The Sun. — London, England, 1838-02-09 00:00:00

he cmmission of his Noble Friend was executed; he gas sent away to put them in possession of information as to the state of matters there, the want of which, it was said, pre \ ented them from settling the question at present. How long did they say Lord Durham was to be there for that enquiry ? Two years. Two years, therefore, was the time, according to the calculation of the framers of this measure, during which the enquiry was to last ; and till the end of the two years the Legislature of the mother country was not to be considered competent to settle the question. Lord GLE NEL G—That is the maximum. Lord BROUGHAM continued.—His Noble Friend said that two years were the maximum ; but when his Noble Friend's dislike to rash proceedings was considered, every one would feel that the maximum and the minimum were likely to be coincident quantities.—(Laughter.) He should not be surprised if the calculation of two years were found to be the period which this mission would require. But what right, in common justice, had they to punish the people for the offences or the errors of a part? It was evident that the Executive Council contemplated no such measures ; that was satisfac torily demonstrated by th e e xt ra ct which had been read by the Noble Baron opposit e . That negatived any auch sup position in express terms ; that said, Go thus far and no far ther. He would ask the Noble Baron whether, in his opinion, this wa3 a measur e that was likely to work the purpose of con ciliation ? The Government wanted no new light—they required no information they did not already possess. Unhappily, they knew by anticipation the fruits this Bill would be likely to produce by the fruits of the resolutions of last May. If the resolutions taking the power of the purse, seizing the strong chest, and spoiliating the money of the Canadians, because they, exercising the right we gave them, refused to give it tip voluntarily themselves—if that produced, first discontent, then disaffection, then revolt, and then actual rebellion—and who would have the hardihood to deny that all these things were the consequences of these refolutions ?—could it be believed that this Bill—the resolutions were mere water as compared to the drug which they were now commend ing to the same lips—could it be expected but that this Bill, which carried the principle of these resolutions a thousand times further—which sent out a Dictator with a Commission to rule over them without a single representative, with out check or controul in the body of the colony—good God ! did any man profess to be sanguine enough, or unconscion able enough, to maintain for a moment that whereas the former resolutions have occasioned revolt, the present Bill—he would not use harsh language, nor would he pre tend to prophesy—the present Bill, of all measures, would be found to pour balm into the wounds which were rankling from the sore infliction of the resolutions of last year ? lie .eliould be grievously disappointed if his Noble Fi lend ever pro ceeded to Canada on such a mission and with such powers_ with his hands so tied up as they were by the present Bill. Grievously, however, as he should be disappointed if his Noble Vriend consented to go forth upon such on errand, he owned he should not be disappointed at all, though he must feel hurt —as who would not?—if the consequences of the measure with which they were following up the resolutions which began and produced the mischief were such as they would all have occa sion most deeply to deplore. The Bill seemed framed as if to prevent his Noble Friend from exercising any power. He would give them an accurate sketch 0* the measure. His Noble Friend was to make laws in a Council of his own choosing—lie wax to make laws for the colony, but those laws were only to be such as the Canadian Assembly, whose func tions were suspended, would have been entitled to make if this Bill had not passed. One of the restrictions on the power of the Assembly, a restriction imposed by the Act of 1791, was, that no law could be made by the Colonial Legislature which was repugnant to or inconsistent with the Act itself. Consequently here was one fetter—his Noble Friend could not make any law not consistent with the Act of 1791. He presumed that these provisions of the Bill were intentional. Ile knew that it had received the consideration of' a most accurate and experienced lawyer ; and with the professional resources at the command of the Go vernment, lie had no dou'et they had taken care that the Bill was so framed as to accomplish the objects which they had in view. But that was not all ; his Noble Friend was not allowed to make any law that trenched on any Act of the Im perial Parliament or any Act of the Canadian Legislature, nor had lie the power of repealing or altering any Act of Par liament. Their Lordships would recollect the lumping de set iption of the powers of legislation which his Noble Friend, the first time he addressed their Lordships on the subject, in formed them lie was to possess; he professed that he was to enjoy an extent of power such as had never before been heard of ! but he ( Lord Brougham) doubted if ever a man was sent before on such a mission with such restrictions. Very little was done to empower him, but much to tie up his hands. The measnre went into the most trifling particulars. It contained provisions as to many constitutional and original changes, as to the right of voting, and even as to the divisions of unions of parishes, counties, and other districts ; all these things were to be deducted from his Noble Friend's unlimited powers; and he was so tied down to the small narrow sphere to whic lie had already directed the attention of their Lordship Tice laws and ordinances made by this: new Governor wee as it appeared, to remain in force till the year 1842 ; b supposing ;hat it wa.s permitted to the Canadian , to revive their Assemblies in 1840, what would be the relative position of the Governor and the revived Assemblies ? Was it to be permitted to the Assemblies to repeal or alter the laws and ordinances made by the Governor in the two years? He had carefully read time Act, but had been quite unable to form any clear opinion whether those laws and ordinances might be repealed or altered by the Assemblies when they came into life again, but it should seem that the intention was that they should remain in force till 1842. The Noble Lord op posite had entered at great length into the subject of colonies. in reference to their advantages in a commercial point of view. This was a subject to which in early life he ( Lord Brougham) had paid very close attention, and it had always been his opiniA{ that the system of colonizing was highly favourable to commerce. He held the planting of colonies to bet in the highest degree politic and wise in a commercial State, not merely in times when all other nations were doing the same thing, or adopting an exclusive system, and prevent ing you from commerce with their colonies, but at all times as an outlet for, a stimulant to, industry. And when, as in the course of things would always happen, the time arrived when the colony became capable of standing by itself, became fit for the task of self-government, became as able to do without your help as you without them, then it was that the mother country reaped the richest reward of its former pains and anx . iety in the possession of a natural ally, a natural market, in a ' people who want what you have for superfluities, while you want what they have in superfluities, the best definition of all others of a profitable market, a people having the same blood and origin, the same constitution and laws, the same language, and the same manners, more or less. A colony thus separated in the natural course of things became of inestimable value— helping the mother-country infinitely more in its new position than it had ever done before, as had been exhibited in the in stance of our vastly-increased commerce with the United States in its independent capacity. But the advantages to be derived from a separated colony mainly depended on the tem per of mind, the tone of feeling in which you quitted part nership with them. If that feeling were one of animosity— of resentment for wounds unhealed—of injuries unredressed— of insults unatoned for, then you could expect in them neither an ally nor a customer. Viscount MELBOURNE was perfectly ready to admit that it was never too late to stop short of injustice ; and most assuredly, if it could be proved that the charge cf injustice -was attachable to the Bill now waiting its third reading, he should think it by no means too late to pause in the career on which they had entered, or at once to alter his course. —( hear, hear.) But unless it were proved to be an unjust measure—unless it were unanswerably shown that what they were going to do was, as it had been over and over again characterised by the Noble and Learned Lord, iniquitous and incpolitic—their Lordships would hardly deem it consistent with the interests of this great empire, or tending to have a good effect upon that which was now taking place in Ca nada, now, at this moment of time, and at this season of the Bill, to stop short and refuse to proceed with a measure which had received the sanction of an overwhelming Majo rity in the other House of Parliament, and had arrived at its last stage in that House without a dissentient voice hitherto raised against it, except that of the Noble and Learned Lord, until suddenly a new objection which had been raised on somewhat new grounds, had sprung up on the present occa sion. He ( Lord Melbourne), however, could not but con sider that all those who had enlarged so much upon the dangers arising from past delays must at once acknowledge that government would fail greatly in its duty if it now con seated to alter its well-considered course in a matter of such Nast importance, and to which the eyes of all persons, whether in America or in England, were anxiously directed.—( Hear, hear, hear.) So far from being chargeable with injustice, the measure now before their Lordships appeared to him as tho roughly consistent with every principle ofjustice as any he had ever known, and that it was a just and necesary measure was clearly shown in the speech, and by the facts stated and ad mitted in the speech of the Learned Gentleman who had ap peared at their Lordships' bar as the advocate of the Canadians. —( Hear.) That speech was one of considerable power, of .considerable talent and eloquence, an eloquence, indeed, not aaf the most soothing, or winning, or persuasive character, or 'best calculated to move the favourable feelings or win the atffections of those who heard it—hut it was at the same time altogether the speech of an advocate — ( Hear, hear)—omitting all enlarged views of the subject, and exhibiting only those narrow principles upon which he founded his case. The Learned Gentleman had gone through various statements of he laws made, the proceedings adopted by the Assembly of .Lower Canada, but he had omitted to make mention of any of those circumstances which rendered it impossible that the wishes of the Assembly could be carried into effect. But the Learneei Gentleman had admitted it to be quite true, as had been stored in the resolutions of the Imperial Parliament, that the Housx of Assembly had refused the supplies. The Learned Gentlem.tra had most readily admitted, over and over again, that for 1 wt ' years, "only for two years," the Assembly had refused supplies, speaking of it as if it were nothing that for two whcile yeas the entire course of public business should be stopped, the a nministration of justice prevented, the salaries of the judges anti other civil officers refused, the means of edu cation withheld, ;the roads unrepaired, the whole service of the colony, in short, unprovided for ; as if this were a matter of no sort. of importance, and of which no notice was to be taken. The I,earned Gentleman's condemnation of the LegLegislativeComl. "il was one in which , on tile sound general principle, he (\ iscount Melbourne) must concur; but the Constitu tion i reposed by the Learned Gentleman at the conclu sion of his speech went to give entire independent power to the _L e gi s l a ti ve Assembly, as at present constituted. It saw. clear, however, even on the Learned Gentle men's inv.a showing, that the present state of thin g s in Caned a cc uld not go ; on, and that it was essential for some measur es to• be taken for the better administration of the Go- vernme at of the col on y ; an d th e mos t advisable preliminary step op / teased to be that which had been determined on—to suspend, for a time at least, the present Constitution of that colony. It had been said by Noble Lords opposite that the revolt was not a sufficient ground for the Bill. He ( Viscount Melbourne) fully admitted that revolt, that resistance, was not in itself a sufficient ground ; but the whole working of the Constitution for the last four or five years, followed up and consummated by the revolt, was ground sufficient for the Bill, and to manifest that it was fraught with no injustice. The Noble and Learned Lord bad asked, would they punish a whole province for the fault of a few parishes? But the an swer was, that there was no punishment in the case. It might be an evil to have an arbitrary Government established over them for a time—it might be a great evil to separate from the mother country—but it was a much greater evil to exist for so long a time without any Government at all, and Government held itself bound in duty not to allow such a state of things to re main, and they fully believed that the measure they had framed would be accepted as a boon by all the thinking and well disposed men of all parties, and by all the inhabitants of the province. A Noble Lord opposite had given it as his opinion, arguing on what had passed before, that this would not be well received by the settlers of English descent. He ( Viscount Melbourne) had no reason to expect this to be the case ; he fully believed that the measure would be acceptable to all parties. The Noble and Learned Lord near him had complained that the powers entrusted to the new Governor were restricted in their character. He (Viscount Melbourne) should. have rather expected the complaint to have been the other way—that the powers were too extensive, were tyran nical, despotic ; but, notwithstanding the Noble and Learned Lord's view of the matter, he (Viscount Melbourne) confi dently believed that the powers entrusted to Lord Durham would be found fully adequate to the purpose, and thought un questionably the Noble Lord did not go out with powers abso lutely to settle, finish, and arrange, yet that he had powers suffi cient to enable him efficiently to prepare matters for the final and complete arrangement of the affairs of the Province. The Noble Lord opposite had gone much into the general question of colonial policy, and as to the prudence of considering closely the advantage which colonies were to the mother country, and as to the wisdom of looking at some future time to the separation of such colonies. There might be some sagacity in the remarks which had been made on this point, but he (Viscount Mel bourne) had some doubts as to the policy of making them on this occasion.—( Hear, hear.) It was extremely doubtful po licy to hold out temptations to separation on every trifling event, on every slight quarrel, on every small difference— (Hear, hear)—and it must be recollected that however this might be considered in a commercial or political point of view, recession, the drawing back, the contraction of territories, was no trifling matter.—( Hear, hear.) It had never been found to be so. The boundaries of an empire might easily be pushed too far, it might be difficult to maintain them, but the drawing them within a smaller limit had never redounded to the cre dit or the safety of an empire.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had said that all nations had parted with colonies at one time or another, and it was true that this country had at various periods lost great foreign possessions, while her greatness had survived the loss ; but still it was impos sible to deny that the loss of these had given us at the time great shocks.—( Hear.) The voluntary parting with colonies was quite a novel idea. The separation of the United States from this country had been adverted to by the Noble and Learned Lord, who stated that the grandeur and power and prosperity of this country had not suffered by the event. Per haps such was the case ; but, at the same time, it was quite impossible for us to decide what would have been the case hail that event not taken place, and we had still maintained cur dominion over these etatc s.—( Hear, hear.) It was well known, however, that the war with these colonies had cost us a great deal of blood and treasure, and some loss of reputation ; for it was supposed that the war was not very well conducted by our officers, though our soldiery never more highly distinvaished themselves ; but still it could not be shown that we should have stood better if we had given way at the time the declaration of independence was made, instead of carrying on the war to its close in the manner we did.—( Cries of" Hear, bear.") The Noble and Learned Lord had said that everything in these cases de pended on the temper of mind, the tone of feeling with which we quitted partnership with our separated colonies ; yet, although the tone of feeling in which we parted from the United States was none of the most affectionate, our inter course with those States most rapidly and largely increased after the separation.—( Hear, hear.) These were specula tions, however, in which it was better not to indulge; it was our duty to maintain the territory, the possessions which we possessed—( Hear, hear)—and he . believed that we should be fully able to maintain them, not merely by force of arms, but by the good will, the friendly feelings of the inhabitants of those countries ; and he had no doubt but that, when peace end order were restored in Canada, means would he promptly found for cementing the union between that province and the mother country, by acting on those principles which it would be absurd to depart from, of considering the local nature of the case, the character of their Government, and acting strictly on the principles of constitutional liberty and freedom. —( Hear. ) Earl FITZ WILLIAM feared that this measure was the forerunner of greater difficulties than the Government appeared to anticipate; but if any individual was more peculiarly quali fied than another to meet the exigencies of the case, it was the Noble Earl who had been selected by the Government. If the resolutions of Parliament last year were received with such disgust in Canada, even as was acknowledged, by the friends of the connection with this country, what must be the effect of this Bill when it reached the colony? He did not like the words " French party," or English party ;" hut it was well known that many of the latter party had taken the side of the former. He felt it to be impossible to acquit this Bill of beine• a great measure of injustice towards Canada.— (Hear.) He was persuaded that the authors of the measure would be disappointed in their expectations of success. When he used the term "authors," he did not mean merely his Noble Friends, but the people of England, who seemed to have rushed with an incredible blindness into the opinions which they held upon this subject. Under these circumstances, regretting as he did to vote against the Noble Lords who now occupied the Ministerial bench, he could not satisfy his conscience if he had allowed the Bill to go to a third reading without briefly expressing his sentiments upon it. He could not but fear that we should have all the scenes of the Ame rican war acted over again ; that we should experience the same Iliad of woes that were experienced between 1768 and 1782 ; and that we should come out of the contest weakened, and in reputation and every other respect materially injured by the struggle. The Bill was then read a third time. Lord GLENELG introduced a proviso in the second clause, the nature of which did not appear, but which was agreed to. Lord ELLENBOROUGH wished to propose an amend ment, providing for a very possible case. He proposed a proviso to the effect that " If on the arrival of the Act in the colony the Legislative Assembly should be found dissolved, and a new Assembly called, or if after the arrival of the Act in the colony it should be thought expedient by the Governor to 'dissolve the Assembly and to call another, it should be lawful for him to do so, and that the proclama tion of the Act should be postponed until it was the pleasure of the Governor to order it to be proclaimed." To him it appeared to be perfectly impossible so to alter the character of the several districts in Lower Canada as to prevent the As sembly from representing the French party ; and he was per suaded that it would be quite as impassible two years hence as it was at the present moment. Lord GLENELG disclaimed all intention on the part of her Majesty's Government to form a union of the two Pro vinces. Their object was only to endeavour to make such an alteration in the constitution of each Province as might enable each to be better governed. He must object to the Noble Lord's amendment. It was entirely contrary to the principle of the measure. It would counteract all that had been done, and would excite alarm and difficulty. Lord ELLENBOROUGH repeated, that if it were in tended at some time or other to call together a Legislative Assembly in Lower Canada, it would be impossible to take such a step advantageously after the passing of this Act. He felt he had done his duty in stating his sentiments on the subject. He might be wrong. Considering to how large a majority he was opposed, the probability was that he was so ; but being himself persuaded that the measure must fail, he was bound to express his opinion to that effect. The amendment was then negatived ; the Bill was passed ; and, at a quarter past ten o'clock, their Lordships adjourned. ST. ANN'S SOCIETY SCHOOLS. The half-yearly election of boys and girls into the Schools of this excellent institution took place yesterday at the Lon don Tavern. The list contained 92 candidates, viz. 33 girls and 59 boys, of whom four girls and eight boys were to be elected, but of this number of candidates only about eighteen may be said to have gone to the poll, some probably abandon ing the attempt altogether as hopeless, others reserving. them selves for another occasion. The advantages of this Institu tion are shown by the very great interest and anxiety exhibited at the elections by the friends of the children. It is impossi ble to describe the exertions made on these occasions chiefly by gentlemen of very high respectability ; but there is one thing which we could wish to see altogether done away with, and that is the system of borrowing proxies ; it is a sort of time bargain, and we feel quite assured that there was no per son who yesterday took any part in the contest but must have felt with us upon this subject. It cannot fail to create a cer tain degree of disgust, and it is enough to deter any pers on from engaging a second time in a similar contest for any object. We hope those in authority will look to this. The system, however, to which we have thus alluded does not detract from the excellence of the Society, which is one of the first in the metropolis, whether we have regard to its antiquity, its extent, its respectability, or the advantages to its objects. Indeed we cannot do better to the cause of real charity, than by recommending the cordial support of this praiseworthy Institution to our friends, and the public generally. The following is a list of the successful candidates at the election yesterday, with the number of votes polled for each:— GIRLS. Sophia Powell S. M. Lloyd E. Robinson M. M. Harris BOYS. 3,122 2,946 2,689 2,269 R. G. Palmer Allan Bucn . John West Daniel Jones Robert King Edward Smith R. J. Wood William Brown 2,780 2,691 2,638 2,436 2,319 2,248 . 1,998 1.944 THE LATE WRECK.-The Coroners' inquest on the bodies of those who perished in' the Killarney, is still sit ting.— Cork Constitution, of Saturday last. LONDON : FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 9, 1838. In the remarks which appeared in the Times of yesterday on the motion of Captain BOLDER°, an impression is attempted to be conveyed that by the Pension Warrant issued in 1833, and now in force (with some modificctions introduced in 1836), great injustice has been done to the old and deserving soldier. A short statement of the principal alterations made by that warrant in the pensions of private soldiers of Infantry, discharged after twenty-one years' service, will best show the misrepresentations of which the writer who has made this unworthy attempt to excite discontent in the Army has been guilty. By the warrant of 1829 the private soldier of Infantry, disabled from fulfilling his ordinary duties after twenty one years' service, was entitled to a pension of Is. a day, a halfpenny per day being added for each year's additional service up to twenty-five years, when it reached the maximum of one shilling and two-pence, and this pension was in all cases the same whatever might be the character, the ability to work, or the health of the parties. To soldiers discharged at their own request, and I not from disability the warrant of 1829 awarded a pension of 10d. a day after twenty-one years' service. When the warrant of 1833 was introduced, it was considered that this system was most injurious to the public, inasmuch as it offered no induce ment to the soldier to continue his service after twenty years, however well able he might be to do so, and gave to a man in the full enjoyment of his health and strength, a pension nearly and in many cases quite equal to his full pay. That this was no slight evil is shown by the fact, that the average age of the 2,000 men pensioned between 1823 and 1828, both years in clusive, was only thirty-six years and three months. With a view to remedy this evil, it was provided that the soldier discharged at his own request, and not from disability, should not be entitled to a pension, until he had completed twenty-five years' service, instead of twenty-one; and that his pension should be sixpence instead of ten-pence. In cases where the soldier was discharged after twenty-one years' service, as unfit for his ordinary duties, but still able to earn his livelihood, he was entitled to a pension of sixpence, increasing to the maximum of one shilling, by the addition of a halfpenny per day for each additional year of service. If unable to earn his livelihood, au addition to be made by' the Commissioners of Chelsea, with the consent of the Secretary-at-War, of a sum not exceeding three pence a day. The maximum not to exceed ls. per day. Another evil, of perhaps still greater magnitude, was, that the good and the bad soldiers discharged after twenty-one years' service were placed on equal terms with regard to pensions, and it was a constant complaint of the Commissioners that they were often COM yelled to give pensions to men of the worst characters, who had narrowly escaped being discharged icom the army with disgrace. This was partly remedied by the warrant of 1833, which gave a discretionary power to the Commissioners and the Secretary at War of ad ding to the pension ; and a still greater inducement to good conduct was held out by the warrant of August, 1836, which provided, that soldiers who have been in the receipt of additional pay for good conduct, for a period of five years previous to their discharge, shall be entitled to an addition to their pension of a sum varying from Id. to 3d. per day. Thus " the broken down, worn-out human being, without enough of hand or heart left in him to earn a day's meal by work," instead of 6d. a day, as stated by the Times, would, after twenty-five years service, receive 11d., or, if he had been a good or deserving soldier, I.s. 2d. per day—a sum, be it observed, equal to the highest pension he could receive under the warrant of 1829. Having thus pointed out the gross mis-statements of the Times, with regard to the alterations of the pensions made in 1833 and 1836, we will only add that these warrants were issued with the full and unre served concurrence of the Commander-in-Chief. In the House of Lords last night the Canada Bill was read a third time, and passed without a division. On the motion for the third reading being made, an ani mated debate followed, in the course of which the principle and details of the Bill, and the whole policy of the Government with respect to the Canadas, were animadverted upon with great severity by Lords EL LENBOROUGII, MANSFIELD, and BROUGHANf. Lord ELLENEOROUGII contended that the Bill before the House was rendered unnecessary by the suppres sion of the revolt in Lower Canada—in proof of which he quoted Lord GosFortp's dispatch of the 23d of December, in which his Lordship distinctly stated that the measures taken for suppressing the insurrection " had been crowned with entire suc cess." The Noble Lord went on to. repudiate any delay in the settlement of the question, and maintained that it was the duty of Govern ment—seeing that the Constitution of 1791 was un suitable to the wants and wishes of the Canadians— to adopt without delay such a Constitution as in the wisdom of Parliament would satisfy the colonists, and maintain the connection with this country. Lord GLENELG defended the course followed by the Go vernment, in a speech which assumed every thing, with out proving any thing. His Lordship querulously observed at the outset, that Lord ELLENBOROUGH did not take a "Tory view of the question—as if that were a matter to be lamented—adding, with a sim plicity not quite becoming a Statesman of his Lord ship's mature years, that the Bill " was not ca ll e d f or by the revolt exclusively, but by the consideration of the former conduct of the House of Assembly in refusing the supplies." The Noble Colonial Secret ar y t oo k no notice of the quotations from Lord G osPo up ' s dispatch. He possibly imagined th a t t h e H ouse would not be disposed to place much reliance upon the opinions of a Chief-Governor, after the proof which the Bill afforded of that Governor's blunders and in capacity ; and, in our opinion, his Lordship's silence upon this point was not more profound than pru dent. Lord AsrtsußfoN stro n gly recommended a conciliatory policy, and insisted, that if the C o l on i s ts were unanimous in demanding a separation, suc h a demand ought instantly to he complied with. Eng land had benefitted by the independence of the United States, and in the event of a separation from the mother country, lie would gladly witness the incorpo ration of Canada with that mighty republic. In the mean time, his Lordship would educate the Canadians —would familiarize them with the exercise of those high functions, which he believed would devolve upon them before the expiration of twenty years—and in ever:• ether respect, so treat them as to establish an imperishable claim to their lasting gratitude. Lord MANSFIELD would not oppose the Bill, but expressed his regret that it was not preceded by a Message from the Crown, pledging Parliament to restore to the Ca nadians those liberties of which it for a time deprived them. Lord LANSDOWNE defended the conduct of the Government against all the charges preferred against it. His Lordship asserted that there was no culpable procrastination in the developement of its Colonial policy ; repudiated the idea of Canadian inde pendence, which he pledged himself to resist as long as he lived ; and gravely assured the House that the majority of the Canadians would regard the Bill upon their Lordships' table as a boon, rather than as a Bill of Pains and Penalties. Lord BROUGHAM followed; but only from a perusal of his speech can any idea be formed of the masterly manner lin which he dissected the Government Bill. An ticipating the Ministerial reply that lie had not proposed any amendments upon the Bill in Committee, the Noble and Learned Lord sarcastically remarked that be would have nothing at all to do with such an abortion—the " Origin of an Iliad of Woes." Lord MELBOURNE briefly sup ported the Bill, without adverting at any length to the opposition which had been made to it, or offer ing any opinion upon the course which the Government might deem it expedient to pursue in the event of such changes taking place in the Canadas as were anticipated by Lords ELLENBOROUGH and BROUGHAM. The only novel feature in the debate was the unanimity of all parties, in desiring that the Canadian insurgents might be treated with the utmost clemency, and restored as soon as possible to the en joyment of constitutional liberty. The attention of the House of Commons was called last night by Mr. WALLACE to the subject of esta blishing a day mail to Edinburgh, because one has been established to Dublin. The CHANCELLOR of the ExcllF-QuEn. very properly objected to trying such an experiment, which would create a great charge on the country, till the change now going forward in the whole system of conveyance, in consequence o f the introduction of rail-roads, was brought into full effect. Though we have every wish that the in habitants of the Northern Metropolis should be grati fied, and the establishment of such a day mail would probably promote our interest, we think the decision I f the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER perfectly proper. When the connection between London and Manchester by the railroad shall be completed, as the coaches will probably start from both ends of the line more than twice each day, we see no reason why letters s hould not be dispatched on every departure. Even if there were no railway to connect Manchester with Glasgow and Edinburgh, when the railroad was in complete operation to the former, letters might be dispatched from thence to the latter more than once in the day. We contend, then, that a day and a night mail ought not to content the in habitants of our great and distant cities, whether they be the seats of manufacturers, of commerce, or of learning. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER and her MAJESTY'S Ministers take the same view we have no doubt as the Commissioners of Post-office Inquiry, " that the establishment of the post is essential to the promotion of commerce, the purpose of revenue being a secondary consideration ;" and they will consequently think that the trifling labour and expense of making and dispatching several mails per day, when the rail-roads shall be brought into complete operation, ought to be disregarded. They mean, therefore, we presume, to run before the public petitions, and provide the utmost amount of ac ' commodation for the transmission of letters, which the new system of conveyance will afford. Till that can be settled, it will be well to make as few changes as possible, unless they be changes which will form part of the rail-road system, which an extra day mail to to Edinburgh, would not. The day mail already es tablished to Dublin, may answer the purposes of the Government of Ireland, and of the inhabitants of that city, but as long as the mail does not take a single letter for any single town through which it passes, its advan tages to the public are scarcely equal to its cost. Let us add, also, that when the new system of conveyance is completed, we hope that the whole business of the country will not suffer a serious interruption from the continuance of the present practice of dispatching no letters from London on the Sabbath. Why should not the religious habits and feelings of the inhabitants of other cities be consulted as well as those of the Londoners ? But if they were to be consulted, and letters were neither to be received nor despatched from any town on a Sunday, the interruption of business would be intolerable. So many persons, such as sailors, soldiers, founders, printers, coAllichmen, &c., &c. are now compelled to continue their labours on the Sabbath, that it could do no harrn'to add to the number, by employing on that day a few Post-office Clerks. It would be expected that for extra labour they should receive extra pay ; and as the public convenience would be much served by em ploying them on a Sunday, that also would tend to their private advantage. The PRESIDENT of the Board of Trade has given notice of a motion, the object of which is to afford more effectual protection to the property of authors. We believe it is part of a plan for establishing an in ternational law, approved of by the principal States of Europe, and the United States of Ameriea, for the purpose of securing to authors, in each of the States, their rights against the hosts of pirates that now sub sist on the plunder of industry and geniu s . About the justice of such a measure, and its practibility as regards Continental Governments, there cannot be much doubt; but there may be great doubt about its operation in America. The number of works of merit produced in that country are so few—the inhabitants have such an interest in pirating works published on this side of the Atlantic, and their obedience to any general law passed in Congress is so partial—that for many years, probably, it would be little better than a dead letter. Our object, however, in noticing the subject is to call the attention of the Government to one intimately connected with it. Mr. MACKINNON has a Bill before the House of Commons for the more effectual protection of patents ; but any measure of this nature will be as inoperative as the pre sent Copyright Law, unless it is equally extended ; and we can see no reason why the different Govern ments may not agree to the one as well as the other. They are alike necessary for the protection of property and the encouragement of genius, and if properly framed would be alike beneficial to the authors and the public. In proportion as the field is extended, the profits on each invention or work published ought to be diminished ; and, without any loss to the patentee or author, the public might in many instances be saved at least a hundred per cent. As it is, a robbery is com mitted, and the robbers chiefly profit by it. No sooner is a useful invention made here, than it is transferred to other countries ; speculators are ever ready to take advantage of it, and in a few years enrich themselves at the expense of the purchasers, by works to which they have no more right than the Corsair has to vessels on the ocean. Ther© might be some difficulty in esti mating the profit which the author or inventor was en titled to on each work if such an international law wa s adopted, but this might be overcome. The cost of the materials and manufacture could be calculated to a trifle, and the profits, as in the case of canals or rail roads, limited to a certain per centage. Never was there a more favourable period for such a plan than the present, when universal peace prevails. We refer our readers to a paragraph in another part of our paper headed " Church-rates." It is very short, a mere morcean, but a singularly precious one. A Dissenting Minister has a claim of one shilling made upon him for Church-rate. Thinking with the Times, in days not long gone by, that this impost was nothing but a " most nefarious exaction when levied on our Dissenting brethren," and feeling a conscientious objection to its payment, the Reverend Gentleman' did what every honest man would do in similar circumstances—he opposed a passive resistance to the proceedings of the ecclesias tical authorities. " A shilling," said these worthies, " is more than a Church so poorly endowed as the Church of England can afford to lose. Besides, this refractory spirit on the part of Dissenters, alias Infidels, must be put down, or the Church will be in danger. Moreover, this malignant Baptist is one of their teachers—a trumpeter of sedition, blasphemy, and, what is worse than all, of schism; and therefore we shall make an example of him." Such being the determination of the Gloucester shire sages, they proceeded to put it in execution with out delay. On Wednesday last a distraint was levied upon the goods of the reverend recusant, and pro perty to the amount probably of five pounds was seized for the dissenting shilling ! It is worthy of notice, too, that the man who has been thus treated for following the dictates of his con science, in refusing to support a religious system of which he does not approve, has, though burthened with a large family, contributed, out of a stipend of 601. per annum, no less a sum than 2001. to the support of his own religious system with in the last twelve years. What a lesson does the conduct of this poor Dissenting Minister teach the members, lay and clerical, of the wealthiest Church on the face of the earth ! What a noble example, also, does it bold out to all who regard Church-rates as a religious nuisance, to suffer the despoiling of their goods, rather than sanction, by their practice, what they disapprove of in their hearts. Let this truly Christian example be generally fol lowed, and Church-rates will soon be matter of history. We direct attention to Mr. SHARMAN CRAW FORD'S third letter on the Poor Law for Ireland Bill, which will be found in another column. As the Bill stands for committal this day in the House of Com mons, the suggestions of the ex-Member for Dundalk are offered at the proper moment. The whole of the Paris Journals of Wednesday have been received. The most important intelligence they contain, is the report of another debate on the Deputies' costume, when a motion for resuming the costume of the Deputies consequent to the Restora tion in 1814, was carried by a majority of six ! With this triumph of frippery, several of the Journals are in extacies. FBENCH FUNDS —Pmts, Fre. 7. Five per tents.. laW. 70c. 75c. ssc. 95c. Four and a Helper Cents. 105 f. 60c. Four per tents., 102 f. 20c. I h ree per Cents., 79f. 75c. 811 c. Sse. Bank Actions, 9.,t;50f. 2,660 f. rtente de Naples, 99f. 98f. 95c. 93f. Roman Five per Cents., 101%. Spanish Actives; 20 19%. Belgian Loan, 103%. Belgian Bank, 1,5152 f. 50e. Portuguese Loan, Three per Cents. 17N. Hayttan Loan, 385 f. EXCHANOR •N LONDON. One month, paper, 2.5 f. 45c. ; money, 25'. 42%c Three months, paper, 25t: 3'rl/ 2 c.; money, 251. 30,. LAST PRICES. Five per Cents. 110 f. se. Three per Cents., 79f. 95c. Bank Actions, 2,6601. Romans, 101%. Belgian Lean, 1(13%. Belgian Bank, 1,512 f. 50e. Portuguese Three per Cents., 17. Spanish Actives, 19%. Raytian Loan. 355 f. Brussels and German Papers have been received, but they are wholly occupied with the quarrel be tween the Courts of Berlin and Rome. BELGIAN I , UNDS—BaussELs, FEB. 7. Actual Debt, 2 per Cent. Rothschild's Loan, 5 per Cent. Loan of Thirty Millions 93% Loan of City, 183'2, 4 per Cent 97% Society of Commerce, 4y. per Cent MY, Bank of Belgium, 6 per Cent 1451 National Society . II9U —Brussels Papers, Feb. 7. AUSTRIAN FUNDS.—VIENNA, JAN. 81. Five per Cents. Metalliques Four per Cents. Three per Cents. Bank Shares l4O —All,gemeinclZeitung, Feb. 4.. SOCIETY OF ARTS.—Last night the Committee of Finance, to whom the propositions of Mr. Northhouse for reforming, re-modelling, and popularising this most valuable institution, met in their Hall, in the Adelphi, and after a very long and animated discussion, the Committee agreed to report in favour of Mr. Northhouse's plan in all its principles, and it is now likely that every literary and scientific institution in the kingdom will, through their Presidents and Secretaries, be connected with the parent institution, and permission will be issued to report the proceedings of the Society as they occur, without waiting for the annual volume. This is one of the most useful steps that has ever been taken for the encourage ment of scientific Institutions. OPERA BUFFA—LYCEUM THEATRE. Last night this theatre was unusally crowded in every part, in conse quence of the expected presence of her Majesty. The enter tainment, probably, also centributed somewhat to this result, as it consisted of two of the 'prettiest and most agreeable operas, L'Elisir d'Arnore and Belly, which have figured in the bills during the season. About half an hour after the commence ment of the performance her Majesty arrived, and, with her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent and the suite, quietly took possession of the royal box as usual. The greater por tion of the audience " felt the bright presence," but by no in trusive recognition infringed upon the privacy which her Majesty manifestly wished to enjoy. Some less delicate spirits, however, especially in the gallery, a poor minority, would not follow this example, but, at the close of the first piece, stopped the further performance with cries of " God save the Queen ;" and, in a word, compelled the orchestra and the company to give the anthem, and, of course, also com pelled her Majesty to make her appearance from behind the curtain which had hitherto preserved her privacy. Nothing more boorishly ignorant and inexcusable than this conduct can be conceived. Her Majesty, however, was all good humour, and smilingly returned the greeting with which the whole house recognised her. Miss Wyndham distinguished herself in singing " God save the Queen." The operas were per formed with great spirit. Every one enjoys L'Elisir d'Amore —its plot is so livelily and dramatically put together, and its music so abounds in graceful melody and genuine buffo. Something of the same sort may be said of Belly. Both were relished highly by the general audience and, seemingly, by the royal party. DESTRUCTIVE FIRE.-This morning an alarming fire broke out, about half-past three, at Messrs. Edgington's tarpaulins and sail-manufactory in the Old Kent-road, a little beyond the Deaf and Dumb Asylum. From the inflammable nature of the materials used in the business, the whole in a short time presented one burning mass. There were severul stables adjoining, which fell' a prey to the flames ; but the horses, we believe, were all saved. In a short time after the fire broke out several engines arrived, but could not render any assistance from the want of water. We are happy to say that no lives were lost, or any personal injury sustained. LOSS OF THE WOLF WHALER. —The Pgsche hove in sight of the port on Friday last, and sent ashore three boats' crews, consisting of Captain Evans, and the whole of the seamen of the whaling ship Wolf, which had been entirely lost on the Bth of last month off Lord Howe's Island, with a valuable cargo, consisting of 1,700 barrels of sperm oil. Captain Evans and his men were on the island for five week, until kindly relieved by Captain Norris, of the Pysche, and brought to Sydney. —Sydney Herald. THE NEW POOR LAWS.—To-MOrroW a special Session will be holden at the Guildhall, London, before the Recorder and Aldermen, all of whom are summoned to attend by order of her Majesty's Government. The object of the meeting will be to regulate the assessments made on the seve ral Is Irds and parishes, in reference to the introduction of the New Poor Law Act into the City. COAL TRADE.—Th e Bill for Regulating the Coal 1 Trade of the Port of Loudon was read a second time last night in the House of Commons, and committed to Mr. La bouchere, Lord G. Somerset, Mr. Hume, Sir E. Knatchbull, Mr. Wakley, Mr. Pease, Sir James Duke, Sir M. Wood, Mr. Wood (Middlesex), Mr. Leader, Mr. Bell, Mr. Lambton, Mr. Humphery, Captain Alsage:-, and Mr. Finch. RATING OF SMALL TENEMENTS.—Lord John Russell has given notice that he will move the appointment of a Select Committee on the Rating of Small Tenements this evening, to consist of the following Members :—Mr. M. Philips, Mr. Brotherton, Lord Viscount Sandon, Mr. Gordon, Mr. Bethel, Mr. Briscoe, Mr. Seholefield, Mr. Pryme, - Mr. Slaney, Sir John Mordaunt, Mr. Burroughes, Lord Viscount Barrington, Mr. Lascelles, Sir E. Knatchbull, and Sir Harry Verney. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1838 2.: AILS trued. Due. Arrived. Due. , Arrived. -: 1,..1: 0 America 0 1 France ....•...... ....... 0 0 Lisbon 0 0 8razi1............ 0 0 Guern.tzt Jersey 0 0 Malta 0 0 BuenosAyres.. 0 0 Hamburg ..... ... 1 0 Mexico 0 0 Carthagena....... 0 0 Holland ...... .... 1 0 Ostend.-- 1 Dub1in........... 0 41 Jamaica ..... ..... 0 0 Sweden 0 I Flanders 1 • Leeward Islands U I Waterford I HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW. Morning 5B minutes after '2 I Evening ll minutes after 3 The publication of TUE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day at 10 minutes past Three o' Clock. - vAtltt lc .441, Z I AR ann+ WITH WHICH " THE TRUE SUN" IS NOW INCORPORATED. '2UBLIC MONUMENTS. RETURN to an Order of the Honourable the House of Com mons, dated Dec. 21, 1837 ; for—A Return of the Number of Monuments erected in Westminster Abbey and St. Paul's, at the Public Expense, from the Year 1750 to the present time ; specifying the Names of the Persons in whose honour they were erected, and the Sums paid for each ; with the Aggregate Amount. WESTMINSTER ABBEY. General Wolfe £3,000 Lord Chatham Lord Robert Manners, Captain Bayne, anti Capt. Blair 4,000 Captain Montague Captain Harvey and Captain Hutt 3,150 William Pitt ... Spencer Perceval ST. PAUL'S. - ~ 1. Lord Rodney - 2. General Lord Heathfield 3. Earl Howe 4. Major-General Dundas 5. Captain Faulkener, R. N. 6. Earl St. Vincent 2,100 7. Lord Duncan 8. Captain Burges, R. N. 9. Captain Westcott, R.N.4,230 10. Captains Mosse and River, R. N 11. Sir Ralph Abercrombie 6,300 12. Lord Nelson 13. Lord Collingwood 14. Captain Cooke, R.N 15. Captain Duff, R.N 16. Captain Hardinge, R.N 17. Major-Generals Mazkenzie and Langworth 18. Lieutenant-Leneral Sir John Moore 19. Marquis Cornwallis 6,300 20. Major-General Houghton 21. Lieutenant-Colonel Sir William Myres 22. Major- General Bowes 23. Major-General Le Marchant 24. Major-Generals Crauford and Mackinnon 25. Major-General Sir Isaac Brock 26. Colonel Cadogan .. 27. Major-General Hay 28. Major-Generals Gore and Skerrett 29. Major-General Gillespie 30. Major-General Ross 31. Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Picton 32. Major-General Sir William Ponsonby 3,150 33. Major-Generals Pakenham and Gibbs Aggregate Amount N.B.—Neither the Dan and Chapter of Westminster, or the Dean and Chapter of S. Mauls, accept any fines for the erection of these Monuments. Whitehall, Treasury Chambers, 3d February, 1838. E. J. STANLEY. THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK. We have received the Journal du Commerce of Antwerp, of yester day's date, bringing the Amsterdam prices of the 6th inst.—Two_and a-Half Per Cents, 531 ; Five Per Cents., 101 9-16ths; Spanish, 18 9-16ths. The Dutch Papers confirm the insurrection of the negroes at Elmina, and the unfortunate attack made on them. The Dutch are about to send 150 men, and necessary materials, to St. George's del Mina, to re inf,rce the troops at that station, and the force united is to march against the rebels to bring them to subjection. The British as well as the Foreign Funds are in a state of inactivity this morning, owing to the speculators being disappointed in not receiv ing any news either from the United States or Canada. Consols opened this morning at yesterday, 91 for the Account: India Bonds, 55 57 ; Bank Stock. Spanish ISt 19; Portuguese, 271 Brazil, 73i 74. the improved leaving off prices of ind Money. Exchequer Bills, 55 57 ; '204 1 4 ; India Stock, 263 264; ; Three per Cents., I7 : 1 IN- ; PRICES OF STOCKS THIS Bank Stock ... 3 per Cent. 'llE,', 3 per Cent. Con ; 2 1% 3% per Cent.-- .... Ditto Red. . ....... 100 % 504 New at per Cent New 5 per • 84n1 , . ~ .,engAnnultlegtoeicpire Jan. 5, 1860 Oct. 10. , 559 l5 Jan. 5, 136 , 1 14 13-16 Jan. 5, V-13n April !SS, DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. 17 , 0:..5tuc,... ... Ditto hor,ti South Set Stock -- 1010 kniinitin .... ...... ...... --- New Ditto -- 3 re - : Cent. Annuities, ;751„ -- Exch. Bilk, £l,i NY' 57 55 mu. Ditto 5O 57 55 r'°' Ditt,4 Smail ( Ditto Commercial Ditto Advertised. — ; 11 ! , ; Bank gtock &or Account 2 04,1 Ind'_' rotoci; for Account _..... Consols for Aeconnt 9114 2 14i. THIS DAY AT ONE O'Ci OC I -• Peruvian Ltenda - Ditto Account --.., ......... -• Portuguese Bones - Ditte Accoinit .I...siito New Bons Ditto Account Account Ditto, 3 per cent__ ..... _ Priiniian Bonds ....- Russian Boikls, 1822.-- Ditto Account Ditto Metallic.... Metallic.... .... Spanish Bonds ..... Ditto Account . ...- Ditto Bonds, IR,II, 18N 3w Dtto Account French, 5 per cent.......... 1 'Of. 5 0 " 4 per cent.. ...... ... —t. -- e ' 3 per cent. -----. Exchange 2sf. 5 5 ; Dutch, :I!.‘, per cent. Ditto Account 1 Ditto.: per cent. Ur.? --- i Ditto Account Jail. 5: Iti7o PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS Austrian Betinan "Nor, n ca0u0t...... ......... . Brazilian Bonds ..... l'3N x/lELL , Account 74 Buenos Ayres Bonds ....... Ditto Account Bonds Ditto Account Cilumbian Bonds Ditto Account ..... C3ltnbian Bonds, :924 Ditto Account Dmish Bonds ...... _ . Ditto Account ......... Greek Dittc Bonds, 1 1 .32,5 Ditto Account ..... .... _ Mexican Bonk', 5 per cent.... Ditto Account [Mt). 6 per cent. Ditto Ac•;.)unt Neapolitan .............. PRICES OF SHARES THI, DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK Paid. Per SW" . British Iron Company ~ rest VS extern Railway Company 65 f+2 '2 P 4 Brighton Railway Company London and southampton Railway Company 5O 39%.41. Northern and Eastern Railway Company North Midland ltailway Company 25 . 15q4 South Eastern and Dover ltallway Company 7 63.;,41, Australasia Bank -10 -- Ditto HALF-PAST ONE O'CLOCK. We have just received the Sydney Gazette of September two days later than that received yesterday, from which we copy t he following : " PORT ADELAIDB.—We have great satisfaction in laying befor e our readers the following note, which his Excellency the Governor ha s done us the honour to address to us, regarding the report made by M r ; Wood, master of his Majesty's ship Buffalo, published in our la st Number. " To the Editor of the South Australian Gazette. "An official Report respecting Port Adelaide, from Mr. Wood, having . appeared in the South Australian Gazette of this date, the Governor requests that the Editor will have the goodness to republish it in next number, with the accompanying remarks, made by the Governor at the time he received the Report from Mr. Wood. The Governor is 01 ' duced to make this request, in order to prevent the unfavourable io l " pression which Mr. Wood's Report would tend to create among the shipping interest, both at home and in the neighbouring colonie: , . " The facts stated by the Governor will be found materially to diff er from those of Mr. Wood ; their accuracy can easily be ascertained. To Governor hints that his prof,ssional opinions, recorded in his remari ° upon these facts, will tend to place the question of the merits of r° l4 Adelaide in a fair point of view. " Government House, July 29, IS37.'' . _ The Consol Market has been rather buoyant in the course of t he morning and improved from 911 to 92 for the Account, and O r Money, 911—at present 91'1, sellers; Exchequer Bills, 57 55, 21d. P er day; India Bonds, 57 55 ; Bank Stock, 204 ; India Stock, 263. In the Foreign Market scarce a bargain doing at the present tine• Spanish Active, 18 3 4 I with Coupons ; Portuguese, 27i ; Brazalia n ' 731 ; Mexican, 27k; Columbian, 261 ; Dutch Two-and.a.Half Pe r Cents. 53 to 531. THREE O'CLOCK. Consols for the Account, 92. THE FUNDS.—CLOSING PRICES. BRITISH FUNDS. Bank Stock 234 Omnium .... per Cent. Red. 9 2 54 India Stock 26 3 per Cent. Cons 91% ' Ditto Winds ... --' 34 2 per Cent. 10 0 34 I South Sea Stock - 3%4 per Cent. Red ion% Ditto Old Annuities - Igew ;% per Cent 99% Ditto New Annuitier, I per Cent. Assented Dissented Ditto 500/ 55 P l ' Long Annuities to expire Ditto 500/ 55 10, Jail. 1560 l5 :1-16 Rank Stock for Opg. 90139 Oct. 1950 l5 India Stock fnr Act. Jan. 1060 l4 13-16 Consols for Feb. -_, 91i FO tthiG iv FUNDS. Austrian, 5 per cent — Portuguese Bonds, a per cent. 7", .7 Belgian, 5 per cent Ditto, New Ditto . B,zilian Bonds - Idaeneis Ayres, 6 per cant...... . Russian Bnnits. 5 per cent - Chilian, 6 per cent — Ditto, Metallic - Colombian, 6 per cent 26 ih k i? r l e tt (i o c . h C , o s ngid e zt ei t i ed t ... ...... 100 . -.,- . Ditto, 1824 Danish, 3 per cent ro... Greek Bonds, 15i25.5 per cent — Exchange - Mexican, 5 per cent. — French, 3 per cent 79:. 5 0 Ditto, 6 per cent., 1825 ....... 27% Datch, '2.-, per cent. 53 Peruvian, iStL, 6 per cent ... —. Ditto. 5 per cent . ~.., ... WO -, H . A , i ES. Birmingham and Derby Railway 161% Bristol and Exeter liailway Eastern Counties Railway ig Great Western Railway B3 London and Brighton Railway 834 London and Illackwall Railway London and Southampton Railway 4'3 Manchester and Leeds Railway Manchester and Birmingham Railway North Midland Railway South Eastern and Dover Raliway 7 - )c No other - , ariations in the Prices of Share s sin ce our One u elegy List. GALWAY ELECTION.—Mr. Lynch has addresse d his late constituents, offering himself again as a candidate to represent his native town. Letters received from Galway this day state that no Tory will take the field against Alr' Lynch, but that Mr. Valentine Blake, a " Liberal," threate ns a contest. Mr. Lynch will, we think, be returned nevertheles9- PATENT LEVER WATCHES' With silver double-bottom cases With silver hunting cases . — 6 16 This celebrated construction (the most accurate on which L' watch can be made) is offered, with the latest improvernov 7 i. e. the detached escapement, jewell e d i n f our holes, eallger hand to mark the seconds, hard enamel dial, and maintaining poi' to continue going while winding up, at the above price, by T. COX SAVORY'S, Working Silver and Goldsmith, 47, Cornhill, London, • (Seven doors from Gracechurch-street.) N.B.—Second-hand Watches purchased in exehange•_oo BIR7'.HS. At Nocton, Lincolnshire, on the 3d inst., the lady of the 1 1°L1. the Dean of Windsor, of a son. At Archangel, on the 7th ult., the lady of T. C. Hunt, ESq .7 liriti3h Consul, of a son. 11,4RRIED. On the 6th in s t., a t th e Ch urc h o f S t. A nn an d A gnes , Alder . " gate, Mr. Matth ew Si ggs t o Mi ss Eli za b et h B rown, b ot h o f Sudbarl,i On the 6th i ns t., a t O re , near Hastiogs, the Rev. Wm. 0 1 1, 5 a b e ' Lord, Recto r o f Northiam Sussex, to Elizabeth P., widow °I , late C. Fyfe, o f Edi n b urg h , M.D. DIED. of On the sth i ns t., a t I s li ng t on , W in . P rater, E sq ., forme Noble-street, Cheapside, aged 72. In Dublin. on tlw 3d inst., aged 21, Lord Richard Wendesfe ra° Butler, fourth son of the Marquis and Marchioness of Ormond e .' . . On the sth i ns t., Th omas C reevey , E sq ., one o f the Con"n ls sioners of Greenwich Hospital. London: P r i n t e d an d P u bli s h e d b y MURDO YOUNG. o f N°' 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the gau p cf Aliddlesex.—Friday, February 9, 1838.