The Sun. — London, England, 1838-06-22 00:00:00

Foreign Department, and to convince the House that not only in England but at Constantinople there was, with respect to the interests concerned, not only negligence, but something that approached indifference. lie would refer to a letter ad dressed to the Noble Lord by a gentleman who had recently occupied a situation in the embassy at Constantinople. In addition to what he had stated, he found, upon the authority of this gentleman, who filled a high and somewhat confidential situation in the public service—( Loud cheers from the Minis terial benches)—a gentleman who had been appointed to that situation by the Noble Lord in a manner that attracted some attention--( Hear, hear, and cheers from the Op- Position)—and who was known to the Foreign Office par. ticularly in connection with the subject which formed that night's discussion, and whose appointment was considered here and abroad, as indicating an intention on the part of the Foreign Office by no means favourable to the views of Russia in the East : and when, therefore, he considered that this letter came from a gentleman so circumstanced, it was impos sible for it to be set aside without some explanation from the Noble Lord. He would not take upon himself to say whether this letter was worthy of full confidence or not ; but he must Say, coming from such a source, that till some explanation was offered it would be impossible to resist the impression which the papers before the House tended to raise in his mind.— (Cries of " Read, read.") The letter was from Mr. Urquhart, and was addressed to the Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office, and was as follows. [The Honourable Gentleman then read an extract.] On the whole view of this case he put it to the House whether or not it appeared to it that these gentle- Men had embarked in a speculation of a reasonable kind, and had taken every reasonable precaution to avoid any appearance of irregularity in their proceedings. He certainly thought that the case was one which called for a more decisive Motion than that which he intended this evening to make. He had always considered that the freedom of the mer cantile pursuits was one of the most important and valu able features in our national character, and that an extreme and justifiable feeling of jealousy existed againt the inter ference of foreign Powers to control our proceedings. Yet, What was the mutual result of this expedition of the Vixen. Loss of property and character to all engaged in it ; the ship owners had lost their ship, the merchant was a ruined man ; whilst the nation itself had suffered a loss of that high character, which was its proudest and most valuable posses sion. He did not mean to pronounce that the Foreign De partment was the party amenable for all these unfortunate oc currences. All that he said was that it was so alleged in these papers, and, therefore, lie thought that it became the House to inquire into such an allegation, and see and pronounce an opinion how far it was well founded.---( Hear.) Great com plaints were coming from various parts of the country of the neglect with which the commercial relations of the country Were now treated by her Majesty's Government.—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. P. Thomson and others.) An important petition had recently been sent up from Liverpool, through the hands of the Noble Lord who represented that borough._ ( Bear, hear.) Did the Right Honourable Member mean to imply by that cheer that the petition was got up for the occasion ? He ( Sir Stratford Canning) had not seen the petition—he knew nothing of its contents—( Hear)—but he understood from the Noble Lord that it bore directly on the general commercial state of the country, and that it was signed by many of the most respectable merchants in that en lightened city.---( Ironical cheers.) The Right lion. Gentle man then concluded with the following motion :—" Select Committee to inquire into the following allegations contained in the petition of Mr. George Bell and others, namely, that the petitioners have suffered seriously in their interests and characters through the seizure of their vessel, the Vixen, and her cargo, by a Russian man-of-war, in the bay of Soujonk Kale ; that the intention of the petitioner, George Bell, to send a vessel to the coast of Circassia, for the purpose of trading independently with the population of that coast, was previously made known to her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and had his approval and sanc tion; and that the final arrangements for the vessel's voyage Were, before she sailed from Constantinople, communicated to and expressly sanctioned by her Majesty's representative at the Sublime Porte." Dr. LUSHINGTON rose, and said, there was one ques tion of great importance connected with the subject before the riouse, namely, the question of international law with respect to the assertion on the part of Russia of the right of sovereignty over that part of the coast of Circassia to which this motion referred; but the Right Hon. Gentleman had not pressed that point, and the question at last was reduced to this—whether Air. Bell, as the owner of a sloop of some 140 or 150 tons burthen, laden with 100 tons of salt, had or had not received from her Majesty's Government at home, and its representative at Constantinople, that information which he conceived he ought to have been furnished with.—( Hear.) Did the Right Pon. Gentleman think that because the cargo, in this instance, happened to be small, that he ( Dr. Lushington) was going to argue that leer Majesty's Government cared less for, or would take less precaution respecting- a case where the cargo was small than where it happened to be larger?—( Hear.) The question of whether there was any right to trade was the very point which he would not press upon the House—( Hear, hear)—and which, no doubt, ought to be left to the decision of the Go vernment for the time being. Let the House, however, con sider whether the gentlemen to whom the petitioners referred (the Messrs. Bell) had so conducted themselves as to be called a party aggrieved—( Hear, hear)—and if the Government had not done all that could be fairly expected of it. Mr. John Bell must have been in 1836 perfectly conversant of the difficulty existing with reference to trading with this part of the coast of Circassia, no matter whether it was called a blockade, or 1 " , -' designated by any other term—such, for instance, as a P r ohibition of commerce between two Sovereign Powers. But what did these gentlemen do ?—( Hear, hear.) They under took the farming of certain salt mines in Wallachia, and A ir. John Bell's first letter—(the Learned Gentleman here referred to the letter)—to Lord Palmerston was for the purpose of inquiring of the Noble Lord whether any re strictions were in existence with reference to the part of the coast of Circassia in question which were recognised by her Majesty's Government?—(Hear.) Lord Palmerston, in his reply to this letter, declined to enter into any inquiry upon the subject, and informed Mr. Bell that he must make his own inquiry upon the point, and act accordingly.—( Hear. ) Now, it was evident from this that Mr. Bell's first letter was for the purpose of ascertaining whether the Government re cognised the Russian blockade on the coast of Circassia as far as the river Kouban.—( Hear, hear.) It did not merely in quire whether there was a blockade in existence, but whether that blockade was recognised by the Government of this country.--( Hear, hear.) Lord Palmerston also replied that there had been no blockade announced in the Gazette.— ( Hear.) In a subsequent letter Mr. Bell inquired whether, there being a blockade de facto, he was to presume that it was not recognized, as it was not advertised in the Gazette ? Lord Palmerston, in his answer to this letter, referred Mr. Bell again to the Gazette. Now he (Dr. Lushington) did not think it necessary to lay down any general rule on matters of this sort ; and although it might be proper for the Govern rnent to make communications respecting such subjects to Lloyd's, or other large commercial bodies when applied to, yet it by no means followed that any individual merchant should necessarily, and, as a matter of course, expect to ob tain information of this description from the Foreign Office. But what was the great question in the present case ? It was this —whether, by virtue of the treaty of Adrianople, the ces sion of Soudjonk Kale was a good and valid cession, doubts existing as to the occasion of it by Turkey not being dc jure, though it was de facto. Now, it might be, that by the treaty of Adrianople, a part of this coast might have been well ceded to Russia, and that she might be entitled to Sovereignty over it, and yet the same reason might not apply to other parts of the coast ceded by that treaty. When the question was asked with reference to the whole of that coast in 1836, how could an answer be given—how could any one undertake to say —that there was not some part of the coast which might afford a ground for complaint in the case of merchants trading to it ?—( Hear, hear.) But was the present a case in which he could decide as to the lawfulness of the measures adopted by the Russians in 1835 ? He would ask the Right Honourable Gentleman, who had himself been in Russia, to put himself in the situation of the Noble Lord the Foreign Secretary, and to consider whether he would, if applied to in a similar manner, by an individual merchant, in a speculative question of this sort, say to him, You are restricted with respect to a part of this coast"—( llear, hear)—or if he would at once give up the Whole, and say, " You arc restricted from the entire coast ?" --(Hear.) In his ( Dr. Lushington's) humble judgment, no blame whatever attached to the Noble Lord for not having given more complete, or even any, information upon this sub ' . Ject, and he would ask and advise any other merchant who Might contemplate embarking in new trading speculations to acquire as much information as they could on their own ac count, and not to seek it from the Foreign Office. The Rus sian authorities on the spot bad stated that they had acquainted foreign countries with the blockade of the coast, and Lord Ponsonby informed Mr. James Bell of this—( Hear, hear)_ and in the despatches he had subsequently forwarded to this country that Noble Lord further stated that he told the same Gentleman that he ought to act upon his own knowledge that the blockade was illegal and inforinal.—( Hear, hear.) Lord Ponsonhy also added that Mr. Bell said, he expected to have his vessel detained—( Hear, hear)—but if Mr. Bell Was wrong in his knowledge of the law yet, as he knew the f acts, with whom but with himself could the blame rest ? There was a letter from the Russian Admiral commanding on the station, which gave a very different account of this affair of the Vixen ; and he must be allowed to say that he was astonished that any one should persist in maintaining that Russia, after the great publicity she had given upon the sub ject of the blockade, had acted on a belligerent principle.— (Hear, hear.) Admiral Esmante, the officer by whom this vessel was captured, had distinctly stated that she was " seized expressly and solely on the ground of the breach of a blockade of a coast, the inhabitants of which were the enemies of ' and at war with' Russia. "—([-fear, hear.) Who were at War with the Russians ? Why, undoubtedly the Circassians— ( Hear, hear)—and to land and carry on trade with these very Persons whom the Russians were at war with, what was that but a belligerent act?—( Hear, hear.) But the only defence the case admitted of was that which could be founded on the ground of the right of sovereignty; and the important ques tion was, whether Soudjonk Kale was at the time in pos session of Russia or not.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The letter of Lord Durham showed clearly that Russia had military occupation of Soudjonk Kale. That was a fact to which they had ample evidence, and it mattered little as to the number of men who held possession of the fort, for no mat ter wh e th er t h at num b er was grea t or sma ll, still there was the fact of there being there established a military occupation on the part of Russia, even though other parts of these wild and e xtensive regions might remain unoccupied. He contended t hat, in the line of conduct which his Noble Friend had adop tFf:i, he had acted rightly ; and that if placed in the same pc sitton the Right Honourable Gentleman would have pure led exactly the Lame course. The fact was, that :this qu‘sOoll .. W.as brought forwd to eudice the Government, but in his • "ew the evidence iar pr n the cas j e would lead to a very different re. suit. After what had passed in 1831 it was certain that had the Government of this country asserted the right of Bri tish subjects to trade with a port of Circassia in the mili tary occupation of Russia, Russia would not have given way, and what would be the consequence of this? Why, that all Europe would have been involved in a war. He de nied that in the determination to which he came, his Noble Friend was at all to blame, and undoubtedly the last person who had a right to complain was the person who, with a full knowledge of the facts, and having ample information as to the state of things, had attempted an undertaking which had unfortunately failed. He found no fault with the Right Hon. Gentleman except that he had brought forward in aid of his case a communication which he had found in a newspaper of that day.—( Hear, hear.) In his humble judgment he must say that he for one would, considering the circumstances under which it was written, have disdained to use such a communi cation.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " Order, order.") Sir S. CANNING rose for the purpose, as we understood, of asking what the Hon. and Learned Gentleman meant by this observation ; but he was obliged to resume his seat in consequence of the cries of " Order, order," which assailed him from all parts of the House. Dr. LUS HINGT ON continued—He was not aware that he had used any improper expression. What he had said was that he would, under the circumstances, have disdained using such a communication—( Hear)—and be thought ho was jus tified in saying this when he considered who the writer of it was, the confidential situation which he held, and that he had availed himself of matters in that communication which it would have been infinitely better for his own credit and honour if he had kept entirely secret. Lord STANLEY said, the question with respect to the right of Russia to take possession of the territories in Cir cassia ceded to that Power by Turkey under the treaty of Adrianople, and the occupation of Soudjonk Kale by Russia, were independent of the case brought forward by his Right Hon. Friend, and, therefore, he should pass them over, be cause he wished to follow the example of his Right Hon. Friend, who had so prudently—who had with so much dis cretion and judgment, and, he would say, great good temper__ studiously avoided the evils alluded to by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman by abstaining from bringing those questions under the consideration of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) If an in quiry into these questions would be calculated to lead to war it was quite proper that such an alternative should, by all means, be avoided; and, finding the inconvenience of such a course, what had his Right Honourable Friend done? Why, he had only proposed to refer to a Com mittee of that House the general allegations contained in the petition of Mr. Bell, only the simple points whether or not Mr. Bell had been aggrieved by the capture of the Vixen, and whether or not the Government had been parties to the loss and wrong of which Mr. Bell complained.--( Hear. ) Although the don. and Learned Gentleman had dwelt on the question of international law, he still seemed to consider that his (Lord Stanley's) Right Hon. Friend had omitted topics which reight have been brought forward for the purpose of casting blame on the Government for the part which they had taken in this transection, because he admitted that, with regard to the seizure, the value of the ship or c irgo, whether larger or smaller, ought to have no influence with the House of Com mons in considering the question whether a British subject, prosecuting British commerce by the encouragement of the Government, whohad suffered from a foreign power, was en titled to protection if he were right, and ought to be re strained if he were wrong. It was not the question whether Mr. Bell had a right to trade in the particular mode in which he had traded.--( Hear, hear.) That was not the question, for, if it had been, the discussion would have been avoided by the question of military occupation ; but the question was, would they support a Committee of the House of Commons to inquire how it was that Mr. Bell's ves sel had been lost and confiscated, and his character and credit injured, and whether all this resulted from the encouragement which he had received from the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The Hon. and Learned Gentle man had drawn the distinction between blockade and sanatory restrictions, but this had nothing to do with the question asked by Mr. Bell. The fact was that Mr. Bell intended to do nothing that could apply to either sanatory restrictions or blockades. Ile was perfectly awake to his own interest, and consequently all he asked of the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs was whether the political relations of amity and friend ship existing between this country and Russia had been inter rupted, and if the blockade had been recognised by the British Government. Now, what was the answer which the Noble Lord gave to this question? Why, in point of substance he said that the prohibition was informal and illegal—that Mr. Bell might safely undertake his enterprise, for he referred him to the Gazette, and told him that no recognition of the blockade on the part of the British Government would be found there. Had not Mr. Bell a right to suppose from this that he would receive p: otection ? And yet the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had contended that as Mr. Bell knew of the inter ruption, the fact of the blockade or sanatory regulations being unrecognized by the Government of this country did not sig. nify.•—( Hear.) It was clear, however, that Mr. Bell set out in consequence of the communication which he had received from the Noble Secretary, as in the strong belief that he would be protected. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said that Mr. Bell's brother, who went to Constantinople, was perfectly conversant with the risk he was about to run, because Lord Ponsonby had informed him of the nature of the prohibition. Now Mr. Bell's ship was seized, either under a blockade or in consequence of a violation of a sanatory regulation. What did Mr. Bell do before he embarked in the undertaking ? Why, he applied to the Noble Lord, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and was told by him that this blockade, or sanatory restriction was not recognized by the British Govern ment. He did not, therefore, think that he was evading either the blockade or the restriction, because he was not smuggling and no matter what the pretence was under which his vessel lord been seized, he thought he was entitled to protection from his own Government, by whom the prohibition had not been recognized. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had depre cated the evidence given by Mr. Urquhart, on the ground that he had no right to use official correspondence; but the Hon. and Learned Gentleman seemed to forget what was said by the Noble Lord on Saturday when the letter of Mr. Urqu hart was moved for by his ( Lord Stanley's) Right Hon. Friend. The Noble Lord disclaimed then that the pro duction of this letter would violate any official confidence, that it contained any official secrets, and said that he regarded it as the letter of a private individual, who was absolved from all the obligations with respect to this letter which the situation which the writer had held might seem to impose. The Noble Lord likewise declared that, it was from first to last, one mass of gross misrepresentation, and after this could any man of honour do otherwise than Mr. Urquhart had done ?--(Cheers.) The Noble Lord said that he gave no encouragement to Mr. Bell to trade as a merchant with Circassia as an independent state ; but what was the testimony of the Secretary of the Embassy at Constantinople on this point ? Would the Noble Lord say that the opinions of Mr. Urquhart, with respect to Circassia, had no weight in his selection for the office to which the Noble Lord had appointed him. He ( Lord Stanley) contended that Mr. Bell had received direct encouragement from the Noble Lord to trade with Circassia, and if the Noble Lord would grant the Committee that was asked for the fact would be established. The Noble Lord then read a communication from Mr. Urquhart bearing on this part of the subject. He (Lord Stanley) would say, that it was clear from all the evidence that Mr. Bell went out with the sanction of the Foreign Office, that his vessel had been seized and confis cated, and that they ought to grant a Committee to inquire into the facts. Lord PA LMERSTON said, the object which the Right Hon. Gentleman wished to have investigated was, whether Mr. Bell had lost his money or character by the expedition of the Vixen, and whether he had received from him (Lord Palmerston)—for he would cast off the intermediate designa tion of the Foreign Officer—whether he had received from him as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs encouragement to undertake that expedition. The Right Hon. Gentleman had not shown the ground on which his motion rested, and neither he nor the Noble Lerd who had come forward to Isis aid with an ungenerous and pugnacious speech— ( Laughter)—had succeeded in establishing a shadow of ground for that Committee for which the Right Hon. Gentleman had moved. There were two foundations for the present motion. He would, however, put aside the loss sustained by Mr. Bell, for it was obvious that the Committee could not either take into consideration that loss, or fix a value upon it ; and he would also put aside the loss of character which it was said Mr. Bell had sustained, because Mr. Bell had lost no charac ter at all. The question was, did Mr. Bell receive any en couragement from him ? Again he (Lord Palmerston) repeated his denial of it. There had been nothing elicited in the course of the debate to invalidate that denial. He (Lord Palmerston) disclaimed, as he had stated the phrase " Foreign Office ;" no one was responsible in that department but the Secretary of State. And any man who talked of the opinion of the Foreign Office talked without meaning if he had them from any one but the head of that office himself.—( Cries of " Oh, oh.") It was said, in the first place, that Mr. Bell—the in nocent Mr. Bell—was led into a trap by him (Lord Palmer ston.) He denied it. Inquiries were made by Mr. Bell at to whether it would be safe and prudent for him to enter into a speculation in salt with Circassia, at the suggestion of a Prince of Wallechia, and he also wished to know whether there were any restrictions on that trade. His (Lord Palmerston's) an swer was precisely what the Right Hon. Gentleman had stated he had not given. It was precisely the same as the subject of his letter of the 30th of May. The Goverment, he said, would give no advice to merchants in the way of private specu lation. But there was one point which he did not answer, because he conceived that if he did he would be guilty of a breach of duty. Mr. Bell asked his opinion as to the right of sovereignty possessed by Russia over Circassia, and her consequent right to establish sanatory regulations and custom houses. Tot hat he (Lord Palmerston) gave him no answer. No merchant had a right to ask such a question, and no Mi nister could answer it without a dereliction of duty. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that Mr. Bell was not supposed to be able to distinguish between a blockade and sanatory re gulations ; but the Right Hon. Gentleman had no grounds for such a supposition. Mr. Bell was perfectly competent to distinguish between them, for he had been a great deal in the East, and had been a considerable time established in Bucharest. Locally and practically, then, Mr. Bell perhaps knew more of the matter than he ( Lord Palmerston) did.— ( Laughter,) Mr. Bell went to Constantinople, and what was his ignorance there? He was shown the Russian re gulations of 1836 at the Embassy—before they had time to reach London—those regulations, by which the Russian Go vernment said that no trade could take place on the eastern shores of the Black Sea, but in those places where a local police, a quarantine, or a Custom-house existed ; and Anapa, and Redout Kale were specially named as ports with which such communication was illegal. But, however, in order to make sure of a sei z ure, Mr. Bell took a cargo of salt with hilt.—a cargo which was subject . to seizure, under any circumstances, in any port of that sea. He had two strings to his bow, for, first, he went to a THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JUNE 22, 1838. I port which he was specially forbid to visit ; and, secondly, • he took a cargo which was liable to seizure even if such interdict did not exist. It was stated in Lord Ponsonby's despatch that Mr. Bell, having had the danger he was about to incur represented to him, returned for answer that he fully expected to have his ship seized. Did that look like ignorance of what he was about ? If he (Lord Palmerston), as Secretary of State, had said to Mr. Bell, " Go on your expedition, and if your ship is seized I'll go to war with Russia," then, indeed, he would admit that he had encouraged him, and that he was bound to get him safely through the difficulty. But no such thing had taken place ; and the greatest ingenuity could not torture into anything like it any part of the correspondence which had ensued on the subject. But supposing that Mr. Bell was aggrieved, what was he about all the time that had passed since he sustained the alleged injury. Why postpone his case till the May of 1838 ? Why, if he were encouraged by him (Lord Palmerston) did he not come forward boldly, and charge hi m with it ? If he even thought it was furthering the secret wishes of the Government, though without their open sanc tion, why not at once demand redress? By his own showing, however, he was engaged in an underhand political intrigue. He had now disposed of the charge of the Right Hon. Gen tleman on the main point. Though the Right Hon. Gentles man had dilated on various other topics he (Lord Palmer ston) should not take up the time of the House by following him, as lie did not bring any of them to bear on the case at issue. But there were one or two to which he should briefly touch on. With regard to the occupation of Soudjonk Kale, if the testimony of Mr. Yeames, and the testimony of Mr. Suter, the Consul at Trezibond, were of any value, the fort at that place was completed in 1836. In his (Lord Palmers_ ton's) opinion, they outweighed the single assertion of Mr. Spencer, who after all only said that he did not see it. Then, with regard to the charge made against Lord Durham by the Right Honourable Gentleman, that that Noble Lord did not take immediate steps to procure redress for Mr. Bell on learn ing, the facts of the seizure of the Vixen, he (Lord Palmers ton) thought that the Noble Lord had acted perfectly right in doing as he did. To have acted otherwise would be to be guilty of a breach of duty. When so many nice questions of international law was involved, he did right to take no steps whatever in the case until he had received instructions from the Government at home. The ,Right Honourable Gentle man complained of that course as a proof of the indifference shown by her Majesty's Government to the commerce of the country, but he ( Lord Palmerston) was wholly at a loss to see any logical connection in the matter or any thing in fact which could justify such an inference. Nothing, indeed, was further from the fact. But the Right Honourable Gentleman said the Government should have communicated those sanatory regulations to the Chairman of Lloyd's, and in support of his dictum, he adduced the authority of the Chair man at Lloyd's, who was made to state that it had always been the custom of the Government to do se. Now when the Chairman of Lloyd's stated anything connected with the cus toms of that body, he was entitled to the weight of authority, but when he stated anything respecting the custom of Go vernment, lie certainly overstepped his sphere, and became en. titled to no further consideration as authority. It was not the practice of the Government to make such communications— and even if it were it would be necessary for foreign States to communicate their internal regulations before any such practice prevailed. The Right Hon. Gentleman had pressed a great many small things into his service, and among others lie urged as a proof of the privity and countenance of the Government to Mr. Bell's project that they had entrusted him with an extraordinary dispatch to Constantinople. But he most completely failed to show it, and altogether broke down in his deduction. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that Lord Ponsonby did not discountenance Mr. Bell's expedi tion, and that he made another ground of proof of the privity and consent of Government. But Lord Ponsonby had no power over Mr. Bell. He did all he had aright to do—ha showed him the Russian regulations, and pointed out the risk he ran. He had done his duty—he was bound to do no more. The next proof by which the charge of encouragement was endeavoured to be fixed on him (Lord Palmerston) was the letter of Mr. Urquhart, published in the Times newspaper of this morning. He ( Lord Palmerston) had taken advantage of the leisure allowed him by his recent illness to answer Mr. Urqubart's letter; but lie was not aware of the publication of it at the time. It would ill become him to enter into a criticism of Mr. Urquhart's conduct ; but he felt called on to say that the reasons he had given for his denial of this letter were quite the , contrary to what the Noble Lord opposite had stated he had made use of. What he said was, that though the letter was not official it contained so many allusions to private persons and things that it would not be well to bring it before the public. Ile would not then enter on the subject of the letter at large ; but he would maintain that nothing in it went to prove in the slighest degree that he had sanctioned Mr. Bell's expedition In December Mr. Urquhart wrote a private let ter to Mr. Stangways which was sent to him ( Lord Palmers ton) by that gentleman. His ( Lord P.'s) first impression was to desire Mr. Strangways to write Mr. Urquhart in answer, and caution him as to what he said and did in relation to the ex pedition. The Noble Lord opposite charged him (Lord Palmerston) with awaiting the result of the expedition to recal Mr. Urquhart. No such thing was the fact. He read the letter. and finding the share Mr. Urquhart had in furthering the expedition he decided in detaining him at home, whi ther he was about to come, on leave of absence, and not permitting him to go to Constantinople again. Lie felt that consistently with the responsibility he incurred, he could not suffer him to return thither. And yet that fact was urged as a proof of the encouragement bestowed by him ( Lord Palmerston) on the expedition. He (Lord Palmerston) wrote to Mr. Urquhart privately, and told him the cause of his removal. Mr. Urquhart made another ex traordinary statement in his letter. He said, referring to a conversation which lie had with him (Lord Palmerston) in August, that up to that time he was not aware that he ( Lord Palmerston) did not take a deep interest in the affair, though he quoted in the same passage some disapprobatory ex _ pressions which were use of by him. Yet some months previ ously he had received his letter of recal, for the assigned rea son that he had taken any part in the transaction. He was not able to reconcile such inconsistencies. He ( Lord Palmer ston) would willingly leave die case in the hands of the House, but he hoped they would not agree to the motion. Sir R. PEEL-1 really feel it to be superfluous to trouble the House further with a prolongation of this debate. The Noble Lord has called the speech of my Noble Friend " a pug nacious speech." The Noble Lord was most unhappy in his epithet as in his argument. It was an able and a convincing speech—it was a logical and an argumentative sin ech—but the epithet " pugnacious" cannot be applied to it. Pugnaci ous, if I remember a-right, in reference to a speech or a de bate, meads a conflict of arguments ; but that the speech of my Noble Friend cannot be so designated is evid ent from the simple fact that all the a - gument is on hi s s id e. Hear, hear," and laughter.) I recollect a high clas sical authority for the use of the term. f It is that of a Gentleman placed in a situation nearly similar to that of the Noble Lord opposite : " Miseraa cognosce preemia rixm Si rixa est, übi to pulsas, ego vapulo tantum." The Noble Lord has acquitted Mr. Bell, and be has expressed his surprise that the result of my Right Hon. Friend's motion should be of so trifling a character. But may I not be per mitted to express my surprise at the observations of the Noble Lord in this respect ? What ! is the vindication of the cha racter of a British merchant, and the protection of the com merce of this country, comb trifles in the eyes of the No ble Lord, that he can be surprised at my Right Hon. Friend's interference on their behalf ? It may be an insignificant mat ter in the eyes of the Noble Lord, and a few tons of salt may seem to him to be a very little matter ; but the subject is one which involved as great a stake as if the cargo were of pre cious stones ; and, at all events, that is no language for a Foreign Secretary of this kingdom to use when any of its in terests are at issue.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It is no matter what may be the size of the vessel seized—it boots not what is the nature of her cargo—it may be salt, or it may be precious stones—the House of Commons is the place where such a ease as this question involves should alone be decided. The Noble Lord denies the Committee moved for by my Right Hon. Friend, on the grounds that Mr. Bell's character is intact ; but the Noble Lord cuts himself off from that ground by casting imputations on that gentleman's character before he concludes his speech.—(Cheers.) I know nothing of Mr. Bell—l have no acquaintance with him. I have no know ledge of him, except in his capacity of a British merchant ; but still I think the Noble Lord might have done his cause more service if he had continued respecting that gentleman as he begun, and not detrimented himself by endeavouring to damage his reputation.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord bad cast imputations on Mr. Bell's character. I have his words. They are—" Mr. Bell was endeavouring to entrap me, under false pretences." Lord PALMERSTON denied having employed the word false. He only said that Mr. Bell was endeavouring to trap him under pretences. Sir IL PEEL—WeII, be it so. The Noble Lord also says that Mr. Bell was concerned in an attempt to involve two l great countries in a war. Why, what motive could a Bri tish merchant have to promote a war between two countries such as Russia and England, unless he acted under the direction of his own Government? If, as the Noble Lord has stated, Mr. Bell possesses large property in Russia, what motive could he have—still more so as a British merchant—in promoting a war between the two countries, unless lie understood that it would please the Noble Lord, or some one in power and authority ?—( Hear, hear.) I am given to understand that Mr. Bell would be a great loser in the even t o f such a war , and the Noble Lord has quite failed in assigning any reason why he should desire is. After listening to the speech of the Noble Lord and the Honourable and Learned Gentleman behind him, I ask myself for what purpose are the different departments of the State in this country constituted ? Are they to assist British merchants—to counsel, to guide them, to point out when they arc wrong, and to encourage when they are right ?—(Cheers.) If the case before us be taken as a specimen. I should rather say that they were established for the purpose of bewildering him. The Noble Lord has said that he is himself the " Foreign Office," and that no authority but his was to be taken in all matters connected with that de partment. What does the Noble Lord mean ? Dees he ex clude altogether the Under Secretaries from all share in it ? Does he mean to say that British merchants and Consul's com municating with the Foreign Office were not to take anything on the authority of an Under Secretary of State unle ss he proclaims it at each word t o b e d er : ve d from the Noble Lord alone ? Is every communication not made in that manner to be looked upon as invalid ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") I have been Under Secretary of State myself. I have been Secretary of State also, and though I know not what Foreign Ambassadors might do, I do know that no British mer chant would look at the difference between Secretary and Under Socrqtary, cn the way of information rela'ivc to Flit .tsinc3s. L r us now consider the position lof Mr. Bell as a British merchant, after he had sought information on the subject from the public authorities, r In 1831 the Noble Lord received a distinct intimation from Russia that she meant to establish fiscal rights on the coast of Circassia. The Noble Lord says that it would not be conve nient to communicate that intelligence to the public. Granted. But when did Mr. Bell make inquiries respecting it ? Years after. According to the laws of Russia the Black Sea was to be open to all vessels ; but that they could only touch at cer tain ports on the eastern shore where quarantine and custom houses were established. What communication did the Noble Lord make to Russia on receipt of this intimation of her in tention? I will agree with him that it may not have been convenient to make it public at Lloyd's at the time, but what communication did he make to Russia when he learned that Circassia was to be no longer an independent Power? What did he say when he was informed that Mr. Bell's vessel had been seized ? In a letter of Lord Dur ham to the Noble Lord it is said that the forcible inter ference of any foreign Power with the peaceful occupa tion of a country was to be condemned. Perhaps he had heard of the Noble Lord's opinion. Was not Mr. Bell jus tified in undertaking this voyage under such circumstances ? What satisfied Lord Ponsonby after the seizure of Mr. Bell's vessel ? Was it the decision of a Russian Judge—some Scythian Lord Stowell? No, all the authority ever exhibited for the act was an imperial order, dated St. Petersburgh, and directed to the Russian Admiralty in the Black Sea, directing it to confiscate the Vixen, and declaring it and the cargo a good prize. —(Hear, hear.) There certainly was no direct communication from the Noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs to warrant Mr. Bell's enterprise, but looking to the communications of Mr. Urquhart and Lord Ponsonby with him respecting the rights of Russia and the protection of Eng land I don't see how any man could come to any other con clusion than what Mr. Bell did respecting his right to trade and his claim to the protection of his country.—( Hear, hear. ) The Noble Lord may say that Lord Ponsonby might, in his explanation, have confounded the ideas of blockade and " fis caloht i h m a s t f x t c h u a s t e. ox (Hear, regulations," hear.)at io s , but xte o h d e i doesog tot, not allow o Nob euse—allowing him to have interpreted the edict of Russia in irerL. Bellrd 1831 to have duly extended to " fiscal regulations"—it may be easily inferred that he need not have taken the trouble of pro testing against or contesting such a harmless edict. It cer tainly looks as if he had thought the whole affair a trifle, till the affair of the Vixen enlightened him, for he had six years to thing of the matter, and yet said nothing about it.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said that Mr. Bell might have had a Political object in his commer cial speculations.—( Hear, hear.) It appeared, however, that Lord Ponsonby himself was a willing party to this political object, as it appeared on the showing of Mr. James Bell. I must say, that if Mr. Bell became a politician, you made him so by your advice, counte nance, and support.—(Cheers.) You told him that Russia had no right to demand dues, though she might have to blockade the coast. Where is the British merchant who would not attempt to trade when Po assured and supported ? (Cheers.) From Lord Ponsonby he goes to Mr. Urquhart, and, if by his official advice he goes wrong, the Noble Lord who appointed him, and sent him there, is responsible, and not the British merchant who acts on his information.— ( Hear.) lam aware that this case is one of a very peculiar nature, and I may say peculiar hardship. A Court of law, I fear, will not grant redress. Ido not say that a House of Commons would give redress, but I say that there is a strong case for inquiry. —(Hear.) There are three distinct points in favour of Mr. Bell : first, the six years' concealment of the blockade by t h e N o bl e L or d at t h e head of Foreign Affairs; second, the dry answer returned to Mr. Bell when he de manded such information as might have served for his gui dance from the only competent 'authority ; and third, the fur ther encouragement given him abroad by Lord Ponsonby and Mr. Urquhart, all form solid grounds for this inquiry. ( Hear.) It would be dangerous, perhaps, to give the political portion of the subject into the hands of a Select Committee, but the demand for inquiry stands upon grounds to which that objection cannot fairly be made. Lord J. RUS SELL said there was one point attempted to be established by the arguments brought forward which in volved an absurdity no less than this—that the Foreign Secre tarytbom state our from foreign prejudice relations to tlieir were, mercantile s with did not di sc h arge his duty if he did not g i ve sufficient say notice to B r i t i s h merchants in all parts of the world i n what tli the speculations. v' ew of preserving To nothing of the difficulty of this expose, the danger and incon venience to our political relations might be at times very con siderable. Take, for instance, that period in our history when Mr. Canning was endeavouring to arrange an amicable intercourse with the colonies of South America while the mother country was still at war with them. While the latter blockaded the ports of Peru and Caraccas she would have treated a British ship which attempted to violate her flag with all the rigour of the laws of war ; and would Mr. Canning have been justified in giving a British merchant who applied for in formation respecting the policy he intended to adopt such a statement as would have afforded him an opportu nity of interfering in the then critical state of things, and thereby, perhaps, involving this country in a war with Spain. —( Hear, hear.) What bad hapwened once in our history might with equal probability happen again. Now, they were asked to enter upon an inquiry by a Committee sitting up stairs (five to be a quorum) whether they were sufficiently aggrieved in the case of Messrs. Bell to commence a quarrel and go to war with Russia (for that was the real meaning of it,) and establish a precedent for involving England in endless discord with all the nations of Europe and America, at the pleasure of some merchant, half politician; or some politician, half merchant.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Right Honour able Gentleman had omitted to notice a distinction which Russia had herself made with respect to the coast of Cir cassia ; and here he must beg leave to say that he felt not a little indignation that a question of the utmost importance to the amicable relations of the two countries should be introduced as it were by a side-wind.—( Hear.) The port in question was acknowledged by Russia to belong to Turkey from 1783 to the Treaty of Adrianople in 1809, when Kouban and Anapa were transferred to Russia. Thence arose a state ment on the part of Russia, in which the whole of the coast was spoken of instead of a port — that all had bee n transferr e d to her. But that er ror of lan g ua g e, or the claim involved in is, was too important a question to be discussed then.— Hear, hear.) However , there was no q uestion that the p ort ear ' where the vessel (the Vixen) was seized had belonged to Turkey and was ceded to Russia, and that she had a right to make her own san atory regulations. He would ask in what Office to entertain Mr. Bell's guess manne r was the Foreign t i o „7 Were they to go into the histories of the treaties of Turkey, Russia, and England, and to state what their intentions were with respect to them? This would indeed be a case of condescension without precedent.—( Hear, hear.) He was told that there was no blockade gazetted, but was it to be inferred that he got no further information ?—( Hear.) No! He was told by Lord Ponsonby that he had sent home to his Government for his instructions, and (Mr. Bell admitted i t ) h e must have known his danger. Mr. George Bell spoke of the whole coast of Circassia as an independent country—in ignorance of the fact that several points thereon had belonged to Turkey, and had been ceded to Russia. If the House was of opinion that the Government had betrayed the interest of the British merchants, and ought to go to war with Russia to enforce them, why did they drop that quest i o n, and merely move for the enquiry whether Mr. Bell had got sufficient information from the Foreign Office? Cheers.) If there be an inquiry voted, would the House take upon itself to consider and pronounce whether Russia was justified in the seizure or not ?—( Hear, hear.) If so, their considerations would form the grounds of peace or war. (Hear.) He must regret that the Right Hon. Gentleman had made use of communications like those brought forward on t h a t occasion.—( Hear, hear.) He did hope that it wou ld h ave been understood, and acted upon, that a confidential secretary of the Government was not at liberty to bring forward for pa rty purposes the private communications with which he w as i ntrus ted.—( Cheers.) If such individuals, and if the press of this country were to be permitted to publish such political dis closures, the Government could keep no amicable relations with foreign Governments. It was indeed a breach of official co nfidence worthy of the se v eres t p unishm ent. (Cheers. ) Sir S. CANNING replied—He was satisfied to rest the me rits of the question on the speeches of the Right Hon. Ba ronet ( Sir Robert Peel) and the Noble Lord opposite. With respect se ct to the use he had made of the correspondence alluded to, he conceived he might rest his justification on the fact that he had seen that correspondence already published in several newspapers. He must, in conclusion, say, that if he were to learn lessons of discretion, it should not be in such a school. The House then divided, when the numbers were— For the motion Against it Majority l6 The Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past One o'Clock. THE G REENWICH PENSIONERS.—ThiS is a worthy companion to Mr. Gleig's admired and interesting work on Chelsea Hos pital. In the book before us, however, the author has taken a wider field for the exhibition of his talent, and the subject is altogether a more inte resting one. We say this because it has struck us that about the Chelsea Pensioner there is little or nothing to distinguish him from the commu nity at large—he is a common-place human being who merely cats, sleeps, walks about, chews, and smokes, and gets periodically intoxi. cated. But the Greenwich Pensioner, on the other hand, is an animal of a species by itself, whose moral and habitual characteristics have very little in common with those of every day humanity. Although the work before us professes to be a work of invention, there is much in it bearing the impress of reality--indeed, the greater part of it is so true to nature, both in portraiture and incident, that, although interesting to a high de. gree, the strangcnesscs are infinitely more those of truth than of fiction. — Court Journal. CORONATION OF HER MAJESTY.—The most correct account of the ceremonies of the Coronation of the Queen, illustrated with Explanatory Prints, will appear in the Observer of Sunday, the lit of July. A Monday afternoon edition et the Observer is regularly published, most desirable for the country and foreign cir• culation. The first anniversary meeting of the Members of the Booksellers' Provident Institution was held onTuesday at Blackwall, where a handsome dinner was provided for the occasion. The Chair was taken by Cosmo Orme, Esq , who briefly explained the circum stances which had led to the formation of a permanent fund for the relief of booksellers and their assistants in times of adversity. In the course of the evening the health of her Majesty was enthusiastically drunk, and several excellent glees were sung by Messrs. Fitzwilliam, Broadhurst, Hawkins, &c. On the health of the Vice Presidents being proposed, Mr. Colburn returned thanks on behalf of himself and his associat e brethren. He congratulated the meeting on the brilliant success which hail already crowned their efforts, and assured them that no exertion should be wanting on his own part, and on that of the other Vice-Presidents, to further the objects contemplated by the society. The Treasurer reported the receipt of upwards of 6,000/„ which there was every reason to suppose would very shortly be increased to 10,0001. Now fewer than one hundred and sixty persons were present. THE PRECIOUS METALS. —The exportation of gold and silver coin from the port of London to foreign ports, for the weeks ending the inst., is as under :—Gold coin, to Australia, 188 oz. ; ditto, to Nevi South Wales, 250 cz. Silver coin, to Australia, 14,288 oz. ; ditto, to Rotterdam, 49,800 oz. ; ditto, to New South Wales, 16,000 oz. PARLIAMENTARY DI VISION. SHIP VIXEN. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) THURSDAY, JUNE 21. Motion made, and Question put, " That a Select Committee be appointed, to inquire into the following allegations contained in the Petition of Mr. George Bell and others, namely, that the Peti tioners have suffered seriously in their interests and characters through the seizure of their vessel ' The Vixen,' and her cargo, by a Russian Man of War in the Bay of Soujonk-kah'i ; that the in tention of the Petitioner, George Bell, to send a vessel to the Coast of Circassia for the purpose of trading independently with the population of that Coast, was previously made known to her Ma jesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and had his approval and sanction ; and that the final arrangements for the vessel's voyage were, before she sailed from Constantinople, com municated to and expressly sanctioned by her Majesty's Represen tative at the Sublime Porte :"—( Sir Stratford Canning : )—The House divided : MINORITY. Acland, Sir T. D.—.N Devonshire Acland, T. D.—West Somerset AYES, 184. Hope, Charles—Linlithgowshire Hope, G. W.—Weymouth Hotham, Lord—Leominster Houldsworth, T.—Nottinghamshire Houston, G. J.—Renfrewshiro Hughes, W. B.—Carnarvon Hurt, Francis—South Derby - Ingestre, Viscount—Staffordshire Jackson, Mr. Serj.—Bandon Bridge James, Sir W. C. —Kingston-on-Hull Jermyn, Earl—Bury, Suffolk Johnstone, J . J. I ~ —Pinofries-shire Jones, T. —Londonderry Co. Kelly, Fitzroy—lpswich. Kemble, H.--:West Surrey Kerrison, Sir Edward—Eye Kirk, Peter—Carrickfergus Knight, H. G.—Nottinghamshire Knightley, Sir C.—Northamptonsh. Knox, lion. Thomas—Dungannon Lascclles, Hon. W. S.—Wakefield Lcfroy, Rt. Mon. T.—Dublin Uni versity Liddell, Hon. H.—North Durham Litton, Edward—Coleraine Lockhart, A. M.—Lanarkshire Lowther, Colonel—Westmoreland Lowther, Viscount—Westmoreland Lygon, M.-Gen. Hon..H. costershire, West. Mackenzie, Thomas—Ross-shire Mackenzie, W. F.—Pecblesshire Maclean, Donald—Oxford Mahon, Viscount— Hertford Marton, Geo.—Lancaster Master, Colonel—Cirencester Maunscll, T. P.—Northamptsnshire Miles, William—Somcrsetshire Miles, Philip W. Skynner—Bristol Miller, Wm. H.—Newcastle-under- Lyme Moniaunt, Sir John—Warwickshire Morgan, C. M. R.—Brecon Neeld, Joseph—Chippen ham Neeld, John—Cricklade Nicholl, J —Cardiff Norrcys, Lord—Oxfordshire Pakington, J. S.—Droitwich Parker, T. A. W.—Oxfordshire Patten, J. Wilson—Lancashire Peel, Right Hon. Sir R.—Tamworth Pemberton, Thomas—Ripon Perceval, Colonel—Sligo Co. Pigott, Robert—Bridgnorth Planta, Joseph—Hastings Polhill, Frederick—Bedford Pollen, Sir 3.—Andover Praed, W. M.—Aylesbury Praed, W. T.--St. Ives Pringle, Alexander—Selkirkshire Pusey, Philip—Berkshire Rae, Right Hon. Sir Wm.—Bute Reid, Sir J. Rae—Dover Richards, Richard—Merionethshire Rickford, W.—Aylesbury Rolleston, Col.—South Nottingham Rose, Sir George—Christchurch 'Round, Charles Gray—Essex N. IRound, John —Maldon Rushbrooke, Colonel—Suffolk Rushout, George Bowles—Evesham Sandoz), Lord—Liverpool Scarlett, Hon. J Y.—Guildford Shaw, Rt. Hon. F.—Dublin Univcr. Shirley, E. J —Warwickshire Sibthorp, Colonel—Lincoln Sinclair, Sir George- Caithness Smyth, Sir G. H.—Colchester Stanley, Edward—Cumberland Stanley, Lord—North Lancashire Stormont, Viscount—Perthshire Sugdcn, Sir E.—Ripon Teignmouth, Lord—Marylebono Tollemache, Hon. F.—Grantham Trevor, Hon. G. IL—Caennarth ens . Tyrrell, Sir J. T.—North Essex Vere, Sir C. B.—East Suffolk Waddington, H. S.—West Suffbik Walsh, Sir John—Sudbury Williams, William—Coventry Wodchouse, Edmund—Norfolk Wood, Colonel T.—Brecknockshire Wood, Thomas—Middlesex Wyndham, Wadham —Salisbury Captain—Tamworth Ad,re, Lord—Glamorgansh ire Alford, Viscount—Bedfordshire Alsager, R.—Surrey Arbuthnot, Gen.—Kincardineshire Atwood, W.—Greenwich Attwood, Thos.—Birmingham Bagge, W.—West Norfolk Bagot, Hon. W.—Denbighshire Bailey, Joseph—Worcester Bailey, J. D.—Sudbury Baillie, H. D.—Honiton Baring, W. B.—North Staffordshire Bell, Matthew—S. Northumberland Bcntinck, Lord G.—Lynn Bothell, Richard-. Yorkshire Blackburne, I. J.—Warrington Blackstone, W. S.—Wallin,gtbrd Blair, J. Wigtonshire Blennerhassctt, A.—Kerry Bolder°, Henry G.—Chippenham Bolling, W.—Bolton Bradshaw, James—Canterbury Broadley, Henry—East Yorkshire Broadwood, Henry—Bridgewater Brownrigg, J. S.—Boston Bruce, Lord E.—Marlborough Bruges, W. H. L.—Bath Buller, Sir J. Yarde—Devonshire Burdett, Sir F.—North Wiltshire Burr, D H. D.—Hereford Burrell, Sir C.—Shoreham Burroughes, H. N.—East Norfolk Calcrafi, John Hales—Wareham Canning, Right Hon. Sir S.—King's Lynn Char-dos, Marquis of—Bucks Chute, W. L. W.—West Norfolk Clerk, Sir G.—Stamford Cole,Hon Arthur H.—Enniskillen Cole, Viscount—Fermanagh Compton, H. Combe—Hampshire Corry, Hon. H. L.—Tyrone Co. Courtenay, P.—Bridgewater Cresswell, Cresswell—Liverpool ►'arby, George—East Sussex De Horsey, S. H.—Newcastle-under Lyme Dick, Quintin—Maldon Douglas, Sir C E.— Warwick D3wdeswell, W.—Tewkesbury Dunbar, George—Belfast Duncombe, Hon. W.—Yorkshire Dungannon, Lord —Durham Eastnor, Viscount—Reigate Egerton, Sir P.—Cheshire Egerton, Lord Francis—Lancashire Eliot, Lord—East Cornwall Ellis, John—Newry Estcourt, 'l'. G. B.—Oxford Univ. Estcourt, T. Junior—Devizes Farnham, E Leicestershire Feilden, W. J.—Blackburn Fellowes, Edw.—Huntingdonshire Fllmer, Sir E.—West Kent Fitzroy, Hon. Henry—Lewes Foley, E. T.—Herefordshire Forester, Hon. G.—Wenlock Gaskell, James Milnes -Wenlock Gibson, Thomas—lpswich Gladstone, W.E.—Newark-on-Trent Godson, IL—Kidderminster Gordon, lion. W.—Aberdeenshire Gore, 0. J. R.—Carnarvonshire Goulburn, Right Hon. H.—Cam bridge University Graham, Right Hon. Sir J. R. G., Bt.---Pembroke Grimsditch, T.—Macclesfield Grimston, lion. E. H.—St. Alban's G rimston, Viscount—Hertfordshire Hale, B. R.—Gloucestershire Ilalford, Henry—Leicestershire Hardinge, Right Hon. Sir 11.—Leon. ceston Hawkes, Thomas—Dudley (ill) Hayes, Sir E.—Donegal Heathcotc, Sir W.—S. Hampshire Henniker, Lord—East Sullblk Hepburn, Sir I'. 13.—Haddingtonsh. Herbert, Hon. S.—South Wilts / erri es, Right lion. J. C.—Harwich Hillsborough, Earl of—Down Hodgson, ltd.—Berwick-on.Tweed Holmes, Hon \V.—lsle of Wight Holmes, W.—Berwick-onTweed TELLI I .IIB. Baring, H. B.—Marlborough Fremantle, Sir T lioinzs —Bucks MAJORITY- Abercromby, G. R. —Stirlingshire Acheson, Lord—Co. of Armagh Adam, tear-Adm. Sir C.—Clack-I —NOES, 200. Langdale, Hon .C.—Knaresboroueli Lemon, ir Charles—West Cornwall Lennox, Lord J. G.—West Sussex Leveson, Lord—Morpeth Lister, E. Canliffe—Bradford Lashington, Dr.—'Power rfaml. Lushington, Charles—Ashburton Lynch, A. H.—Galway M'Namara, Maj. W. N.—Clare Co. WTaggart, John—Wigton, &c. Maher, Jno.— Wexford Co. Marshall, Wm.—Carlisle Marsland, Henry—Stockport Martin, John—Tewkesbury Maule, lion. Fox—Elgin Burgh Melgund, Viscount —llythe Mildmay, P. St. John —Winchester Milton, Lord—Malton Moreton, A H.—Gloucestenhke Morpeth, Lord—Yorkshire Morris, D.--Carmarthen Murray, Right Hon. J. A.—Leith Muskat, George A.—St. Alban's O'Connell, Daniel Dublin O'Connell, John—Athlone O'Connell, M. J.—Kerry O'Connell, Morgan—Meath O'Connor Don—Roscommon Co. o'Ferrall, Richard M.—Kildare Ord, W.—Newcastle-upon-Tyn• Palmer, Charles Fyshe—Reading Palmerston, Viscount—Tiverton Parrott, Jasper—Totness Pattison, James—London l'ease Joseph—South DurhamPechell, Captain—Brighton Pinney, W.—Lyme Regis Ponsonby, Hon. John—Derby Power, John—Waterford Price Sir R.—Herefordshire Protherce, Edward—Halifax Pryme, George—Cambridge Rice, Right lion. T. S.—Cambridge Roche, E. B.—Cork Co. Roche, William—Limerick Roche, David—Limerick Rolfe, rir R. M.—Penrin Rumbold, C. E.—Yarmouth Rundle, John—Tavistock Russell, Lord John—Stroud Russell, Lord—Tav istock. Russell, Lord C. J. F.—Bedfordshire Salwey, Lieut.-Col.—Ludlow Sanford, E. A.—Somersetshire Scholefield, J.—Birmingham Seale, Colonel—Dartmouth Sharpe, General—Dumfries Sheil, Richard Lalor—Tipperary Smith, J. A.—Chichester Smith, Benjamin—Norwich Smith, R. V. —Northampton Somerville, Sir W.—Droghed Speirs, Alexander—Richmond Stanley, W. o.—Anglesea Stansfield, W. R. C.—Huddersfield Staunton, Sir George Thomas Steuart, Robert—lladdington, Stewart, James—Honiton Strickland, Sir G.—West Yorkshire Strutt, Edward—Derby Stuart, Lord J.—Ayr Stuart, Villiers—Waterford Co. Style, Sir Charles—Scarborough Surrey, Earl of—West Sussex Talbot, C. R. M.—Glamorganshirc Talfourd, Mr. Serjeant —Reading Thomson, Right lion. C. P.—Man chester Thornely, Thos,—Wolverhampton Townley, Rd. G,—Cambridgeshire Turner, \V.—Blackburn Verney, SW 11.—buckinghamshire Vigors, N. A.—Carlow Co. Villiers, I. P. —Wolverhampton Vivian, John Henry—Swansea Vivian, Sir R. IL—East Cornwall Walker, 11.—Bury, Lancashire Wallace, Robert—Greenock Warburton, H.-23i idport Ward, H. G.—Sheffield Wcstcnra, Hon. H B.—Monaghan Westenra, Hon. J. C.—King'. Co. White, ndrew—Sunderland Wilde, Mr. Serjeant—Newark Winnington, T. E.—Bewciley innington, H. J.—Worcestershire Wood, G. \V.—Kendal ' Woulie, Mr. Serjeant—Cashel Wrightson, \V. B.—Northallerton Wyse, Thomas--Waterford Yates, J. Ashton -Carlow imnnan Aglionby, Major F,—Cumberland Ainsworth, P.—Bolton A rchbohl, Robert—Kildare Baines, Edward—Leeds Ball, Nicholas—Cloomell ilannerman, A.—Aberdeen Barnard, E. G.—Greenwich Barry, G. S.—Cork Co. licninish, F. B.—Cork Benett, J.—South Wiltshire Berkeley, Hon. C.—Cheltenham Bernal, Ralph—Rochester Bewes, T —Plymouth Blake, Martin J.—Galway Blake, W. J.—Newport Blunt, Sir Charles—Lewes Bodkin, J. J.—Galway Co. Bridgeman, Hewitt—Ennis Briscoe, J. I.—Wes'bury Brocklehurst, J.— ‘laccles field Brodie, W. 11.—Salisbury Brotherton, J.—Salford Buller, E.—North Staffordshire Bulwer, E. L.—Lincoln Busfield, W.—Bradford Callaghan, D.—Cork City Campbell, Sir John—Edinburgh Campbell, W. E.—Argyleshire Cave, Robert Otway—Tipperary Cavendish, Hon. C. C.—East Sussex Cavendish, Hon O. 11.—N. Derby Cayley, E. S —N. Yorkshire Chalmers, Patrick—lnverbervie Chester, Henry—Louth Co. Chetwynd, Major W.—Stafford Chichester, J. P. B.—Barnstaple Chil&rs, John W.—Malton Clayton, Sir William—Marlow Clive, Edward B.—Hereford Collier, John—Plymouth Collins, W —Warwick Cowper, Hon. W. F.—Hertford Craig, W. G.—Edinburghshire Crawley, Samuel —Bedford Crompton, S.—Thirsk Curry, William—Armagh Dalmeny, Lord—Stirling Dash wood, G. H.—Wycombe Davies, Colonel—Worcestvr Denison, W. J.—West Sussex Denistoun, J.—Glasgow D'Eyncourt, Right Hon. C. T.— Lan Beth Duckworth, Samuel—Leicester Duff, James —Banffshire Duke, Sir James—Boston Dundas, C. W. D.—Flint Dundas, Hon. J. C.—York Dundas, Hon. T.—Richmond Easthope, J.—Leicestrr Eliot, Hon. J. E.—Roxburghshiro Ellice, Capt. A.—Harwich Etwall, Ralph—Andover Evans, Sir 6.DeLacy—Westminster Evans, G.—Dublin County Fazakerley, J. N.—Peterborough Fe , iton, John—Rochdale Ferguson, Sir R. A.—Londonderry Ferguson, Robert —Kirkalcly Fergusson, Right Hon. R. C.—Kirk cudbright Fleetwood, P. IL—Preston French, F.—Rosscommon Gillon, Wm. D.—Linlithgow Gordon, Robert—Windsor Greenaway, Charles—Leominster Grey, Sir Charles Edwaru—Tyne mouth Grey, Sir George—Devonport Harland, William Charles—Durham Hastie, Archibald—Paisley Hawkins, J. H.—Newport, T. Wight Heatheote, G. J.—Lincolnshire Hindley, Charles—Ashton Hebhouse, Right Hon. Sir J. Cam, Nottingham Hobhouse, T. Benjamin—Rochester Hodges, T L.—West Kent Hollond, Robert—Hastings Horsman, Edward—Cockermouth Hoskins, K.—Herefordshtre Howard, F. J.—Youghall Howard, P. IL—Carlisle Howard, IL—Wicklow Co. Howick, Visc.—Northumberland Hutt, W.—Hull Ingham, R. -South Shields Jephson, D. o.—Mallow Kinnaird, Hon. A. F.—Perth Labouchere, Right Hon. Henry— Taunton TELLERS. Parker, John—Sheffield .Stanley, E. Jelin—North Cheshire THE LICENSED VICTUAL LERS.—Thirty dele gates, representing the licensed victuallers of eighteen of the principal towns of England, had an interview with Lord John Russell at the Home-office on Tuesday ; they were accompanied by Earl Fitzw•illiam and the following Members of Parliament :—Lord Sandon, Lord Powerscourt, Colonel Gore Langton, the Hon. Bootle Wilbraham, the Hon. W. S. ',ascetics, Mr. Mark Philips, Mr. Ludlow Bruges, Mr. Blackburne, Mr. Wm. Miles, Mr. P. S. Miles, Mr Baines, Mr. W. Tat. ton Egerton, Mr. Finch, Mr. Protheroe, jun , and Mr. Dugdale. Lord Francis Egerton, Lord Stanley, Lord Ingestre, the Right Hon. C. Poulett Thomson, and ten other Members were prevented by illness or other engagements from being at the interview. The following Is a list of the names of the license victuallers' Delegates, and the towns from which they came:—Huddersfield, Thomas Marshall, Francis Dalton; Manchester, James Bake, Thomas Oates ; Liverpool, Robert Bryden, Patrick Brenan ; Birmingham, Thomas Showell, Joseph Stinton ; Bris tot, William Hopkin, Frederick Bond; Leeds, John Metcalfe, James Wilde; Bradford, Joseph Schofield, James Wade; Hull, William Jubb, Richard Curtis; Stockport, Thomas Robinson; Rochdale, Abraham Twealale ; Warrington, William Bather; Portsmouth, Isaac Little_ johns, Robert Kilt; Sheffield, Joins Cooper ; Ashton-under-Line, Ed ward Hall; Oldham, Joseph Ogden ; Halifax, Daniel Holgate Stiglen; Bath, John Ralph, Jabez Hunt. From the Metropolitan Committee:— Mr. Morgan, Chairman; Mr. Hibble, and Mr. Vausley. Professor Calvert's Lectures on Oratory to the Mary lebone institution closed on Tuesday. Reverting to the subject of his pre vious lecture, he fortified by a new line of reasoning the position then maintained, "Orator fit, pocla nascitur," that practice and cultivation are indispensable to the developement of the powers of the orator. He de. monstrated that in an artificial state of society Art is the handmaid of Nature, with whose services she cannot decorously dispense, and so far from being incompatible with simplicity, the apex of art when once attained places us only in more imme diate contact with nature. From a vindication of the art, the lecturer then advanced to complete the explanation of its rudiments— the topics of the evening were inflection, emphasis, gesture, and general expression, which were enlarged upon by the lecturer at great length, and with much felicity of illustration. Mr. Calvert is an easy and graceful lecturer, who depends for success upon deep knowledge of his art, and strong natural requisites of voice, end appearance matured by , diligent cultivation. No less than three Empresses were observed walking together on the public promenade at Vienna—the reigning Empress, the Empress Dowager, widow of Francis, and the Empress Maria Louise, widow of Napoleon, who has been visiting at Vienna for some time past. —German Paper. HER MAJESTY'S DRAWING-H 00M. The Queen held a Drawing. Room yesterday afternoon at St. James' Palace. Her Majesty and suite in three carrilges arrived at the Palace shortly before two o'clock. The Guard of Honour was from the 2d Life Guards, and was on duty with their fine brass band in the large Court of the Palace. The band on their arrival played " God save the Queen." Her Majesty's Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms was on duty in the State Rooms, and also in the Portrait Gallery and Presence Chamber, The Foreign Ambassadors Extraordinary came in State with their numerous suites. The Duchess of Kent came in State to the Drawing-Room escorted by a party of Life Guards. Her Royal Highness was attended by Lady Flora Hastings, Lieutenant-General the Honourable Arthur Upton, Major-General Hill, and Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. J. H. Caradoc. Her Royal Highness entered the Palace by the Colour Court. Her Royal Highness's dress on this occasion was comi,osed entirely of British manufacture. The Princess Augusta came, attended by Lady Mary Pelham and Sir Benjamin Stephenson. _ _ . Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester arrived at the Gar den-gate at half-past one o'clock, attended by Lady Georgians Bathurst and Colonel Sir Samuel G. Higgins. The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, Prince George, and the Princess Augusta of Cambridge, were attended by Miss Kerr, Baron Knesebeck, and Colonel Cornwall. The Duke of Sussex was attended by Lord John Churchhill. Her Majesty was attended by the following Ladies and Officers of the Royal Household:—The Marchioness of Lansdowne (first Lady), the Countess of Mulgrave, Lady Lyttleton, the Marchioness of Tavistock, the Countess of Charlemont, Lady Barham and Lady Portman, Ladies in Waiting; Mrs. Brand, Hon. Mrs. George Campbell, Lady Gardiner, and Viscountess Forbes, Women of the Bedchamber; Hon. Misses Pitt (in Waiting), Spring Rice (in Waiting), Cocks, Cavendish, Lister, Murray, Paget, and Dillon, Maids of Honour ; the Earl of Uxbridge, Lord in Waiting; Vice-Admiral Sir Robert Otway, Groom in Waiting; Colonel Wemyss, Equerry in Waiting; the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, the Master of the Horse, the Vice-Chamberlain, the Treasurer of the Household, the Hon. Colonel Cavendish, Clerk Mar shal; Colonel Buckley, Equerry to her Majesty; Master Cowell and Master Cavendish, Pages of Honour in Waiting. Her Majesty having taken her station in the Throne Room, the Royal Family being on one side and the members of the Royal House hold in Waiting on the other, the entree company were introduced. In the circle the following foreign presentations to her Majesty took place:— Count Gyeslai, General in the Austrian service, and Le Duc Vis conti, by Prince Esterhazy, the Austrian Ambassador. Princess Volkonsky, Lady of Honour to the Empress of Russia and wife of the Minister of the Emperor's House, and Madame d'Obrescafl, nee Scherimeleff, by Count Pozzo di Borgo, the Russian Ambassador. The Marchioness Bocella, by the Marchioness de Brignole, the Sar. dinian Ambassadress. The Baroness Rehausen, by the Countess Sebastiani, the French Ambassadress. The Misses Warren and Mrs. Cabot, by Mrs. Stevenson, the Lady of the American Minister. Baroness de Lagos and Madame Sampayo, by the Duke de Palmclla, the Portuguese Ambassador. The Drawing Room was attended by their Serene Highnesses Prince Christian of HolsteinGlucksbourg and Prince Ernest of Hesse Plrillipsthal, the Austrian and Prussian Ambassadors, the French Ambassador and Countess Sebastiani, Count Ludolf, Sicilian; Prince de Ligne, Belgian; Count Strogonoff, Russian; Prince de Schwarzenberg, Austrian; Baron Van de Capellen, Netherlands ; Marquis de Miraflores, Spanish; Prince de Putbus, Prussian; General Count de Alten, Hanoverian ; Marquis de Brignole, Sardinian; Count Gustave de Lowenhiclm (General-in- Chief of the Swedish Cavalry), Swedish ; and the Duke of Palmella, Por tuguese, Ambassadors Extraordinary ; Countess Strogonoff, Russian Ambassadress; Princess de Schwarzenberg, Austrian Ambassadress; Marchioness de Brignole, Sardiniad Ambassadress; Baroness Van de Capellen, Netherlands Ambassadress ; the Prussian and Wurtemburg Ministers, the Danish Minister and Baroness Biome, the Bavarian and Netherlands Ministers, the United States Minister and Mrs. Stevenson, the Spanish, Sardinian, Grecian, Hanoverian, and Saxon Ministers ; Baron Rehausen, Swedish Charge d'Affaires ; Chevalier Re bello de Carvalho, Portuguese Charge d'Affaires; Chevalier de Odelga, Secretary, and Baron Lebzeltern, Attache, to the Austrian Embassy ; M. de Berg, Secretary to the Russian Embassy ; Baron de Bourqueney, First Secretary, and Count Forbin Janson, Attache to the French Em bassy; Count de Cruquembourg, Secretary, Count d'Aerschott, Baron d'Hoogroorst, Count d'Andelot, and Captain Moekerke, Attaches to the Belgian Embassy; Prince Kotschoubey, Count Strogonoff, and M. de Beck, Attaches to the Russian (Extraordinary) Embassy; Count Erdody, Count Bethlen d'lktar, Count de Grunne, Landgrave de Furstenberg, Prince Alfred Windisch Graetz, Count Beldi, Count Festities, and Count Musky, Attaches to the Austrian (Extraordinary) Embassy; Count Bentinck, Attache to the Netherlands (Extraordinary) Embassy; Mar quis de Santiago, Chevalier de Jabat (Secretary), Count de la Cimera, Viscount de PArrneria, and Colonel M. D'Ossuna, Attaches to the Spanish (Extraordinary) Embassy; Baron de Seydlitz, Baron de Gotsch, Baron de Krassou, Baron de Schoenfeldt, Count de Bernstorff; Count de Hatzfeldt, Count de Pourtales, Baron de Bergh, and Baron de Saldern, Attaches to the Prussian Embassy; Baron de Alten, Aide de-Camp to his Majesty the King of Hanover, and Attache to the Embassy; Count D'Elvernoz, Marquis Durazzo, Attaches to the Sardi nian (Extraordinary) Embassy; Baron de Wedel Jarlsberg (Chambel. lan of the King of Sweden and Norway) ; Count de Pouke (Aide-de. Camp General to the King of Sweden), Count de Rosen (officer in the Swedish Guards), Baron Charles de Bonde, and the Count de Kalling (officers in the Swedish Guards), Attaches to the Swedish (Extraordinary) Embassy; Baron de Lagos, M. Sampayo, and Chevalier Brandao, Attaches to the Portuguese (Extraordinary) Embassy; and Lieut. Brandao, and M. De Basto ; Emeen Effendi, Second Secretary of the Turkish Embassy, accompanied by M. Salame, her Majesty's Oriental Interpreter ; Baron Werther Secretary to the Prussian Legation ; Count de Romree, At tache to the Belgian Legation ; M. De Bille (Danish Minister to the Hanseatic Cities), Baron Bertouch, Attache to the Danish Le. gation ; and Count G. De Blucher; Messrs. Macedo and Paira, Se cretaries, and M. De Bivar, Attache, to the Brazilian Legation ; Baron Bentinck, Secretary to the Dutch Legation ; John Van Buren, Son of the President of the United States, Mr. Benjamin Flush, Se. cretary, Mr. Richard Vaux, Private Secretary, and Mr. Henry B. Livingston, Attache to the United States Legation, and Colonel Thorn; the Duke d'Osuna, Marquis d'Albayda, Chevalier Munos, Secretary, Chevalier J. de Sandoval, and Mr. F. Painpillo, Attaches to the Spanish Legation ; Count de Cigala, Count Revel, Secretary to the Sardinian Legation, Chevalier de Paiva Pereira, Attache to the Portu guese Legation, Prince Nicholas Esterhazy, Marquis and Mar chioness Trioulzio, Count and Countess Greppi, Count Eugene Ziehy, Count and Countess Zichy Ferraris, Count de Flahault, Count de Banneville, Baron du Cluzeau de Clerant ; the Lord Chancehior,thc Cap tain of the Honourable Corps of the Gentlemen at Arms, the Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard; Viscount Combetmere, Gold Stick in Wait ing; the Master-General of the Orillrance, Mr. Backhouse ; Under- Secretary of State, Major-General Sir nen ry Wheatley, G.C.H., Keeper of her Majesty's Privy Purse, the Master of the Ceremonies, Sir Samuel Spry, Lieutenant, and Sir Thomas N. Reeve, Standard-bearer of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms ; Sir Edwin Pearson, Lieu tenant, and Sir George Houlton, Ensign of the Yeomen of the Guard; Mr. Rich, M.P. Groom in Waiting; Sir George Carroll and Sir Moses Montefiore, Sheriff's of London and Middlesex ; Sir John Ps chell, On waiting), Hon. Captain Poulett, and Captain Dundas, Naval Aides-de-Camp to her Majesty ; Colonels Sir Adolphus Dal rymple, Sir Robert Gardiner, Lightfoot, C. 8., and Brotherton, Aides-de-Camp to the Queen; the Dean of Hereford, Deputy Clerk, of the Closet in Waiting; Mr. James Curling, Clark of the Cheque of the Hon. Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms; Mr. Ellerthorp, Clerk of the Cheque of tb,e Yeoman of the Guard; Major Hyde, Assistant-Master and Marshal of the Ceremonies ; Mr. Samuel Hancock (in waiting) and Mr. John Parker Nuttall, Exons of the Yeomen of the Guard ; Captain Pech:ll, R.N., Equerry to her Majesty the Queen Dowager; Hon. Cot. Caradoc, K.H., Equerry to her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent; Colonel Richardson, Royal Horse Guards, Silver Stick in Waiting ; Lieut.-Col. Sir Frederick Smith (of the Privy Chamber), Hon. Captain Courtenay Boyle, R.N., and Capt. Green, Gentlemen Ushers in Waiting; the Queen Dowager's Solicitor-General. Amongst the general company were Mr. George Frederick Dickson, Consul-General for the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata. The Draw. ing.room was the most brilliant of the season, being attended by a mote numerous assemblage of the Nobility and Gentry than usual. LADIES' DRESSES. HER MAJESTY. A handsome English point lace dress, over white satin, the body and sleeves splendidly ornamented with diamonds and lace ; train of rich figured pink satin (of Spitalfields manufacture), elegantly trimmed with point lace, and lined with white satin. Headdress, a diadem of dia. moods, feathers, and lappets. H.R.H. THE DUCHESS OF KENT. Dress of rich white satin, trimmed with a gold lama flounce, and releve with a bouquet of gold flowers; train of magnificent ponceau and gold brocade, of Spitalfields manufacture, lined with white satiP, and richly trimmed with gold blonde, and ornamented with diamonds. Headdress, plume of feathers, blonde lappets, and diamonds. H.R.H. THE PRINCESS AUGUSTA. A rich blue brocaded satin dress, with deep blonde flounce; sabots and berthe of blonde; a rich satin manteau, lined with gros de Naples, and trimmed with blonde lace. Headdress, an elegant blonde toque, with ostrich plume, blonde lappets, and diamonds. 11. R. H. THE DUCHESS OF CAMBRIDGE. A rich white satin dress, handsomely trimmed with Brussels lace; a magnificent train of silver tissue, richly embroidered in silver; a splendid stomacher and girdle of sapphires and diamonds. Headdress, plume of feathers, Brussels lace lappets; ornaments, a profusion Of sapphires and diamonds; necklace and earrings to cerrespond. Duclicss of Bocemnrcii.—Court stress, composed of tulle, and a tunique, embroidered in gold lama, and fastened with camelias and banquets of diamonds ; train of rich Pompadour satin, brocaded in gold and mixed bouquets, lined with white satin, and trimmed with god fringe ; body and sleeves richly ornamented with gold blonde; diamond stomacher and ceinture. Headdress, plume of feathers, and gold blonde lappets, intermixed with magnificent diamonds. DUCHESS of ROXBCRGIL—Costume de Cour, composed of a dross of rich white satin, trimmed with a superb deep blonde flounce and bora of ribbon ; train of rich lilac figured satin, lined with white satin, and trimmed with blonde, body and sleeves richly trimmed with blonde and blonde chcrusse. Headdress, blonde lappets and tiara of diamonds. Dueness OF HAMILTON.— A superb Brussels lace dress, over a satin I slip, cnrsa geet manchett, ala Maintenon, richly trimmed with Brussels lace; mantilla and ruffles of the same, with a Sevigne of pearls and dia.. monds ; a Court train of rich mais satin, lined with white satin, and ele. gantly trimmed with satin ribbon, tulle, and flowers. Headdress, hand. some white ostrich feathers, Brussels lappets, pearls, an diamonds, witb necklace and ear.rings to correspond. THE MARCHIONESS or WELLESLEY.—Train of black gros de Naples, covered with crape, and trimmed with jet ; crape mantilla and sabots ; black crape petticoat over gros de Naples, trimmed, en tablier, with bou quets of jet. Headdress, feathers and crepe lisse lappets, ornaments, jet. MARCHESA DE SALSA.—Court dress, composed of figured tulle, trimmed with blonde and ribbon; body and sleeves richly trimmed with Chantilly blonde ; train of poplin, richly brocaded in gold lama. Head. dress, plume of feathers, blonde lappets, and a magnificent suit o, diamonds. COUNTESS STROGONOFF.—Russian costume, composed of silver tissue, brocaded with gold, enriched with diamond.; body ornamented with diamonds ; train of tissue to correspond, trimmed with rich sable fur. Headdress, chapeau Ituste of blue yob et, enriched with diamonds. COUNTESS OF MULGRAVE.—COurt dress, composed of a tulle dress and tunic, richly embroidered in gold, with a flounce to correspond ; train of Irish tabinet, brocaded in green and gold bouquets, lined with white watered silk, and trimmed with gold fringe ; body and sleeves richly trimmed with gold blonde. Headdress, plume of feathers, blonde lap pets, and brilliants. COUNTESS GREY, OF GROBY.—Dress and tunic of tulle dentelle, tastefully decorated with marabouts and mends of sattin ribbon, and bordered with silver lama ; bodice and sleeves to correspond; mantilla and sabots of elegant blonde; train of splendid white satin brode lined with satin, and trimmed with a garniture composed of silver lama, rib bon, and tulle, tastefully arranged, and surrounded with blonde. COUNTESS METANA.—A white aerophane petticoat over white satin, gracefully trimmed with blonde lace, pearls, and marabout feathers ; bo dice and train of apple blossom, satin trimmed to correspond. Head. dress, feathers and blonde lappets, ornaments, pearls, and amethysts. Ms.scinoNnss OF TAYISTOCK.—Costurne a la Chuteauroux ; train of rich mauve veloars des Irides, elegantly trimmed with point lace; body and sleeves of the same, with superb trimming of point lace; skirt of magn ifi c ent point, with superb flounce of point lace, over rich white 6ati'l feathers slil), e l egan tly trimmed with the same. H ea d_d resss, os t r ich and lappets of point, with profusion of costly diamonds. Ewe regret that our want of space to.day precludes our giving dresses of the remainder of the ladies present ]