The Sun. — London, England, 1838-03-16 00:00:00

HER MAJESTY'S LEVEE. Her Majesty held a Levee on Wednesday afternoon at St. awes' s Palace. At two o'clock her Majesty, attended by the 31archiciac.nx,5 of Lansdowne, the Countess of Charlemont, the C'z'Aintess of Durham, the Earl of Fingal, the Hon. Celonel Cavendish, and Sir Frederick Stovin, arrived from the new Palace, escorted by a party of the Life Guards. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge attended the Levee. Before the Levee the following Foreign Ministers had midi erees of the Queen :—Baron de Biome, the Danish Minister and M. Van de Weyer, th e B e l gian M i nister. T heir Excel lencies were respectively introduced by Viscount Palmerston, k:r Majesty's Principal Secretary of State fcr Foreign Affairs; a - ,(1 conducted by Si r IL C hester, Master of the Cremonies. The Right Hon. Si: H. W. Wynn, her Majesty's Envoy lixtraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Copenhagen, had an audience of the Queen to take leave. Sir George Shee, on his return from Stutgardt, on leave of i3sence, had an audience of her Majesty. At the Levee the following presentations to her Majesty by the Foreign Ministers took place : Le Major Baron de Dieskau, Officer d'Ordonnance of his Majesty the King of the Belgians, and M. the Count de Romree, Attache to the Belgian Legation in London, by M. Van de Weyer, the Belgian Minister. Captain Levy; of the. United States Navy, and Mr. Henry B. Livingstone, Attache to the American Legation at the Court of St. James's, by Mr. Stevenson, the American Minister. The following were also presented : The Lord Mayor, by his Grace the Duke of Argyle. Lord Plunket, by the Marquis of Lansdowne, K.G. The Att , e•nev-General for Ireland, by Lord Morpeth. 31r. Samuel 'Hancock, Excel of the Yeomen Guard (in Wait log), by the Earl of llchestcr. The Levee was attended by the Russian and French Ambas eadors, Sarim Effendi, Ottoman Ambassador, attended by Mr. Balame, her Majesty's Oriental Interpreter; the Neapolitan, Prussian, Wurtemberg, Belgian, Danish, Bavarian, Nether lands, United States, Spanish, Sardinian, Grecian, Hanove rian, and Saxon Ministers ; M. de Hummelauer, Austrian Charge d'Affaires ; Prince Paul Lieven, Baron de Moncorvo, 'aron Bertouch, Attache to the Danish Legation ; Emeen Effendi, second Secretary, and M. Agob, Interpreter, of the Ottoman Embassy ; Baron Lebzeltern, Attache to the Aus trian Embassy ; the Secretary to the Grecian Legation ; G. Capece Galeota dei Duchi di Regina, Secretary of the Nea politan Legation ' • the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, th e Lord President, the First Lord of the Tree miry, the Secretaries of State for the Home, Foreign, and Co lonial Departments, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the First Lord of the Admiralty, the President of the Board of Trade, the Secretary at War, the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, the Master of the Horse, the Captain of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at -Arms, the Captain of the Yeomen Guard; Lord Hill, Gold Stick in Waiting; the Master-General of the Ordnance; Right Hon. Sir Henry Parnell, Paymaster-General; the Vice-Chamberlain; Mr. Backhouse, Under-Secretary of State ; Mr. Stephen, Under Secretary of State for the Colonial Department ; Mr. S. M. Phillipps, Under Secretary of State; the Comptroller of the Household, the Master of the Ceremonies, the Attorney- General, the Lord Advocate of Scotland, Sir Edward Pear son, Lieutenant of the Yeomen of the Guard; Mr. Birch, Clerk Assistant of the Parliaments; Mr. Reeve, Standard Bearer of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at. Arms ; Captain H. Hope, C. 8., R.N., Naval Aide-de-Camp in Waiting ; Colonels Sir Robert Gardiner, Sir Adolphus Dal rymple, and Wynyard, Aides-de-Camp to the Queen; Mr. Albert Beetham, Clerk of the Cheque of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms; Mr. Ellerthorp, Clerk of the Cheque of the Yeomen Guard ; Sir Thomas Horsley Curties and Mr. Charles Hancock, Exons of the Yeomen Guard ; Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Frederick Smith (of the Privy Cham ber), Mr. Blackwood, Lieutenant-Colonel Diggle, and Mr. Randall, Gentlemen Ushers in Waiting ; Major Hyde, As sistant Master and Marshal of the Ceremonies; and the fol lowing : Archbishop of York. D UKRs.—Cleveland, Hamilton, K. G. ; Devonshire, Wel lington, Richmond. MARQUlSEs.—Downshire, Lothian, Carmarthen, Headfort, Breadalbane, Cholmondeley, Bute, Northampton. EARLS.—Roseberry, Durham, Ripon, Grey, Shelburne, Howe, Brecknock, Denbigh, Brownlow, Verulam, Orkney, De Grey. VISCOUNTS.—CoIe, Grimston, Falkland, Maidstone, Lake, Ternpletovrn, Maynard, Hawardcn. LORDS.—Vaux of Harrowden, Ossulston, Alexander, Crof. ton, Norreys, Emlyn, Clements, Stanley, Sandon, G. Paget, Ebrington, H. Cholmondeley, Kenyon, Bexley, Valletort. Bismoes.—Llandaff, Lichfield, Bath and Wells. RIGHT HONoURABLES.—Sir Alex. Johnston, T. Courteney, Sir G. Ouseley. Horroceauess.—Charles Gore, Baron Dimsdale, Francis Scott, Lieutenant Kerr, R.N. ; Captain Best, R.N. ; P. Bouverie, Captain Duncombe, Captain Rous, R. N. ; Mr. E. Stewart, 0. Duncombe, G. Maule, J. Elliot, M. P. BAStONRTS.—John Shelley, Thomas Barrett Lennard, George Grey, James Graham, T. Gage, J. Mordaunt, G. Philips, G. Staunton, C. Hunter, R. Bateson, J. M'Grigor. Ketones.—Frederick Pollock, Q.C. ; William J. Newton. H. Bridges, G. Wilson, A. Murray, J. Wyatville, R. West macott. Dean of Chichester. ARCIIDEAeOeS.—Spencer, Derby. REVEREND DOCTORS.—Kuper, Short, Schwabe, D'Oyley, G. Nolan, Beattie, Maddy, R. Wardlaw, H. Heugh. REVEREND MESSIEURS —J. R. Wood, C. Martyn, C. Wes ley, Bridges, D. King, J. Harper, J. French. DOCTORS—Gordon, A. Baird, Drummond, W. Evans. MESSIEURS—R. H. Pigeon, G. E. Anson, Walter, H. C Hoare, Wakefield, Whitmarsh, Simpkinson, Wingfield, H. C. Singleton, G. F. Boltz, K. H., W. Evans, M. P. ; R. A. Gray, jun. ; P. F. Johnston, J. Perry, Ferguson, M.P. ; Phillips, R. A. ; Macleod, M.P. ; Lynch, Kinloch, J. G. Hubbard, B. Trelawny, Bannerman, T. Hankey, jun. ; 11. Baskerville, Addison, G. Thompson, Hussey, 0. Viveash, T. Egerton, Pulman, Harris, Egerton, Richmond, P. Wil llama, Kingsmill, Babbage, Vivian, J. A. Hankey, T. A. Curtis, Williams, S. Kirwan, J. Tyndale, Grainger, R. 1 Palmer, J. Norton, Silvertop, M. Jones, Wilbraham, Stonor, R. J. Eaton, Lucas, G. Heathcote, Thornton, G. P. Bushe, Dickinson, Dumergue, W. Pendarves, R. Ellice, Jenkins, M. P. ; Senior, Burr, Bulteel, Blackstone, M. P. ; Adams, Pakington, M. P. ; S. Cowper, Geary, F. Calvert, W. Fin. ney, James, Speirs, M. F. ; Farquhar, F. B. Elton, Ellis, M. P. ; J. Morier, Chichester, M. P. ; Hodges, M. P. ; E. Harcourt, Townely. Gsmertaes—Ellice, Sir Robert Barton, Sir William Gomm, Upton, Sir T. Pritzler, Sir L. Greenwell, Sir T. M'Mahon, Sir L. Grant, Le Mesurier, Sir J. Maclean, Sir J. O'Hal laran, Sir J. Macleod, Sir D. Macleod, Sir W. Houstoun, Goldie, Hassard, Sir C. Vere, B. Reynardson, Sir F. Wetherell, Sir G. Anson, Sir R. Donkin. Coooseos Buckley, O'Reilly, Reeves, R. Y. Butler, Sir De Lacy E va n s , G ra yd on , Davies, Lord Charles Wellesley, Frith, Vegan, C. 8., Hall, Higgenson, Wigram, Meyrick, Daly, Studd, Aitchison, Paske, Egerton, P. Phipps, Pasley, G. Browne, Sir W. Gosset. MAJORS—Frederick Johnston, Hon. Geo. Keppel, Tinting, Chipchase, Sir W. Tonkin. CAPTAINS.—Barton, Lord F. Gordon, J. E. Alexander, J. H. Low, Sir J. Marshall, F. C. Manning, P. Cameron, C. Robinson, Maher, J. Jones, W. Montagu, R. Locke, Hawks shaw, D. Murray, Moorsorn, Campbell. LIEUTENANTS. -Edward Battye, H. B. 0. Savile, R. A., G. W. Denys, Domville, Lambert, F. H. Powell, Kinloch, Brand, Lucas, Balfour, R. P. Radcliffe, R. H. Crofton, T. Price, G. W. Stokes, Watt, T. Place, Shoveller, Knox, A. H. Young, H. G. Moss, Roberts, A. G. Burrows, O'Connor, R, H. de Montmorency. CORNETS—Robert Pollock, John Roden. ENSIGNS—F. G. Scott, F. Moor, W. Wynniatt, Browne. ADMIRALS—Lord Mark Kerr, Sir J. Rowley, Sir J. Hillyar, Rowley, Sir J. Brereton, Gosselin. CAPTAINS, R.N.—Basil Hall, Prin.. ' , G. Martin, Codring ton, Berkeley, IL G or d on , E. Lloyd, Grey, H. H. Spence, Sir S. Vassall, Russel, FL Nurse, Sir W. Dickson, H. 0. Love, E. Wemyss, Lambert, Chads. COMMANDERS—W. Kelly, D. Marsh, W. Dawson, Bazal gette, H. B. Young, H. Crease, E. Nepean, W. G. H. Whish, J. N. Nett, R. Eden, J. Sherer, 0. Daniell. LIEUTENANTS —T. B. Maynard, O'Callaghan. The following presented addresses and petitions to her Ma jesty : The Archbishop of York, from the Clergy of the Archdea conry of Northumberland, not to give the Royal Assent to any alteration affecting the Rubric and discipline of the Church without consent of the Convocation, and to authorize the as sembling the Convocation from t'me to aime. Similar peti tion from the Clergy of the Peculiar of the Dean and Chapter of Durham in Allerton an.l Allcrtonshire. The Duke of Wellington, from the Nobility, Clergy, Gen try, and Landholders of the county of Meath, tendering their dutiful and sincere congratulations upon her Majesty's ac cession to the Throne, and expressing their gratitude for her Majesty's declaration to maintain the Protestant religion as established by law, expressing their regret that another ad dress is about to be presented to her Majesty, so worded as to prevent the resident Gentry and Protestant Clergy from join ing, as they haa hoped, in one unanimous declaration of loy alty to her person, whilst it omitted to express their sentiments of lasting attachment to the British Constitution in Church 3 .1 - id State. Rev. R. Wardlaw, D. D., Rev. H. Ileugh, D.D., Rev. D. King, Mr. George Thompson, a deputation with an address from the females of Scotland on behalf of the negro appren tices of the British colonies, signed by upwards of 130,000 of the females of Scotland, praying her Majesty the Queen to bestow a prompt and gracious consideration upon the negro Apprentices of the colonies, with a view to their immediate end entire freedom. The Duke of Richmond, an address from the Archdeacon And Clergy of the Archdeaconry of Chichester, praying her Majesty to consult the Spiritual Heads of the Church in se lecting proper persons to fill the Bishoprics or other high dignities of the Church. The following noblemen and gentlemen were presented to the Queen : Viscount Grimston, by the Earl of Verulam. Marquis of Downshire, by the Duke of Wellington. Lord Crofton, by the Right Hon. G. Byng. Lord Alexander, Coldstream Guards, by Lord Stuart de Rotbesay. Lord Vaux, of Harrotvden, on obtaining the Barony, by Lord Bexley. The lion. Baron Dimsdale, by Viscount Melbourne. The Hon. Francis Scott, by the Marquis of Lothian. Bishop of Lichfield, by the Bishop of London. !,- Hon. Lieut. Kerr, R.N., by Vice-Admiral Lord Mark Kerr. Sir John Shelley, by the Earl of Albemarle. Admiral Sir J. Rowley, tttUrn from the Mediteranean, and on promoti , m Vibe-Admiral Gosselin ; Rear-Admirals Sir J. PPc.nton, Sir J. Hillyar ; Captains Sir W. Dickson, H. 0. Love, on promotion; Chads, on return from Ind,i*t Nurse, R. Gordon, Berkeley, Codringtnn l appointment to her Majesty's ship Tell.”? t'anirnanders J. W. Bazal gette, W. Dawsrn, W. telly, D. Marsh, J. N. Nott, H. Crease ) E. Nepean, W. G. H. Whish, on return from the Wot, tftttes ; J. Sherer on appointment to her Majesty's Chip Dee ; R. Eden, and Lieut. T. 13. Maynard, by the Earl of Minto. Messrs. 0. Viveash and F. B. Elton, on return from India ; Dr. W. Evans, Major-General Sir D. Macleod, on being made a Knight Commander of the Bath ; Colonel Fagan and Lieut.-Colonel Frith, on return from India; Capts. J. 11. Law, and F. C. Manning, on return from India ; Lients. R. H. Montmorency, G. W. Stokes, T. Price, and T. Place, on return from India, by Sir J. C. Hobhouse. Mr. Wynne Pendarves, Major-General Hassard, Colonel Davies, Lieut.-Colonels G. Browne, Capt. W. Mcnta ,, u Lents. Knox, R. H. Crofton. A. G. Burrows, Shoveller, 11. G. Ross, and R. P. Radcliffe, by the Master-General of the Ordnance. Mr. Jenkins, M.P. ; Lieut.-Generals B. Reynardson, Sir J. Macleod, Sir L. Grant, Goldic; Major-Gees. Sir L. Green well, Sir C. B. Vere, and Mr. J. Norton, by Lord Hill. Sir J. M‘Grigor, by the Duke of Wellington. Her Majesty gave audiences to Viscount Palmerston, Vis count Melbourne, Lord Hill, and Sir Hussey Vivian. The Earl of Fingal and Sir Frederick Stovin were the Lord and Groom in Waiting. At the conclusion of the Levee her Majesty and suite re. turned to the new Palace. FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE. ARRIVALS. The Earl of Vernlam, in Grosvenor-square, from his seat, Gorhambury, Herts; the Baroness Dimsdale, at Mivart's Hotel, Brook-street, from her seat, Campfield-place, Herta ; Mrs. Farr, at ditto, from Paris ; Miss Smythe, at ditto, on a visit to their Royal Highnessess the Prince and Princess of Capua, from Paris ; Capt. Manning, at ditto, from Hertford; Misses Byrne, at ditto, from Brighton; Mr. H. Baskerville, at ditto, from his scat in Wiltshire ; Miss Parkes, at ditto, from a tour; Mr. and Mrs. Le Roy, at the Sackville Hotel, Sackville-street, from Dover; Capt. and Mrs. Williams, at ditto, from Leaming ton, Warwickshire ; Mr. and Mrs. Wilcox and family, at ditto, from their seat in Cheshire ; the Marquis of Tweeddale, in Belgrave-square, from his seat, Yester House, Haddington, N.B. ; the Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury and Lady Mary Talbot, in Park-lane, from St. Leonard's ; the Ladies Cust, in Belgrave-square, from Sussex ; the Marquis of Waterford, in Clarges-street, from a visit to Dover ; Lord Audley, from the North ; Lord Cranmore, from Dublin ; Lord Boscawen, in St. James's-square, from the seat of the Earl of Falmouth, Tregothman, Truro, Cornwall ; Lord George Beresford, in Clarges-street, from Kent ; the Hon. Wm. Ashley, in Gros vernor-street, from Tunbridge-wells; the Dowager Duchess of Richmond and Lady Sophia Lennox, from Goodwood, Sussex ; Gilbert Greenall, Esq., and family, at Eve rail's (late Gordon's) Hotel, Albemarle -street, from their seat, Wilderspoon, Cheshire ; John Greenall, Esq., and Lady at ditto., from Middleton Hall, Lancashire ; the Reverend R. Greenall, at ditto, from Stretton Rectory, Cheshire ; Sir Benchir and Lady Grey, at Mason's (late Symmons's) Hotel, from Devonshire ; Lord and Lady Powerscourt, in Dover-street, from Bath; Miss Nisbett, in Devonshire -street, Portland-place ; Mr. Smyth Wyndham, in Piccadilly, from Windsor ; Count and Countess Bath) any and family, at Beattie's Hotel, Conduit -street, from Brighton; Mr. and Mrs. Palmer and family, in Langham-place ; Lord and Lady Glentworth, in Gloucester-place, from Fonthill park, Berks ; Sir George Staunton, Bart., in Devonshire street, from Leigh-park, Havant, Hants ; Sir Thomas Gage, at the Lansdowne Hotel ; John Hardy, Esq., in Park-village East, Regent's-park; the Hon. and Rev. Fitzroy Stanhope, in Trevor-square, Knightsbridge ; Mr. and Lady Charlotte Sturt, in Portman-square, from Critchill House, Dorset ; Col. Sir Horatio Townshend, in Bolton-street, Piccadilly. DEPARTURES. The Marquis of Lothian, from Regent-street, for St. Leo nards ; Mr. and Mrs. Herbert De Burgh, from Mivart's Hotel, Brook-street, for their seat, West Drayton ; Mr. Herbert Galton, from ditto, for Worthing; Mrs. and Miss Burdett, from the Sackville Hotel, Sackville-street, for their villa, at Twickenham; Major and Mrs. Smith, from ditto, on a tour; the Rev. Mr. Hay, from ditto, for Hastings ; Mr. and Mrs. Conway and family, from ditto, for St. Leonard's; Sir Richard and Lady Phillipps and family, from the Clarendon Hotel, Bond-street, for their new residence, in Portland-place; Massey Stanley, Esq., M. P., from ditto, for Melton Mow bray ; Sir Samuel Shepherd, from Hyde Park-terrace, for Streatley, Berks ; Mr. and Mrs. Berkeley Paget, for Hamp ton Court Palace; Earl Waldegrave, for Strawberry-hill, Twickenham ; Lord Guilford, for Waldon House Park, near Dover; Sir Frederick Johnstone, for the North; Mr. Henry Clive, for Stevens's Hotel, Clifford-street ; Captain Henry Bathurst, Scots Fusileer Guards, for Dublin Castle. CHANGE S. The Earl of Wilton, at his seat near Melton Mowbray, from a visit to the Duke and Duchess of Beaufort, at Badminton ; the Earl and Countess of Chichester, at their seat, Stanmer Park, from St. Leonard's ; the Hon. William Maule, at Bath, from Cheltenham ; Lord Haddo, at Rome, from Athens ; Lord and Lady Rivers, at Paris, on a visit to the Earl and Countess of Granville, from Dover ; Lord Rokeby, at Melton Mowbray, from a visit to the Marquis and Marchioness of Exeter,•at Burghley House ; Earl Spencer, at his scat, Wire ton Hall, Bawtry, from a visit to Sir Joseph Copley, at his seat, near Doncaster ; Dowager Lady Griesley, at Chelten ham, from Torquay, Devon ; the Marquis and Marchioness of Abercorn, at Rome, from Nice; Lord Howth, at Melton Mow bray, from Leamington Spa. ELECTION COMMITTEES. YESTERDAY. WALSALL. The Committee were occupied the whole of the morning with the question as to whether they would admit the evidence of a witness named Healey, who was one of the subscribers to the fund for prose_ outing the petition. The Committee decided that Healey was disqualified from giving evi. Bence, he having a pecuniary interest in the matter. EVESHAM. The Committee met this morning at the usual hour, but immediately on taking their seats the room was ordered to be cleared, and the Corn. mittee remained in deliberation for nearly three quarters of an hour. On the readmission of strangers, the Chairman said that the Commit tee had resolved upon proceeding with that part of the case whieh re lated to the gift of the silver snuff-box to the voter Pearce. It had been maintained by Counsel for petitioner in his address yesterday, and in the address of Counsel on the other side, that excluding altogether the question of the gift being made with a corrupt purpose, it had been de. cided by a resolution of the House of Commons that a gift made at the particular time at which this had taken place, incapacitated Mr. Borth. wick from sitting; now the Committee were desirous of hearing the question further argued, as to whether this was really the law of Par liament, and as to how far they were constrained by it. Some discussion then took place as to which side should have the right of addressing the Committee first, which was finally conceded to counsel for the sitting member. Mr. AVSTIN then proceeded to address the Committee at great length. Mr. COCKBURN was heard at coma length in reply to Mr. Austin. "The Committee retired at a quarter past two to consider their decision ; and, atter remaining in deliberation about an hour and a half, the Chair. man stated that they were of opinion that the charge of personal corrup tion had not been established against Mr. Borthwick in the caso of Cle. :rents, but as regarded the gill of the silver snuffbox to Pearce, bribery had been fully proved. DUBLIN. The Committee assembled to-day at two o'clock, Lord SEYMOUR in the Chair. Mr. THESSIGER said that it became his duty, as Counsel to the peti tioners, to introduce this case to the attention of the Committee, and to state the circumstances under which they sought to invalidate the re turn of Messrs. O'Connell and Hutton, and to claim the seats for Messrs. West and Hamiltort. He confessed that he approached this inquiry with the greatest anxiety, because it was one of the greatest importance. It was very likely to occupy much of the time and attention of the Committee, and having excited much 'public obser vation, the decision of the Committee would naturally be looked for ward to with the greatest interest. If he should succeed in establishing the strong facts which he was instructed to lay before the Committee, he hoped for the most favourable results for his clients from the discrimination, the intelligence, the fairness and patience of the Committee. An inquiry of this sort where the constituency was so large, and where the subjects of inquiry were various and many, naturally created an apprehension that it would be one of great magnitude and labour. lie had the satisfac tion, however, of informing the Committee that the inquiry in the pre sent case was not likely to be as protracted or laborious as might have been expected from the minuteness of the details which it embraced, for they all resolved themselves into three or four distinct heads, and after the principles on which they sought to disfranchise the votes were eAablished, there would be little difficulty afterwards in disposing of the votes themselves. Having made these few preliminary observations, he would now address himself as briefly as possible to the facts of the case themselves. The Learned Gentleman then proceeded to detail the cir cumstances of the election, and the numbers as they stood at the close of the poll, which were as follow :—O'Connell, 3,556 ; Hutton, 3,542 ; Hamilton, 3,467 ; West, 3,461. Majority of O'Connell over Hamilton, Si); Hutton over West, 81. The Learned Counsel then went on to state the different grounds on which he sought to impeach the return. They were principally the re. fugal of the assessor to admit the votes of ninety-two freemen; who had tendered their votes for Messrs. West and Hamilton; and the non.pay. ment of municipal taxes by the voters of Messrs. O'Connell and Hutton. He said that he would proceed first with the scrutiny into the votes of those persons who had not paid up their taxes. The Committee adjourned shortly before four to eleven o'clock to, morrow morning. CARLOW (COUNTY.) The Committee met to-day at twelve o'clock, but Were obliged to adjourn to eleven o'clock to-morrow morning, in consequence of the illness of Lord Robert Grosvenor. YOUGHAL. At the rising of the Committee the parties stood on an equality in point of numbers on the poll. READING. The parties were here also on an equality when the Committee adjourned. YOUG H A L. The Committee met this morning at eleven o'clock, and proceeded with the scrutiny. At one o'clock the sitting member was in a majority. We are extremely concerned to learn that Captain Pechell is laid up at Castle Goring by an extensive inflamma tion in his leg, which detains him from his Parliamentary duties; but as there are signs, we hear, of the bone exfoliat ing, we hope our Gallant Representative will shortly be re lieved from pain, and restored to his sphere of usefulness in the House.—Brighton Guardian. STOCKHOLM, FEB. 27.—0 n the 19th of this month a dreadful fire broke out in the town of Nem). Two thirds of the town are destroyed—viz., 101 dwelling-houses, by which 720 persons are without shelter. The theatre, the prison, and other public buildings were consumed. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, NIARCH 16, It‘3B. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, HO 'ME iir LORDS, lILIRcti Ib. 'fte Li)111) CHANCELLQR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP.—LORD BROUGHAM'S BILL. ,_ L ,_,,, In answer to a questien Crum the Diikt of WittiLiNuTo IN, Lord BROUGHAM said, that for the convenience of their Lordships he would state what course he intended to pursue ; but at the same time he was perfectly open to their Lord ships' suggestions, and if any other better course could be pointed out, he would most readily prefer it.— ( Hear, hear.) His Bill would be to amend the Act of 1833, by substituting the word " Ist of August, 1838," for " Ist of August, 1840." He should in all probability present it without observation, or at all events with as few observa tions as possible. His original intention had been to present the Bill before the Easter recess, simply laying it on the table, and to say not a word about it till after the recess, and for this reasoa—that the subject on both sides had been dis cussed before their Lordships. Therefore if the Bill was not to pass it did not signify whether it was brought in before or after Easter. The Duke of WELLINGTON asked the Noble and Learned Lord whether he intended to propose any amend ments to the Ministerial Bill. Lord BROUGHAM said the Ministers had incorporated into their measure all his resolutions but the last, which in his opinion was the only one of importance.—( Laughter. ) He did not think he should do justice if he were to bring on his measure by a side wind, and therefore he should not move any amendments to the Ministerial measure. The Duke of CLEVELAND presented a petition from Stockton-on-Tees, for the immediate abolition of the appren ticeship system. The Earl of ALBE M A RL E, in the absence of the Duke of Sutherland, presented petitions from Hadleigh, Woodbridge, Needham \larket, Crayfield, Sutton, and other places in Suf folk, to the same effect. Also, in the absence of Lord Dun gannon, a petition from the inhabitants of Calmore, in the County of Down, against the Irish Poor Law Act. The Earl of FALMOUTH presented a petition from Truro against the Apprenticeship System. The Earl of DEVON presented a petition from Ivy bridge to the same effect. Lord DA CRE presented similar petitions from Uxbridge and Bradley, in Yorkshire. Lord R EDE SDA LE presented a petition from Lyme Regis against the national system of education, also a petition from the females of that place to the same effect. Lord IL C Il E STE R presented petitions from several places in Bridgewater against the apprenticeship system. The Earl of WICKLOW had a petition to present which had been entrusted to him by a party with whom he had no connection. He understood the petition was re spectably signed, and he could undertake to say it was nume rously signed. The petitioners stated that owing tothe inflamma tory language made use of by some of the Roman Catholic priests in one of the Chapels in the county of Cork, the officer com manding the detachment was obliged to order his men to withdraw from the Chapel, and praying their Lordships to pass some enactment in order to prevent the Roman Catholic Clergy from interfering in controverted elections. It was decidedly a great breach of duty that any priest should deviate from his religious trust to interfere with the business of a contested election. But though he was aware it was not possible for their Lordships directly to interfere for this purpose, he was decidedly of opinion the evil might be very much conteracted by indirect legislation. The greatest evil that prevailed on this point, he conceived to be the Roman Catholic Priests exerting their influence to induce persons who knew they had no votes, to go to the poll to exercise the right franchise. It was with great satisfaction he had observed that the House of Commons had introduced a measure, that would in a great de gree go to remedy the evil ; and if he found the object of the Government to be to counteract the vicious system which had existed since the Act of 1829, which established the Registry List in Ireland, he should be most anxious to co-operate with them 'to pass the Bill into a law ; but if it were such a jobbing Bill as came up on the same subject a Session or two ago, whereby it was intended to vest the appointment of the Revising Barristers in the hands of the Government, by which means Government would have an almost complete influence over the voters, he should, as he bad done before, most proudly move for its rejection. The petition was from a barony in the county of Cork, praying their Lordships to adopt some Legislative provision for the purpose of preventing the Roman Catholic Clergy from exercising their influence at elections. Lord BROUGHAM said that the Noble Earl had not hit upon one remedy—he meant that of a State provision, which he believed would be very much opposed by the Clergy themselves, and afterwards by the Primates.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) The NOBLE and LEARNED LORD then presented petitions from Dunfermline, the Associated United Congrega tions of Paisley, and the United Congregation of Paisley, against further endowments to the Church of Scot land. Also petitions from Warrington, Melton, Hackleton in Hampshire, Langley, Brigg House, Lochwood, Heck mondwike, Canterbury, Macclesfield, Yelverthorp, Nor wich, Nloley, and East Linton in Haddington-shire, all praying for the immediate abolition of slavery. The Noble Lord also presented similar petitions from Dalton upon-Tees; from Radford, Durham, Liverpool, Macclesfield, Rochester, and other places. The Noble Lord also presented several petitions from Glasgow and Leith against any further endowment to the Church of Scotland. Lord STRADBROOK presented petitions from different parts of Suffolk against the negro apprenticeship system. Lord BROUGHAM moved for certain returns respecting the Slave Trade.—Ordered. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition from the Isle of Man praying for an augmentation of the vicarages. YEOMANRY CORPS. The Earl of lIA [MING TON wished to put a question to the Noble Viscount opposite, relative to the disbanding of the Yeomanry Corps in Scotland.—( Hear, hear.) He wished to know whether, after that event took place, there would be a single corps of Yeomanry in Scotland. Lord MELBOURNE believed that there would. SODOR AND MAN. The Sodor and Man Bishopric Continuation Bill went through Committee, and was ordered to be reported to-morrow. CLERGY RESIDENCE BILL. this On Bill l h w e m asr o e tn a io da o s f ec th on e d Archbishop time,and The House then Adjourned. ordered o f CA to N b T e E Ilßi committed. R Y , HOUSE OP COMMONS, M4Rcu 13. In consequence of the Ballots for the Kingston-upon-Hull and Shaftesbury Election Committees, the gallery was not opened until 20 minutes to five. CARLOW (COUNTY) ELECTION COMMITTEE. Mr. MILDMAY brought up a report from the Carlow (County) Election Committee, statin' that they had re ceived a communication from Lord Robert Grosvenor, their Chairman, informing them that he was so ill as to be un able to attend, and they were consequently obliged to ad journ till to-morrow. Mr. MACKINNON said that as he was a Member of the Committee, and as some informality had occurred in their pro ceedings, he would shortly state to the House.the circumstances which had taken place since the Ballot on Tuesday last. Imme diately after the Ballot they adjourned to one of the Com mittee Rooms, and they elected the Noble Lord, the Mem ber for Chester, their Chairman. He took the Chair and adjourned the Committee to half-past three o'clock Yes terday. On taking the Chair yesterday the Noble Lord said that his health was so delicate, that he did not know whether he would be able to act or not, and requested his Hon. Friend the Member for Winchester to act for him, to which no opposition was made by the Committee, and the Hon. Member for Winchester accordingly took the chair. On referring to the Act of Parliament which governs Election Committees, 9 Geo. IV., sec. 37, it appeared to him ( Mr. Mackinnon) that unless prevented by death or unavoidable absence, sanctioned by leave from the House, the person elected as Chairman was obliged to act in that capacity. In this case the Noble Lord was certainly not dead—( A laugh)—and, ac cording to his interpretation of the Act of Parliament, he be lieved that no individual Member could be absent from the sittings of the Committee, unless he obtained the sanction of the House, founded upon evidence taken upon oath, that he was unable to attend. It appeared to him, according to his construction of the Act, that, if the Noble Lord was their Chairman on Tuesday, he was specially so yesterday. Now the dilemma in which they were placed was just this—the Noble Lord was either Chairman of the Committee, or he was not. If he was Chairman, all that had been done by the Hon. Member for Winchester in that capacity was informal. If he was exempted from acting as Chairman, it could be only on evidence taken before the House that he was not able to attend. He had stated in the Committee this morning nearly in the same words the doubts which he entertained upon this subject, and he now wished to put it distinctly to the House whether his Honourable Friend the Mem ber for Winchester could be supposed to be legally appointed as Chairman; and, if not, the proceedings being in formal, whether they ought not to proceed again de novo. In stating these things to the House ho had no other motive than to prevent expense to the parties, for he apprehended that if his Hon. Friend, the Member for Winchester, was not in a legal sense chairman, any warrants or summonses signed by him would he ineffective. Mr. MILDMAY said, that in taking the chair by the una nimous consent of the Committee, he had believed he was acting right, and he was rather confirmed in that opinion by what had been stated by his Hon. Friend, of the view which he took of the Act of Parliament. He thought that the Committee had a perfect right to change their Chair man if they thought proper.—( Hear, hear.) L e t them take the case in this way—they sent a Committee from the table to make arrangements with respect to their own internal regulations, and one of these was the choice of a Chairman. In the long experience which he had had of these matters, he had never known the House to interfere, unless where they had originally exercised a power which had been tampered with—that is to say, when the original number of the Committee had been altered. The choice of a Chairman lay entirely with the Committee themselves. They had the power of rescinding the original resolution appoint ing a Chairman, and of putting another man in his place, and the House had nothing to do with the matter. Let them suppose the case of a person who was elected Chairman, but was incompetent, from some cause or other, to act. Surely, in that case, it could never have been intended that the Com mittee should have no power of changing him. These were the considerations which had influenced him in taking the chair, at the request of the Noble Lord, and with the con sent of the Committee. _ _ KINGSTON-ON-HULL ELECTION COMMITTEE. The Clerk appeared at the bar with the following reduced list of the Committee on the Hull Election pdtitiottr—Frede- Fick Dundas, George Alfred Nluskett. Hon. Charles Laxl'tfl - CorrAin§ O'Brien, Nicholas Fitzsimon, Sir William Lawrence tointi Archibald Hastie, J. R. Orsmby Gore, Samuel White, Sir Gear& gtrieidarid, and Lord Viscount Mare. The Mernbefs were then sworn in the tisuftl mannet. CAALOW tiACTION COMMITTEE. Sir EDWAkIi SiTG6cOntendCcfthat the appoint ment of another Hon. Member to the office of Chairman till illegal, without the sanction of that 1-louse. It was clear, ac cording to the provisions of the Act, that the Committee had no power to alter the Chairman without such authority. The clause provided that every Committee on meeting should elect a Chairman, and if there were an equal number of votes, the Member first called in the House should have a casting vote. So in like manner, in case of the or of the death of a Chairman. It appeared to him that any ihing done by the Committee ministerially was not on account of that proceeding illegal, but if the Committee came to a vote upon any question. he should say that it was illegal. The proceeding, however, was merely informal, and had the Committee in the first instance come to that House, no inconvenience or irregularity would have occurred. After a few words from Lord Grosvenor, Sir E. Sugden, and Mr. R. Stuart, who were inaudible in the gallery, Mr. GO UL BURN said he conceived that the law of the case was clear. At all events he could say from an ex perience in Parliament of thirty years that the practice had been uniform, and he had never known an instance of a Chair man being deposed and another appointed.—( Hear, hear.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL thought the House had no right to controul the election of a Chairman in any of the Committees. He agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Goulburn) that no Chairman could be deposed ; but if he intimated Isis wish to resign, surely his resignation might be accepted, and a new Chairman elected.—( Hear, hear.) You, Sir (continued the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, addressing the Speaker), are elected for this Parliament. Your resignation, of course, would be deeply deplored, —( Here a. very intelligible, and half-audible titter ran along the Opposition benches)—but if you did resign, I apprehend we should have no difficulty in electing a successor.—( Hear, hear.) On the whole, he (the Attorney-General) thought the new Chairman of this Committee was justly elected.— ( Hear, hear.) Sir EDWARD SUGDEN rose to reply, but was inter rupted by the appearance of the Clerk of Committees at the Bar with the reduced list of Committee on the SHAFTESBURY ELECTION PETITION. The names were called over in the following order, and the Members sworn :—Lord Henniker, Francis Hart, Frede rick Paget, Lord Worsley, Hon. J. E. Elliott, Thomas Shep pard, C. W. Codrington, T. E. Winnington, James Blair, W. S. Blackstone, and C. W. Packe. CARLOW ELECTION COMMITTEE. Sir E. SUGDEN again rose, and was for some time in terrupted by loud cries of " Spoke, spoke," from the Minis terial benches. He did not agree with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite (the Attorney-General) that the House had no power over the acts of Election Committees. Mr. MILDNIA Y rose to order, and Sir E. Sugden gave way, when Mr. M. said he should move that witnesses be heard at the bar to prove the illness of Lord Robert Grosvenor. Sir E. SUGDEN resumed—The Attorney-General had said that the House had no control over the proceedings of Committees, even though they were contrary to an Act of Parliament, and that such control was taken away from the House by the Grenville Act. So long as the Committee con fined itself to the course marked out by the Grenville Act, the House had not such control. But if the Committee went be yond the Act, the House had a superintending power, as, for instance, if the Committee illegally elected a Chairman. That the House had the power to enforce the provisions there could be no doubt. If a Member was elected to serve on an Election Committee, there could be no doubt that he was bound to serve. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that what was done in a Committee, the House could only refer to by having before it the evidence that had been taken. Mr. GOULBURN thought the matter deserving the consideration of the House ; and any advice which could be given by members who had had experience in the matter would be very acceptable.—( Hear. ) Mr. NE ELD (we understood) said that when the Com mittee met they elected their Chairman under the Act. They did that which they were authorised to do, and Lord Robert Grosvenor consequently at this time stood as Chairman of the Committee, and until a witness had been examined here, and Lord Grosvenor excused from his attendance, he was still Chairman.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. N.) entirely differed from the Attorney. General in thinking that there was any analogy between the election of Chairman under an Act of Parliament and the election of the Speaker of the House. The proper course would be to call to the bar Lord Grosvenor's medical attendant, who could report as to the state of his Lordship's health. If, on the report of the medical gentleman, the House should be satisfied that lie was unable to attend, he would he excused, and they must go back to the election of another Chairman.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Cameron, the medical attendant of Lord R. Grosvenor was then called in, and, in answer to questions by the Speaker, said—l saw Lord Grosvenor this afternoon. He is unfit to execute his duties as a Member of the Committee. He labours under severe indisposition, which would be aggravated by his attendance on the Committee. He is confined to his house to-dny, but not to his room. The SPEAKER.—What is the nature of his indisposi tion? Witness—lt is an irritation of a nature that would be aggravated. —( Oh 1 and laughter.) The SPEAKER.—Do you think he will be able to attend in two or three days 1 Witness.—l think not. Sergeant JACKSON.—Are you of the medical profession ? —Witness.—l am. Sergeant JACKSON—Can you state what his complain' is?—(Loud cries of " No, no," and much confusion,) The witness was then ordered to withdraw. Lord HOWICK thought it was very unusual to interfere with the Speaker's examination of a medical gentleman. He thought there was ample evidence before the House that the Noble Lord was not able to attend. ( Oh, from the Opposition. ) He complained of the party feeling that had been shown— ( Ministerial cheers)—and he did not believe that any Gen tleman in that House would have carried that feeling to such an extent.—( Renewed cheering.) When an honourable mau stated that he was not able to attend, and when that state ment was confirmed on the oath of a medical prac titioner, he did not think any person would insist upon carrying that examination further, and with a total disregard of all delicacy-4 Vehement cheers and laughter)—press for an enquiry into the nature of his complaint. He put it to the good feeling of the House whether such a line of examination should be persevered in ; and he for one objected to such a question being put to the witness.—( Hear, and cheers.) Mr. Sergeant JACKSON felt it to be his duty both to himself and the House to say that he should be sorry to be de ficient in any point of delicacy—(Cheers)—but the public ought to be satisfied upon a subject of that nature. He bad heard the question he had asked put to the witness by the Speaker. —( Cheers.) The question was not answered, and from his short experience he was not prepared to say that any question put from the Chair was not a fitting one.—(Loud cheers.) If the Noble Lord were right that the word of an Honourable Member ought to be taken, why then go through the farce of swearing a witness at the bar, who it appeared was called for the purpose of affording the House no information whatever ?—( Cheers.) He threw him selt upon the House—they were to decide whether his con duct deserved the strictures of the Noble Lord. The public were looking both anxiously and jealously at the proceedings of the House upon such a question.—( Loud cheers from both sides.) It was easy to impute party feelings upon any subject, but he had never seen any party feeling on his (the Opposi tion) side of the House.—( Cries of " Oh, oh.") He repeated it, he had n ever seen an y, party feeling on his side of the House on such questions. He was in the hands of the House—they were to decide whether a question put from the Chair was deserving of the censure it had met with. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said there could be no doubt but, that if any Hon. Member insisted upon the ques tion being put it must be answered ; but would it not be extremely disrespectful to the Noble Lord, and would it be delicate to insist ? Mr. G MILBURN would not have said one word upon the subject had it not been for the l violence of the Noble Lord the Secretary at War.—(Cheers.) That Noble Lord charged the Opposition side of the House with[deciding such a subject upon party views and for party purposes. What bad that side of the House to gain by the keeping of Lord Robert Grosvenor on the Committee.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers. ) If there were any party feeling upon the occasion, they would be most anxious to facilitate his removal from the Committee, because he saw the Noble Lord in the House the other night when be gave his support to the Government—he had thought then that the Noble Lord was in good health, and he was sorry to find that it was otherwise. The Hon. Member far Bandon had done nothing at all calculated to draw down so much indignation as had fallen from the Noble Lord. Lord HOWICK.—When I rose to dispute the propriety of the question, I did not at all intend to impute party spirit to the lion. and Learned Member for Bandon—(Laughter from the Opposition)—but to put it to him if he had not inadvertently asked a question which was not necessary. What made me say anytning about party spirit was the shout of denial and taunt which rung from one end of those - benches to the other, when I said, " I am sure the House will feel that this examination has been carried far enough."—( Cheers. ) Sir R. INGL IS.—When the Noble Lord accused, in no measured terms, this side of the House of party spirit, I was one of those who called " Order ;" and it occurred to me that he had accused you, Sir, at least as much as us— ( Hear, hear);—and I rose with the intention— humbly, and unnecessarily, I own—of protecting you against the Noble Lord, who was cheered by the Gentlemen opposite when he accused us of want of delicacy in persisting in a question which had been twice put by you.—( Opposition cheers.) If the Noble and Learned Lord retract the charge, I say no more.—(Cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial Benches.) If not, 1 call upon you, Sir, to desire that some explanation may be given of the charge affecting the whole of this side of the House.—( Laughter from the Ministerial Benches.) Hon. Gentlemen who laugh may perhaps be re gardless of a charge of want of delicacy—if so, I congratulate rather than envy them, but I desire that the Noble Lord may state what he meant by charging us with want of delicacy. Mr. WARBURTON had no doubt that the question as put by the Speaker was strictly regular, but the hesitation of the medical man in answering as to the nature of the disease made him (Mr. Warburton) conceive that the gentleman had a delicacy in stating what the disease was.—( Hear, hear. ) He did not at all object to the question being put. But from the manner of the witness in answering it, he thought that it was one which ought not to be pressed. Mr. Sergeant JACKSON said that if he had had the slightest notion that there was any objection to the question being answered, he would not have pressed it.—( Hear, hexer. ) rdr: .MILDYI AY moved that Lord Robert Grosvenor' should be irOrn farther attendance on the Carlow Elec tion Committee. The question having been put, there were tittfißrous, " Ayes" from the Reform Benches, and several loud cries Of "No," from the Tories. The question was again put, and answered in the same manner. _ . The SPEAKER asked did they mean to divide? And re ceiving no answer, declared the question carried in the affirma tive, and Lord Robert Grosvenor excused from further at tendance on the Committee. TIPPERARY ELECTION. The SPEAKER then informed the House that he had re ceived, through the Hanaper-office, Ireland, a petition com plaining against the late return for the County of Tipperary.— ( Laughter on the Reform benches, and Cheers from the Tories.) Two Returns were presented at the Bar, but the nature of them could not be understood amidst the confusion which pre vailed in the House. . _ INTERNAL COMMUNICATION. After the lapse of a few minutes, The SPEAKER said it was desirable that the public busi ness should be proceeded with. He then called on Mr. GILLON, who had a notice on the paper to call the attention of the House to the Report of the Committee of last Session, on Internal Communication Taxation, with a view to the reduction and equalization of the duties. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER wished the Hon. Member to postpone his motion. Mr. GILLON had twice before given way, but if the Right Hon. Gentleman would give him an opportunity of bringing the question forward on Friday weak, he would,willingly give way now. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could not fix any precise day : but there was no doubt the Hon. Mem ber would find a day for the discussion of the question. Mr. GILLON, having looked into the Order Book, said he would postpone the motion till that day fortnight. In answer to a question from Mr. COLQUHOUN, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said be was most anxious to bring on the Highland Schools Bill as soon as possible. Mr. PEASE wished to know whether the Government in tended to bring in any measure with respect to the boundaries of boroughs, the Bill for that purpose having been withdrawn last night. The question was one of vital importance. No answer was returned. SLAVE COMPENSATION. _ _ _ Mr. O'CONNELL had moved for returns which related to the motion of the Honourable Baronet the Member for North Warwickshire, which was fixed for the 27th inst. It was the names of persons to whom the twenty millions had been paid ; and he wished to know when the Returns would be made. Mr. P. THOMSON suggested that the Hon. and Learned Member should communicate with the Chairman of the Com mittee. AMERICAN BOUNDARIES. Sir R. PEEL begged to ask whether he could now re ceive any answer to the question he had put a few nights ago relative to the North American boundaries? Tho Noble Lord was aware that a series of papers had been moved for by the Noble Lord, the Secretary at War, which had turned out not to be the ones that were required.—(Hear, and laughter.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL had thought that his Noble Friend (the Secretary for Foreign Affairs) had given a satis factory account to the Right Hon. Gentleman. Sir R. PEEL said the Noble Lord the Secretary for Fo reign Affairs was so very much occupied, that it was not easy to catch him in his place at the questioning time, other wise he should have put the question to that Noble Lord. Mr. PEASE—But I did not get an answer to my question. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the question referred to by his Hon. Friend the Member for Durham was fit for the consideration of the House ; he had agreed to the proposition that the Bill should go on, but that proposition did not meet with the approbation of the House, and the Bill was ordered to be read a second time that day six months. Mr. PEASE—Am 1 to understand the Noble Lord leaves it to private individuals to bring in public Bills. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—No. We brought in a public Bill but it was thrown out. POOR-LAW COMMITTEE. Sir F. BURDETT inquired when it was likely the Poor law Committee would make their report, as he was extremely anxious to know whether it would be made before Easter. Mr. FAZAKERLEY said the intention of the Corn mittee was to continue to hear evidence until they were satis fied they could make a satisfactory report. When they were so satisfied the report would be made. CORN LAWS. Mr. GROTE presented petitions from Ayr and other places, in favour of a repeal of the Corn Laws. Mr. D. W. HARVEY presented petitions from two places in the county of Essex, on the same subject. CORN LAWS. Mr. VILLIERS then rose to bring forward his motion for the House resolving itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider the propriety of repealing the Corn Laws immediately, observing, that of all the wrongs perpetrated by an unreformed Parliament, the most injurious and shameful was the law which limited the supply of the main article in human subsistence.—( Hear, hear.) Thousands were daily with drawing their confidence from the Legislature, on account of the manner in which it treated all questions affecting the gene ral interests of the community, and especially upon this question. And they were waiting for the time when (said the Hon. Member) " that may be extorted from your fears which you deny to justice." The interest of the class which prevailed in the Legislature was preferred to that of the whole commu nity. It had been said that this was not a fit time to bring forward the question, because there was no excite ment on the subject. But lie thought that it was not wise to postpone the consideration of so important a question until there would be neither calmness nor leisure to discuss it. He considered this a seasonable time to bring forward this question, when funds were raised for enabling labourers to emigrate to countries where they might obtain the food which they could not obtain at home. When in Parliament and out of it, so many were standing forth as the advocates of the oppressed poor and the enslaved factory child ren, ho called upon all those to support his motion. He could not believe that those who had obtained their seats in that House, and consideration out of it by professions of sympathy with the poor, under the rigours of the new Poor-law, would now shrink from sustaining their cause. He would now proceed to state the grounds on which he believed the Corn Laws oppressive and injurious. He would first enquire into the purpose and principle of the Corn Laws. He believed that their purpose was protection to the landed interest, and that they were only justified on the ground of expediency. It was alleged that the British farmer could not compete with the foreign grower without protection. Now, what did this pro tection mean ? If security against danger, he would readily assent to the definition; but that was not the case. What then was it ? Why an evil to the community at large, though an advantage to the landed interest, and it was against such a principle that he had to contend, because he thought it not only indefinite but unjust. The effect of machinery had been considerable in the way of production ; but he believed all those discoveries which went to economise labour were at tended with ruin, inconvenience, and distress to those who were superseded by such means in their employments. They had not received any protection or compensation for the injury done to them, though they had given rewards and encouragement to those who invented machinery for economising labour, with a view to reduction of prices of articles of manufacture. Was this fair ? Did not the argu ment applicable to machinery equally apply to all cases where employment was superseded ? There was, he believed, no instance, where human employment had been superseded in which great distress was not occasioned. He might mention many, but he would only take that of the press. Now, what was the effect produced in Paris by the application of ma chinery to the business of printing ? Why, that six thousand persons were rendered destitute. No doubt the use of ma chinery had led to the employment of sixty thousand persons in that business, but because that was the case, did it follow that the 6,000 persons whom it had deprived of employment were not injured ? It was well-known that men experienced great difficulty in passing from one employment to another. The truth of this observation was strikingly illustrated in the case of the hand-loom weavers, who had remained in great distress ever since Dr. Cartwright's invention came into use. That machine superseded their employment. He might be told that private inconvenience must yield to public good, but he should like to know whether, if the people were sufficiently powerful, they could not insist upon protection in this or any other instance ? Suppose, for example, there was a majority of hand-loom weavers in that and the other House of Parlia ment, would they not, in such a case, prohibit the power_ looms, or, at all events, enact that, until the cloth produced by hand labour had reached a certain price, that produced by power should bear a fluctuating amount of duty ? He could see no difference between the case of the hand-loom weavers and that of the land-owners, and he thought that the argu ment applicable to the one, was equally applicable to the other. Suppose a plan for heating their chambers without the expense of coals were invented, he should like to know what would be said by the coalowners ? Would they not call for protection, like the landowners, and would they not support their claims by arguments equally strong ? Happily, however, th e y were only a small body,. as the disposition in favour of monopoly, which they had evinced, showed what they would d o if th e y were as powerful as the landowners. If th e H ouse wou ld .re solve itself into a Committee, he should certainly move for a repeal of the whole duties on corn, nor would he be deterred from doing so by the argument, that one object of the protec tion which they afforded was the keeping up of the revenue of the country. It would be unjust and unwise, where the home article was taxed, to allow the foreign article, which was not taxed, to compete with it; but he denied that the Corn-laws operated as a protection to the revenue. Now, with respect to the glass trade, he would admit that it would be unjust to allow untaxed glass to come into competition with glass which was taxed, but the question was very different when they came to the question of land. Land was of different fertility. Some land would produce only one bushel the acre, while other land would yield as much as 30. The taxation, there fore, fell very differently, and they should take care that they were not giving a bounty to some as well as a protection to others. He was prepared to contend that the revenue de rived an advantage from this protection, and that it relied more upon imports and exports than upon the amount of taxatio n paid by the landowners. He thought the Noble Lord oppo site could not deny this. With respect to the Customs and Excise, did they not give three-fourths, or 72 per cent., of the whole revenue ; and could it be contended that those branches would sustain any diminution if the monopoly of the corn laws were abolished ? He thought it could not. He wished to show to what extent the country was indebted to the landed interest relatively to the commercial inteic:t with respect to their contributions to the revenues of the coun try. In the cotton manufacture alone it appeared that them were upwards of seventeen millions annually paid in wages ; and a hen this amount was paid in wages to the consumers of other predace by one branch of manufactures alone, could it be any longer said that we are indebted to the corn laws for the maintenance of our Excise revenue? Now with respect to the assessed taxes. He would ask, did the landlords pay moan of the assessed taxes than the commercial and industrious classes of the community ? No such thing, for, on the con trary, the landowners and agricultural classes were relieved from many kinds of taxation which other classes in the coun try had to pay. They were relieved from the house tax, from the window tax, front the horse tax, front a tax on dogs, and they all knew that where land passed by descent that, on the contrary, the inheritors of personal property were subject to the payment of the probate duty and taxes of that nature. He contended that these landowners in whose favour these corn laws were maintained did not contribute equally to the support of the revenue with other classes of the community The rela tion which they bore to the other classes was supposed to be twenty-eight per cent., though the usual calculation was that the relation was one-fourth. He would be glad to hear a statement to the effect that the corn laws should be main tained as an indemnity to the landed interest for, the share that they contributed to the support of local charges. But these charges were charges that were fixed on visible property, and on other property besides land. There were many cases in which the land was exempt from the eliarges for which the small tradesmen were heavily taxed. Witain the last five years relief to a very great extent had been given to the landed interest. The malt tax was another ground on which the friends of the landlord claimed the continuance of this mono poly, but surely any other class might on as fair a ground claim an exemption. It was argued in favour of the reduction of the malt tax, that if it was reduced, the landholders would grow more barley; but surely the same argument might be held by any other manufacturer, that, if they reduced taxation consumption would be thereby enervated, and he would be en abled to produce more of that which he manufactured. Th e landowners and their advocates told the manufacturers that they wished to act only on the principle, Live and let live ;" but he would say that the principle they wished to act upon was, " Take and let's take." But Hon. Members at the other side of the House said that they only wanted the same protection for the landed interest that was afforded to other interests in the country. He contended that the merchant and the mane facturer did not require any protection at all. He referred on this point to a petition some time ago presented from a body of merchants in the city of London, and to a pe.tition presented front the Chamber of Commerce in the city of Manchester, the centre of one of the most important districts , in the world, and in these petitions an opinion was expressed against all protection. The only ground on which they at all claimed protection was on account of the continuance of the Corn-laws. Those who supported the continuance of the Corn-laws argued about them as if they were an institution of the country, and interwoven with our whole system ; but it was unnecessary to say anything with respect to the fallacy of such an opinion. He did not think that if it was satisfac torily shown that those Corn-laws were continued merely for the good of the landed interest, without any compensatini advantage whatever to the public, any one would cont en that they ought to be continued merely for the bene fit of the landed interest.—( Hear, hear, hear.) If that if"' rest was to be paid and supported by inflicting a bu; then upon the public unnecessarily and imperiously . 1n it be done in the legitimate way. Let them aPP en 6 r l in the Estimates along with the army and the navy, 31 let the public know what they had to pay ; but let not an in direct and heavy burthen be kept up upon the public by roe,,, a h ; such as these—by continuing a taxation of this kind. I. '" quantity of corn produced in the country was generally calety lated (as we understood the Hon. Member) at fifty-two million quarters of grain annually, at the present duty of 1/. 125' P er quarter. Now lie would suppose the agricultural c onsumpti on to be twenty-six millions of quarters, and that there were broug h t into the market for public competition twenty-six millions °` quarters. Now he would take the lowest estimate of reduc tion at 12s. per quarter, and this would leave a loss to tul public of 13,600,000/. annually. He could not understandt how the loss of the public by the Corn-laws could be calculate(' at less than fifteen millions annually. Let them look at the it' d ' crease of expense on this account with respect to the army ire navy, and to the salaries paid to public officers, which "' e h; fixed in relation to the price of the necessaries of life. In t s victualling department alone the country suffered an innnetts-0 loss annually. Why, he asked, would they consent to c ontinu al to subject the people of the country to this enormous aan n h „ loss ; and, with respect to the victualling department , not allow ships to be provisioned at the cheapest ra.rux... When the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the ic" chequer stated that he could not afford to make any relin e , tions at present, why, he would ask, should he not m ak : t r b at ductions by supplying the army and navy with food bou b b the cheapest market? But the evil was not confin ed tfontsie enormous loss that he had stated. When they ca those into der the portion of this loss which was suffered by, ali o ur rests which he had looked upon to be the sources ' in „ a nd power and all our wealth, he meant the manufactuhra pLeca commercial interests—when they considered all that n achieved by these interests for the good of this ought to be careful how they maintained a system i l l :d i wed upon the prosperity of those interests, so far as they depended Pof foreign countries as a means of increasing the resourc. the country, and augmenting its wealth and power, his . 13 _ jection was that the corn laws were inimical to our foreigu trade. He thought that the policy pursued for the last twenty-five years most inimical to the interest of this coun try in respect to its foreign trade. We had paid six Itun dred millions in fighting the battles of Europe, and Ina d laid every country in Europe under obligations to this COUntryleall; to coun try. But the great foundation and productive principle °, l . the wealth and commercial greatness of this country wa7 that enterprise and superiority in our manufactures which " enabled us to keep a monopoly of all the markets in ati. world. It was impossible to conceive how these interests ca great sources of our wealth could have continued to be ei„ neglected by the Government of this country. The effect ot continuing the Corn Laws, and thus interfering with chc hd ness of production, would be most materially to injure cripple our foreign trade. This had happened already. Prui,„ sia and the United States had remonstrated against our 6hYaa tem, and those countries, from having b een c ustomers , a ,_ been converted into rivals. The effect of this had already been felt in our own manufacturing districts. In I'l° tti t ng o ; hamshire the trade of that couuty had been to a grea t ex the ruined by foreign competition within a period of less than in the last ten years. There was twenty per cent. difference rico cost of producing hosiery in Nottinghamshire and the e ery at which they were able to import manufactured he i sl Y an e from Saxony. Consequently it was found more BUof tageous to import foreign hosiery. The consequonoath this was, that we lost a branch of trade which Was tw o t wo nine hundred thousand pounds annually, and, in th e n 000 counties of Nottingham and Derby, not less than sivi ti d e , persons had within a few years back been employed in this Ottid which was nearly ruined. The capitalists of this country evtivo not compete with foreign manufacturers, from the c ompar n o a dearness of living in this country, and the consequence for the extensive introduction of machinery as a substituteds. human labour, and the great increase of unemployed t it This was particularly the case with the cotton trade ; but must necessarily extend to the rest. In France, in Sw l _ o ° at ) land, and various other countries, the manufacturers wer 'the successfully competing with England in consequence T hort cheapness of food and of production, and would in a ts , time completely exclude us from the Continental inara d e ing . There were five millions of people in this country der en , tt a on the manufacture of cotton goods, and nearly a s giber sg number on the hardware manufacture. Could Hon. Me c i t . treat their interests lightly ?—( Hear, hear.) Several l_eat nesses from Sheffield lied proved that manufacturers to a 61:0, extent had left that town and established themselves snc e `i 3o , fully in the Rhenish provinces of Prussia ; and why ? cause bread was there only lid. a pound, and beef 3 ' t he whilst the corn monopolists of this country maintained the prices of one of those articles at 7d. and Bd. ; this was r reason we were beaten on our strongest ground.--( 11e 0 %: hear.) From all these circumstances he was perfectly c o , vinced that we must make up our minds to one o f two al t tho natives—either to give up our foreign trade or repeal t he Corn-laws.--( Hear, hear.) He wished to knols . to what` fits opponents cf that repeal would turn as illustrating the be t ; t he of the present system. Was it to the prosperous state (" in a , landed interest, which for twenty-four years had been ias ses state of depression ? Did the state of the labouring er pair dons their beneficial results? Had not the House had rais nons and debates without number on the subject of the _ er e tresses of all these classes? And did not such facts fortnticcats, elusive evidence of the evil tendency of those laws ?--( 1 % to hear.) They had the experience of the last ten Y enr e of prove that nothing had been more unsteady than the Pr' c wa s corn under the present system. The design of the lar' tta ia to cause it. What did it promise? To maintain ace lied price ; but it took no means to secure that price. It pro m t he what it could not perfor. It promised 70s. a q uarter te .io d fro but it took no means of realizing it—no mea ns to P the farmer against the fluctuations of the seasons. They 1f to mised a certain price for wheat, 755., and it afterwards Tvent, 365. ; the consequence was that the farmers became ins ° t he —( Hear, hear.) The great outcry against the rep eal op on Corn-law was on account of the labour, but if a discusslldia the question had taken place in 1830, would the then euefit? tion of the labourer be adduced as an evidence of its bel ie hO Why at that time the labouring classes were pronounce" t w as in a state of pauperism. —( Hear, hear.) Another argen in i n grol that it would throw the land out of cultivation, and u n nr ider the labour. Did the upholders of the present system °tea/ti the labourer in other m a tt ers ? H e h a d h ear d of th e s o f la plough. If that su ccee d e d i t wou ld t h row thousands for pourers out of employment, but he did not expect or carCl•f> alanhniddeetandeititatbeHroeuesrte labourers—and were the interests of that class would prevent its a doptic f . ) t he as the ' 2- I,a n ni , cin T mo ceraoolvntelody the one eactro remaining branche s in t n w ai o ianNiv.nsg_ wth laws---the o c c o up incr.. la not "- holder. He could show that the landholders wo w, - injured by the repeal, but he would not take that groundb;cini'g, asked for it as a repeal of a great public wrong; an d ' n ous such, the g rea t er th e i n j ury to i n di v id ua l s th e more st re am to would be his ad v o c a c y.—( H ear .) B u t h e called on thuscud consider the position of this country : he would recoMincau.,l them to con t emp l ate h er pos i t i on , an d rev iew her hisst ny and he wou ld as k t h em as po li t i c i ans w h et h e r there p • wisdom in ma i nta i n i ng l aws w hi c h were oppos ed to theviinidtenll(l); Bence and i n t eres t s o f t h e peop l e at l arge ? They c" e a nd stop the progress of events, and it became them to nsill . , ate d consider whether they could m a int a i n their present 'whether position by m eans oth er th an mora l i n fluence, and they wo u ld no t b e more l i k e l y t o f a ll b en eath the pres!nrc 0f i t . public o pi n i on th an t o ma i n t a i n t h emse lves by resisting o f He did think that this was a question in which the inteeres. er. t were on one se and those of the commu nnity lie knew it was one id which had been artfully and unnecessawr.tly mixed up with others with which it had no connection— Itn o th b