The Sun. — London, England, 1838-09-18 00:00:00

GREAT METROPOLA N DEMON STRATION OF THE WORKING CLASSES. I (CONTINUED. ) ( From.ot4 &cond Edition of la±t night. ) Mr. ROBERT HALTWELL then appeared on the pl-tforrn, And raid he rose at the rt quest of the Working Men's Associ:.tion, to rno%e the Bill to be is,troduced into the Commons flou;e of Parlian eat, be d acniiwitcd tl c I).qplt's chnrter, and iab'elt wtis necess;lry to rescue the working- classes from their preterit degraded state of thraldom.—( Hear. brar, hear.) Before commentirg on the principles contained in the Charter, it would be his duty to explain to the meet- ing the rise and progress of that dovur.,ient. The mem bers of the Working Men's A . :sociation, in common with their brother Radicals throughout the country, had seen with regret, that while resolutions had been passed in fs your of that principle, and that ,chile e,ergetic appeals had been mad , to the renple to come forward in favour of Universal SutTr.ge, those res.olutiotis had never been put into a practical shape — . The Working Men'A Association . , there fo,e. thrity lit they ought to embody the priiiciries c.f ILadieal Mc; ra in an Act of I ) ..rliament, and which would be submit:el to a pubic meeting like the pres. , lit. H ,ving resolv,d on t; - ,is course, the Association wrote circulars to those Mt-mbers of Farliam eat whom they deemed, by their votes or speeches, to be favourable to Universal Suffrage. That circular was an sweeed by twelve Members cf the House. They met the As sociation, and, after two nights' discussion, it was resolved that six Members of Parliamet.t ar,d six members of the Association should draw up the outlines of a Bill which should embody Universal Suffrage—No Property Qualification—Annual Parliaments--Equal Representation—Payment of Members— and Vote by Ballot. The result of their labours was the pro duction of the People's Charter, which bad already received the sanction of immense ma. , ses of their fellow-workmen throughout the country. There were two classes of objectors to Universal Suffrage—the one class broadly denied the right of the working men to a voce in the r: presentation at all ; and the other, while it conceded the right, thought they were too ;gnorant to exer cise it. Any one who made use of the laiter argument only trumpeted forth his own disgrace. They had a Government the majority of whom, Lc believed, did not in the abstract deny the right of the people to enjoy the Suffrage; but they said the people were so ignorant thet if they had it they would do mischief to themselves and to every body else. Yet that Government, while insulting their understandings and common sense by sayhag they, were so ignorant adopted every means in their power to perpetuate the present system. His notion of a Government was, that it should be founded as well for a pea sant as a prince, and that after having provided for the physical wants of a people, the laws of Government and man required them to attend to the moral and intellectual education of the people. There was another and a third class of objectors, who said they went with the people for Universal Suffrage, but that they went with them for other essentials. They acknowledged the great intelligence amongst the working classes, but they were afraid the agricultural population would overbalance the in. telligence of the large towns. He could state one or two facts, which would show that the agricultursl population, the labourers he meant, for the farmers were deplorably ignorant --(Cheers and laughter)—that the whole mass of the la• bourers of Northamptonshire, Wilts, Essex, Devonshire, and Dorsetshire, five of the most Tory counties, were alive to the interests of the working classes. He had a document, signed by 800 agricultural labourers in Dorsetshire, pledging them selves to advocate the principles of the People's Charter even to the death if necessary. There were 9 parishes in the neighbour hood of Blandford, in which every labouring man had signed this document. It was true that the agricultural labourer might not be able to come forward and express himself as some of the working men could, but if they reasoned with him they would find his understanding equal to their own.—( Cheers. ) There might be some gentlemen who intended to move an amendment by introducing the Poor-laws, the Corn-laws, or the Currency. He admitted, that if gentlemen disapproved of Universal Suffrage they might move Household Suffrage as an amendment, but he was certain that no friend to the working classes would introduce the subjects which he had mentioned. If they wanted a repeal of the Corn- laws, of the Poor-laws, of the Currency, a Reform of the Church, and of the Crown expenses, they must radicalize the House of Com mons, He would say, in conclusion, that on the working classes themselves depended whether the agitation now in progresa should succeed—whether they would be able to wring from a reluctant and imbecile Government their inalienable rights. Let there be no secrecy about their agitation ; let their opinions be published, and they would defeat any attempt which the Government might make to pass coercive laws which the people might feel it their duty to resist, and thereby plunge the nation i the horrors of a civil war. By pursuing their course as they were now doing, they would ere long plant the democratic tree of liberty in the place of aristocratic oppression.—(Cheers ) And no Government, however cruel, vile, or profligate, could stop the glorious and hallowed cause of equal rights and equal laws.—( Cheers. ) He proposed the second resolution. 2. That the principles of Representation, as defined by the " People's Chatter," are just and reasonable, embracing, as it does TJoiversal Suffrage, No Property Qual.tication, Annual Parlia ments, Equal Representation, Payment of Members, and Vete by Ballot ; which, in their practical operation would, in the opinion of this meeting, be the means of returning just Rept esentatives to the Commons' House of Par.iament—persons who, being responsible to, andbeiug paid by the people, w ottldbe more likely to promote the just interests of the nation than those who now constitute that. Assembly. This meeting, therefore, solemnly adopt the " People's (Isarter," as a measure of justice they arc resolved by all legal means to endeavour to obtain. Mr. CLEAVE, then presented himself to the meeting and was loudly cher red. He said they had on the present occa sion a great number of persons from the country in attend ance, and he was t xceeingly anxious that they should hear them to day, more esp. cially as his friend Frazer from S, ot- Lind had given them so cheering an account of the progress of the good cause ha Scotland —(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) Let them look at the fact stated by him that in the ceurso cf a tour s hie!, he it .d lately trade through Scotland not less than 80,000 persons had seen the fully of lute:we:a:ice, and were about to superadd to IZadi ealism the virtue of sobriety —( Leud cheers ) It it were for nothing else but the Lenelit of their wises and their children he would exhort them to put their seal to that most righteous determination. They ought to knosv that it was necessary for them to be as wise as serpents, but to be '..armless Ls doves; and let them take into coesideration that every glass of gio and every quid of tobacco they contoured, only made gold for the Ministers to squander away. Tile rod of correction had been appli„d to the peoi.le, but they themselves had supplied the means to purchase the rod.—( Hear.) If they wished the Government to be more upright —if they wished the Charter contaii.e.l to the resolution he had the ho.:our to second, i, t all their resolves be of the most so lemn description, end let them rect.l!ect, if they held up their bands in support of that resolution, never to leave a stone unturned uu , il they were admitted o iehin the pale of :he Con stitution, until tiny had a right to vet for these aho made the laws by ;strich they were governed.—( Hear, hear ) DU they bulb ve they h:ld that right ?—( Crit s of " Yes.") 'Would they work f.,r it ?—( Y. s, y ) Then let them sup port the reasolutioo, and more eopscially athiat the latter clause with three cheers—" that this meeting, the re fore, solemnly adept the Peooent Chart, r, as a measure of jostlee the y are retwlved by an legal means tesendess our to obtain."—( Cheers. ) Let them show thco.selves worliv of that rroolution, and while as workmen dr •y were uoequalled in the whole No hi—while as servants they fulfilled their duties, and alilo as husbands they were an exam:dle to every other Doti r, let them be de tcrtniaed to crouch to no man, but in all righteous things t *rand up as the eqesls, arid not 33 tire inferiors of any roan alive.—( Vehement eh,tring:) Ile hoped they would excuse his going farther into tire su9sct at present, but he would cxhout them to hear with a.to.tion tire Delegots a from the North and South, wlrcm it delighted hire to know were pre tent. They could answer prartically the tilj.cti-ns of well i mentioned oppth.ition with respect to the views and prospects of sound Radicals in every part of the country. List t!,.-m lay aside all etn.tentions and unite all their energies taunt they had got within the pale of the unhallowed building before them —(Great laughter and cite ring.) All that was necessary to achieve that ()Tel was to make a long pull, a strong l u!l, and a poll altogether. Mr. Cleave concluded by seconding the second resolution, Mr. DOUGLAS, one of the delegates from 13iimiogham, then elu te forward. llnt had not come there for the purpose of surprising them with any display of eloquence. Ile came as the mere representative of the Birmingtiam button-,oak,rs (t 1 laugh.) They were plain ntrti, and sp,.ke plain words, in a plain manner ; arid he hoped that in the' preset.t initanee lie spoke to plain men. Ile had one or two questions to put to them 1 efore he went further. Ile-wished to ask those who were unrepresenied, and who did not occupy 101. houses, if they went to the grocers or the bakers, would they get a drawback on the artisles they purchased ? He wished to know whether the Excise-officer and the Customhouse officer, upon the proof being tendered that they had no vote, would interfere beta een them and the goods which the Lord of nature had given them. He wished to know with respect to the penalties of the law —of which they were ignorant to judge—be wished to know whether Lord Denman or Sir F. Roe Would iriterfere under a declaration upon this ground, that they were unfrancitised? He thought when he put these questions, he put their whole case. It was said, and with some appearance of reason, that the people who claimed the franchise were ignorant and poor.—( /lean ) With respect to their ignorance he would tell them of what it consisted : they had nut so much leatnirig as sorne men, they could nut trace' books into Noah's Ark—(Cheers)—but he denied that for all the necessary purposes of life they were not perfectly asl the steam engine, and was i t to educated. The ep eratives of Birminghamt e a knew mach i nwe well whole of the operationa of so e .ca7dPi:,. area b:ccatve they did riot theun derstand Greek and Latin that toey were not capable. didoftn.ey voting for Members of Parliament.—( Cheers.) (1f what complain c hi e fly of the 658 gent lemen t h at sat over tine way—s,a, it their want of the knowledge of GI n eek and Latin? No, no , It was of their total lack of h o nesty. Tirenext thing that was charged against the people was that they were poor; how could they help that, when the laws for thelastmsaokoe years bad been made by the rich against the poor to pour,?? They knew they were poor, because there was a tax laid upon them. and taken off the rich —( Cheers-) Mr. Ward, of Shefli,ll, ha , ' said, if they would _convince him that Universal Suffrage would tro t render pro petty insecure, he would he a Universal Suffrage man. Me. Ward, in his opening, bed no right to put such a question. (Cheers.) What was their motto? Good profits to the waster, in order that there might be a fair remuneration to the worMaig man.—( Cheers.) \Vas that an attack upon pro. perty? TheirreOtto also was, Peace and Order • and further, their motto way, Law I—(Cheers.) He would not detain them, but there was something said with regard to the general oehareeter of the people—that they had beer, so long kept from their rights that there was danger in putting thorn again into THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 1 in defence of their rights and liberties, those meetings were convened by a few leading men, not of the working classes, who addressed the masses when called together chiefly to induce them to aid in their own purposes, and what w..ts the consequence ? these men appealed to the passions of the people, and having gained the notoriety which they sought, they deserted the people, who had been deluded by them. The people must trust to themselves, and to themselves alone. Every man amongst them had reason and sense to judge for himself, and ought not to let his jud: , ment be blinded by others. Ile looked upon the present meeting and the agitation out of which it sprung as the first step in a great srruggle- They were engaged in no child's play—they had not u ndertaken an easy task, for they had to contend against the most wealthy, the most powerful, and the most intelligent aristocracy that ever oppressed a community. Let them in all their efforts Hear that in mind, and let them more especially bear in mind the fact that it was by reason. by argument, by obtaining that motal influence which the masses must obtain, that they could eventually succeed—by in all things and at all times ot.p.;sing violent councils ; by setting their faces against vie. lent language, and refusing to participate in violent deeds, they would find safety and the best means of success.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) Let them recollect what had occurred in Ireland. There, by what was called legal agi tation—constitutional agitation—by refraining from violence, and speaking against it—how much had not the Irish ob tained ?—( Cries of " Little or nothing.") They had made some progress—little enough he would grant—but let them look at the evil effects of violence in Canada I The people there, by opposing the Government in arms, had ziven it a pre text for oppressing them more than even they bad done before . The Government knew not what to do with them, so long as they merely agitated as in Ireland, but the moment they ap pealed to arms—( Mr. Cleave, " They were in too great a hurry.") His friend Cleave said they had been in too great a hurry there, and he would beg of the people here not to be in too great a hurry.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) It had been said and urged, by many well-meaning but over-prudent men, that all that agitation among the working classes—all their organization—would lead to nothing, and that it was merely a waste of time and breath. He denied it. He would assert they could get everything, if they agitated with ef fect,and in the spirit of the organization which was now going on all over the country. Suppose they did not get all they wanted, would it not be infinitely better, and more worthy of Englishmen, to struggle against difficulties, and all the ob stacles opposed to them—to persevere under defeat, than quietly to fold their arms, and submit in peace to oppression ? Loud cheers.) A great deal of fine writing and eloquence had been thrown away in calling the attention of Englishmen to the many rights they enjoyed, and the glorious Constitution under which they lived. Magna Charta was held up to their admiration, and they were asked, what a magnificent bulwark of English liberty had not the Barons obtained for them? Tbat was very well for these times when the majority of Englishmen were slaves in name as well as in deed, but that would not do for them. The Barons had got Magna Charta as their charter of liberty in later times. The middle classes had got the Reform Bill as their charter, but that would not do for them. The People's Charter was the one they sought for, and around which they must rally, for it would confer rights upon every man in the Commonwealth. He called upon them, then, to join the Working Man's Association in agitating for that object. He called upon them to inscribe upon their banners their de termination never to cease till they had succeeded.—( Cheers.) Let them remember the mighty deeds of Englishmen when working for the benefit of a class ; and should it be said that they would do less for themselves when they were rally ing round the banner on which was inscribed " equal rights to every Englishman ?" He felt that he was there but as a visitor, and as there were many strangers present who were anxious to inform them of the state of their various districts, he would take his leave of them with the prayer that they might go on and prosper.—(Loud cheers.) The resolution was then put, and agreed to. Mr. FEARGUS O'CONNOR then came forward to propose the third resolution amid much cheering. He found the people loved him still, notwithstanding ten montli's absence, and being constantly under the fire of the Press. He stood there as the representative of from 40 to 50 towns in Scotland and England, and his duty was to lay before them, as such delegate, the determination they had come to. They were here to look for the Suffrage, and it was necessary for them to know what the value of it was—(Cheers)—and having possessed it, the next question was, what they would do with it ? An Irishman always answered a question by asking another.—(Laughter.) He would ask two—what has not the want of the Suffrage done for you ? And what has not the possession of the Suffrage done for your enemies ? He had not come there to retract a single word he had ever uttered.—( Cheers. ) He had always stood by Universal Suffrage, and always would. —( Cheers.) It was said that the people were not sufficiently intelligent, that they had not sufficient knowledge I He would ask whether they did not know a rogue from an honest man. The working- classes, above all men, required the Suffrage; but they were told that if Universal Suffrage was recognised to morrow, the Radicals were such a ragged regiment, that they would not be enabled to form the materials for carrying it out. —( Cheers.) The Whigs and the Tories had rot the power to conduct the Government together.—(Cheers.) The people were called pickpockets. Now, he would ask what difference there was between a rich one and a poor one? Why, there was this the poor man picked the rich man's pocket to fill his belly—( Cheers)—and the rich mar. picked the poor man's belly to fill his pocket.—(Great laughter.) The people had borne oppression too long and too tamely. Ile had never counselled the people to use physical force, because he felt that those who did so were fools to their own cause ; but those who decried it preserved their authority by it and it alone—(Cheers)—and in confirmation of that lie had only to call the attendon of the meeting to the two ai.ontnatons at the Hole-in -the- Wall in Parliament-street. —( Cheer, and greet laughter.) What was the pcsition on which the working classes stood ? Why. they were Nature's children, and all that they wanted was Nature' s produce ( Cheers.) That was the whole secret.—( Cheers.) But they hod been toll that the working classes were not so well ff as they ought to be—they never had been.— ( lleer, hear, and cheering.) They had been told that they ought to stand by the old Constitution—that was the Constitution of tallow and wind. The people now wanted no such Constitution—they wanted the ralroad Constitution , the gsa Constitution—( Cheers)—but they did not want Lord 7ilelboure c and his tallow Constitution. They wanted that the science o f legislation should not stand still. —( Cheers.) The people had only to show the present House of Commons that they we: e determined, and a reform of it must take place. But still such men as Sir Robert Peel and little Johnny Rua sell would try to get into it, if they went through the key hole. (Cheers and latight. r.) But it eves said the working cl.e , ses were dirty fellows, and that among them they could not get 65S who were fit to sit in the House of Commons. deed ! He would soon al!er that ; he would pick out that number from the i.res, nt meeting, and the first he chose he would take first to Mr. Hawes—(Laughter)—then he would take him to " Reform your tailor's bills"—(lncreased laughter)—then to the ha r dresser—( Continued laughter) —and then to the perfumer, in order to give him the fashionable stink—( Tremendous laughter)—and then he would be as good a M.-n:ber of Parliament as any of them.—( Laughter.) He (Mr. F. O'Connor) had sat in the flou4e of Commons for three Sessions, and he had been bud .r there than he had ever been on the hustings. —( Cheers.) H.! h a d neve r e ltauged his principles, and he never would. It was said the people were nr t intelligent enough for Members of Parliament. N oN, the fact was that the people were too intelligent ; if they were net, they would get into the House to-morrow. The pet ple were determined to get Universal Suffrage, homotly it they could, but they were determined to have it. Ile counselled them against all rioting, all civil war, but still, in the hearing of the House of Commons, he would say, that rather than see the people oppressed—rather than see the Constitution violated while the people were in daily want, if no ether man would do so—if the Constitution were violated, he would himself lead the people to death or glory.—( Circe" . ) Let the moral force take that. and let it set them a good moral e xample. —( Loud cheers.) Let them look at the manner in which they were united in the North of England. In his ebAence there were a bull-dog and a terrier who had their eyes open. Titere were Oastler and Stephens, the one called a madman arid the other a firebrand, because of their honesty, who were watching during his absence—who were looking out for squalls.—( Laughter.) They had had a taste of physical force in the north a short time since. Some of the Metropolitan Police were sent down to Dewsbury, hut d eal .ilv e ; ,: na r ) e s, slt ao w bve a ea s st ril t ei o n mf t Lu r io y i iliuedd m stt moral tx l e itete f rn e sw ..r ta) e s; e the boys of that noble town sent them home again. His better b a E I .r o y ut i t egoc conquest uuf it rleedset w m a hwe s anhv possibl e, which than a t nhe wastino called honourable had been achieved by physical force , but they did not want it, because if all hands were pulling fo r Universal Su ff rage they would soon pull down th e strongho ld of corruption.—( Hear. ) The Whigs had not only deprived the poor of their rights, but they had robbed the middling c l asses of theirs also, and all for the purpose of putting the pow er into the hands of the three. devils of Somerset-house. Stanle y had declared that he would appose the repeal of a parchment Union to the death, and he ( Mr. O'Connor) would to the death oppose the Union formed and sanctioned b y Government.—( Cheers.) lie had been praised by some g demon from Scotland fo r what he had done in extendingn the Unions. It was just three years that day sin ce h e formed a Radical Union hr Marylebone, and ever since he had been doing nothing but laying Radical eggs all over the coun try—( Laughter)—which had been hatched and fledged, and were now brown to every corner of the kingdom in the shape of Unions. It was by those alone that any good co u ld be accom plished. Here (pointing to the reporters)—here is a pretty little union of itself. Here are ten gentlemen forming a nice little union of their own. Here are Mr. EasLthaoupgehtearn.d) Mr. Murdo Young, and Mr. Alderman Ilarmp_eorrt_anddidallththeye rest of them.—(A laugh ) 0, you need not lock; they are himself—( A laugh)— not here morally at all, only physically, pahsyisnigelaellys,ebnutet nocneSoufnidliasysvp.oluccwhil: gee pi tha t th(‘ they their n think shadow o w e a v d l t t n h o e v n e , your favourables substance. _( bs t a n s e u e p . t l l i d e ti k w l a i s e a t s h k e e d them u n that tr do n 'tun,Un i versal ersalSuffrage Ile could elvieays boat do Rit the p„ ss , and Alderman Harmer he was read in every town townin Gazette" England. knew that, because he knows that hb has gone " t h e amalgamate; and the Corn laws could never be kneaded into one loaf. They and ii wr o ng he track—he wouldte;i knows s i o t r ti d a t would teach them they could manage their own affairs, and if they gin Youngand they were too had been so long oppressed, so long cajoled, and so long ig norant, it was because the Press ' was corrupt. That was the organ that was t 9 enlighten. 1-lipm . That watt th e organ that was to hash and carve, and out pp all th e men lie tar befor4 him, until Mr. Ward has the dispatching of yott on the tatirlirdna4ye.4—joLoatighte•r. powerful; ) and 4e merit w 4 o r n i ld oi t i e 4— ll t a h t e t m he torrningh4m nwet i il h p b a d iiven tilt; only nibble anoieri had Ns thg possession of their. Nos he would state one feet with re spect to that : The Birmingham Political Union was esta blished in the year 1839, and previous to that period the character of the labourers of Birmingham WAS that of a riotous population—they had nothing better to do than destroy the property of Dr. Priestley.—( Cheers.) Were not the men of Birmingham worthy of the franchise ? \Vho dare say No? If then they had risen so much in the scale in a few years, who would tell them that the men of England would not also un dergo such a beneficial change in a few years ?—(Cheers. ) Their hopes of success were not small, for they had all agreed as one man to lay aside those matters of detail which usually divided Reformer from Reformer.—( Cheers. ) They had laid aside all differences fur the purpose of getting power into the hands of the people. The men of Birmingham had gone for many things—sometimes they might be justly censured for riding too much upon their hobby-horse of the currency, and even other things ; but now they had given up all their hobby horses in order to get for the people the power to elect their own Representatives ; a Id when they had that power, he had no doubt but they vs °Wel exercise it so as to elect Members who would give to their land ohat it ought to have—happi ni se and prosperity, joined with peace.—(Cheers ) Mr. LOWRY, of Newcastle, was the next Speaker. He had been delegated by the Radical masses of Newcastle, Sunder land, and Shields, to support the People's Charter, and to tell that meeting that they were willing to end them all the support in their power in their present agitation. Last Monday evening they had had a a meeting, in order to resuscitate the Northern Political Union, which had done so much good in the time of the Reform Bill ; but they had determined to give their sup port no more to this faction or that faction—they were deter mined to do no more except in the cause of the people.— (Cheers.) The men of the North were well organized. The men of Newcastle dared defend with their arms what they ut tered with their tongues—(Cheere)—and that the military would have learned on the Coronation day had they made any attack upon the meeting. They were wilting to try all moral means that were left. They were willing to try a throne, so long as it was conducive to the happiness of the people— they were willing to have an Aristocracy, so long as they behaved themselves civilly—(A laugh)—but they thought they had a right to have a reciprocity of rights, and if not, they were prepared to go against the throne and Aristocracy.—( Loud cheers.) The men of the Tyne and the Wear would not draw their swords against their enemies until their enemies drew upon them ; but having once turned their hands to the plough they would never look back.—( Cheers.) The colliers there were organized, and prepared to demand Universal Suffrage, without which they could never be happy. ___( Cheers.) They had found from experience that so far as a constituency was limited, so in proportion was it corrupt, unjust, and extravagant—they knew from experience that when the power was given to one section of the people, it would be used fur the aggrandizement of that same section. History told them that all the evils they at present suffered under had arisen from their confiding political power to a section of the community. The spirit of the Tories, while they ruled the country, showed itself in their expensive wars, their shameful taxes, and their enmity to liberty both at home and abroad. The Whigs came into office, and they being a mere section of the community, was their conduct better ? Why, with liberty in their mouths, they stabbed at it in Ireland. (Loud cheers) —and he defied any man to show him a worse Act during any Tory Administration than the Coercion Act. It was an Act that convinced with the bayonet and reasoned with a halter.—( Hear.) What had they got from the Whigs that they should bolster up and applaud my Lord Melbourne ? Did they not consent to the transportation of the Dorchester labourers—to the passing of the Poor-law Bill ; and did they not bolster up the Corn laws ?—( Hear, hear.) What hopes had the people if the Whigs were kept in office ? They pleaded a want of power. However they once had too much of it, for they had an over whelming majority in the House of Commons, and what use did they make of it ? The Whigs were not to be relied on—they were only a mere section of the community, and the working men must have the Suffrage.—(Hear.) There must be no bit-by-bit Reform—they had suffered enough from that already. The working classes got the franchise for the 10/. renters, arid what gratitude had they shown? They must, therefore, exert themselves, and for them selves alone. He found the objection against them was, that there was a want of intelligence among the working classes, and that they were virtually represented already; that Uni versal Suffrage would be universal confusion, and that they were following a Will-o'-the-Wisp, because Universal Suffrage would not remove the poverty they laboured under. Now, as to virtual representation, they might be told the present consti tuency and the House of Commons represented them. He knew they would represent them, and would legislate for them, so far as their interests were united with the working-classes, but the moment they came into juxta-position, the working classes would be abandoned ; therefore they had nothing to expect from virtual legislation. As to the confusion that would oc cur at elections, he denied in toto that any confusion would occur at all, on the part of the working classes. \Vho was it that feasted most and got drunk soonest at the present elec tions? Why, the middling classes.—( Hear, hear.) They had not the excuse that the labouring man had. They were daily in the habit of receiving good fare and of drinking the best liquids, while a working man, perhaps, did not get a good dinner once in six months.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") As to Universal Suffrage not removing their pdverty, he asserted it would in a great degree. Would any man tell him that if they had their taxes removed to a certain extent the wages of the working man would not go farther? and that if the national debt were removed and the Corn laws abolished, trade would not flourish ? That man would be bordering on insanity who would assert that. As to intelligence, he held that God had given to every mat , a sufficiency of sense to manage his ()en at - firs. He held, that as to the exercise of the fr apehise, integrity was the best guarantee ; and if it came to a ques tion of integrit . ,-, Ire asserted the werkin;.! cases possessed it ie the greatest abundance. It was net a want of intelligence they complained of in the present coestituency and [Luse of Commons, but a want of honesty. Did not history show that of all men the literary man had been the basest of apostates ? No class lead abandoned their p -inciples more than literary men Fur a proof of this let them look to the Press, and they would there see that principle was a mar ketable commodity, and sold to those who would pay the best for it.—( Cheery. ) Could the people be worse than they were at present ? If they we re ignorant, who had :male them so ? The Ger, ernment and the eristeci a"y. They had enacted laws to k- ep the people in . ignorance; and if they kel t the people from their rights, on the plea of their being incapable of management, they were bound to remove that want of management. But hitherto they lea I not done so. When ver there was a multi tude of the people gathered tegetle r, so that a fair average cuel,l be ascertained of tin it integrity and s nse, that multi tude would be in favour of those principles—(Cheers)—and v: hatever ha I been great and glorious in the history of man, had been obtain"-d by the assistance cf this masses. Who sang the gauntlet to the despot of Europe in America, hut the labouring men of America ? %Vile dethroned Charles the Tenth of I" once? The labouring men. Who got the lief rm Bill for England? Why, the labouring men of England. Who had bared their in, asts in tire breach, but the labouring men ? To them we owed all Vat we possessed. if the struc ture was glr riot's, they had reared it, end wi re reedy to defend it ; and they might safely be trusted w ith that which tiny gave such assistance to produce. Could things be worse than they now were ? The Throne was felling into contempt—the Aristocracy vise held in disdain—the laws ucre considered is the medium (.f r pore ssion for the rieh on the poor, and the Church bad dwittul«l into a political machine. —( Cheers.) Those who ought to p each hurehity and peace were the most greedy of weal h and the most tyrannical in power when they possessed it. They ha I seen in Irelan I that the Ministers of !Ire Gospel ever erre ) ed themselves with the sword in one banal aod tl.e Bible in the other. They had stript poverty of its last mite. lit fact, wherever exertions had been made for the entr wields no nt of the insssrs —or the ameliora.i in of the people—Ora prests had always been found against the m.— ( Coe, rs.) Ita conclusion, he would exhort them to assert their own ii.depend..nee. They had a right to do it; and when they el.ose to do it, their rulers dared not refuse it.—(Cheers.) Colonel Tuostesos came forward to spe k on a particular point, and therefore would be brief. The friends and leaders of the 1 eople hail agseed upon certain subjects to be brought forward before the ineetine, and he trusted they would heir his exhortaeisn and follow it, not to brit g any others forward eons. Whatever they might do, he should advise them to stick to the points that had been chosen for them. Ile did not deny that there might not he other most important ones which would claim their attereion when the time came. There might tie tire Corn law;—they might ask for a total Fri edam of the pies —he hoped they would shortly hear a demand for a system of Secular Education, by which he meant a system in which no one should interfere with another on account of his political opinions...-( Hear.) But he would stick to the peint. No man must cry " halt" on a charge. Let th e people go on as they have hegun—let them see w hat they can mike of the points that were before them, and time afterwards will he found for others. Universal Suf frage was one of the o bj ects f or w hi c h t h ey were m et. A new of+ etlon had been p u t f ort h aga i nst t h at b y t h e Press— ' that if the working classes bad the Suffrage they would be the majority, and because they would be the majority they would be all powerful, and because they were all-powerful they would do all mischief. But he asked, had not that as sembly had a potential majority before, arid what mischief did they do? Was it likely the people would ever do half as much? Was there any probability, that when they got the power they would decree that no man in possession of 300/. a ye +r should have a seat in the House of Commons, and that no man having 600/. a year should sit for a county ? They did the opposite. but the people would not do the either. Was there any probability of a decree that every rich man should pay seven times as much upon his harmless luxuries— his tobacco, for instance, as the poor? The people did not ask to have to themselves a majority and an overbearing power, as the rich had hitherto done, and niisusrol it most damnably osn - 1 nonetwrh share fyoonrif thosei t ei c I n tf i n ou o ‘se t „inin s ,cog e c e aksit, stood i oe i td r ,ivi etfslotoarntt—gri, counsels etahnnend would only u l y ottrid; sought o at em u ci g loc h unt ttnt Parliaments, . u lt y. vtahv He ec a fair hw iAaa had the i,,llemmehil etr shapdr o commencement bret,sesntoe l o tu. f ent t i,t h de e fu p o. rri with present ee thei, e t n Parliament, did not . the yßadicals,ears, and tilltii thethen d i d P n a n r- t they say, Now we have got you fast for seven years,we will tell You a secret, which we concea l e d beforeac a lwayi; i. - --eri,s for the establishment of the agricultural prep on. derange? Ile trust‘d :41 would not cease t h e i r efforts until they procured the repeal of that Aet- e -k P.heers. ) Mr. LEADER, who was received with loud cheers, s.itl•• This was indeed a glorious and gratifying sight. He s j -- ; around him a vast assembly of English working men, m e t to bliaein c o t ts il n e t n r i y , consider what the i r right; teem end to determine by every mtooraasiseirntfluaetnis to e ig o legal ,,,,inb means should toenable ga in In former times, w hen thousands met in this ver y p lace tthiclatm day—he offered the Whigs the only fly the fellows could catch at, he and said— " Then on with your green standard rearing, Ga flesh every sword to the hilt, On our side is virtue and Erin, On theirs is the Parson and gilt." ( Loud cheers.)—He then gave them a quotation from the Bible. What did they think Easthope did ? Why, as well as he could remember, Easthope gave tho quo tation from the Bible to Tommy Moore, the Irish poet —( Laughter)—and gave to the Bible the verse from Tommy Moore. This jumble of Easthope's was caught at by the Dispatch. and was made the most of against me ; but to all their attacks I would say (as a parody on those words of Tommy Moore) — Then onward your black banner sweeping ; Go, stick every pen in the ink ; On our side is Suffrage—that sweet thing ; On theirs, is corruption and stink. (Immense laughter.) He had now taught both friend and foe that principle was an impregnable thing. He had now taught the middle clauses, the aristocracy, and the Press, that the people of England were worth living for arid dying for. —( Cries of " Hear, hear.") If any thing could urge him still more to go on in the sacred cause of justice, which was the cause of God, this reception would naturally impel him towards his onward course. He had been always with them. If he had been a leader it was because he had more time and more power. He had gained for himself by this day's meeting a sufficient remuneration for all the agitation and anxiety of mind he had suffered. (Cheers.) As he had left them so did he come back to them, as their unpaid advocate, for he had never travelled a mile at the expense of Whig, Tory, or Radical.—( Hear, hear.) He would not injure the sensitive feelings of Mr. Easthope, by quoting anything from the Bible, because he might say the Devil could quote Scripture, but he would endeavour to inspire them in the words of the immortal Byron : " They never fail who die in a great cause, The block may soak their gore, Their heads may sodden in the sun—their limbs be strung to city gates And castle walls, but still their spirit walks abro id ; Though years elapse, and others share as dark a doom, It but augments the deep and sweeping thought Which o'er powers all others, and which conducts The world at last to freedom." —( Immense cheering.) He would leave them now to their own judgments, and he hoped and trusted that out of the exercise of that judgment which belonged exclusively to the working classes, a union would arise, and from that union a moral power would be created sufficient to establish the rights of the poor man. and if that fails then that every man will raise his arm in de fence of that which his judgment told him was justice.— ( Loud cheers.) He in conclusion begged to move that the National Petition, now about to be read, be adopted. Alr. CLEAVE came Col ward and read the following petition :- 4 , Unto the Honourable the Commons of the United King dom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament as sembled, the Petition of the undersigned, their suffering countrymen, ~ Humbly showeth—That we, your petitioners, dwell in a land whose merchants are noted for enterprise, whose manu facturers are very skilful, and whose workmen are proverbial for their industry. The land itself is goodly, the soil rich, and the tempera ture wholesome ; it is abundantly furnished with the mate rials of commerce and trade ; it has numerous and convenient harbours:; in facility of internal communication it exceeds all others. For three-and-twenty years we have enjoyed a profound peace. Yet, with all these elements of national prosperity, and with every disposition and capacity to take advantage of them, we find ourselves overwhelmed with public and private suf fering. We are bowed down under a load of taxes ; which, not- withstanding, fall greatly short of the wants of our rulers ; our traders are trembling on the ♦erge of bankruptcy ; our workmen are starving ; capital brings no profit, and labour no remuneration ; the home of the art►ficer is desolate, and the warehouse of the pawnbroker is full ; the workhouse is crowded, and the manufactory is deserted. We have looked on every side, we have searched dili gently, in order to find out the causes of a distress so sore and so long continued. " We can discover none in nature, or in Providence. Heaven has dealt graciously by the people ; but the foolishness of our rulers has made the goodness of God of none effect. " The energies of a mighty kingdom have been wasted in building up the power of selfish and ignorant men, and its re sources squandered fur their aggrandisement. " The good of a party has been adv snced to the sacrifice of the good of the nation ; and few have governed for the interest of the few ; while the interest of the many has been neglected, or insolently and tyrannously trampled upon. " It was the fond expectation of the people that a remedy for the greater part, if not for the whole, of their grievances, would be found in the Reform Act of 1832. " They were taught to regard that Act as a wise means to a worthy end ; as the machinery of an improved Legislation, where the will of the masses would be at length potential. " They have been bitterly and basely deceived. " The fruit which looked so fair to the eye, has turned to dust and ashes when gathered. " The Reform Act has effected a transfer of power from one domineering faction to another, and le gt the people as help less as before. " Our slavery has been exchanged for an apprenticeship to liberty, which has aggravated the painful feeling of our social degradation, by adding to it the sickening of still de ferred hoee. " We come before your Honourable House to tell you, with all humility, that this state of things must not be i.er meted to continue ; that it cannot long continue without very seriously endangering the stability of the Throne and the peace of the kingdom ; that if, by God's help and all lawful and eenstitutiot,al appliances, an end can be put to it, we are fully resolved that it shall speedily come to an end. " We tell your Honourable House that the capital of the master must no longer be deprived of its due profit; that the labour of the workman must no longer be deprived of its due reward; that the laws which make food dear, and those which, by making money scarce, make labour cheap, must be abolished ; that taxation must be made to fall on pro} crty, net on indust-y ; that the good of the many, as it is the only legitimate end, so mutt it be the sole study of the Government. " As a preliminary essential to these snd other requisite changes; es the means by which alone the interests of the people can be eff,ctually vindicated an I secured, we demand that those interests be confided to the keeping of the people. " When the State calls for defenders, when it calls for money, no consideration of poverty or ignorance can be pleaded in refusal or delay of the call. " Required as we are, universally, to support and obey the laws, nature and reason entitle us to demand that, in the making of the laws, the universal voice shall be implicitly listened to. " We p rferm the duties of freemen ; we must have the privileges of freemen. " Wet DEMAND UNIVERSAL. SUFFRAGE. " Tie suff age, to be exempt from the corruvion of'the wealthy and the violence of the powerful, must be secret. " The assertion of our right necessarily involves the power of its uncontrolled exercise. " We ask for the reality of a good, not for its semblance. " WE DEMAND THE BALLOT. " The connection between the representatives and the people, to be beneficial, must be intimate. " The legislative and constituent powers, for correction and instruction, ought to be brought into frequent contact " Errors, which are comparatively light w hen susceptible of a speedy popular remedy, may produce the most disastrous effects when permitted to grow inveterate through years of compulsory t ndurance. " To public safety, as well as public confidence, frequent elections are essential. " Wx DEMAND ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS. " With power to choose, and frredom in choosing, the range of our choice must be unrestricted. " We are compelled, by the existing laws, to take for our Representatives men who are incapable of appreciating our difficulties, or who have little sympathy with them ; merchants who have retired from trade, and no longer feel its harrass ings—proprietors of land, who are alike ignorant of its evils and their cure—lawyers, by whom the honours of the Senate are sought after, only as a means of obtaining notice in the Courts. " The labours of a representative, who is sedulous in the discharge of his duty, are numerous and burdensome. " It is neither just, nor reasonable, nor safe, that they should continue to be gratuitously rendered. We demand that, in the future election of Members of your Honourable House, the approbation of the constituency shall be the sole qualification; and that, to Representa tive so chosen, shall be assigned, out of the public taxes, a fair and adequate remuneration for the time which he is called every o f aahtned succeedinglon management deliberation, upon to devote to the publ ic service. Finally, we would most earnestly im p ress on y our Ho. nou rable House, that this petition has n ot been dictated b y an y idle love of change ; that i t s p rin g s out of no inconsiderate attac h m ent to fanciful theories; but that it is the result of much year tend an m d e o r f e eed convictions,meret to strengthen. h h t g h t e h events el . The of this mighty kingdom has hitherto been a contending factions to try their selfish expo. r felt the consequences, in our sorrowful experi e _ t si glimmerings of uncertain enjoyment swall owe d up by long and dark seasons of suffering. a If the self-government of the people should not remove their distresses , i t will at least remove their re pinings. Universal Suffrage will, and it alone can, b r i ng true an d n subjectulpr We Tse haveoott l ast i n g peace to the nation ; we firmly believe that it will also bring prosperity. m a y it, therefore, please your Honourable House to take t t this i s u s o e u petition i u t in into t o me st endeavours, yo ' u r most by i consideration f means,und directing cri all future elections of to have a law passed granting to m e e v , er t y he ma ri l g e h o t f ef la v w e f t u in l g ag fe e rs s ' N N i n e ee ns " b m e ei r rn3 s do o 'f f ar4 l l : l4 a d rl in i j a c3 m m" in nl ?lo ead li tl e cidr in the way of secret Ballot ; and ordaining that the duration of Parliament so chosen shall in no case exceed one year ; and abolishing all property qualifi cations in the Members; and providing'for their due remune ration while in attendance on their Parliamentary duties. " And your petitioners, B s e.” M r . R. D. Vlp,n l Al l4 O fsu Maya, came forward, and was c eered. c came forward to identify him „if with the great popular movement in that country. He did so, not alone as a British citizen, but as one of the represen tatives of the people of Ireland--( Hoar, hear, and cheers)— people of Ireland sym wishing it tq UllCiVr3toG4 that the 38. pathised with the working classes; and wished to unite with Mr. DUNCAN, of Edinburgh, then rose to t rap s' the them in obtaining the great foundation of all public liberty, a fourth resolution. He was one of the two deputies that had full representation of the people in the Legislative been sent to that meeting by the Edinburgh Radicals. in Assembly.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He had been or d er t o meet the Radicals of London. In the few minutes sent there by nearly 400,000 persons, for although the constitu- that were allowed him he would state what the Scotch Radi ency that returned him, was comparatively small, that number esle thought of the present movement. - They were unaninvois exercised their influence over their votes. He did not come, with respect to the signatures of the present petition ; they then, in consideration of any thought so humble an indi- were unanimous that the Charter prepared by the Working vidual might bring with him ; but, wishing to e stabli s h this Men's Association of London formed the only solid basis principle by means of his example, that every citizen should on which their future liberties rested. They were resolved contribute his mite towards the advancement of the public further not to place any confidence in the present Whige—rba t good. No man should consider how little cou ld be done b y they were traitors to liberty---( Cries of " No," and " Yes") --- his intelligence or exertion; but he should refl ect that ever y an d their whole course has been marked by im becilit y .— thing could be done by his example.—( Hear.) No man should (Cheers.) They find they have made no attempt to diminish say that he was a drop of water in the ocean ; but he should re- t h e expenditure of the country , for what they req uired now fleet that that ocean was composed of many drops , and without to con duct the British Government was fift y -one m illions of their adhesion the whole could not obtain form , m a g nitude, or mone y , wrun g from the hard labours of the working man. The strength.—(Cheers.) In this important crisis ev er y man's re p rese ntatives of Whiggery were content to fleece every service was valuable, and though he could not as the engineer working man of 101. a year, and at the same time deprive stand aloft upon the deck to direct the vessel, he could with him of a voice in the legislature. The Radicals of Edin the humble workmen pour the coals into the furnace that burgh were resolved further to attend at every meeting called created the power which propelled it. Therefore he came in Scotland, and move the amendment, whatever the character there as the representati , e of an I isle c instituency, who was o f th e meeting might be, of Universal Suffrage.—( Cheers. ) attached to no peculiar political section—who was independeet They were resolved further to deprecate by public re' of Government influence, as we ll as t h e contrai l o f an indi- solutions, and by their sentiments expressed through vidual, and who represented i n t h e H ouse o f C o mmons his legal channels any appeal to physical force, but they we re re own concience and his own mind.—( Much cheering.) He solved to be active, and pursue a course of agitati o n that would w i s hed to maintain the great democratic principle on which be more successful than any physical force or movement.- - was based every thing that was v a luable in the Constitution ( ch eers .) Th e y were resolved, whatever might be the fate of England, and that was comprehended in a full represen- of the National Petition in the Houses of Parliament tation.—( Hear.) That was the right of the people according —and they trusted that it would be rejected—( Hear , to the abstract nature of society, for when men resigned a hear, hear)---for they believed that God infatuat ed port i on of their natural liberties to form into a community, in those he intended to destroy—they were resolved to del-na'd order to obtain general protection , they did so on this condition , Universal Suffrage , Annual Parliaments, and Vote hy• Bal, ; that they should continue the operations of that community. lot.—(Cheers.) Those words were written by the nat ional. If that condition was not fulfilled, arid if they were obliged to voice with an iron pen, that never could be obliterate d.-- submit to laws in which they had no voice, they were degraded (Cheers.) The Radicals of Scotland had resolved n ever to the condition of brutes. They wore the lineaments , but did not to put their names to a petition couched in the hum enjoy the rights of humanity , and such was the condition of every bl e l angu age o f ‘‘ We pray ;" but they were resolve d man in the country who had not a v o ice i n t h e representation. to find a new entrance into the House of Commons through —( Cheers.) The great democratic principle was the one any individual who would advocate the cause. Fifty-one millions for which the people now struggled, and they would not were to be extracted from the working classes, and in return struggle for it in vain—for in ever y contest b e t ween the they demanded their rights.—( Cheers ) The Scotch had no people and the aristocracy, if they rea d t h e hi s t or y of the confidence in either of the factions, Whig or Tory, and theY country, they would find that the p eo pl e asser t e d th e right of had resolved, in case the petition were rejected, to get uP governing themselves, and the aristocracy in each struggle another Petition signed by double the number, and he felt 1 10 were taught another lesson of humiliation.—( Hear, hear.) doubt that when that great national movement beset tLe It was a case of the few against the many ; and if the House, Mr. Spring Rice would move the supplies, and many would trust to themselves, and not be guided by the immediately shut up the House.—(Great Laughter.) mind of others, they must succeed. If they ceased to walk in The Radicals of Scotland called, in that public manner, oil the reflection of a borrowed light, which, while it encircles the Radicals of England to hold themselves in readiness to error with a false glare, flings it shadows over truth—and if s i gn the petition four times during the session, and they would they would walk in that light which was reflected from be perfectly satisfied when the signatures amounted to five their own minds, they must in the end obtain the blessings or six millions,_( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The state of tile of civil liberty, and in the first place that full representa- case would then be, that, on the one side, there would be tion, which was the only means t o secure it.—( Hear, 600 Whigs and Tories against from 5 to 6,000,000 of t he hear.) He cared not, comparatively considering the matter, people; and such a state of things could not by possibility last. for the abolition of the Corn-laws—for an a b o liti on o f tithe The matter entirely depended upon the people themselves-- assessmente—for those general principles connected and inter- they were enabled to gain their ends, and might they perish if woven with the social happiness of the people, as he did for they did not 1 The resolution called on them to wa it the means by which those principles could be effected. upon their Members ; but where was there a Member Once give the people a complete interest in representation, from Scotland who would support their petition.—(A Person and if they had bad laws they would have themselves to blame. in the crowd—" Wallace.") No, not even Wallace. H e I ' l 7 —(Cheers ) Who were th e part i es t h at w i s h e d to maintain called a Radical Member, yet he had done all, both indivi the principles of exclusion? The Whigs as well as the To- dually and by his satellites, to prevent the petition from being ries—( Hear, hear)—the Ministers as well as the Opposition. received in the town of Greenock. That was the They assumed different means to oppose the extension of de- man who was prepared to establish in a Court mocratic principles, but they pursued one end. There were three of Law that he was the lineal descendant of Sit parties in that country—the Tories who had governed the many William Wallace, the patriot of Scotland. As for Rl': by the will of the few for the advantage of the few — the Wh i gs , cal Gillon he had been all his political life so anxious to was ' who had governed the many for the advantage of the th e R a di ca l s th at h e h a d not h a d t i me to atten d to an ything many, as they would tell them, but by the will of the few except the repeal of the soap-tax... 4 A laugh.) AS f or —and the Radicals, who would govern the many by the will Dennistoun and Bentinck, the members for Glaset of the many, for the advantage of the many._( Loud cheers.) they would as soon vote for the petition as they we 1 1,,; Now the Whigs and Tories equally united in denouncing for the losing of their own heads.—( A laugh.) i ',. - e the latter principle of democracy. They said th e man y were for the beautiful Members for Edinburgh, they acre incapable of governing themselves, as they h a d no t, forsooth, already afraid to face their constituents. Their Como' sufficient intelligence to do so ; and by what train of reason- tees were afraid to call a public meetin g f o r any Is!j r " ing, deduced from observation or philosophy , did they draw pose, even a popular one. The public voice, so far as wh i r their conclusion? Did not the obligations of British law deny gery is concerned, was extinct in Edinbur h. The re solue its truth ? Was it a justification to any citizen to plead igno- tion he held in his hand called o n them g to wait on thei r ranee •f the laws? What could prevent the man who constituents. Upon his return to Edinburgh h e would ba re comprehended the meaning of a statute from corn- a report to make of th e response Mr. g Abercromby, an prehending the meaning of a Bill in its progress through Campbell. the Attorney-General, ma d e to t h e ca ll, and !° the House ? ( Hear, hear.) No, that assumption of help him Heaven, according as that response was favour able exclusive intelligence—that assumption to themselves of the or unfavourable they would stand o r fall !He bad much prerogative of mind, arose out of the folly and impiety of those pleasure in moving the fourth resolution : who, while they would elevate the unit of creation would de- " 4.—That this Meeting recom men d th e p eo pl e o f the Vn ite l grade the mass, and both Tories and Whigs united in main- Kingdom to hold meetings and to appoint Deputations to rein ° taming that principle. In fact he saw little distinction between their Representatives to support and vote for the " People's Char" them—in forms of conduct they might differ, but in principle ter," and to support the prayer of the National Petition. ' they were the same. The present position of those two parties Mr. Hums WILLIAMS, of Caermarthen, had been . ge , a n e t was most ludicrous—the leader of the Ministry in the House of snO there to assist them in the demands they were then ':f Commons, and the leader of the Opposition, stood in the in- of their rights from the Aristocracy. The Radicals. .... terstices as it were of the benches upon which both parties South Wales, he could assure them, were prepared to were ranged shaking hands with one another. They would assert their rights at any time ,and in any mannerbraYi next session, he thought, endeavour to struggle which should mi g ht be called u p on b y the London Committee. M. e re draw the other to his respective bench, and he thought that force alone was a farce : unless they showed that tn.c_ss the Honourable Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, was another force behind by their organization.—uneicsr would evince more ph) sical power than the Noble the y showed a concentration of all their ener g ies, they novas Lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department. In could carr y their p etition. A workin g man, alone, ;,,___, was mere dot, but let him when he went home convert his f 3 7_ 1 _ the next Session of Parliament he would go to the House, net workmen, get them to join him, and organise associatt : 1 7i to support any peculiar party, but those great principles which and then they became formidable indeed. It was 3 , were comprehended in the Charter of the people's liberties.— the Whigs had gained a great victory in Canada.—( Hear : i_ (Loud cheers.) He would support no body of men merely That was because there was no organization amongst t" as the servants of the Crown ; but he would support those who were also the servants of the people.—( Cheers.) Let the insurgents—they had not waited till the proper time—theY had been hurried forward by their leaders, foolishly, an d witlicu t people do their own duty, however ; let them follow up the being at all prepared; otherwise they would never h av e beee example set them by the Irish people previous to emancipa tion—the example which they themselves followed, before obliged to swallow the gilded pill of tyranny, in the shape L e i they wrung from the Aristocracy the Reform of their Lord Durham, which had been forced on them. Ile invoked tit daring of the Radicals of London—the Radicals of South Wales Parliament—( Hear, hear)—w hen the proud Saxon took invoked them to lead them on in the demand now mad e ',-, a lesson from the humble peasant—let them fight that moral battle in which the people of Ireland had before triumphed their rights—they would stand by them and back them : d —let them use the new philosophy of moral agitation any way, having thrown despair to the winds. He ' vo l e conclude by addressing them in the immortal lines of that 1 —let them not attempt physical force, for when applied to the Constitution of a country, it more frequently instead of mortal bard Byron— re-modelling the building removed the pillars, and the whole " Freedom's battle once begun, edifice tumbled to the earth ; let them not assemble Bequeathed by bleeding sire to son, in the hour of night Thsuph baffled o ft i s ever won I", in the fastness of the moon- tain and spew their regard fur improvement b their ~r . al . JONES, of No r th am p ton , sa id h e came f rom a very I ff; contempt for existing institutions ; but let them assemble in , iefied place, but still h e cou ld assure t h em t h at even there I n n ° , the hour of noon in crowded cities in the resence of their working classes wer e d eterm i ne d to stan d b y the worsen'' re , p we rulers, and by a communion of man with man, and a combina - classes of the oth er p arts o f t h e country, T here were tion of mind with mind, they would procure that full repro - five Radical Associations in the minty, and th e y hie d fast bacreasing. Every member of them was deter to stand by the People's Charter and Petition.—( sentation which should be the basis of' all free government, and which should procure for themselves and their posterity Mr. DOWNIE, from Stirling, said the da o fsr s p ou f the blessings of education and of cheap and equal laws. y was S ess °f Mr. RICHAEDsoN, of Manchester, said he came forward to and the meeting had already heard so much of the progress &- support the National Petition and the People's Charter, and radicalism in Scotland, that it was ueneessary for him tahere he would tell them why. In the first place, he saw a great lain them. He would only say that Radicalism abounds ;0 and mighty nation, possessed of all the requisites for good ever intelligence increases.--( Hear, and loud che er y ,' h ich government—a nation which had been called the envy and Ihe Associations in the part of the country from d t ee admiration of surrounding nations--degraded at home, and de- lie came were determined to stand by the Charter an o le ic' Cheers• ) t, spised abroad. They heard of the Queen's army and navy, t l etition, and they looked up to the London Radicals as and the Queen's Courts of Law, but there was nothing be- leaders. longing to the nation but the national debt.—( Laughter.) The Resolution was then carried unanimously. Now, since our rulers had given us a national debt, it was but Mr. LAYTON, of Brentford, then moved— ee this s.—That the following eight persons be appoi:ited "' cher fair we should have a National Petition. What was this National Petition ? He would state the opinion of the people of Laeca- ,I N l i e e ci e t t i hi ng rs t . lun d i i t ff e with the Delegates that may be seiected ( h i ); tee shire. parts of the Kingdom to watch ° v -- Charter' and P shire. They had been long struggling fur the same National Mr. Cleave, Mr. Irl'et"heen they are presented to Parli r gr. Petition. In 1819, the people of Lancashire met upon the Mr. Lovett, Mr. Vincen t, blood-stained field of Peterloo, for the very same petition.— O'Brien, Mr. Hartwell, f‘ i l n r gl il 3 ()ore . , and Mr. Rogers." t ., a dieel! ( Loud cheers.) The people of Lancashire having already Ile had not come from ;great distance, but still the ie inc i to bled in defence of the liberty for which they were now o f Brentford had sent him to sa that they were determ tr y. struggling, could itbe expected they wou ld no w shrink from the stand by their Radical brethren of other rts of the_ .huut a. , ., 0 , - battle? They had begun to think seriously about the matter, lie trusted that their objects ii might beg gained ...IT., an e and after reading Blackstone's Commentaries on the Law recourse to physical force. Mr. MITCHELL seconded the e of England, they were satisfied that if they could trusted that it would he tried. not get a redress of grievances, they had a right Mr. Reeve, of Brighton, hadmwoabtsi eo s fn u o. r r e e that it g i h t t n,ig I.: se w f le e to arm in their defence. They had last year sent a Radicalism in London, having been one the bs" etv petition against the Poor-laws, which was carried away by gentlemen in long robes and wigs, and nothing more was were btu] o g ed and ' • kicked about at Ca he eon" heard about it. They had resolved to petition no more, but f or w hi ch -e n he would never forgive the Whigni, whom e to "(,), remonstrate; and some said they would not remonstrate, but der d e as bad as the Tories. He was ordered to agr ee bad arm. The people had begun to arm. They were compromise, f i e 0 armed.—( Hear, and cheers. )He had seen the arms. muc and he trusted none would be proposed. _ f o r ti l hanging over their mantel-pieces. But the National Petitionpleasure in seeing a meeting of such numbers .0 ha ve purpose of obtaining the same objects, which were those i n 00 1 had come opportunely, and they would not have signed it been advocated in Calthorpe-street ; and he called uP n w ho had it not demanded Universal Sufirage. If they should ow t , us remember that the same man was Prime Ministercr;, p o or; fail in the present instance, he would not attempt tooltfhortire-s say what would be the consequences. The rifles would law ' Bill Home Secretary on that occasion, The tyrannlis.raition 1., was execrated in Sussex ; and a demo!. l _ er ieul, be loaded—that would be the next s t e p no d ou b t , ami d h e defied the ur neighbourhood of Brighton would show that tneh ut i u ett_ the power of any Government or of any armed Bourbon po- t al labourers detested it. !:',is constituents were de ter si. o bi& even though they lived in the lice to put them down. It was no use to disguise the mat- Radicals, w ru n i s nu a i lso t not a littl e fortified ; but the Radicals Raysl to , ...er' ter. Secrecy was the ruin of all things. Everything would be done openly by the people of Lancashire, ana it would m ost be done constitutionally and legally. Now for the People's y _t c ? stand by their creed. resent was a 1 Mr; -.ARRIER. of Troubridge, said the , in in tue vv. ,- a .. Charter. They demanded it because it contained Universaltret 'auspicious day—there never was such a meetngwere deter Suffrage—because it gave them a voice in the choice of 14.-e_ world, for it was not a meeting of the few thousands ._ o f the presentatives—and they were justified in asking for thl,. Was seinbled, but of all the moral wealth and ir telligcn" il the it too much for those who produced all the food, all the whole kinFdom. There was before him a conce'ntratior! of all clothing, all the luxuries of life, who fought all the public opinion in the kingdom worth having. lithe"' ur pose' battles of the country, to ask for a voice i n th e choice the Tories, had met for any sanguinary or mischievous P d a y . t e of their representatives ? ( Loud and oontinued cheering.) they would have said that Providence had sent th e to el - Was not the whole system of the country elective, from te sanction the meeting. Nothing was so well calculat ed res ent . ' parish officers, up to the Queen. Did riot the Archbishop i f iir t e he a true patriot with resolution as meetings like when he crowned the Queen, ask the people whether they spire thc . r e , we re . people were as intelligent thirty years ago as t i v l , 11 0 would have her for their Queen; a n d, as a ma t ter o f course, at present the county he came from would neyershilardett. did not those in the Abbey sa) Yes?—( Laughter.) She s to maintain inviolate all the rights and liberties which A ourore such an old renegade tore present them as Sir I'm elle' ha d goo n to ( Mr. Carrier) had been sent there in his stead. He iv e+ established, but a corr u pt Gov ernment and a base sent by thousands of men from Troubridge and Bradford, 0 ":,,ion• Parliament had set their faces agau l(s t, the rn , and they were the right hand of fellowship to all the working classes of 1 -' , ,. the hurrying the Queen on to danger.— Hear.) He would nowhate": on state what the, people .of Lancashire were going to do. National b c e e e o n ve r t e a q iu u n es u te f d to inform them, that w .. or c 1,1 Delegates thought necessary w ow': They intended on Monday next, to hold great xilere meet- venient, the people of Troubridge and Brad i ll' (Cheers.i!.. ing at Manchester, an aggregate meetine a — they go heart and hand, be it what it might. we d peO nt: expected not less than 300,000 men, two-thirds of whom a Such were the principles of the long-bemg d Sent were fit to bear arms. He was sure they would rallyo f the who ha ° the ( count of Wilts, the moon-rakers, „ is br tr . e round the standard of real Radical Reform.—(Cheers)—that the renegade Sir F. 'Burdett to Parliament. ,i' hc f o r ei they would demand, ins voice of thunder, Universal Suffrage, Radicals had had nothing to do with that, althoug h a e re Annual Parliaments, Vote by Ballot, N• J Property Qualifi- would as soon see Sir F. Burgett e resentativc . , _,.,„ cation, and Payment of Menabers.—( Applause.) If that Methuen, or au other whio. their r d p lie wou toti' e , de in the king should not be granted, woe to them that interposed between for a Tory to a Y Whi; the same dillocee. the people and their God. The spirit of freedom was mani- in his opinion between'anywhay. There 'Toryism'was 4 9 h t was iggery and ,suffrage fence; festing itself in every town, village, and hamlet, whether com- public rubbery and fraud. Until Universal , se wn ,_. mercial, manufacturing, or agricultural—all breathed the obtained they would [mover be happy The arts ant hi tfs' sume essence of liberty, and the democratic storm now would never fl • • . han" ,„ co° flourish until they had a blowing throughout the empire would blast and overwhelm making of the laws. He - requested -- we re c had been the efforts the,' rusted every petty consideration. The people would sweep away all gratulate the •' French eople on the spurn of aristocracy and all who opposed them ; and they making to obtain their - -rights and " i ' ,nog °` would ultimately have a Republic—(Cheers)—which was far the the achecocive National Guards of France would defeat t , from being their intention at present. lie wished to impress deepre re.) i n t ired os by emancipating their country.—( -.'" ' g unites on them the words of Addison 's Cato : f be le ba bbling slot' he would urge upon them the importance 0 . _ no _,. 0 " A day, an hour, of virtuous Liberty, in order to obtain their demands—let there DF' o , r ievarw c Is worth a whole eternity of bondage I ela lit Corn-laws, or Poor- Laws, or any other paltry eo " o f say Remember, 0, ney friends, the laws, the rights, —although they were not paltry. If a man eP Sled w The generous plan of power delivered down • be tre less, thing shout of Uithersal Suffrage, let him thing prom age to age by your renowned forefathers-- as ked anY • res. contempt and derision. Any men who • on OP , ~ (So dearly bought, the price of so much blood), cies" 1 toe , was an enemy to the cause. Ile would in con . _ ...g unti 4 Oh, never let it perish in your bards 1 the 1 " - a lso) . upon them the importance of not breaking Tie ha d But piously transmit it to your children.d theY . were compelled to do so.—( Hear, hear.). L. trusted theY the Do thou, Great Liberty, inspire our souls, been the advocate of moral aeitation, and B y d obtaine And make our lives in thy possession happy, until they ha s I would go on in peaceful agitation, Cheers' ) Or our deaths glorious in thy just defence, ' emancipation of the whole human race.-4