The Sun. — London, England, 1836-08-06 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Acausr 5. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. ..... COPYRIGHT (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of Lord DUNCANNON this Bill was read a third time and passed. The Highway Rates Bill was also read a third time and passed. Lord LYNDHURST presented a petition against the Ecclesiastical Leases Bill. AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. Lord EXMOUTH begged to ask whether his Majesty's Government had received any information of the evacua tion of Vittoria by Cordova and the Christino troops, and the subsequent possession of it by the Carlists ? Lord MELBOURNE believed his Majesty's Govern ment had received no information of the kind. Captain CHETWYND and others from the Commons brought up the Horton's Estate Bill. GRAND JURIES (IRELAND.) Lord DUNCANNON brought up the report of the Committee on the Grand Juries (Ireland) Bill. RAILWAYS. Messengers from the Commons brought up the Railway resolutions agreed to by that House. GRANT TO THE SCOTCH CHURCH. The Earl of ABERDEEN was desirous of asking the Noble Viscount at the head of the Government a question on this subject. About this time last year a Commission was appointed to inquire into the claims of the Scotch . Church for assistance, with a vibes to extend the accom modation of its members, A full inquiry had now taken place in several districts, and he believed that as yet no Report had been presented. Besides, the expense of the inquiry for the present year amounted to the sum of 10,0001., and it would shortly amount to the sum required for the grant. Under these circumstances he would beg leave to ask the Noble Viscount if in the course of the year any Report would be made from this Commission, and, if not, to what party was the delay attributable? Viscount MELBOURNE apprehended no Report bad yet been made, but he believed that one was in a state of forwardness. He still retained his original opinion, that an inquiry was absolutely necessary, and that the expense should be borne by the State, independently of the pro posed grant. TITHE COMMUTATION (ENGLAND AND WALES) BILL. _ _ On the motion of the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, the House proceeded to take into consideration the amendments of the - House of Commons upon the amendments of their Lordships. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that as the Commons appeared to have met ;their Lordships' amendments in a spirit of fairness and conciliation, he was disposed to accept their amendments at once, and without opposition or dis cussion. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE briefly stated the nature of the amendments, which were then agreed to. COUNTY ELECTIONS POLLS BILL. Viscount MELBOURNE, in moving the second read ing of this Bill, stated that it was founded upon the Report of a Committee of the House of Commons which sat in 1834, for the purpose of considering the question of ex penses at elections. The chief object was to limit the duration of polls in counties to one day, and to increase the number of polling places. It was very well known that almost all the manoeuvring and unfair practices at elections took place in the interval between the first and the second day, and that on the first day the great majority of votes was polled. There had appeared some difference of opinion as to the applicability of the mea sure to county elections ; but he certainly thought that the advantages of the Dill were sufficiently dear and ob vious—though he would not deny that this might be accom panied by sonic disadvantages. The Noble. Viscount then read passages from the evidence of the sheriffs of Kent, upon which be proceeded to say that it was, then, clearly the opinion of persons connected with county elections that the polls might be taken in one day, and that•an increase in the number of polling places was highly advi-;able. There might be some errors and omissions in the Bill which had been pointed out to him by some of his Noble Friends, and which could he amended in Committee. Lord WHARNCLIFFE could see no reason for agree ing to the measure now proposed. It was a curious fact that the title of this Bill welt" A Bill for shortening the, time of taking the polls at county elections," whereas, upon reference to the preamble, it would be found that there was no adleg,ation as to the inconvenience of ,the present mode of taking the polls, but that there was an allegation as to . the necessity of increasing the number of polling places. There were two objects in the Bill—one to increase the number of polling places ; the other to shorten the time for polling. Now, suppose the House . was to agree to enter upon the consideration of th e fi rs t o f those objects, but was to reject the last clause of the Bill, which pro vided for the other object, what must they do with the Bill after that ? The title must be wholly altered ;it would no longer be a Bill for shortening the time of taking palls ; but it would be a Bill for increasing the number of polling places. He confessed that he could not but look with great jealousy at this Bill. It was a Bill that went to give an ad vantage to the voters in towns over those of the agricul tural districts, and it did appear to him to be an attempt, by a side-wind, to get rid of the effect of the Marquis of Chandos's clause in the Reform Bill. He knew that im pediments had been placed in the roads, in order to pre vent electors from polling within a certain period.—[Vis count Melbourne made some observation, which we did not hear.] How was it possible that that could be remedied by this Bill ? Would the increase in the number of polling places remedy it ? He thought not. But there was still another objection. The returning officer would be in the central part of the county ; the polling places and the de puties would be at a distance. Suppose a riot should take place, he would be glad to know whether it was advisable • that the whole proceedings should be closed at five o'clock upon that day in all cases, but those in which the riot pro ceeded to such an extent as to induce the officer to pre vent the poll from proceeding ? He maintained that the cases of towns and counties were as perfectly distinct as possible, and that the arguments which applied to one were wholly inapplicable to the other. As to the other part of the Bill, for increasing the number of polling places, he thought that the power should not be given to the Privy Council ; they ought to proceed exactly as they had done with the Boundary Bill.—(Cheers.) He would move that it be read a second time that day three months. Lord HATHERTON said that it really appeared to him that the Bill was, above all things, advantageous to the voters in the rural districts. This measure was for the benefit of the small voters. Again, it had been asked what was to be done in case of riots ? Why, the mul tiplication of polling places was the very thing to prevent that. He had been the individual appointed to prepare the measure for fixing the polling places. That measure had been framed with the greatest care, and was received with an unanimity he had scarcely expected ; he had been in communication upon the subject with all the persons connected with county elections, and he could positively assure the House that the prevalent opinion was, that the places for polling were far too few, and that a great saving of expense would result from their being extensively multi plied. As to the practicability of this measure, he could tell their Lordships that in 1832 thirty-four counties polled upon the first day 115,142, and upon the second day only 25,122 ; and he was confident that if only one day were al lowed that would be sufficient time to record every vote. The Marquis of SALISBURY said that the limitation of the polls to one day would, it appeared to him, be an actual premium upon riot ; and he therefore fully concurred in the motion of his Noble Friend. The Duke of RICHMOND said whilst he was strongly in favour of the principle of the Bill, h e would at the samey time confess that there were several matters of detail to which he entertained objections ; he should, however, vote for the second reading, hoping that those parts might be altered in Committee. The Earl of FALMOUTH said, as to increasing the number of polling places, he doubted exceedingly whether that would save any expense. In - the present times there were some gentlemen who appeared to desire t o ver if y the saying, " that it never rains but it pours"—(Laughter) —f or they were not contented with the good they had already received—and he did consider the increase in the polling places to its present extent one of the best provisions of the Reform Bill—but they now wanted that ultra-multiplication of polling places which was proposed by the present Bill. Lord WHARNCLIFFE explained. Lord MELBOURNE said that undoubtedly he did consider the first part so important that he should be ready to sacrifice the latter part in order to obtain it. He must confess, however, that he thought Noble Lords opposite were in the habit, of late, of considering all measures as directed against their personal interests—(" Hear," and laughter)—as if the object of every measure was to over throw their power ; so that they looked at the measures whilst under the operation of fear and terror—and it was known that persons under the influence of such feelings were not generally very clear-sighted—(Renewed laughter, and " Hear, hear"}—and he thought that was the case with regard to the present Bill. Lord ELLENB - OROUGH said that they would have, then, to draw largely upon the memory of tie Noble Ba ron (Lord Hatherton), as it would be expedient that the polling places should be specifically named. - Lord WHARNCLIPFE begged, upon that under standing, to withdraw the amendment. After a few words from the Marquis of SALISBURY, Lord LYNDHURST said if they struck out the lea clause they must strike out also the title to the Bill. Lord HOLLAND apprehended no difficulty upon that point. Lord MELBOURNE said the question as to the altc- \ \ ration in the title of the Bill could only arise hem the Bill thereby would itself be substantially altere - but. it never could be said i4the HguNof %mons sent that House a Bill with a aefectiii ti e—i 'never cbidd b aid, in reason or common sense, that they lad no riOit to ter that title. Lord WHARNCLIFFE_The difficulty was that the title was a perfect one. After a few observations from Lords HOLLAND and LYNDHLTRST, Lord HATHERTON said that he could see no impro priety in altering the title. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday. THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH BILL._ LoWlVlll:l6ißNl;;;edti;ethild reading of this Bill. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY brought up three clauses, which wete agreed to: On the motion that the Bill be read a third time, _ _ The Duke of CUMBERLAND hoped the Most Rev. Prelate would excuse him that he could not concur in the measure, and must enter his protest against it. The Bishop of HEREFORD wished, before the Bill passed, to express his concurrence in the opinion expressed by the Illustrious Duke. It had been remarked that this measure had been unanimously concurred in by the clergy. For his own part he could not say that his experience in duced the same conclusion. He would not put his expe rience in opposition to that of the Most Rev. Prelate ; but all with whom he had communicated, either personally or by letter, had expressed but one opinion, of dismay and distrust, with regard to this measure. They felt that the arrangement of Church property was about to be disturbed, and how it was to be settled again they did not know. . The Archbishop of CANTERBURY was surprised at the opposition of the Right Rev. Prelate, as he did not suppose him in the first instance opposed to this mea sure—a measure the object of which was the better dis tribution of Episcopal revenues, and the prevention of commendams. He had thought that the re-distribution of Church property and the levying a tax on the larger bishoprics for the relief of the lesser had not been ob jected to. It had not been objected to when the Com mission was proposed under the Government of the Noble Duke opposite (Wellington), nor under the Administration of Sir Robert Peel. On the contrary, the principle then ap peared to be approved of. He should like to know what it was which the Right Rev. Prelate objected to. Did he disapprove of a more equal distribution of Epis copal territory ? Would he have the diocese of York still continue to contain a territory equal to any three others ? Would he have the diocese of Lincoln, as at present, extend from the Humber to the Thames ? The emoluments of some of these dioceses had greatly increased, as, for in stance, was the case with Canterbury within the last sixty years. 'then there was London, the emoluments of which see had been greatly augmented by the increased value .of building ground, and was likely to be still more so from the income of the ground which yet remained to be covered. It was the same with Ely and Durham, though not in a pro portionate degree. The Duke of WELLINGTON felt himself called upon to express his approbation of the Bill. It was one the ob ject of which was to correct great anomalies, which all must allow existed in the Church government of this country, particularly as regarded commendams. The Bill was thon read a third I:ra , -, and passed. SMALL DEBTS (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the Order of the Day being proposed for going into Committee on this Bill, The Marquis of JUTE would move that the Bill be committed this day three months. The LORD CHANCELLOR had already postponed this Bill, which was brought in on the 14th of July, to af ford time for its consideration. It was a measure anxiously looked for by a large portion of the people of Scotland, and its object was to raise from Si. Scotch to 101. of the same currency the 'cases over which the Sheriff had jurisdiction, and to enable that functionary more effectually to promote justice with regard to the payment of small debts, by bold ing Courts for that purpose in different parts of the county. It was true the Sheriff was at present empowered to do so, but then he had no remuneration afforded for the ex penses which this would throw upon him. As regarded' the justices in petty sessions they had no right to com plain, as they were permitted to retain the jurisdiction which they at present possessed. If it was deemed de sirable to extend that jurisdiction, let a Bill be brought in for that purpose, but let not a great measure be impeded because it was not coupled with another. Lord HADDINGTON would support the Bill if it gave the magistrates a jurisdiction concurrent with that of the Sheriffs. The amendment was carried without a division, and the Bill was consequently lost. • • The House then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. AUGUST 5. The SPEAKER took the Chair at a few minutes to four o'clock. Mr. OSWALD presented a petition from the hand loom weavers of a place in Scotland, complaining of distress. On the motion of Captain CHETWYND, the Horton's Estate Bill was read a third time and passed. LEITH AND NEWHAVEN RAILWAY. Sir A. L. HAY presented a petition from Edinburgh, in favour of the Edinburgh, Leith, and Newhaven Rail way Bill, and a petition from the fishermen of Newhaven to the same effect. On the motion of Mr. OSWALD the Report of the Committee on the Leith and Newhaven Railway Bill was further considered. DISSENTERS. Major BE AUCLERK presented a petition from the Dissenters of the town of Kingston, expressing much satis• faction at the Bill for the registration of marriages. They further stated that if their claims were not taken into con sideration next session, they would take the law into their own hands, and redress themselves. Mr. WI LKS seconded the petition. Major BEAUCLERK presented a petition from the parish of St. Helens, in the Isle of 'Wight, against any enactment for making the whole island into one parish. Also a petition against the Poor Laws Amendment Bill. Mr. OSWALD presented a petition from Glasgow, in favour of the Scotch Municipal Bill. The Hon. Member also presented a petition, signed by 12,000 inhabitants of Glasgow against the Scotch Municipal Reform Bill ; also petitions to the same effect from places in the neighbour hood of Glasgow. Mr. WALLACE presented a petition, numerously and respectably signed by the inhabitants of Ayr, Wallace town, &c., praying for an enquiry into the practice before the Scotch Law Courts. Mr. SCARLETT presented a petition from the owners of manors in the county of Norfolk, against the Manors' Court Bill. Mr. WILKS moved that the returns respecting can teens, which were on the table, be printed.—(Ordered.) He also gave notice that, on Thursday, he would move for the production of papers connected with the petition of Mr. Divett. Mr. HAMILTON presented a petition from the Dis senters of Dublin, praying for an inquiry into the mode of education in the College of Maynooth. . SPIRITS EXCISE BILL. Mr. BARING brought up the Report of the Com mittee on this Bill. The Militia Ballot Suspension Bill went through Corn mittee without observation. • ASSESSED TAXES BILL. On the motion of Mr. BARING, the Assessed Taxes Bill was read a third time and passed. The Dropped Orders of the Day for Thursday last were then read over for the purpose of being replaced upon the Book. ____ . _ _ COAL TRADE. On the motion of Mr. WAKLEY, the Coal Trade Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Wednesday. The Sunk Island Road Bill went through a Committee. Mr. BARING brought up the Report of the Committee on the Slave Compensation Bill. FREEMEN. Mr. WAKLEY, in the absence of Mr. Williams, moved for a return of all the persons admitted to the freedom of cities and boroughs returning Members to Parliament in the years 1833, 34, and 35.—Agreed to. Mr. EWART moved for a return of the number of Bills sent up from that House to the House of Lords and not returned; also a return of the number of Bills sent back from the House of Commons to the House of Lords, which had not yet received the Royal Assent. Mr. WILKS thought it better to postpone the motion altogether, as it was impossible, in his opinion, to adopt any proceeding at the present moment. Mr. BARING said there could be no objection to them up to a certain period, as the returns were already pre pared.—Agreed to.. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. On the motion of Mr. BARING, it was agreed that the House, at its rising, should adjourn till Monday. Mr. HINDLEY presented a petition from a person of the name of John Wright, of Olaam, in favour of the Ten Hours Factory Bill. The Hon. Member also presented a petition, signed by 3,000 female operatives of Stockport, praying for a Ten Hours Bill. He also presented 26 petitions with a similar prayer from various parts of the country. He hoped that no time 'would be lost in the en suing session in the introduction of such a measure, and passing it into a law. NAVY LIST. Sir E. CODRINGTON presented a petition with re ference to the motion of which he had given notice from Mr. Ronayne Milner, who complained that his name THE 'SUN, 4401•11)0\l, SA' had been erased from the Navy List, and praying that means should be afforded him of proving the injustice of the punishment inflicted upon him. The Hon. and Gal lant Admiral presented petitions to the same effect from Lieutenants Lee and Bryant. Mr. C. WOOD was happy to inform the Hon. and Gal lant Admiral, and the House, that circumstances had been brought to the knowledge of the Admiralty which satisfied them that the charges made against Lieut. Bryant were wholly without foundation. As a matter of course, Mr. Bryant's name would be restored to the list.—(Hear.) Sir E. CODRINGTON said that this c:rcumstance showed the propriety of the parties being brought face to face.—(Hear, hear.) TROUTBECK'S ESTATE. Mr. WAKLEY presented a petition from an individual of the name of William H. Troutbeck, praying, if the House appointed a Committee to inquire into the fact of who was the next of kin to Samuel Troutbeck, that he might be heard by Counsel to establish his claim, of which he had no doubt but the would be able to produce sufficient proof. TREASURER OF THE NAVY. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, before the House went into Committee of Supply, wished to ask a question of the Go vernment. Towards the end of last Session cer tain resolutions had been come to, for the purpose of consolidating the offices of Treasurer of the Navy, Paymaster of the Army, and Master of the Ordnance. They had now arrived at the last day of Supply, and he had seen the Navy and Army Estimates, in which all pro visions for these offices was omitted ; and what he wished, therefore, to ask was, whether those regulations were pre• pared, whether any estimate was to be submitted to the House, whether the money had been paid on the sth of July, and if paid, out of what fund ? Mr. BARING, who was very indistinctly heard, said that the resolutions to which the Right Hon. Baronet referred, required very great consideration ; but he believed they were in such a state of preparation as would enable them to be shortly submitted to the House. With respect to the payment of the salaries it was quite true that in accordance with the resolutions they bad been suspended, but as under the circumstances these resolutions had not been carried into effect, the proper course would be to submit a separate vote for the payment of those salaries. Sir J. GRAHAM thought it would be very irregular to pay money without a regular vote of that House ; at the same time be must say that the postponement of these salaries would be a monstrous proceeding when it was no fault of the parties. He regretted that these regulations had not beed laid upon the table, and he would add that he should be sorry to see the office of Treasurer of the Navy abolished, as it had been in his opinion an ex tremely well-conducted one. CORPORATE PROPERTY (IRELAND). The report of the Committee on the Corporate Property (Ireland) Bill was further considered. TEXAS. The Order of the Day for the House going into a Com mittee of Supply having been read, Mr. B. HOY rose to move an address to the King re specting the trade in slaves in the Texas. If the House favoured him with its attention, he promised that he would not detain them long. The question was a very important one to this country, as we had there property to the amount of not less than seventy millions of dollars. The Texas had already been dissevered from Mexico, and might fall along with the islands of Porto Rico into . the bands of the United States. Ile had before asked whether the Texas would not be bound by the treaties into which she entered, when forming part of the Mexican territory, relative to the slave trade ; and the Noble Lord (Palmerston) then an swered, that if the Texas remained after the conclu sion of the war part of Meiico, she would be bound by the treaties entered into with this country at that time. But he had the opinion of the Noble Lord on another point to quote as a precedent in this case. The Noble Lord, in answer to a question from him had stated that Holland was bound by all the treaties made by her when joined to Bel gium, after the separation of the two countries. The war going on then was not a war of independence or for.liberty—it was a war for slavery, and the Texas had been most unjustly. assisted by the Southern States of the American UniOn. He should be able to prove all this, but he was anxious not to weary the House with long extracts ; he would, however, trouble them with a few. The Hon. Member then read several documents to show, that it was the intention of the Americans to take the part of the Texians, and by that means overpower the Mexicans. Now what, he would ask, was the object of that ? Why, an expectation on the part of America of the annexation of that State with the Union.—(Hear, hear.) The last State that joined itself with the Union did so on the basis of doing as it pleased in respect of slavery, and he had not any doubt if the Texiani and the Americans were united they would carry on the slave trade. The Noble Lord would perhaps tell him whether he had not within the last ten days had applications from the Mexican Govern ment, requesting the Government of this country to rem on strate with the American Government on its gross violation of treaties. The Hon. Member then read several extracts for the purpose of showing that the American Government was favourable to the Slave Trade. It would be for the country to consider whether, after the enormous sums they were expending, and had expended, in putting down the slave trade, and abolishing slavery, they were prepared to act. so as to render this expense wholly useless—to retreat from that position in which as a nation they had taken the lead in abolishing slavery—whether they were prepared to give up all those advantages, and that position, and to allow slavery to take a deep root, when they had the power and the right of interference and suppression. The annual expense to Great Britain for the abolition of slavery was for the settlement at Sierra Leone 40,69.51.—(Hear.) For the support of captured negroes 25,0001., and for the mixed Commissionsi 16,0001. There were also twelve vessels of war employed on the coast of Africa. The whole of the expenditure, including the interest of the money, would amount to a sum of 1,100,0001. per an num, calculating the interest at per cent. The way the Slave Trade was carried on was worthy of remark. A quantity of vessels left Cuba 'for the coast of Africa—the number of which had increased rapidly. In 1833 there were 30 vessels ; in 1834, there were 60 vessels, and in 1835 there were more than 80 vessels engaged from Cuba alone. The greater part of those slaves he had no doubt went to Texas ; and a calculation had been made that at least 13,000 slaves annually had been introduced either directly into Texas or into the immediate neighbourhood, which he considered to be a gross violation of the treaty with Mexico. If the Government of the United States got into possession of Mexico, there could be no doubt that America would establish great and important commercial power. She would then have the finest mercantile position in the world. There could be no doubt also that she would then get possession of mining districts, which would be of immense value—not less than 30,000,000 dollars being taken from one mine alone annually. Unless Mexico was assisted by this country, she would be weakened to that degree, that she would fall an easy prey to the ambition of the United States. He therefore called on the House to agree to an address to the Crown, praying his Majesty would take such measures as to him might seem proper for the fulfil ment of the existing treaty with Mexico. He would ask whether this country was not bound to remonstrate in a friendly manner.with the-United States? He would go further, and maintain that it was our duty to have bad a naval force to protect the Mexicans and prevent the aggressions on the part of the United States. The Americans, by debts, much exaggerated 'no doubt, had got the Floridas and the State of Louisiana ceded to them. As Spain was now getting largely into our debt, he did not see that we could do better than take possession of Cuba and Porto Rico. He would not trouble the House with any more extracts, for he thought he had made out a complete case for his motion, and he claimed the support of all who were sincere in their desire for the abolition of slavery. Mr. WARD seconded the motion. Hon. Members might not, perhaps, be aware of the great importance of Texas to the intercourse of this country with Mexico ; it had perhaps, one of the finest coasts in the world for commerce. The American Government had long fixed its eyes on Texas, and they had latterly poured a large population into that country, in order, if possible, to secure posses sion of it.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Finding, however, they were defeated in obtaining it by that means, they had tak en a d vantage o f t h e ate political disturbances in Mexico to endeavour, if possible, to obtain it. He referred to the report of the Committee. of foreign relations . of the United States, to show a desire on the part of the States to recognise the independence of Texas. There were two points to be considered in the discussion of this question. The first was of general importance— namely, whether it was advisable, considering the nature and extent of our foreign relations with Mexico, to allow the United States to extend their territories to the south by taking possession of Texas ; and another consideration was one of humanity, for he was sure that no person, who was acquainted with the evils and miseries of the slavery that existed in the southern States of the Union, could desire to inflict the same upon human beings, or allow the system to be extended to Texas. There was a great struggle going on in the United States between the slave-holding States and the non-slave-holding States. The parties were nearly balanced, but if the state of Texas was an nexed to the United States, the slave-holding States would be by far the most powerful. He could not help observing that the existence of Slavery was the most degad ing feature in the whole system of the United States. A message from the Lords here brought up the Marriage Bill, as amended by their Lordships. The amendments were ordered to be printed. Lord PALMERSTON would say, in the beginning of his observations, that he did not feel himself at liberty to UMDAY, AUGUST 6 1836. agree to the proposal for an address ; but he trusted that neither the Hon. Member (Mr. B. Hoy) nor the House would imagine that this was any proof that he did not feel the deep importance of the subject, or that the Government were not as much animated as the Hon. Member by a sincere desire to put an end to the evils to which mainly the address related. The observations that had been made by the Hon. Member opposite (Mr. Hoy) and his Hon. Friend behind him (Mr. Ward) divided themselves into two branches, the one relating to the political part of the question ; the other relating to the trade with slaves. With regard to the former, un doubtedly the possibility that the province of the State of Texes might be added to the United States of North America, would be a subject which ought seriously to engage the attention of the House and the Govern ment ; but he (Lord Palmerston) did not think the events which bad as yet occurred afforded any ground for thinking, there was at present any such probability of that kind as to call on the House to address the Crown, with reference to such a 'ilea= sure. The state of Texas at present was this, that a revolt having taken place in that province, the Mexi can army had been dispatched, for the purpose of putting that revolt down. But it would be premature to infer, from what had taken place, what would be the ulti mate issue of the civil war now going on in that pro vince. —(Hear, hear.) It was possible that the resis tance of the people of Texas might prevail against the authorities of Mexico, but the Government of Mexico was preparing, according to the latest advices, to make fresh efforts to reinforce their army ; and therefore the House was not then in a condition to infer from any thing that had passed what would be the probable result of the conflict ? —(Hear, hear.) As regarded the Government of the United States in this affair, there had, however, been much misapprehension in the minds of the Hon. Members. Al though it was true that, as had been stated, individuals in States bordering on the Texas had (riven assistance to the revolted population, vet, on the oth er hand, the Govern ment of the United States had, in the message to Congress at the beginning of the session, intimated their desire that there should be no interference in the affairs of Texas, and expressed its determination that the laws of the Union should be enforced. He (Lord Palmerston) had too high an opinion of the honour and good faith of the American Government not to believe that they would act up to their intention ; and he therefore thought that fresh circum stances must arise before the House would be justified in sending any address to his Majesty for a remonstrance with the United States. So much for the political consi derations involved in the question. He now came to that branch of the subject which related to the slave trade. It had been observed by the Honourable Gentleman that in the correspondence between the Governments and our agents abroad, which had been laid on the table of the House, nothing appeared bearing upon the trade in slaves supposed to exist in Texas. That was quite true, and the explanation of the circumstance was, that we had had no agent in Texas, and that he (Lord Palmerston) had heard only lately from the Minister at Mexico on the subject. Now it would certainly be an evil greatly to be deplored if, in the course of the civil war between Texas and Mexico, the slave trade should be re newed ; and should such an event take place, and should the House then be of opinion that the Government exhi bited an indifference to the subject, he (Lord Palmerston) would not be found opposing the just admonition which the Government would call down upon them. One of three results must come from the present struggle. Either the Mexicans !Lust conquer, and then the laws of that State would again apply to Texas ; or it would become an inde pendent State ; or it would be united with the North Am erican Union. With reference to the first, it was obvious that while the Mexican authority was still disputed in Texas the enforcement of their laws would be of no avail. In the second care, should the Texians establish their in dependence it would then be for Great Britain to enter into the necessary stipulations with them as a separate State, for the suppression and prevention of the Slave Trade. Should the third ease he had supposed be established—should Texas, in the progress of events, at a future and distant time, be come an integral portion of the United States—there would then certainly be some danger of the introduction of slaves into Texas. But the importation would certainly not be from the coast of Africa, or from our own West India islands ; it would only be from Cuba or other islands, simi larly situated in the West Indies. Now, as regarded Cuba, a negotiation was at present on foot with Spain, which he hoped would be productive of a beneficial result. Eng land had some years ago persuaded the Government of France to enter into a treaty by which was conceded a mutual right of search of vessels engaged in the colonial trade, which had been productive of the best; results. Be fore that treaty the slave trade was carried on under that flag to the most enormous extent ; but since then not a single ship had been detected under that flag engaged in that abominable traffic. Arrangements had also been lately entered into as a basis for a similar treaty with the Government of Spain in the expectation of attaining the same happy results ; but the unsettled state o f that coun try and its changes of Administrations had hitherto inter fered to prevent the completion of the treaty. He trusted, however, that the provisions of the treaty 'with France, when adopted and put into operation by Spain, would be found equall) effectual, and that then both the enormous slave trade of Cuba and the minor slabdivision of it which was carried into Texas, would be finally pu.t an end to. Great, however, as was the extent of the traffic carried on under the flags of France and Spain, the trade: sheltered by that of Portugal was still more active and extensive. Hardly a week passed that he did not receive reports, one more distressing than another, of violations of the rights of humanity, under the sanction of the authority of Portugal. He was, however, happy to state that a treaty like that en tered into with France and Spain had been prepared between this country and Portugal, and he expected before a few weeks had passed that it would be signed and in operation. The slave trade carried on under the flag ofWßrazil yet seemed to defy the attempts of European Povrers to suppress it ; but that Government had entered into an agreement and signed a consent for the adoption of two stipulations from which he expected considerable advantage to accrue to the cause of abolition. These were termed the " breaking up" and " equipment" articles, and provided that any ves sels detected in the act of fitting out for the African slave trade should be broken up on the coast, tend sold as old timber. When these two articles were brought into opera tion, England would have all the maritime flags in any way concerned in the slave traffic allied with her in enforcing its abolition.—(Hear.) But he went still further, and had entered into negotiations by which he hop ad to speedily attain the assent of Russia, Prussia, and A.ustria, also to the stipulatiOns of the treaty • already signed. between Eng land and France.—(Hear.) He proposed, exe the rising of Parliament, to bring in a short Bill to enablo. the Govern ment to complete the treaties they contemplated during the recess. He hoped to have some of those treaties ready soon after the recess ; but as they would require the sanc tion of Parliament to give them validity, lie would only propose in the present Bill to authorise their enactment for a limited time—say till early next session. —(Hear, hear.) In conclusion he trusted the Hon. Member would feel the propriety of withdrawing his motion. Mr. F. BUXTON heartily concurred in the soundness of the Noble Lord's policy. He felt that tkie insurrection of the Texians was the work of the slave-osvners. They only were interested. It was not a war of glory, of free dom, of territory, but engaged in and encouraged that the planters of the southern States of the Union might have a market for slaves through the agency of Brazil and Cuba. The sacrifices this country had made, and was ready to make, would be all undone if the North American slave-holders got possession of Texas. Mr. B. HOY would not press his motion, to a division. He had only brought it forward in consequence of the strong expression of public opinion which called for the interposition of the British Government. Mr. Hume, Sir F. Trench, Sir J. R. Reid, Mr. Ward, and Colonel Thompson, briefly spoke in approbation of the policy of the Noble Lord. Dr. LUSHINGTON said that the course this country ought to pursue towards Texas was already determined by treaties both with Mexico and the United States. He felt that if the slave-holders of the southern "United States attempted to import slaves from Cuba over land to Texas, the British Government would be fully justified by the spirit of their treaty in appealing to the Government of the United States to afford their practical suppo;rt to a princi ple which they could not abandon without the greatest dis grace to themselves. After a few words from Dr. BO WRINCr, who denied that there was virtue enough in the United States to op pose a union with the slave State of Texas, if it became in dependent, The motion was withdrawn. HALF-PAY OFFICERS. Sir E. CODRINGTON rose to move for a return of all officers, of whatever rank, who have been, deprived of their half-pay without their consent, or the investigation of a Court-martial, from 1790 up to the present period, with the alleged reasons for such deprivation ; also a return of any person whose half-pay has been restored to them sub sequently to such deprivation, with the allegeCi reasons for such restoration. Sir F. TRENCH stated his determination to oppose the motion. He would never consent to see the army go verned by the House of Commons.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. C. WOOD was decidedly opposed to such a mo tion, as it was calculated to injure the service moiterially. If the Hon. and Gallant Member thought that any particular individual in the list of the dismissed half-pay officers was really aggrieved let him bring the case before the House, and he (Mr. Wood) would undertake to give him every in formation the nature of the case admitted of.—(Hear.) Sir S. WH ALLEY hoped the Hon. Member would not press his motion. Mr. HUM supported the motion. Sir C. B. VERE objected to any attempt to place the army and navy more under the control of the House than at present. Admiral ADAM concurred with the Secretary of the Admiralty. Sir T. TROUBRIDGE objected to the motion. Sir E. CODRINGTON would withdraw the motion, with the intention of bringing it forward in a more confined shape, viz., merely a return of those cases wherein the par ties themselves were anxious to have it made. Mr. C. WOOD objected to the withdrawal of the mo tion, which was negatived accordingly. The SPEAKER then put the question, that he should then leave the Chair, upon which a discussion arose, Mr. Maclean and Mr. Walter both claiming to bring forward their motions, and the Speaker declaring that it would be out of order to do so. Mr. WALTER then made some observations on the disadvantages attending the emigration of females to Aus tralia, and expressed a hope that all further female emigra tion to that colony would be discouraged. Sir G. GREY complained of the inconvenience of bring ing on questions of this kind, contrary to the rules of the House, and would not, therefore, make one single observa tion in reply. _ . SPAIN. Mr. MACLEAN—My intention was to have submitted to the House a motion for a return of the number of men and marines now serving upon the coast of Spain, as well as the number of ships employed there, that we may know how far the treaty has been maintained or infringed in so doing, for the Government has thought proper to send out 600 or 700 marines in addition to those already on the sta tion, who, although nominally attached to the Castor, have all of them been acting on shore, which, of course, must entail a greater expense upon this country than if they had continued on board the vessel to which they are attached afloat, or if they had remained in garrison, as they have hitherto been, at Portsmouth. Upon this ground alone, therefore, there is a grievance to be remedied to which I am justly entitled to call the attention of the House previous to going into a Committee of Finance. Since the period at which I submitted a motion to the House on this subject, we have received much increased information relative to affairs in the northern parts of Spain, from which certainly it would appear that our intervention has exceeded the limits of the treaty, and has ended, too, in nothing but disappointment, both to this country, and to the parties more immediately engaged in it. Let us look fora moment at the stipulations on it.—(Cheers.) The original object of the treaty, I presume, was to eject Don Carlos from Portugal. What are now called the additional articles at that time had no existence. They were not added to the treaty until he had gone to Spain, and succeeded in taking up that, as it seems, impregnable position which has served him hitherto as a barrier, behind which lie has been able to bid defiance to the united armies of England and Spain. We stipulated in the additional articles, when they were added, that ours should siniply be a naval intervention, and it seems to have entailed upon this country an expense of an almost unlimited nature, for where are the limits ? We have increased our naval force on both sides of the Penin sula, and what at last is the object of this intervention ? It is to prevent any supplies from reaching Don Carlos from the sea, on the supposition that, but for our increased force, he might make himself master of some of the ports on this side of the Peninsula—the King of France on his part guaranteeing to prevent the transit of stores or ammunition by the passes of the Pyrenees. Notwithstand ing all this, I believe it is beyond a doubt that Don Carlos has received supplies from that source.—(Cheers.) Now, I put it to the House whether, having sent such a force as this, it is consistent with the terms of the treaty that they should be permitted to be used ashore, under the directions of General Evans, when they happen to be inoperative at sea? We might send out, if this is the case, under the name of naval assistance, every division of our marine force—the whole of the ten thousand men of that gallant corps might be nominally attached to a ten-gun brig, and landed, to be employed in defending the military entrench ments under the command of General Evans, or any other commanding officer of the Queen's troops, and the country may still be told that the men sent out in our steam-boats are under the command of Lord John Hay, assisting as a naval force, while in truth they are landed on the coast, and placed as a military force under the command of Lieut. Colonel Evans ; and England may be told that we are still acting under the terms of the treaty. It may be said that they are used strictly as a naval force ; but it is well known that they were present both at St. Sebastian and at Fon tarabia, acting as an infantry corps ; and what is to pre vent their being used in the same manner in an attack upon Durango, or any other place in the interior of the country ?—(Cheers.) Will the Noble Lord say that this is not a virtual infraction of the treaty, by which we are bound to succour the Queen of Spain by the interven tion of a simple naval force ? The Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia, together with the Kings of Naples and Holland, have not made themselves parties to any such proceeding ; they have not recognised the authority of Queen Isabella—they are not at war with Don Carlos. Is the King of Great Britain at war with him ?—(Cheers.) The question has been several times put in this House, and it has never yet been answered. You talk of the bloodthirsty decree of Durango, and no one can be more indignant at such an atrocity than myself; no language can convey the execration I would pour on such a fiendish declaration as that was.--(Cheers.) But who set him the example ? Who, but the allies of his Majesty the King of Great Britain, a circumstance which of itself would form a sufficient excuse to his Majesty's Government for with drawing from the unfortunate treaty into which we had entered. It was meant to be acted on by men of honour. —(Hear, hear, hear.) But, Sir, I was touching on a point relative to Russia and Prussia. They are not at war with the mountain Chief, but the Queen of Spain is. We are, as it has been said before, quasi belligerents, we are quasi at war—(Hear, hear)—but not according to the usual principle of belligerents. What is the meaning of all this mystery ? Are we prepared, as allies of the Queen of Spain, to tell Austria, Russia, and Holland, that they shall not trade with those ports which may be in the hands of Don Carlos ?—(Cheers.) Because, if we are not, in what position shall we be placed ? Our vessels which are sent to prevent supplies from reaching Don Carlos will be inefficient for the purpose, unless we are prepared to make a declara tion of war against those Powers, in case they attempt to enter into commercial relations with Don Carlos.—(Hear.) They have a right to enter into communication with the insurgents, if you like to call them so ; and what will be the conduct of Great Britain under these circumstances ? Suppose during the contest, which I believe to be unrivalled since the sanguinary but not more murderous contest of the Theban Brothers —suppose the Continental Powers who have not signed the treaty were to acknowledge Don Carlos, what line of policy is the Noble Lord prepared to pursue ? Every difficulty which may arise would have been avoided if we had never affixed the seal of Britain to the unfortunate document I have mentioned. Had we not intervened in this fiery struggle until we were called upon to do so by a position of affairs disgraceful to humanity, we might then have justified our interposition by a plea that would have been met by the applauses of civilized Europe. I remember, on a former occasion, I lis tened with great attention to the speech made by the Noble Lord, fraught with that courtesy and generous and gentle manlike urbanity which is the characteristic of the Noble Lord. He said we had interfered with Greece and Bel gium, and he asked us to contemplate the blessings we had poured on those countries.—( Hear, hear.) Is he satisfied, let me ask, with those we have showered upon Greece 2 (Cheers.) Have we not had a nation recently before us, which exhibited th e b an k rup t na t u re of its fi nanc i a l posi tion ?—(Hear, hear.) Are we content with the mode in which they have husbanded their pecuniary resources ? I will not enter into the question of Belgium, nor the feel ings I entertain of the efforts of the great Powers to stop the effusion of human blood. We stopped the murder ous career of Mahomet Ali. Ido not mean to say that your subsequent negotiations may not at any time ruin your previously sagacious and praiseworthy efforts. But look to the force of the Carlists ; are they now an obscure body of soldiers—a mere band of mountain insurgents. You have given them credit for personal bravery ; you have deemed them worthy of consideration by the evidence you yourselves have given of the efficiency of the attack, and the credit you claim from it. General Evans himself endeavoured to animate his own troops by the example of the enemy. Now, Sir, one word upon the reconnoissance en force, of which we have heard so much, before Ponta rabia.--(Hear, hear.) I own I know little of these military manoeuvres ; but this at least seems evident, that if it was a reconnoissance en force it was likewise a r e t rea t en f orce . —(A laugh.) Of that there is no dispute on any side. But assuredly it was a very close examin a ti on o f th e pl ace —(A laugh)—with, I imagine, the intention of taking it if possible. The General evinced great anxiety to make himself master of the town, and, not having done so, I must own is entitled to the credit of retreating in very sol dier-like order—with the sacrifice of some portion, it is true, of his men and his provisions. But why were we kept in a state of darkness as to whether his Majesty lost any of his troops in this affair?—(Hear, hear.) I have re ceived a communication from Behobia, in which the writer, a man of undoubted veracity and character, says that he was a witness of that scene, in conjunction with the French officers from Bayonne ; and he states, in emphatic language, that it nearly broke his heart to listen to the jeers with which that retreat was accompanied by those spectators. —( Hear, hear.) I regret to see that smile from a Gallant Member opposite. He, doubtless, knows from experience the rapture of victory—doubtless, he has never known the pain of .defeat.—(Cheers.) Now, what in truth has been the effect of this intervention ? We have poured out our blood and treasure—have they strengthened the cause of the Queen ? Has it not rather exhibited the real weak ness of her position. Have we not within these few days been informed that the advances of the Carlists have been so rapid as even to di squ i e t th e so lit u d es o f L a Granja What are you prepared to do ?—(Hear.) Will you send more marines ?—(Hear, hear.) Are they to act at a distance from the coast ? If so, where is the virtue of your treaty? —(Hear.) Now, let me allude to an order recently issued by General Evans, relating to the application of the punish ment of death to British subjects. There arc several ver sions of that document. But what. right is there vested rn General Evans to affix the penalty of death to any individua l serving with Don Carlos ? The Act of Parliament (the Foreign Enlistment Act) makes it a misdemeanor. Gene ral Evans makes it a capital offence—death, forsooth, maY+ if he pleases, be the penalty he chooses to dispense to those taken in arms ; but will he follow the atrocious example he so strongly deprecates in others ? Will he seize the sword of vengeance to perpetrate a deed of massacre on his fellow-countrymen in arms ?—(Cheers.) Surely there should have been some communication from the Govern ment of this country to that General, showing him that in this country we understand no such principle as he has pro• mulgated.—(Hear, hear.) If we refer to the history of the country, how stands the claim of Don Carlos? A 5 the law originally stood I own that the Queen migh t have succeeded to the Throne ; that was altered to the Salic law, which has been from that period th e rule of the monarchy. Ferdinand repealed that law on the persuasion of one who seldom pleaded in vain , the fair and fond partner of his Throne. But is there not, on the face of the transaction, something that is un fair to Don Carlos ? He conducted himself at Madrid as a faithful subject of his blether. He entered into no in trigue. He withdrew to Portugal. It is true he claims the Throne as the legitimate successor of the Bourbons, and he came into Biscay saying—" I am here not only as your Monarch, but as the vindicator of those invaluable and constitutional rights of which you are robbed by the decrees of the Queen's Government.e—( Hear, hear.) They combat, then, under such a leader with the fervour of men who have dear-born rights to vindicate of their own, as well as the hereditary privileges of the King that they adore.—( Hear.) Do you expect to drive him from his mountain fastnesses by your war-vessels and your marines' As an effective force it is ridiculous—(Hear, hear)—but; as it affects the moral greatness of this country, it is, fear, of no mean magnitude. You will combat withou t effect—you may be forced at last to withdraw with disho nour.—(Hear, hear.) We were told that Mendizabal Was to prove the miracle of prosperity ; he was to turn the PO tolus of Spain into the Royal Treasury ; the troops were t° be paid by the money of those who declined to be bellioe' rents ; an army of one hundr e d th ousan d men was to be raised, two-thirds of whom were to be an army of reserve. Where is it ?—(Hear, hear)—where is the boasted reple" ton of the Treasury ? Those who did not join the ea' scription were to be personified by a pecuniary represents' tion quite as agreeable perhaps in all probability as the eel' poral presence.—(A laugh.) But Mendizabal has vanished —the same breath that made him has unmade him, an d the same intrigue of the Camarillo which raised him t° that eminence laid his greatness prostrate by its influence. --- (Hear, hear.) Matters are more desperate at Madrid , than ever. But if Don Carlos comes to the Throne where will be your loans—where will be your security for the advances you have made under the treaty? Surely those persons, not only at home but abroad, who have embarked their money in the advances of those wars have a s trorg claim on your attention. If the Noble Lord will mak e advances to the Powers of Europe, he may then pursue a course which will throw the protection of their influenc e and our own over those import an t t ransac ti ons . Let the Noble Lord make an effort. If Don Carlos proceeds as he has hitherto done he may reach Madrid.—(Hea r ' hear.) How then, do you imagine, will he treat those who have supplied the instruments of war to those who 1 were the enemie s o f hi s Th rone , a l t h oug h i t may b e sai d in truth that, in administering those weapons to his foes, w a have in reality armed his followers—(Hear, hear) —for it is notorious that the musk e t s o f C ar li sm b ear t h e s ate' factory indication of British manufacture ?—(Hear, hear) You have strengthened his arm, and you have encum bered his enemies, your allies, by your a ss i s t ance . Thi s is Cl, done toe, for a Liberal Government--(Hear)—a Govern' ment which does not hesitate to transport your unoffendicg subjects in the dead of the night, without appeal, without an hearing, or a reason, to the frontiers of their country, h e i cause, forsooth, they use the privilege of Englishmen, an are imprudent enough to speak the truth of what they have witnessed in the capital. The Government is a liberal Go vernment—the Queen is a liberal Sovereign—the Minister s are paragons of liberality ; yet such is their conduct t o the subjects of their ally, the King of Great Britain.—(Cheers.) Mr. POULTER defended the conduct of the Govern' ment, and said that they were bound by the treaty that existed to do all in their power to put an end to the wa r ' and pacify Spain. If they failed to do this, the tre at y would be a mere nullity. He denied that D on Carl ° could be treated as King of Spain. He was nothing m i l than an invader, and sh ou ld b e so regarded. Much nu been said of the order of General Evans. That order teas a mere admonition or advice to those English subjects who, by joining the ranks of Don Carlos, were guilty of treason. There would be no doubt of the result of the contest were it not for the disgr ace f u l con d uc t o f G enera l C or d ova . l' A e hoped that most unga ll an t person wou ld b e soon di sm issed' Dr. BOWRING sa id no G overnment h a d b een yet established in Sp a i n th at h a d won t h e a ff ect i ons of the people. They were all, down to the Government of W it. dizabal, overthrown one after the other. *The elective principle must be extended. The late Minister of Spar s informed him that he represented only 17 persons. Mr. T. ATTWOOD said the insurrection might W e t been put down in any one month of the last four years; b i t the fact was, that Cordova or the other Spanish Genercr, did not wish to put it down. What they wa n t e d was Frac; intervention, and to play over again the same game that nra played in 1823. Mr. G. PRICE said he was most anxious that this question should be brought on before the prorogation ° e Parliament. It was one of the highest importance to th f people of England. He was taunted b e f ore w ith want of information on the affairs of Spain. He bad, bowel read her history most attentively, and dili gen tly watch% all the proceedings since 1812. No ma n f e lt more a nsin u d that the elements of a free Government should be foa ° o to exist there. That, however, was not the case. clergy did not desire a free Government, and the gent, were attached to their ancient instit u ti ons . Spain, I fact, possessed no elements of a c ons tit u ti ona l Gover : ment. They could not be forced a t once upon a people; they must grow up by slow d egrees . It was int,/ sible for him to forget the 24th o f J une l ast, w h en tbej ,, were told by the Nobl e L or d (P a l merston ) t h at Spain, w" the exception of on e p rov i nce, was qu i et, and. devoted to the Queen. The Noble Lord did not understand the al l ; ratter of the people of Spain when be signed the Quadrulle Treaty, or he never would have done so. It was said the people of the B asque prov i nces rose i n re b e lli on b e cau' r they ware deprived of their ancient privileges. Before O le those privileg es were t a k en away , t h ere were 50, 000 in e o in arms the moment they heard that Don Carlos was ef, eluded from th e Th rone . H e th an k e d G o d t h at a ll t he p ru e vinces of Sp a i n were now r i pe f or i nsurrect i on i n t h e cc us j of Don Carlos. Cabrera was active and enterprising,stib ailt while he mus t ex p ress h orror a t some o f hi s acts , a was but justice to say that th e y were p rovo k e d by 5 ,, more horrible atrocities. Gom ez b a d t raver sed tig Asturias unmolested and unopposed, and was now on l e . way to Gallicia, not meeting interruption from the pe o l i 3o There was no such thingway not a democracy in Sp a in. It a e not possible to look at Spain as it now stood, and not 0 ) 5 that the interference of England in its domestic conce r er had by no means added anythi ng t o th e na ti ona l c harac t , „ of the country. England—or the Government ra ther , had not pursued a bold, manly, straightforward line- -na ' r : it had not even acted with masculine vice.--(Hear, lj ea e and laughter.) They had sought to settle matters by t ! , force of m ora l influence ; but that of this count r y had s ti ll as so low since the Noble Lord opposite came into offic e not to be of any avail.—(Hear, and laughter.) Lord PALMERSTON sa id that th e d e b ate sa id sn rii ii ; thing of the d esu lt ar y c h arac ter attrib u t e d to th e War t o Spain ; because if the Carlists scampered from provin ce po province, as had been described, Hon. Members wer e less discursive in the various topics whi c h th ey t o uched e ° 6 . during its continuance. While Hon. M em b ers , how ev ar y were so employed, the Government sto o d w ith th e ir trea s oo empty, anxiously waiting for a supply.—(Laughter.2 ro e Hon. and Learned Gentleman contend e d th a t the tin i v il e v le ment had not complied with the spirit o f th e Qua ur ili- Treaty, but had gone beyond it by rend er i ng ass i s tance w- did out its limits. He had also contended that the treaty rd not expel Don Carlos from Spain': These assertions he ( m dri r Palmerston) denied altogether. The o bj ec t o f the QUO t he pleTreaty was the pacification of the Peninsula—that wal lo p fundamental basis of it. At the time it was concluded 1, a t Carlos was in Portugal, a n d it was on l y subsequentlY of he passed through England to the northern c provin ee ;in, Spain. The treaty did not o f course expe l h i m f ro m t he because he was not in it then ; but as the pacification n` h is country was its o bj ec t t h ere could b e no dou bt tha oty expulsion came within its true interpretation. The tx .ghat was to furnish the Queen with arms and ammunition. Go' had been done—no more. It was charged against t he oo el vernment by th e H on . an d L earne d M em b er that W or e had be en sent . I t was not t h e case. Arms, w hich w es t money's worth, h a d b een sen t, an d t h e d eman d for Pay e, had be en postpone d ; b ut w h en i t was sa id t h a t ball oes lion was sent to Sp a i n th e difference between 014 seer, and hard co i n h a d b een f org ett on . It was not, hr i c00 1( 1 though m o n e y' s wor th, th a t sor t o f ass i s t a nce whic`i.obeic t justify the H on . M em b er i n say i ng th a t if it were witleato the Government o f th e coun t r y wou ld h a ve been ena,",3tle relieve the p eo pl e o f o pp ress i ve t axes . The Hon. I :,, r i n eo man had urged the case of the employment of the 0:; 00 0 on the attention of the H ouse , b u t th e Hon. GeT o or had, by quoting the motto of that force, furnishe