t o t prints, it was a common practice during the hi st c ore' o print from mezzotiato, aquatint, and olutlig'°,l 0 1 1 plates in several colours, and anyone who 0c- e , evidenceii‘jexamineaikrs.n Tb the hoef ma Soho ecohmo dp i mooufpuradepappe applying ge smsouafeyh, printing t s si a n Y wg s o 9 l v di to sh corii : it:, dete et i 9 ,o4 e e f r LaurietArts Transactions. smin al 1 17 r 7 u 6 b , b in e r s the be n s second o a n t d p v r e l l c h : 3 0 : 00 , Soc.ietyoad oiill This process of compound printing is still cett.--5010 a modified form, the broader .. surfaces in place of the old ai IIMP il tild For ha ishing as a water-colour drawing, it zooid o ttr ,t necessary to use a hard paper, or to prepar e . 11 0 6 0 " face by coating it with gum, albumen, or " i b lil 0 16$ the well-known mediums. If as a water-colour, 511110 ohligelatine would probably be the material, a We t/3 ,411 0 gus d in printing from the plate ; the tyro W ° 7 to th e combine, but the colour would not be absorbed ' l3 l iio paper—if the coating of gelatine were thick, it e A % cl ulif century be likely to perish, and thetrheewoul ld r ibe Il e " - fi tl'' in rubbing off the impression from 0 for - 6 : t he ing as an old picture, gelatine would not be ti A c 'top ri' ;( two would not combine. If canvas were eraPleYrha co.' s , h . upon, water no doubt oil-colours would be used. in 1- , oi ~, -c . olours it was necessary to harden the sar'e'aedirQ" paper, in order to prevent the colours applied by /16 running or spreading. _ COUNTRY MARKET ' LYNN—TITE3DAY. it', whe 4l " 1 .0 At to-day's market there was a fair s h o w of -01 p- - inactive sale, and the prices of last week , n 5S i Oats in fair demand. ' . 34° to 4 White 43s to 45s I Barley .... ''''' 0° 2- Red.. .. 39s to 41s I Grinding..... . . ,16° 0 Beans .33s to 35s I Oats.. ......... ....0' New 358 to 37s I Peas ........... MELTON MOWBRAY—TvEsD AI ; ,„I/1,,: The following were the currencies :-I`row Bf.°) 3 l. 6 " 40s Od to 44s Od ; new red, 38s Od to 41s per 3r beans, 38s to 40s:for old; new sorts, 34s to 3 ° 5 r a barley, 36s to 39s for malting, and 28s to 30s 1 ) ; 0 0, grinding; new oats, lbs, to 235 , Od per 24 stone; to 275. J HULL—TuEsDA.T. W t . T' e 4l At this day's market the show of Eng llsll sli s icie t 4 moderate, with a firm sale, and late rates were o. Pp , f F „ o r re m ig a n it w in a g e , qu as ite w a e s ll de a a s r, g b r u in t d r i a n t g h , er dull of sal r: 01; 1 fed Beans and peas sold in retail. Oats ware q uite a pt , 03 little doing. 4 4 ' 0 A to ,i Wheat.... Old white per qr. ........ 42s 0" to 4 , r 0 Old red Od 0 4 40s 0 ~ ........ na t AO f New white • • ~ ........ O s " N I to °,' o LI 37 0 v to 0 ., 6 0 New red .. • • 11 27 3 IDA tO '6° 0 4 Barley.... English malting Grinding 240 4/c1 563 0 4 Ocl t ° 31$ o i Saal and Oderbruck Holstein and Danish 3os °a to 51° 0 .. „ s n a , ;44 ~ Grinding 26 ',O to* 1P Oats Archangel and Riga, per at osl3 t° ° 3l l Friesland and Dutch 0 43 ato 01 Swedish and Danish Oil to 43° 0 4 .40s ° to 443 0 4 Beans ....English, old, per qr. I Od 40 6,1 New pigeon 4,8 to New tick 308 ° 4 to 54° 0 3 Egyptian riA . aq , Peas Foreign boilers ... .......... 320 „u` t itc 17 `, P i Grinding Tares ....Spring Indian Corn Linseed, feeding . 3 :37 2 1, 8 4 5s ‘ o o j i t tit ° OOO ov il , i t i o 405 i 0 0 crushing . ..... oto g 0 Linseed cakes (Hull) £o 5 to o' 9 a 0 6 oreign' Bl5 o to 1 0 0 Rape cakes . 6 oto Bones COAL INIARKET.„ 0 0 ° ' 0. °. Prices of Coal per Ton at tne close of tm" , 0 s. d. f , ' , . 0 0 0 73 Lamberts West Hart-7 WAI I6 ~. ' ' 4 0 ley 'lB 9 Tunstall ....'; t o'll' Walker Primrose 17 6 Ha5we11.... ° 0 01... 1. Cowpen Hartley 19 0 North flastld Nettlewarth Primrose 16 0 Ships at marke It, 14; sold. 14' . Foreign Mail Packet X4lOl , A bv l 3 lS DUE. A jr us az tr u ali an a d an c d ap M e a v uri er t d i M us s , viaSouthampla"' •. ' a b. 5 Feb' e 1.3: Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, a ). Britishl a a r Marseilles laets. Sr.l/4 01 i . t. 0 : i ci I ' . #.6,. ., 13. .. .11, :b . . 1 9. % China, Penang, F ln a i l i k ia lan (C d a l lc s u lan tta d ) s , via Maveille° • .• ()(1 ' an Singapore, via SouthainP— Mo. and Ceylon, .... '' ...It' ll ,: I. Gibraltar, via Southampton ... ... : ........ 14'05, India (Bombay), via Southampton .. .... ' • ../ 911. 13 ' via Marseilles .......... ' i f eh' Portugal.... ............... . ....... 01 , Malta, Bgypt, and Aden, v . i . a . ga ................ ..... • J 11 °' '0 via Marseilles ...... '' . Jiia' Newfoundland ............. • `. , ' o ' Oporto and Vigo ............................ .. Jo , U. S. and British N. America, by brit. packet..... _ og, b y T,Js. paCket;;..p.P. co, by Canadian Pau . .fe il. B W a . h C a . m o a f s A , Africa, Madeira, e A w la y de o ir r a k , .... Ten.e.r.iff..e ............. ..f j eP. '; 0 6 , : ... 0 foil , , Mexico. ...................................... . n . • I so , v MI parts of West Indies, including Chili' F r : ' 4 i s, vilyo .v i a a ..S l‘i v ar .til s aw ei lliets°.l3....l:o°:•,.ll. California. and Britisliolhia'''''' • • .. .. is O THE RUMOURED RESIGNATION "" teo, e nti JUDGE.—The Freeman's Journal of yesterdaY:ever for " re authority, " that there is no foundation wha t fOO 13 00 report that appeared in a Dublin contemporaarY:ooool the vious evening, that Mr. Justi ce Ball ha s ..,sticeo ° , F1 0 14. intention of resigning his seat a s one of the Jr _ tal y Court of Common Pleas, or t hat he entertata> intention." -----------T—rth.A7 ACTON.—On the 19th inst. at the Vicarage, `'_,,.eh star, the wife n of the Rev . J o hn ton, of a cl7uarl°o LA W ND . E L lt an . ~ 1 90 t f h a 13 idnasutghatterr. Peckham tbe vil ote1;1:: Lander, E th sq e STRANGE.—On the 19th inst ,atl6 0 G I s E i n S gli Cheshire,i t N n ; I S.W., the wife of Lieutenant-Colonel Avilttrllll4 il :o ,, f ret da:ghter. 0 1$ --- the 19th inst., at Solihull, WS. loNio -On PE DoT:oonska:s, otTE.ason,„7 Marriages• ve!: n the 19th inst., at irltfS, '- rortsmouth, Henry j a -nes Dowse, sq., 111‘;;a: 6CI*F Gosport. second daughter'ot* R. Willoughby SO' " 1Y ? Dear 06 FINCII—HALL.--On the 18th ins:., at Cantlo9,h rine,,, ot caster, the Rev. S. J. Finch, N`..A.t W /7;06e, widow of the Rev. S.W. 1/all, of AV Plireton Pi"' Lancashire. J3AcoN.—On the 19th Dinesta.,tllsat .108, al°llCester'terf; aAN.,...Eliosqountttflhoerey Bacon, EE(I.I ag ed 92. Willi Buchanan,BuHoyde-On eh aged 70. ~,i131 17" Gu s yroN,—On the 18th inst., at South 11a11:3cp. rj, THourrey, RLET._VRoalontbeterhrGte T.l7lißtoharsisciou), tG:uanttol7,,,bißaye?;:4. rsti.:ol°,l Esq., Cowm an d° , or . 73, Captain atinne Louis l, 7 ni t h le 9r i Gnir formerly teiaLitto:2l::,aotnii G e 'l aged6l.7:ll : co, /;, o 0 .' ciin oceg i WARNE.—On the 20th inst , • a................: - .............. „..., geSusse% Villfov-d ..._ ._._. _l ) " ' road, risii ~5, t .,, , Regent's- k Thom.as Warne, 't —_—___—_ 5y14.19'01. London: Printed and rublishe4l by Wll, OPE ~,,, J . o f of No. 112, Strand. Printer, at Viz Su r4 ° l ; j e (;olllifir' Strand, in the Preetuot o f •,,,e SafoY. in " iiiddless-1 —ThUreClay, January k ' t, ll 1861. THE k,,,p4 LA ,-aAttal £ £l,OO O 0 at pre;ie It i s to I ,or I T V th e fi he °IT rat ora slop, f o r a A Ti Ot t4 i for , 25t h 25th, r t i„e, t kl