The Sun. — London, England, 1838-11-30 00:00:00

.ir,R !.:(,)1Z1) I)ITRPAM CRANT (From th e Q uebec Gazette of October 31.) NOO FAREWELL DINNER TO THE GOVER " GE NERAL BY THE BRIGADE OF GU ARDS. of.SGiritjaradmses Macdon e ll an d t h e o ffi cers o f the two regiments yesterdav eeteraio d the Governor-General and fitteda te a' th, p t r.r ,etyr, of which way and u „ ver. erA r ki e•T Neiul:v t o ~c, ~ it:i miiit.:ry v,ce! Messrs"'ros Arnong the invited wore the Hon. c oi - Clark s and' An-thiir Buller, T. E M. Turton. C . Coop er , hi s Lord-hip's Aides-de-camp and Attaches ; Gor°nlythe, Esq. ; R. Routh, Commissary-g e n era l ; C o l one l .. a e, Col onel Eden, Dr. Skey, Captain Crawford, R. N. ; iri Ptain B s)field, R. N. ; C apta i n B a i nes, R . N . ; C apta i n R hl. p.N. ; Captain Hope, R. N. ; T. Duncnnrbe, Esq., ; Colonel Grey; G. B. Bushe, Esq. ; S. Derbyshire, ."'s.l_; and Captain Chester. w_sAlter the cloth was remov e d, " The health of the Queen" c4ll iproposed by Sir JAMES MACDONELL, who was in the:l ;i and which was drunk with enthusiasm. to n' JAMES MACDONELL said he rose to propose a toast inti atelY B,robi co nnected with t h e occas i on upon w hi c h t h ey were as 0, e a. It was the health of his Excellency the Governor ilh,teral, who had honoured the brigade of Guards by becom aa'd he ir guest that day.---( Applause.) He well recollected, trso be believed would many present. meeting the Noble od at the table of the Commander-in. Chief in England, i toid t tlY after he had accepted the appointment he at present fa % UPon that occasion his Excellency expressed his sa h tir god nn at the intention of the Government to send out a r - all i e n ° L f,Guard s to this province, and pledged himself to do oervie,...ll Power to render their sojourn agreeable, and their reci t ' i n every respect effective. That he had most amply nsed this pledge by the courteous hospitable intercom se to - 01 t aa.intained with them, and had omitted nothing that 'l_,annister to their wants or comforts, every officer in the ti e re would most readily and cordially testify. —( Applause.) th Noblee restrai n t i n a ll u di ng to ot h er p l e d ges g i ven b y Earl, with which, however, they were all ac flirted, , He would only say that the Noble Lord had as no , Y 1 " 11 ° as nobly redeemed those pledges also ; and he had that doubt , that final success would have crowned all his efforts, /haul his policy would have been in the end perfectly trium vah, if circumstances had not occurred to bring his endea pa-;:rs to an abrupt termination. He deeply regretted the s% i tt „ ati nn about to take place, as well on account of the pnb 1 1 ) 1 L -r i e sta as on account of that sincere regard for the No le -rt P e rsonally, which it was impossible for one who had been . n terms of confidence with him as he had been ever since i t s e a rjival in the country not to feel. He could not help feel in. I: 4 ° moment of . separation, and the circumstances of it. a nt [ en name, and in behalf of . the brigade. of Guards, he was a • ed t o tender his Lordship their hearty thanks for his nlfova, urbanity and attention to their wants and comforts, - f .` 43 assure him that their good wishes nrould follow him and . Pr B ; arriil 3 7 wherever they went, with heartfelt hopes for their Q T -13 e, ? iv and happiness. th The delivery of this speech was marked by the applause of ° Who I tilt[ to usi In t was addressed. The toast was drunk with J ames asro, and three times three hearty British cheers, Sir Th.,giiing the word. sided; . G°7 ""R`GENERAL, as soon as the applause had sub hint s , c 1.'4 to retur n t h an k s to hi s ga ll ant friend and the gal entertllPanY by whom he had th a t d a y the honour of being posed tuned, for t h e manner in which his health had been pro ftond a nd recei ve d . The compliments which his gallant act, band his sid e h ad been pleased to pay him were the more • Plable from the hesitation which had marked their delivery it I, l l i neing proof to him that they were from the heart. toed' indeed, pleasing to witness the perfect harmony and kitt understanding that had subsisted throughout between . the hi s p ar Y and civil services in this province during the period . of t ereV,, ver ntnent. No petty jealousies, no distinctions of in not °r differences of opinion had disturbed their course ; ta t . e "h service, flowing from ihe heads downwards through 't subordinate rank, had sought to promote the interests e n other as i f it had been its own.—( App l ause. ) ttitthis cordial co-operation between distinct branches 'ir e a ": a county must be well served ; and in a country t h he 8 7 ; ° ;: tanced as this was such a state of things between • I „„t,ary and civil departments was of vital importance. Ni e l - 1 1W take this opportunit% to contradict statements l Niel ° ad been made at home very shortly after his aria ~4 01 ; e , °l ,a difference of opinion having arisen between Sir t hat „'Nborne and himself. He begged distinctly to say bli to " more unfounded statement could not have been made . this subject. From the moment of his assuming in n'os t r e ' ll vi nee the r e i ns o f governmen t down to the present , w hen he was on the eve of resigning them into d il's of that distinguished individual, the most cor ta,„,.u..nderstandinai had subsisted between them. It ed had e trot c irculat e d i n England, w i t h w h at v i ew he n l 'sta io n T l ire, that so great was th e difference of opinion littl e r Sir John and himself, that it had be_c i o r m j e ohn had tilettior them to act in concert, and that S m Z r e,_ resigned the command .of the army. In the Zetn r i , ° lie manner he desired to contradict y this state aitd diffsrence of opinion had arisen between Im lit 1;7 nia Gallant and Illustrious Fi iend upon any onetop7 t i n atii n a unr eservedly imparted to him his views from the h b . and it was one source of sincere gratification to Likit o's/overnment had received the approbation of his Gal bad rite e nlightened Friend. He regretted that circumstances O tl i, - 1 to put an end to his connection with the brigade mitt "s in this province before he had yet the opportu- Nlii t i;n t e had anticipated of f u lly re d eem i ng t h e p l e d ge to 011, his Gallant Friend beside him had alluded. The fault p i l lot with him ; for it was by no act of his that this kt -Plit , inn had become necessary. His views . hadbeen t t e i ld to the paramount interest of the empire in the pre :l%7l,lla these important provinces d to the mother country. 1754 4 7. be always among the pro s u th e e st recollections of his British Guards had Zes t ; tad life that such a . body of did within the limits of his command . in this por k', °r...tzle British dominions. He had enjoyed o portunities 1 . 711 , %. , ' lily observing the finest troops of the co p ntinent of h d seen the Austrian army o occupation at ,'"ett h ie lt the Prussians at Berlin ; and the Russians at St. ,I°ll o ''''tg; but nowhere had he ever- seen a finer body of ZA D i..._ t a military corps in a higher state of discipline.. He had h itir aZ , e a o n f d ieeingbefore him his Gallant Friend Sir James many other distinguished heroes of the me- Sa llh erl i e.,field of Waterloo, a field whereon the Guards . had d 8 7 ti lt ,' ";saeir title to every ommendation that could be . assigne d ~4 4 - 2 ,.t ia a and lln leaving tnem behind him he had t7 ° .or' l ction to reflect that . he left them under the charge of • t heir most distinguished companions in arms, Sir John k i N a4B - "----( Applause.) No one could doubt that in his °llly would the military defences of the country . be si to ra toe 2 state of theutmost efficiency, but that the th. 4 41 P of the province would be administered with ‘t e.° Wisdom. Had his illustrious friend e been of opinion i5i49.11 retnaining in this province t e ould in any manner i p 4 d, e nd the cause of the coun ry he would have re ate Id would have been too happy to have acted in his tot i m e aPacity as a volunteer, if he had not thought thaticea re nder more service to the provinces in his p tat ail ender His object in coming to this determination -:°°, ntrib the utmost of his ability to the pro -1 !)' the titeto interests and honour of the Crown, and the g t ,„7e d v of his country.—( Much applause.) `ill °VI IRISOR-GENERAL then proposed hthe " Health of James Macdonell and the Brigade." Wherever J Ak his best services would be at their disposal. te N MACDOELI returned thanks. 1,401 1 11 8 %1t toast given 1; the Chairman was, " The health of 164 he volborne." ta "R aNOR-GENERAL said he could not permit this ili b l' s ss without taking the opportunity to declare the f ft t i "ttitt t i lla : he entertained of the character and services . o ki tk A hi, 45 friend whose health they were about to drink. lakmtaa e - ,,' he had received the most frank and enlightened 14ii;;',1 the arduous and responsible task he had unfdemr kottlfttaese Provinces. As lie had already stated,tintercourse kli aotj Liiih s :: ti t of his arrival the most confid . eniial , ii -ta ted between them. From his experie e h nc e e ne a fi n t d ` i sva rree lY given, he had derived the utmost him that se t 61,110 inconsiderable source of consolation , ti t i : l ll 4 eta leave behind hire a successor of allowh Li to tried abili the °ma tt h.to h lck nowledged worth. He could not 11 % 4 te' without declaring his exalted opinion of the talents ht 4tin gtaished friend,and the sinvere regard and affec ,oh'spilltoeieltesrtained for him.—( Much aplause.) I. l ll 4l na„, l 4 awg proposed " The Health of the Countess of s 'gri 1 ,..e Q O -4 the Ladies Lambton." NtlOdi t i:TtNoa-Gaistattat, promised to acquaint Lady Dur ,:. uaughters with the kind compliment . paid to them, t it's "e was sure they would fully appreciate. . Hill" ~.; ° t111 1, ; d was the next toast. It was drank with mill s_ 'N'on t i c ,* a sm and all the honours. 'tt i n 1414 .150 N roposed "Viscount Lambton." 't h e I IOh 44 " OI I:GE ' NERAL made suitable acknowledgments h. qe re 4 '4 4I4 mAN gave in succession the following toasts, Csiptdrunk with all the honours trn Pring and the Royal Navy." t4l)tainu'seY Vivian and the Ordnance." . kh ~, PRINGand Colonel KIRBY severally return ed Rtu lo n tlk e, k ; •. (117 1) proposed " The Duke of Wel runk wi t h t h e utmost ent h u siasm. • p` m oopea nt. Col one l CLIVE, w i th t h e perm i ss i on o f the na t i n s ed " Th e h ea lth o f C o l o nel Grey." %Nu, "'silty madesuitable repV. tiolt7tot44ll, .H. p, , , a LTSTER gave d. The health of Mr. % tile %Ile° MBE would avail himself of the opportunity to oa it ' . nsa. ll ,6 ° !aaTe due to the services of his Excellency the "era] who was so soon aboi3 to return to Eng (A A tl4:"' all he had heard and seen, he was of opinion that tl)Platislrli'tration would long be remembered in Canada.—gtadle. ° "e) s • t• lity and humanity atiat . ong as justice, impar ia , t 'tiles honoured in these parts, so lona. wou,cl the I,llt,illtle'rt deserve to be remembered with admiration and t 11, 0'ei liri rvEltN °R-GENErcat, rose to propose the last toast of ,h t r g "ak; ; The health of Sir James Maedonell. FS, MACDONELL returned thanks. The encomiums d 4 .4 41 11 , () it - r -Irn by the Noble Earl he did not deserve. He had L am eie than his duty. He saw that the mother country ." I° govern these a man of supreme talent s i tio colonies °l' b a de - ° ene rgy —(Applause)—that the selection had Ineet a crisis of no ordinary nature , and r. how „ Itttt ..414tbivslta.te for one moment to give that Noble k..a 1 all ass,'stance in his power to share with bun_ any 4 °llo l lbe t tt Y that might andsy attach to any acts which in i lk) . l ;e 4l . t ° 1 4 1:: i l lek'grnent o conscience he believed to be es l'lnatlgtatioB !ale% Yof the province ?—( Applause.) He had Ot td aO t i h „in de Glaring that he entirely concurred in all_ the s ete r° "°Y of the Noble Earl with regard to the affairs It .e°lonie I Past • • ulldnigiit when the party broke up. EitSAICY OF - ps! - .lr RE \fOLUTiON. (Concluded from The Sun of yesterday.) Mr. N. DEGBOWSKI—In effect, were I to circumscribe myself here to say that Poland, since the 13th century, sustained and reputed 91 invasions of the Tartars, who rudted forth on Europe, pillaging and burning cities and villages. slaughtering without distinction of sex or age, and carrying off with them thousands of captives ; were I to say that almost as many Turkish invasions were repelled by the sabre of Poland ; were I to recal to your minds the most famous of these invasions, the one which reached to the gates of Vienna, and the most celebrated vic tory of our ancestors who chased those invaders away. Were I to state that during three centuries the breasts of the Poles have received all those strokes which Russian despotism intended for Europe in general, you might well reply, " We know all that, and therefore do we testify for you so much sympathy." Were I to tell you, in fine, that Poland, the victim of self-sacrifice, now suffers all the tor tures which barbarity can invent, and which the human heart almost refuses to believe—were I to state that her territory has been divided, her religion and her language have been proscribed, her schools and universities destroyed or shut up—that her inhabitants are transported by thousands, like cattle, to Asia, and their places filled up by barbarian hordes—were I to say that the dearest affections to the human heart have been violated in the most brutal manner, you might well reply, " We see that such is the case, and therefore do we pity Poland." But were I now to exclaim, " Assist, then Poland to reconquer her independence," would you not ask, " In what new manner is our assistance required. Shall we implore our Sovereign and her Minis ters to intercede in their turn with the Sovereign and Mi nisters of the north, in order to effect the independence of Poland ! And should their entreaties prove unavailing, is it requisite that our Cabinet should adopt the menaces, and even, in case of need, war itself !" Let us reply, brothers in exile—let us reply frankly, that we do not demand di plematic notes, or fleets, or troops—that we ask not any protection, for the history of every people and of every century, can attest that protection means dependence ; and he who wishes to have his country dependent is a Pole only by name.—(Loud cheers.) As for us, we demand to have an independent Poland, or no Poland at all.—(Re newed cheers.) A sick man, who has not sufficient strength to raise himself, has not enough to walk by himself. If you raise him up you must uphold him in every step he makes. A nation similarly circumstanced, is no longer a nation ; it may be well compared to the sick man, who must be supported after having been lifted up. But, as suredly, such is not the case with Poland, which possesses an extensive and fertile territory, and which can sustain war during five years without fearing a famine. Poland possesses also in her innumerable rivers, lakes, and forests, so many safe-guards, so many fortresses, as it were, by means of which she may advantageously dispute every step with her enemies. The Polish nation is a people of 33,000,000, attached above all things to their indepen dence, and always ready for every sacrifice ; a people, in fine, of whom every citizen becomes a good soldier when ever his country calls him forth. And has such a nation need of foreign soldiers to reconquer her independence, ,vhen, by summoning to her aid only one-fiftieth man in her population, only one young man from among ten families, she will possess an army of 600,000 national soldiers, every one of whom, when fighting for liberty, will vanquish two slaves that oppose him ? Will such a nation require foreignets to (0 ne and draw forth her sword or to thrust her lance ? We answer a thousand times, no ; and shoulda Pole state that such assistance is needed by Poland, reply to him, that he knows not his own country. Poland certainly stands more or less in need of many things, in order to raise h erse lf w i t h t h e necessary f orce ; but those wants pro ceed by no means from natural weakness, but from her present position. She is impoverished to the last degree ; her invaders having ruined her agriculture and her com merce ; all classes of society have fallen, in comparison with their former position, into the lowest misery ; and this state of affairs must be necessarily unfavourable to war. Besides, Poland is morally disarmed ; there is not even a single manufactory of arms or ammunition in the country, or a single arsenal ; hunting weapons are prohibited, and even the number of scythes and hatchets which is allowed in any village, is limited by order of the persecutors of Po land. There remains nought to her sons but their hands and their courage ; but those are the prin cipal things. More than once have the Poles proved that they know how to arm themselves for the fight, with the weapons even of the enemy. And you see before you, in the person of our General Dwernicki, a man who never fought a battle without bringing to us Russian cannons, sometimes by dozens, and who acquired among us the surname of " Provider of Arms."—(Cheers.) The fact is, that we want now a truly national Government, a Government to understand our position, to know our wants, and. to employ our resources.—(Cheers.) If such he the case in a nation in the enjoyment of peace and pros perity, why should it not be so in Poland, which has yet every thing to re-conquer ? If it be the Government which is the only thing we need to-day in order to raise ourselves again, and in order to become again an independent and happy nation, what have we to demand from foreign coun tries ? What nation could even pretend to the power of giving Poland a better Government than we could give ourselves ? Moreover, which is the foreign Cabinet, and who is the foreign Minister, that could assume this strange pretension ? It will not be thought, I trust, that these are only my own individual opinions and sentiments which I am now developing ; quite on the contrary, for what I have now the honour to state here is also proclaimed by the Polish nation. The large body of proscribed Poles ex press, too, the same by their acts during the eight years they have been in exile. lam here only as the faithful narrator of what I hear, and what all around me may also hear. Turn your eyes towards Poland, and what see you there? A vast field of cruelties and refined torture, which force you at last to turn away in horror from the san guinary spectacle ? What do you hear there ? The cries of children who are snatched from their mother's arms, the shrieks of the mothers themselves, the groans of young men who are tortured to death, the deep sighs of the old, who are forced to behold this degradation of their country ; the cries of despair from the poor peasant, from whom every vestige of nationality is rudely snatched, even to his dress, and who is converted thereby into a Russian ; the clinking of the chains which are borne by Polish patriots, and the clashing of the arms of the slaves who guard them—except all this there is nought but the silence of the tomb, in terrupted only at intervals by the rumour of the dis covery of a fresh conspiracy, and of the application of fresh tortures to the victims. Should you desire to know what passes within the soul of this nation—within the hearts of her people, you can only learn it by those conspi racies which are discovered from time to time ; for they certainly do not prove that Poland has become habituated to her chains ; they testify, on the contrary, that there is in Poland a subterraneous work, as it were, a work of reflection and preparation of which her past expe rience has shown the necessity. But turn your looks there, where her intimate thoughts become more visible. Behold those thousands of proscribed patriots, whose words and actions are free, thanks to the laws of the country where they live. Ask what they have been doing, what they have been seeking, during their eight years of exile. Numerous political associations, formed and reformed amongst them, continual meetings,uninterrupted correspond ence, important discussions, addresses, manifestoes, and pub lic protestations, with forty journals in the Polish language, a number of pamphlets and other publications, in other lan guages, established by the exiles at the sacrifice, I may say, of all they possess, are indications more than sufficient of the labours of the emigrants, and of the direction which they have taken.—( Hear, hear.) It would be certainly desirable that we had among us Poles no subject to dis cuss, no question to be settled, and that we had all our prin ciples and plans agreed on, and our men ready to put them into execution. But if all this could he truly said,all this truly done, there would not be a single Pole in this room! The refugees would have re-visited before this time the plains of their native land ; and this anniversary of our revolu tion would be celebrated, not with speeches, but with a roar of cannon. Let it not be supposed, however, that there is nothing decided on by the Polish exiles ; on the contrary, we are well convinced, and that unanimously, with only a few exceptions, that to wish to shake off foreign yoke and to reconquer the independence of the country by maintaining the unjust dependence of one class of citizens on the other—by upholding the servitude, ignorance, and misery of the people alongside the opulence and privileges of the Grandees, is not to wish for the good of one's country, but for one's own good, and is not to be a Pole, but a miserable egotist. It is to be a despicable politician to wish to separate the interests of the vast majority from the common interests of the nation.—(Great applause.) We are also well convinced, and here in particular I beg to invite the attention of this meeting, we are well convinced, and unanimously so, that a party, that a body of men who have during their whole lives, and even at the time of oor last revolution, and also in exile, obstinately deceived and injured their country by their selfishness, aris tocratic principles, and love of exclusive privileges—that a a p n a r d t y h , e t r ha s t e emsen intow h o e h x a i ivee, never Po rd shall a Poland into thoseto t t h o e w to h m om b, we will entrust the task of resuscitating our country, and of gathering us to its defence ; never shall Poland trust such a man as the Prince Czartoryski, formerly Prime Mi nister and friend of the Emperor Alexander ; for this is the same Czartoryski who, in 1812, when the national ar mies with the French were marching towards Moscow, con spired with the Cabinet of St. Pctersburgh, and paralyzed in Lithuania the insurrection in favour of Poland ; this is the man who, in 1815, collected signatures among his fel low Aristocrats in order to detnand the incorporation of Poland with Russia, and came with those signatures to the of Vienne, for the purpose of opposing the effort, of Lord Castle] eag4, who demanded the independence n' Poland. This Czartoryski is the man who, in 1825, when the Russians broke out into rebellion in St. Petersburgh, prevented" by his influence the insurrection from bursting out in Poland ; who, in 1830, when the revolution took place in Warsaw, signed a proclama tion against it in the name of the Emperor, and :denomi nated it " a fatal event ;" who afterwards undertook to direct when he could not Crush it, but who paralysed and destroyed it, as he has himself confessed in a letter to the French Ministry, which letter, afterwards cited in the Chamber of Deputies, is well known to all the Polish emi grants. This Czartoryski is the man who, in fine, does all in his power to disperse and annihilate the Polish exiles, whose principles "and patriotism he detests.--(Great ap plause and slight hissing.) Neither should any confidence be given to this Czartoryski's nephew, the Count Zamoyski, the aide-de-camp and confidant of that executioner of Po land, the Grand Duke Constantine ; for this Zamoyski, when the revolution broke out in Warsaw, exposed his life, not in aiding it, but in attempting to crush it, running dar ing the whole night either to the Graad Duke, who was encamped with his troops outside the city, or to the Coun cil of Ministers within it, inventing always new expedients, encouraging the authorities, disarming the people, dis tributing the Proclarnatioes of the Emperor's Minis. ters, and playing, under thee circumstances, the part of the most zealous supporter of tyranny. Neither shall the confidence of Poland be given to this Czar toryski's friend, the Russian Colonel Chrzanowski, who, on the approach of the enemy under the walls of Warsaw, prohibited the inhabitants, under pain of death, to run to arms, paralyzed the defence, surrendered the capital in conjunction with the traitor Krukowieki, received the enemies with open arms, tore off his epaulettes of General ,vith which the revolution had honoured him, and put on his former uniform of a Russian Colonel—this is the man who three years afterwards came to Paris with a Russian passport in order to join the Prince Czartoryski, and to be presented by him in the quality of a Polish exile to the English Government, which sent him with a political mis sion to Constantinople and Persia, where he is serving now, Heaven knows what cause.—(Hear.) No, none of these men, and none of their vile supporters, shall obtain the con fidence of Poland, or receive from her the mission of pre siding over her deliverance. I have directed your particular ;Attention to this point, because in it there is an important piece of information for our foreign friends, who may possibly be deceived by appearances, and mistake the marks of past confidence for those of future confidence. We agree on principles ; it only remains for us, therefore, to make choice of the men who may represent us the best, and to separate the good from the bad—that is to say, those men who have democracy and the love of the people only on their lips from those who have both really in their hearts. We are not far, believe me, from that happy moment wherein we can make this choice of our men, and confirm by our acts the principles which we proclaim to-day.— ( Hear, hear.) We have thus announced what we are, and in what way we regard our cause ; and it is only after having developed them here that I can now refer to an ac cusation which was made against us even in this room two years ago, but which is present to our memory as if it were made just now, precisely because it was uttered by an English Radical. We were then briefly told that we were all aristocrats, and wished to maintain slavery among the Polish people as well as the privileges of the nobles. Let us, then, say frankly that there have been, to our misfor tune, and are still, aristocrats in Poland, who have always held the helm of affairs, and that there exists among the people, if not in name, at all events in reality, an oppres sive state of servitude, and that it is precisely for this reason Poland is to-day in its tomb, and we are in exile.--(Cries of "Hear, hear.") Let us state, tea), frankly that it was not Russia, Prussia, and Austria which killed Poland, but that it was the Polish aristocracy, who leagued themselves with these three Courts ; let us avow also that the aristocracy is the greatest obstacle to the emancipation of our country, and that it will be more difficult to check the intrigues and cabals of the Polish aristocrats than to conquer the Muscovite troops.—(Hear.) But shall it therefore be said that every Pole is an aristo crat, and consequently that there is not one just, one honest man in Poland ?. No, the Aristocrats, though they held the direction of affairs, were in Poland, as they are in every other country, only a small minority of the nation. And if, unfortunately, it is true that there is some aristo crats among us in exile, they form also a very small mino rity—a minority, in fact, so imperceptible, that nut of 300 Polish exiles now in this room, not one, probably, is a par tisan of that aristocratic clique which sacrificed our last revolution to the interests of their caste.--( Applause.) We desire to have not. only national freedom, hut freedom for all ; not only liberty, but, also equality ; we de sire, too, in Poland, that which appears to be dis pensed with in other countries—( Hear)—namely, the agrarian law, the division of the land of the grandees among the peasantry who have tilled it for centuries with ' out any recompense.—( Hear, hear.) We are democrats, and we are republicans ; not by name only—not for some external forms of social organization, for some insufficient ameliorations, but in the vast and complete acceptation of the word.—( Applause.) And we are democrats and repub licans only through long and conscientious reflection, through a love of justice, and even through a conviction based on the history of our past falls, that it is only a republic with its benefits that can arouse all the Polish people to arms, and restore to us our independence. M. Degbowski was loudly cheered for some time after he resumed his seat. Mr. SHERIDAN moved the following resolution :—" That on this, the eighth anniversary of the Polish revolution of the 29th of November, 1830, experience of the past and ap prehension of the future impel this meeting to declare, not alone it's vivid sense of the wrongs which provoked, the chi valry that adorned, and the brilliant hopes of national happi n-ss and popular freedom that were blighted by the issue of that righteous and hallowed struggle, but also its so lemn and deliberate conviction that the spirit of savage cruelty towards Poland, of aggression upon the rights and possessions of other countries, and of general hostility to tha promulgation of liberal principles, since manifested by the Court of St. Petersburgh, has necessarily and intimately identified the Polish cause with the cause of universal jus tice, freedom, and civilization ; and that the entire re-esta b:ishment of ancient Poland, as an integral and free nation, is essentially necessary to the preservation and development of the arts and liberties, peace and happiness of Europe, including the Muscovite people themselves, the now en slaved and infatuated instruments of the guilt and ambition of their rulers." Mr. G. A. YOUNG—My Lord, Ladies, and Gentlemen —There is no man, however high his station—however gifted with talent—however endowed with those attributes which enable a man to excel his fellow-men, who would not add lustre to that station, who would not increase the general estimation in which he is held, by being called upon, at such a meeting as the present, to advocate the cause of Poland. Conscious that I possess none of these advantages, I feel that I have been requested by the Po lish Committee to second this motion, rather because they know that, in conjunction with Lord Stuart and other friends whom I see around me, I have for some years laboured sincerely and zealously in that cause, than on account of any ability I possess to do it justice. But if any circumstance could reconcile me to the position in which I find myself, it is the fact that I concur with your Noble Chairman in the necessity of treating this subject as a great national question ; I deplore the intro duction of mere party and sectarian views and opinions. I am bound, however, as an English Liberal to state, tha I believe the cause of Poland to be intimately associated with the progress of liberty and social advancement in Europe, and after the observations we have heard on what is termed the Polish " aristocracy," I also feel bound to state the grounds on which that belief rests, for the terms " aristocracy" and " nobles," as we understand them in England, are totally different from the sense in which alone these words can be correctly used in Poland. The power and the privileges of the English aristocracy rcst on two or three well known and intelligible principles. Strip them of the right of primogeniture, abolish hereditary titles, and deprive them of the right of entailing their property, and a generation would scarcely pass away without witnessing the destruction of our aristocracy. Did the Polish " nobility" enjoy these privileges ? I quote the ir own historians and jurists as my authority, when I tell you (and if I am in error some Polish gentleman will, 1 trust, correct me) that primogeniture was unknown—that here ditary titles were unknown—that by the law of Poland pro perty that descended was equally divided. Nay, more ; it is an historical fact, that in the sixteenth century these nobles amounted to one million—that the feudal insti tutions of Western Europ e never obtained a footing amongst the Slavonic populations—that the words " no bilis" and " miles" were synonymous, while many of them cultivated the soil with their own hands. With what propriety then can the English word " aristocracy" be used to describe this class ? The defects of the Polish Constitution were numerous, but the misfortunes of that country may be ascribed with much more truth to the fatal privilege of the liberum veto, in the Diet, and to the election of their kings, than to the privileges of their " no bility," who bore a much stronger resemblance to the elec tors of our constituencies than to our aristocracy. Is it true, moreover, that the Poles made no efforts to abolish serfage? ou r own In o u t n he tr y o regulatin g f Henry this VI I. specieslaw s o were r passed in servitude, and it was not till the 'reign of Elizabeth that the distinction b e t ween villain and freeman was entirely a bolished ; but in the fourteenth century a Polish King (Cassimir) obtained the title of " Ki ng of the Peasants , " for his efforts to improve thei r cond i t i on, and the Di et wider his reign enacted, " that every peasant ill-treate d b y his master, might sell his propert y an d w i thdraw h i mse lf to THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 30, 1838. whatsoever place he thought proper." That the progress of Reform was afterwards arrested by foreign invasion and internal dissensions,ll freely admit ; but the Constitution of 1791 must, ever remain as an imperishable monument of the spontaneous efforts of the Poles to improve their institutions. Of this Constitution Charles Fox declared that it was " a work in which every friend to reasonable liberty must be sincerely,interested," and, in his own glowing language, Edmund Burke said, that " humanity must, glory and rejoice, when it considers the change in Poland." Again, in 1807, when Napoleon created the Duchy of Warsaw, and gave it a Constitution suited to the wants and wishes of the people, the 4th Article was in the following words :—" Serfage is abo lished. All citizens are equal in the eye of the law. The rights of persons are placed under the protection of the public tribunals." It is not to be supposed that the par ties assembled at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, would force upon Poland a Constitution more liberal than they themselves required ; yet in that Constitution—as aristo cratic as could possibly be made—the personal liberty of the subject was guaranteed—the courts of justice were made independent of the Czar—and an Elective Diet was intro duced. By some it is nevertheless asserted, that the mild, impartial, and benignant sway of the Czar would he preferable to the restoration of Poland, unless a cf)tnparatively few emigrants in France and England, who profes s an unbounded admiration of equal rights, be per mitted to dictate to twenty millions of their fellow-country men in Poland, who can by no possibility be parties to the arrangements—the precise form of Government which, in the opinion of a few, is best adapted to the customs, the manners, and the wishes of the many. Beware, I say, of those who give such advice, for it Is precisely that which every reasonable man would ex. pact to emanate from the Russian Chancellerie, and it would be extraordinary indeed if that cunning diplomacy, which successfully acts the part of a Carbonaro in Italy and an Absolutist in Spain, did not in some unknown sliape make its appearance at such a meeting as the present. And now, Gentlemen, what is this Russian Power? Its northern boundary stretches to the Pole ; its southern provinces rest upon the Euxine Sea ; in the west, when its armed battalions were assembled at Tceplitz, they were nearer to Paris .than to Petersburgh, the capital of their own country ; and its gathering cohorts in the east I even now press upon the northern bouticlaries of our Indian empire. Would you enquire of its internal policy ? Go count the Polish victims in the mines of Siberia—the Rus s:an captives which the jealousy of despotism has consigned to the same destiny. By a refinement upon tyranny, this power has even established military colonies, where people are not only slaves themselves, but are trained up to be the means of inflicting slavery upon others. Here all the kindlier links which bind man to man are rudely rent asunder—paternal affection and filial love are stifled, as feelings opposed to a eystem which seeks to root out all the nobler attributes of humanity—the " strong muscle and the pliant will" are sedulously cultivated, " ignorance is cherished, and knowledge denounced as treasonable, to the Czar." In her foreign policy this Government is aggressive and encroaching in every direction. In the words of an eloquent writer, her " shadow lights before the substance of her power is felt—the light fall of the footsteps of tyranny awake no echo—the chains she carries do not clank ; but, where she comes it is to abide." And has she not come, and has she not abode in unhappy Poland ? Bear. Witness the mas sacre of the Ukraine, where a Pole, a minister of religion, and a dog, wer e suspen d e d on the same gib b et, with the inscription, " They are all one !"—where cruelties were perpetrated which even the madness of the French Revo lution cannot parallel. Bear witness the massacre of Praga, .ind the helpless Polish women and children consigned to the sword by the brutal Suwarrow. Bear witness, in our own times, the Polish maidens dragged from their honoured homes, over the murdered bodies of their friends and rela tions, and consigned to all the pollutions of a Russian camp. There is a hope, however, that these atrocities shall be brought to a close. The British drum is heard in our far distant Indian camp. The Red-cross of St. George floats on the Banks of the Indus, and in every fold of the gallant old flag that for a thousand years— " Has braved the battle and the breeze" is inscribed, Defiance to the Russian Despot—Peace, iz aim), and commercial prosperity to the nations of Cen tral Asia. And shall not the Circassian hear of this on native mountains, and his arm be nerved for new trials and future conquests? Will not the British sailor, who saw the flag of his country trampled upon on board t.L! Vixen, believe that the time has at last arrived when Cie honour and the material interests of the country shall both be vindicated ? Above all, will not these glad tidings convey hope and consolation to the Pole, and will not the g:.nius of his country call aloud to her sons, that the day and the hour hare at length arrived when Poland must be raised from the tomb. In the mean time, it is at such nt,:etings as the present, where we may testify our respect or the brave men who have sacrificed everything for the sahc• of their native land. We have around us those who ari covered with honourable wounds received in defence of national and European freedom, and with all the respect due to patriotism in exile and•virtue in misfortune, let us hail them as the true representatives of Polish nationality, for— What constitutes a state ? Not high rais'd battlement or labour'd mound, Thick wall or moated gate ; Not cities proud with spires and turrets crown'd ; Not bays and broad-arm 'd ports, Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride; Not starr'd and spangled Courts, Where low-brovv'd baseness wafts perfume to pride. NO:—Men, high-minded men, With powers as far above dull brutes endued In forest, brake, or den, As beasts excel cold rocks and brambles rude ; Men, who their duties know, But know their rights, and knowing, dare maintain. The Hon. Gentleman was loudly cheered throughout, and at the c onclusion of his speech. M. KoZMIAN, a Polish refugee, next addressed the following observations to the meeting :—I rise to ex press m y concurrence in the opinions 'of my friend, Mr. Young. I thank him for the vindication of the Poli s h nam e , of Polish history, from unjust aspersions. But abov e all, I beg to return him my sincere thanks for the lesson he has given us. If; indeed, we call upon Englishmen to sink their party animosities, whenever Po land is in question, and to rally, one and all, round the stan dard that w ofoureare u faith and our liberty , we ty are ,weo regugshtttogle show as oneowthem mass—for the attainment of our sacred purpose.—(Cheers.) I am a democrat ; I hate aristocracy as much as my coun tryman sof far r h a o s s t p o o kgie, give e w fo a r y e m to e ; partybut I spirit,s a l t a m e y d e r d f a o r r k g e e n t tmy selfthe recollection of such a n event as the g loriou s Polish re volution, by the effu sion of rancorous fe elings against -t theGothose whom private l y , amongst ourselves, I may cons i der as o As a Pole, I cannot trust my feelingstt t the never-ceasing a trocit y of Russia. But I must mention a circumstance for cibl y illustrative of the means by which Russia intends to carr y on war in P oland. After the fall of Kosciusko, So uvaroff besie g e d Praga. A handful of , ,and e fitteste Itrust.—General ashalll a p personspforego rtie sgeo.) to lead, and no t th e b est to the enumeratio n o f t h e proofs of patriots resolved to defend that last stronghold of liberty, and to arrest Hope ia,her flight, whom Campbell so poeti c illy describes as " bidding the world farewell," after the fall of our hero. But vain was their resistance. Souvaroff stormed and took Praga on the 4th of November. He ordered immediately the town to be set on fire, and doomed the whole inoffensive population to brutal carnage, 1 9 ,000 ) t as, h dl aa latelyor hum li;yg hbtr a pa n tiniotd h aef heart forward thda the re-awakening(mi ,n as o om n g em t oa h nf a yß t cu s l savage ho rde. It tiotr e r cti d ovh e ii ll men, children, women, old men — a ll were mercilessly slain. h No one escaped, none r ema i ne d to attest the existence of a It is over this event th at your f athers shed bitter tears, and history siegl e oh wiaansbhg v e above indelible mark of i gnom i ny. —(Hear, hear.) It seems that displayll i tr o —s ts ws hooietf: gloriesms surroundedu i e l i l t i a i t y r io o e f o i sr o ube u eye s hsp aw c i t na s ss . s, exploits.Bh i u c ht, orderedac o n f fo o obra ; yd she ee coi takes Eeeenlantspsi a eop roa d oc e rea - . IVa for the evolution s of the largest army in the world. But, no ; it would not answer their purpose. They chose to make a sham assault on the ramparts of Praga—and which was the day they selected for that military fete ? It was the 4th of November —that day of blood-stained memory—as if they wanted to hurl defiance in the face of public opinion —as if they wanted to affront all humanity—as if they dreaded not to rouse from their tombs the shades of the 12,000 victims they had so mercilessly slaughtered half a c century a go . P eople of Great Brita i n, peop l e o f t h e c ivilized world, cry shame upon such effrontery o f crime— cryj • shame upon such wantonness of c ruelty.—{Shame, shame.) Now let us turn to the Poles. Have they ever wantonly put to death one single Russian, though pro voked so often beyond the limits of all possible endurance ? —( Hear.) Have they not, on the contrary, in the first days of the late revolution, against the dictates of retributive justice, against the warnings of sound policy, have they not magnanimously granted a free passage to Russia to the Duke Constantine—that man who, during 15 years of his govern ment, had exhaused every species of tyranny on Poland ? —( Hear, hear.) W e h ate t h e R uss i a ns. All our feelings, all our aspirations all our affections, are absorbed in that burning thought of hatred. But our hatred is of that lofty kind which becomes a nation of Christians and of freemen. We have enlisted powerful and devoted friends in our cause. But among those friends, powerful and devoted as they may be, we shall miss a voice which has been hushed by death withi n t h e space of this f ortn i g h t. A tom b h as been open e d, over which a lik e th e Englishman and the Pole mourn in mu t ua l gr i ef. It is beyon d my power to offer anything like an adequate tribute to the memory of Mr. protection, commend more especially the restoration of Po. land to the zealous attention of Great Britain, whom the Court of St. Petersburgh hates and fears as the chief for tress of freedom throughout the world, and principal obstacle to its schemes of rapine and universal despotism ; and whose commerce, alliances, and possessions in the Mediter ranean, the East, and India, are therefore the constant ob ject of that Court's concealed or open hostility ; and that, deeply impressed with the truth of the above statements, this meeting requests and authorises the Chairman to sign in its name a petition to both Houses of Parliament." Before it was possible for any of them to hope to see the restoration of Poland, one first and great step was to be taken to prevent Russia from making any further aggres sion. —(Loud cheers.) They had already seen, as had been beautifully described, Poland entirely disappear from the map of Europe—Moldavia and Wallachia become almost Russian provinces—Circassia attacked, and Turkey and India menaced, and he was sorry to say England re mained a quiet spectator ; and although he had himself spoken and written strongly upon the evils arising from Russian influence to this country, he had written with out causing the slightest feeling on the part of the Government. They were afraid to quarrel with Russia; and they asked why should they quarrel with Russia? what ground was there for a quarrel ? They might be assured that a ground of quarrel would be easily found when it suited the purpose of any great and over. whelming foreign Power. They might recollect that when Russia declared war against Turkey, it ix a, thought that the Russian army could never pass the Balkan or injure Turkey. They saw her lay siege to Varna, and saw her defeated ; but her armies still came forward more powerful than ever, she got possession of this important fortress, and obtained an immense supe riority over all the Powers of Europe by the treaty of Unkiar 'Skelessi, which excluded the vessels of all other European nations from the Dardanelles.—(Cheers.) He said, then, that before they could hope to see the resto ration of Poland they must stop the aggressions of Russia. —(Cheers. How? it might be asked. He would furnish the means.—(Cheers.) It was, perhaps, not generally known that during the last summer Russia had twenty seven sail of the line in the Baltic ready for sea at a mo ment's notice with four months' provisions on board, fully manned, the men being drilled to act as soldiers as well as seamen. She had at the same time from forty to fifty thousand men ready to embark, and at that time there was not one man of war in England ready to oppose them. At that moment treat Britain, the pride and fear of the world, would be compelled to yield the empire of the sea to Russia. There would be no difficulty what ever in Russia carrying into the Thames an army of 50,000 men and destroying the city in which they lived, without this country being able to bring forward a single ship to prevent it, and at the same time there were not more than 20,000 troops in England at large. He wished to discuss and examine the means of stoppi ng R uss i an aggression and restor i ng Poland.—(Cheer s .) The only good which their Foreign Minister had done for many years was the sanctioning the treaties between Turkey, Austria, and this country.— (Cheers.) This alone was what would enable them to stop the career of Russia.—(Cheers) But why was it not followed up ? Why was our squadron ordered back to Malta, and the Turks left to see whether Russia or England was to protect them, if we in tended to maintain the treaty.—(Cheers.) This country must be prepared for war in order to preserve peace.— (Cheers.) We must fit out a fleet of thirty sail of the line if we wished to be safe. We were only safe now because the Baltic was nearly frozen over, and the Russian fleet was not able to leave it ; or Russia was not prepared to take the decisive step.—(Hear, hear.) He said, then, that they ought immediately to fit out a fleet of thirty sail of the line, and, having possession of that fl -et, we might say to Russia, " Your progress you must stop ; your fleets must be dismantled and disarmed, or we will disarm them for you."—( Loud cheers.) He was con fident that when the day of trial came, it would add to vie honour and glory of England.—(Cheers.) We were beset with difficulties. In Canada there was great diffi culty, as it was doubtful whether or not there would be a second invasion this winter ; and if America should assist Canada, who could tell that France and Russia would not be ready to join America, and destroy this country at once ? Had they not signed the Quadruple Treaty with France in order to stop the shedding of blood in unhappy Spain, and had France acted up to or performed a single article of that Treaty ? He felt convinced that it was to that unfortunate Treaty that all ' the miseries of Spain were due. He said, then, that they could not trust France —(Cheers.) Let them put their trust in themselves. Let them come forward with their fleets ; let them send one to the Baltic and another to the Black Sea, and tell Russia that they would no longer be menaced by her fleets or her troops ; that she must dismantle the one and dis arm the other, or Cronstadt and Sebastopol would be in flames.---(Load and continued cheering.) Mr. S. BEALES seconded the resolution, and read the proposed petition. Previously to the resolution being carried, a scene of great confusion was created by the appearance on the plat form of an individual, a foreigner, who desired to address the meeting. He styled himself a Pole, but on his coming forward all the Poles present, to a man, gave vent to ex clamations of the strongest indignation, calling him a Jew and a Russian spy. Some of them even attempted to drag him from the platform, and in the scuffle which ensued his clothes were much torn. Lord D. Stuart attempted several times to obtain a hearing for him, but his presence appeared to be so offensive to the Poles, that it was apparently with difficulty that they restrained themselves from expressing their feelings in a more violent manner than by hooting and contemptuous cries. At length, after braving for about twenty minutes the storm of disapprobation, which raged from all quarters, this individual retired, and order was soon afterwards restored. Mr. N. F. ZABA (a Polish exile) came forward amidst loud cheers. He said, put us in possession of means to re-appear with arms in our hands on our national soil, and Poland and the Polish Legions will vouch eternal grati tude to England, and England will be handed down to pos terity as the guardian of liberty and of all social improve ments.—(Cheers.) This enthusiastic response of your fueling. 4 is welcom e on this occasion; it bears a noble testi mony that there is a spirit in England ready to break forth and uphold the cause of the oppressed. Yes, in the present :st ate of things there are two countries we look to as the only nurses of the moral energies of man—England, where the love of freedom and knowledge grows daily stronger ; and Poland, where the hatred to tyrants makes her blood The resolution was then carried unanimously. Colonel THOIIIPSON proposed the third and last resolu tion :—" That the feelings and motives which have in duced this meeting to adopt a petition to Parliament in favour of Poland urge it to request of its fellow-country men throughout every county and town in Great Britain and Ireland to adopt similar means of manifesting their sense of the iniquitous and aggressive policy of the Court of St. Petersburgh ; and their sympathy with the fervent patriotism, inextinguishable scorn of oppression, and just and generous views of personal and political freedom which animate the mass of the Polish people at home and their brethren iu exile, supporting them under all their grievous sufferings, and rendering them impatient to once again ac tively dvote themselves to the salvation of their country, and the re-establishment of its power and independence upon the firm basis of equal rights, extended to all, and embracing all its inhabitants, without distinction of No t e,: te or Peasant." Mr. RIDER seconded the resolution, which wt carried unanimously. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman amidst the loudest demonstrations of approbation. Lord D. STUART then addressed the meeting in the following terms :—I rise to return you my best thanks for the vote lust passed, acknowledging my services in the chair. Your approbation thus expressed forms some con solation for the pain which I have experienced at several periods of the meeting. We have to-day witnessed a scene of violence and confusion, I fear very ill calculated to im press the British public with a favourable opinion of the Polish refugees. In opening the business of the day, I pointed out the propriety of abstaining from all party topics, and of avoidin g a ll p ersona li t i es. The lamentabl tion of this day has illustrated the danger of disregarding such advice, and instead of harmony and union e• the Poles, we hav e seen a contest of vociferation, and amon even ' of personal str e n g th, carr i e d on bentdwweeon would I would hem. not mention th ese thi ngs pu b licly, a bury them in obli v i on, b ut that I well know most willinglyour procn ed ings in this roo m w ill b e recounted by t e public press to the inhabitants even o f t h e most distal parts of the world, and, as all att empts at conc ea lment must b e u seless, let it at l east b e known that if such things e.c curred, they were b eheld with grief and sorrow by the Cnairman, as I trust they were by the majority of the audience. Th ere i s another matter which I am compelled for a s i m il ar reason to mentionad which has occasioned me the severest pain. Every Pole present well knows, lam sure , to wh a t I a ll u d e —it is to the attack made by a gentlemen who spoke early upon a distinguished statesman, Prince Cz tryski. The character of public men is, no doubt, public property, and proper subject of discussion at public Cutler Fergusson. His memory will throw a light from beyond the tomb.—(Cheers.) Admiral NAPIER came forward to move the next reso lution, and was loudly cheered. He said that the wrongs of Poland and of her gallant children had been so eloquently described, and so ably advocated, that he would not attempt to go over the same ground, but would confine himself to the resolution he was about to move, accompanied by a few observations, to which, he hoped, they would do him the favour to listen. The resolution was in the following words : " That vital considerations of policy, interest, and self- meetings. But I certainly could not expect that the speaker to whom I allude, who has taken an Active part in the ar rangements of the meeting', and who must know that I had not the least desire to preside over it, and should never hive consented to do so bad I had the least expectation of what has occurred—l could not expect that he would go' out of his way to make in a written speech an attack upon one to whom he knows that lam bound by ties of the closest friendship. I must feel such a proceeding as a personal affront to myself. I would beg to ask the audience if they are aware who this Prince Czartoryski is whom they have heard denounced in such unmeasured terms by one of the Poles. Perhaps some of yo may imagine that he i s a nsr person who has be en cocuous for his hostility to the cause of Polish liberty and independence. I should not wonder if some of you supposed he was a Rus sian. I shall proclaim to you what is well known throughout Europe, that the Polish Prince Czartoryski is at this moment under sentence of death for the part which be took with his countrymen against Russia in the last Polish Revolution.—(Loud and long continued cheers.) Prince Czartoryski has, indeed, passed the whole of his long life in uninterrupted endeavours, according to the best of his abilities, and according to the circumstances in which he was placed, to render service to his country. I will venture to declare my full conviction, that among all those who clamour against him there is not one really better patriot, nor one animated with a more sincere anxiety for the re-establishment of Poland, and not one who has made so many sacrifices in the cause of that country to which his life has been devoted, and for which it has often been ex posed. To Prince Czartoryski lam bound by the closest friendship. I entertain for his character, both in public and in private, the highest admiration. I feel myself honoured to the greatest degree, by being admitted to his intimacy. He is, in my judgment, of all men whom I have ever seen in any country, the most virtuous and the most admirable. Devoted to the cause of his country, and un ceasing in his endeavours, with such means as exile has left him, to do good to his countrymen—full, if ever man was, of the milk of human kindness—full of generosity and of magnanimity. as well as of experience, information, and ability, he is the last man who ought to be exposed to at tacks such as we have heard to-day. These are my senti ments with regard to Prince Czartoryski—and I will never, before any audience in the world, shrink from avowing them. To have suffered the censure attempted to be thrown upon him to pass unnoted, in a meeting at which I was chairman, would be a stain upon the meeting, and a dis grace to me. Lord Dudley Stuart then withdrew amid loud cheers, and the meeting dispersed. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S—YR S TERD4 r. THE DERBY. The only change of consequence which resulted from the busi ness transacted was in the north country horse Accelerator, whose party is daily increasing in number and confidence. One gentle man was fortunate enough to get on a rouleau at 25 to 1, five points more than was taken subsequently to one hundred pounds. Ilde rim, Erin-go-Bragh, Wapiti, and two or three outsiders, were backed outright, and some bets were made between horses without leading to any alterations. The closing prices were as follows :- 7 to 2 agst John Scott's lot—take 4 to I 7 to 1 agst John Day's lot—taken to 100/. 11 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Brother to Bay Middleton —taken 3 and afterwards offered 18 to I agst Duke of Rutland's Flambeau —take 20 to 1 20 to I agst Lord Jersey's Ikierim—taken 20 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Accelerator —taken 25 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Dey of Algiers—take 28 to 1 27 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Erin-go-Bragh—taken 40 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Epidaurus--offered 45 to 1 agst Mr. Wreford's Wapiti—taken 2000 to 30 agst Mr. Mostyn's Hugh_ Lupus—t a k en 1000 to 13 ags t M r . T. Walters's The Deputy —taken 4000 to 25 agst Mr. Jackson's Wings—taken 1500 to 100 agst Tros and Fits-Ambe--taken 500 to 400 on Wapiti agst Deception—taken 500 even between Epidaurus and Lord Jersey's Cain colt—taken LATEST BETTING AT MANCHESTER. DERBY BETTING. Upon racin g events very little has been doing, and the Derby engagements have b een scarce l y to be met with. The front rank remains stationary, and but se ld om as k e d after. 25 to 1 ag s t Mr. Allen's Fitz-Ambo 26 to 1 ag,st Mr. Greville's Derrynane—taken 100 to 3 asst Mr. Wreford's Wapite—taken rather freely 40 to 1 agst Honeymoon CO UR SNG. HAMPTON VICTORIA I CLUB MEETING. The Members of the Hampton Victoria Club met again yester day in the Home Park to compete for a Sweepstakes of one sov. each, by all-aged dogs, when Mr. Cutler's decisions were as folio . Mr. Whittington na. Mr. Wood's bl. b. Hermione ran a bye ; Mr. W. Lawrence's bk b. Fly beat Mr. Sheppard's f. d. The Brigand, Mr. Burford na. Mr. Thompson's bl. brin. d. Mouse beat Mr. Cox's bl. d. Beppo, Mr. Taylor's bl. and w. d. Hector beat Mr. Greaves's bk. b. Camarine, Mr. Minton's bk. d. Lara beat Mr. Thompson's r. and w. b. Venus, Mr. Brookes na. Mr. Sheppard's f. b. Harkaway b ea t M r . D anz i e ' s f. b . Violet, Mr. Luce s brin. and w. d. Bowler beat Mr. Jessop's bl. d. Achmet, Mr. Wood's bk. b. Babel beat Mr. Brookes's w. and M. b. Bess. First Ties—Hermione beat Fly, Hector beat Mouse, Harkaway t beat Lara, Babel beat Bowler. Sccord Ties—HerMione beat Hector, Babel beat Harkaway. ,Messrs. Whittington and Wood divided the stakes. SOUTH LANCASHIRE CLUB. The Rutland Cup, for all aged dogs. Mr. Slater's Sultan beat Mr. Allen's Dart, Mr. King's Veins heat Mr. Rowley's Emperor, Mr. Parkins's L'Hirondelle beat Mr. Chew's Spring, Mr. Deakin's Spring beat Mr. Edwards's Milo, Mr. Mayall's Nelsen beat Mr. Lucas's Hardwick, Mr. Hunt's Pluto beat Mr. Gale's Priam, Mr. Fowler's Sultan beat Mr. Ro binson's Empress, Mr. Bake's Major beat Mr. Ogden's Elton. First Tics—Venus beat Sultan, L'Hirondelle beat Mr. Deakin's Spring, Pluto beat Nelson, Major beat Sultan. Third. Tie—Venus beat L'Hirondelle, Major beat Pluto. Deciding Course—Mr. Bake's Major, by Lowther, out of Whip, beat Mr. king's Venus. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRANCE. THE RUSSIAN CONSPIRACY.—On this subject we have the Following letter.— " POSEN, Nov. 18. " At length we have received some certain information re specting the events at St. Petersburgh. A conspiracy has been discovered in that city. The number of conspirators was not very considerable, but there were among them Several Boyars of Russia, and about 30 officers of the Imperial Guard, all sons of families belonging to the great nobility of Peters burgh and Moscow. The Emperor has not thought fit to give publicity to this affair; he has contented himself with sending away from the capital, under a good escort, the guilty officers, and it was reported that the Minister of War had already received orders to send them to do duty in the garrisons of Siberia, or the army of the Caucasus. It is now affirmed, that the conspirators were in communication with the malcon tents of Poland ; that they had agreed with each other to meet very shortly at Vitepsk (in Russia), in order to arrange, their plans, and that their delegates had already had five con ferences in that town. What seems to confirm thin report is, that an Ukase of the Senate has deprived Lieut.-Gener a l Count Jarkievitsch of the office of Governor-General of the Province of Vitepsk, and has ordered him to be struck et' the army list; but that the Emperor immediately annulhd the latter part of the Ukase, and has granted that officer a small annual pension, with permission to wear the uniform and the badges of his rank—a measure which perfectly agree& with the intentions of the Czar to conceal from the public everything relating to the conspiracy which has just been discovered."-- Co 'amerce. Marshal Count Lobau died last night, being carried off in a few hours by a disorder in the chest. France loses one of her most illustrious, as well as best citizens. Having risen from an obscure origin to the highest dignities of the State, always devoted to the country which be defended against fac tion, as he had done it honour in the field td battle, Marshal Lobau was one of the national glories 'which unite all the generous sympathies of the country. France will not now forget the numerous services which Vie had rendered to the Ministry of July ; it will new forget his devotedness to the constitutional throne- The death of Marshal Lobau is a painful loss to the Natonal Guard of Paris ; it was his manly frankness, his . arde: tnbuted to ma lit and sincere p a t r i ot i sm, that mainly con noble see ..main in all ranks of th ose c i t i zen soldiers the 4 :nuent with which th e y h ave a l ways been animated, and 'ixhich has rendered it an insurmountable barrier to ariarchy. This morning as soon a , the King learned the death of Count Lobau, his Majesty immediately sent a letter of condo lence to the Countess. Lieut.-General Jacqueminot, being absent from Paris, to which he cannot return for some days, the King has given to Count de Friant, one of the Brir i ,adier Generals of the National Guard, the provisional command of the National Guard, of the department of the Seine. Viscount . Rampon w ill cont i nue to act as chief of the staft—Mon deur. HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. AI4 STERDA Al, N o v. 27.—( From the ;landlesblad.)--W e re ceived by the Batavier highly imi i ;cirtant news from London. The policy of France, which al.;ns more and more at a new universal Sovereignty, becomes from day to day more manifest. It is, however, still possible that the French Cabinet may change its system before the opening of the Session, not take act in unison with its allies. But should this place, and the Conference, in consequence of the refusal of Belgium to accede to the recent proposals, be unable to arrange the differences between Holland and Belgium, it is more than probable that the Confer. ences will break up, and that Germany will begin to assert the rights of the Confederation, and expel the Belgians from Luxemburg, whether France agrees or not. It is superfluous to dwell on the serious consequences to which this measure may lead. At all events, it seems certain that the calm and dignified attitude of the Dutch nation, which must by no means be confounded with indifference or lukewarmness, has done essential service to the cause of Europe. HA MBLIRGII, Nov. 24.--There is no change in the prices of Foreign Funds to. day. DUTCH FUNDS.—AMsTERDAm, Nov. 27. Money. ,ictueil Debt, 2 , 4 per Cent Ditto, ditto 5 per cent. tnott Svntlic,4!, per ....era 94 9'.04 Ditto, ditto, 3!; per 173', 174 oc:Ditto ( 1, 3i and le. t: n e rti m pceen o r n et ti e. 101% n i1....... 1 >9 lO 1° 11 134 3°991.4 Two months 12 02X, 4