The Sun. — London, England, 1838-06-20 00:00:00

In the most inhuman manner, the regular system of exchange as practised in the way of civilised nations had been laid aside. Did the Noble Duke permit this to continue ? No, by establishing the Eliot Convention he put an end to that barbarous mode of welfare. So long as the Noble Duke was at the head of the Government that was nut heard of ; but as soon as the Noble Viscount opposite had succeeded him the convention was virtually put an end to by an expedition which was got up In the Isle of Dogs, and encouraged by the British Govern_ ment. Previously to this period Don Carlos had acted up to the Eliot C invention most strictly. What was the consequence of this enlistment of British subjects for the purpose of taking a part in the war in S pa i n Why, this was the consequence —Don Carlos said, when he saw the Legion was being formed, that the Noble Viscount opposite had thus departed from the terms of the convention, and had in fact permitted the British nation to become one of the belligerent par_ ties.—(Hear, hear.) He said that when the convention called the Eliot Convention, had been made, it had never been contemplated to permit English subjects to take up arms in support of the Queen, and that, as England had thus broken the convention, he was no longer bound by it. He (the Marquis of Londonderry) was not call. ling upon their Lerdships to take his own statement of this fact ; he would read for them the words of the Noble Duke who had, for the best of purposes, established the convention, and whose word with England, and indeed with Europe, would be looked upon as affording an authority quite as good as that of the Noble Viscount opposite. Here ' the Noble Marquis read the following extract :—" By the act of sending troops the Noble Viscount commenced putting an end to the convention With Don Carlos. The troops in question were not included in the Cartel, and it is clear in consequence the cartel cannot now be executed. If any clemency has been offered to any of these troops they are indebted to it solely to the humanity of that Prince, because they do not belong to the contracting armies. What the Noble Viscount has done by sending a body of troops to Spain is to make his Majesty a party in the war in that country, and to lose all influence over Don Carlos In other respects, as well as in humanizing the conduct of the war." He had thus given them the highest authority for the opinion that this was a violation of the Eliot Convention. The consequence which fol lowed the raising of the Legion was the celebrated Durango decree. He did not mean to go the length of defending that decree. He lamented It, as he should regret anything which increased the horrors of war ; but he should say that, in his opinion, the Noble Viscount opposite had been a party to the issuing of that decree by giving his countenance to the expedition from the Isle of Dogs. He then asked the Noble Viscount whether the troops of the British Auxiliary Legion were to obtain the advantages of the Eliot Convention ? To this the Noble Viscount answered that there were, and that no doubt could exist upon that subject. In another place a question was put to the Secre. Lary for Foreign Affairs, who might be expected to have a better knowledge of the subject than the Noble Lord, con sidering the multiplicity of his numerous and immense arrangements.— (Laughter.) When the question was put to the Foreign Secretary his answer was that the soldiers of the British Legion, many of whom were at that period enlisting, were, beyond a doubt, included in the cert,l. If Government had no sufficient authority upon the subjeet, there never was anything so rash as this answer. The Government had thus given the fullest confidence to the subjects of Great Britain that In entering the service of the Queen they were about to engage in a war which would be conducted in the same manner as the wars of civilised nations were carried on—such a war as many of them had served in under the Duke of Wellington—and con sequently that they should have all the advantages of a cart!'; and yet subsequent occurrences had shown that in this respect the men I had been entirely misled. Was ever anything so rash then as this answer, involving as it did a guarantee to these men who enlisted in the Legion ? Perhaps if the orders which the Government had sent to Canada were known they would be found to be not so very far removed from the style of the Durango decree. The next point to which he would allude was the part which Colonel Wylde had taken, and the connection which his proceedings had with the Government. In 1836, he (the Marquis of Londonderry) had inquired from the Noble Viscount if the proceedings of Colonel Wylde . were under the sanction of the Government; and upon that occasion the Noble Viscount got up in his place, and said that Col. Wylde had no authority from the British Govern. ment to act, but that the Government had approved of the course of con_ duct which he had adopted upon his own responsibility. 'The Noble Duke near hint (the Duke of Wellington) then said that if Colonel Wylde was without instructions from the Government he was taking upon him self a most heavy responsibility. A few evenings since, when he had presented to their Lerdships a petition upon thesubject of the part which Colonel Wylde had taken, and the connection which the British Govern ment had had with the re-enlistment which took place under his super intendence, a doubt had been expressed by a Noble Lord as to the cor rectness of the statements in that petition, The expression of that doubt had produced a letter from the officer who made the statement to him (the Marquis of Londonderry), and who naturally felt his honour af fected by the expression of a doubt as to the truth of his statement. If the statements in that letter could be borne out, he had no hesitation in saying that the Noble Viscount opposite and the Government had, hi deed, incurred a heavy and deep responsibility. The Noble Marquis then read the following letter : " London, June 18, 1838. " My Lord,—Having been informed that an the ni2ht of your present ine the petition relative lo the British Auxiliary Legion, one or two Noble Lords challenged the correctness of certain statements I had made in a speech delivered by me at the Crown and Anchor, May 14 more particularly animadverting on my assertion that her Majesty's Ministers had exerted their personal influence to induce officers to join the Legion I beg leave to inform your Lordship that I will not, and indeed with truth and justice cannot, retract or explain away one iota of a'l the obser vations I made upon that occasion. Twe of the most striking instances of the interference of Ministers to induce officers and men to go out to Spain in the Legion are presented by the following facts, well known to all who were c innected with that force : —When Colonel Shaw, late Commandant of the Artillery, oyes first appointed to a commission as Lieutenant-Colonel, Captain Colquhoun, of the Royal Artillery, was Colonel, and it was arranged between those two officers that the I :tier should go out to Seain, and that the fermer should remain to organise the corps, and forward stores. &c., from London. It was in centempla tirm at this time to purchase the di charges of about 50 men of the Royal Artillery, for the purpose of sending them out to Spain to assist in hasten.. ing the organisation of the Artillery of the Legion. " Mr. Carbonell, the Spanish agent, had a sum of money prepared for this object. The circumstance, howeves, came to the ears of his Bite Majesty King William evS, mei he immediately pet a stop to the t ransec tin declaring that his artillerymen should be used for no such purpree. His ' Majesty further directed that Captain Colquhenn should not be per mitted to go out, and terse Brevet-Maior Reid, of the Royal Engineers, who had aireedv joined the Lession at Bilbao, should he immediately re celled. Colonel Shaw was the b aver of a letter to Major Reid, then a Brigadier-General to the Legion, to this effect. " Thus, my Lord, it appears these two officers were actually suff,rel to enter a foreign service without their King's consent. Sol viers of the Royel Artillery, tinder like eirettnistances, were about also to serve a foreign power. Tae la: ter object was at once abanaoned, but his Majesty was at length persuaded to allow both M ijor Reid and Capt. Colquimun to remain in the Legion. Both these officers were placed on temporary half pay, and at the expiration of one year's service, all that his Majesty would permit, were it's ored to their former rank and stations in their respective corps. Captain Colquhroun, on his return to England, was made Brevet. major, and sent out to Spain again, to cotiimand the detachment of the Royal Artillery there -crying. Now, my Lord, the na'ural question is —who were the persons who evinced so great an enxiety to get these officers wto the Legion, and whose influence was sufficiently powerful to overcome the doubts uenn the measure, not to say repugnance, which pervaded the royal breast? When I say that his Majesty's Ministers must, by virtue of their offices, have been deeply implicated in such an inter fsrene a I feel a surest that I shall be fully berm out in my assertion by every man of common sense and discrimination. The part that Colo nel Wylde took in endeavouring to induce the officers and men of the Legion to re-enlist, after the expiration of their two years' ser vice, was indeed most remarkable. The words which I quoted in my address at the public meeting, May 14, as haying been made use of by hum at St. Sebastian, were taken down at the time they were delivered in a square formed of the men under Brigadier-General o'. onnelle Capt, in Robert., of the eth "regiment, Captain Foster, of the nth Regiment, and several privates who were present, have assured me of the perfect correctness of thet report ,• and Brigadier-General O'Connell hi mse lf w h o commanded'henarade, has stated to me that from tee tenor and purport of Colonel Wylde's speech he felt himself fully warranted in undertaking the arduous and responsible situation of commander of the new , Legion ; that his firm conviction was that he would be strenuously and effectively supported in that capacty by the British Government—that is to say, that the British Government would see that justice should he done to his men, and that good faith should he kept with them, or that he certainly would never have consented to have rem lined in the Queen of Spain's service. " At more than one meeting of elficers, heist in St. Sebastian, Colonel Wylde held Smiler lam:nage, tending to strengthen , more end more the belie that the new Legion was at out to be formed under the especial protection and support of the British Government. The following st de ment, comprisiog some of that officer's expressions, has been forwarded to me, signed! y Surgeon Crosse, of the Artillery ; Lieutenant Shaw, of the same force ; Captain Rca, Ist Regiment ; Lieutenant Fryer, En tra•eers ; Mr. Atkinson, Commissariat Department; Captain Forster, 6 h Regiment; Lieutenant Stack, 3d Regiment; and Quartermaster Brad ford, 3d Regiment ; that at a meeting held at St. Sebastian in the month ^r June, IS:7, Colonel Wylde said, That he, as the representative of the tlritish Government, was authorised to say that his Govern ment was well pleased with the services of the Legion, and that every exertion was being made to procure a settlement of the just claims of the officers and men, not only by the Ministers in England, but by their representative at the Court of Madrid, air George Villiers ; that Sir George Villiers had written to him (Colonel Wylde) stating that the house of O'Shea and Co , in Madrid, had contracted to pay. &c., the new force, and that he (Colonel Wylde) had no hesitation in promising thet the British Government would see them paid, and that even to the mai cst fraction.' At a subsequent meeting, that officer again declared, as a s' ember of the Royal Commission assembled to settle the accounts of the Legion, I can inform you that your paymaster will be authorised to estimate for the net pay of the respective ranks you hold, until such time as tie Spanish Government will be prepared to settle finally with the Legion.' My Lord, of a'l these fine speeches and verbal promises the officers and soldiers of the Leg on have been the miserable dupes. They have been regularly swindled. A swindler, in common life, is dragged before a court of justice and esinshed. Now, my Lord, the question ap pears to me to very simple. In this instance, is Colonel Wylde the swindler, or her Majesty's Government? Either the one party or the other is guilty, and whichever it be, the party offending should most assuredly be brought to account. Lord Melbourne, I understand, has affirmed ill his place in the House of 1 ords that the Government has approved of all Colonel Wylde's acts. If such be the case—if Lord Mel. bourne still adheres to that declaration—and if steps are not immediately taken to redeem all the promises made by Colonel Wylde—l can only say, coo ly and dispassionately, that her Majesty's Ministers are accessories to as gross a piece of injustice as ever disgraced the transactions of modern statesman, and that they are destitute even of that sense of honour which is sometimes found to supply the place of public virtue. I have the honour to remain, my Lord, your obliged and obedient servant, " CHARLES TOWNSHEND, " Late colonel in the British Legion." It was true a Commission had been appointed to inquire into the claims of the officers and men of the Legion, and the netural inference was that as soon as the claims would have been substantiated, the men would have been paid. But nothing was further from the fact. The Commission had merely authority to inquire into the claims, but bad no authority to take the smallest step towards the liquidation of those claims. The Spanish Colonel who had been appointed along with Colonel Wylde to inquire into the claims of those who had served in the Legion, upon being asked by a paymaster if he had any authority for paying them, said he had full authority to investigate their claims, but that he had no authority whatsoever to interfere in their liqui. dation. There was a degree of duplicity, and want of common integrity in treating men thus which was truly lamentable. Were the men who bad been encouraged to go out to Spain to be thus defrauded of their pay ? Was the Government to be sa tisfied with the sitting of the Commission ? The Government ought not to permit this ; they ought to demand from Spain a categorical answer upon the subject, and bring it to a final decision. The Noble Viscount could not say that he did not know how Spain was to dis charge those claims, A memorandum had been drawn up by Colonel McDougall, showing how Spain could easily liquidate them. At present the consumption of British manufactured cot ton goads, which obtained admission in different ways amounted to one million and a half annually, and if a port in Spain were appointed to receive those goods, a tax of one per cent. would produce a sum quite sufficient for the pur. pose. He would continue week after week, even at the risk of be coming tiresome to their Lordships, to seek protection for those men, He called upon their Loldships to co-operate with him, for the sake of their character as a nation, in preventing the palpable injustice of in. ducing men to sacrifice everything in a cause ; to leave their homes, and risk their lives; and then to be refused the fulfillment of those promises under the delusion of which they were induced to do so. The atroci ties which had taken place in this heartless war were also well worthy of their Lordships attention. What had been done by the Government of this country to repress these atrocities ? Nothing. And yet it was in the power of the Noble Viscount opposite to humanise the war as well as it was now in his power to compel the payment of the sums remaining due to the Legion. Ministers came down to the Houae last Session, and in the speeches from the Throne, expressed iniallt hopes and assurances that all would ultimately and n—that Carlos woald be put down, melnsion.— ( Hear.) There wire four rather remarkable that in the two last the hopes which had been previously ex. The first of those speeches was that de -1834 ; it ran on thus:—" I have still to contest in the northern provinces of have taken, and the engagements into rtly prove my deep anxiety for its termi igneous conduct of the present Govern . a hope that the authority of the Queen every part of her dominions, and that the ected by friendship with Great Britain, will Sternal tranquillity and union." In 1834 ' He had great satisfaction in declaring . - quickly be right in Spain— and the war come to a con A Nitiortle! pf Ws sort, but it was I there aPpet.treraArninution of tl messed with-sucTi confidence. ' %tred-on the , ith-01, February, 1 i... ?'..,!".,-lament the continnance of the ,jc 4 1- , Spain. The measures which I h c . ‘ , which I have entered, aufficientl nation ; and tha prudent and viE s, silent of Spain invites me with t will anon bsestablithed in ever: Spa ni4h nation; ao long connecte again' enjoy the blessings of inte the Foreign Secretary talc!, " that the Quadruple Treaty had been negotiated, and that he took his share in it with the greatest pride." In June, on the 15th of the month, the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) avowed that the Order in Council was issued at the application of the Spanish Ambas sador, and he also added that the benefit of the Eliot Conven tion Act wouid be extended to the British Legion. In June (the 24th) of the same year, the Duke of Wellington's opinion as to intervention was elicited, and the Foreign Secretary made a re markable speech in reply. On July the second the Noble Viscount op posite gave an assurance that the British Auxiliary Legion would be included in the Eliot Convention. A decree of Don Carlos appeared, contradicting the statement, and when another Noble Lord (Lyndhurst) produced the decree the Noble Viscount denied it. Ultimately Colonel Wylde was sent, and when Don Carlos declared that the auxiliary force were out of the pale: of the Convention then it was that the order was issued by the Admiralty not to receive Don Carlos on board. On February 16 of the same year, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs said in another place, " Ido not shrink from my anticipations, and I beg to bind Hon. Gentlemen to theirs. I beg that their declarations and pro phecies upon this subject may be borne in mind, and that their reputa tion for political sagacity may depend upon the result. For my part, I will abide the same test." In reply to this he would only ask, " Where is the Order in Council ?"—(Opposition cheers.) What was the language of the First Lord of the Admiralty at that period ? He said, " I speak from information derived from better authority than the Noble Marquis can boast," and then he went on to say that " General Evans is likely to pursue that glorious and successful course he has hitherto done." Let their Lordships judge from what had since occurred who it w•as that then spoke upon the most certain authority. In April, 1837, the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, when speaking on a subject like the present, said, " I certainly should be most unwilling to enter upon a prediction. I have never been betrayed into a prediction but once. Then I was wrong ; but with respect to Don Carlos I may say thus much--that he is not now in as good a situation as formerly." —( Hear, hear.) So much with respect to prediction and information. For his own part he would only say may the Lord save us from the wise men of the East.—(Laughter.) He hail now to come to a part of his task which required the utmost delicacy in the handling. Why were men of immeasurable gallantry—the best and bravest in the army—men who had pre-eminently distinguished themselves, kept in the back.ground, and others with no such qualifications brought prominently forward ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) The only mode of accounting for it was by the supposition that her Majesty's Government had adopted the course for the purpose of covering their own misma. nagement and misconduct. What was the history of this unfortunate transaction ? The campaign began in the July of 1835, and the first proceeding of any consequence was the march upon Vittoria. He had the proclamation issued on that occasion by General Evans, but it so abounded with absurdities and trash that he would not detain their Lordships by going through its exaggerated statements.—(Hear, hear.) The second affair took place in 1836. This was the battle of Arlaban, which created a great sensation as being the first in which the Le gion was engaged. Much stress had been laid upon this battle, and one would suppose the action had been attended with great loss. What did their Lordships think of the amount of killed and a ounded ? The wounded amounted to six, and the killed to one. Were the ho nours conferred proportionate to the loss in this glorious action ? The crosses conferred amounted to no less than forty.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) For the particulars of this celebrated action of Arlaban he would refer their Lordships to Colonel Humphrey's kook. The third exploit, which was considered a great affair, and attenipted to be put forth as such, was the attack on the lines on the sth of May, the Legion having its position at Ametza. With regard to this transaction, the opinion of the Noble Duke (Wellington), given in a speech in that House, was on record. Did their Lordships find in them one single in. stance which would countenance Ministers in conferring upon the leader of that expedition the highest military distinction ? Could the Noble Viscount tell to their Lordships why it was that the leader of that expedition had been put over sixty others, whose claims were infinitely stronger ? There ought surely to be something very extraordinary in the conduct of the person selected for so marked a distinction, and it was highly necessary that their Lordships should know why such a course had been adopted.—(Hear.) They should know why such a dis tinction was conferred—how Ministers could support their conduct in having bestowed it—and what were the actions by which the officer upon whom it was conferred became entitled to it? Ministers, it ap. peered, marked out their diplomatic as well as their military favourites for distinction. The Noble Marquis who was here, as well as in several other parts of hisspeech, scarcely audible, alluded (as we understood) to the case of Sir G. Villiers, and intimated that the distinction conferred upon that Gentleman was owing to a speech made at Madrid, in which he abused the Northern Powers as despots, and talked of the alliance in the cause of liberty which was springing in the West. The Noble Mar quis then proceeded to detail the number of adherents whom Don Car los could reckon on in the various provinces in Spain, for the purpose of showing that he was now in a stronger position than formerly. The number of Don Carlos's adherents were, in the first discussion, stated at 35,000 or 40,000 ; but the estimate he made of the various provinces showed that they were now 135,000. Such being the case, he would beg of their Lordships, in God's name, to leave the Spanish people to settle their own differences, and act wisely and judiciously by withdraw. ing from the contest. He would ask, before he sat down, what had been the result of all this liberal conduct in Spain ?—(Hear, hear.) What they had encouraged in Spain recoiled on themselves in Canada. That province rose up in rebellion, and Government was obliged to suspend its Constitution, and in its difficulty to appeal to the political wisdom of a Right Hon. Baronet in the other House to relieve them from the con. at quences of their own unwise conduct.—(Hear, hear, hear.) These were the fruits of the position which her Majesty's Government had as- sumcd—these were the consequences they had entailed on the country. —(Hear, Lear.) They were now, if he had been informed rightly, obliged t: send orders to Canada, very little short in severity of the much-abused Durango decree, for the purpose of restoring tranquillity in that country. Ile hoped the Nob'e Viscount would tell the House what service he had rendered to England by allowing France to take possession of Algiers, and to establish a permanent settlement there, while we were busied meddling in the affairs of Spain.—(Hear.) lie wished to speak on this subject with delicacy, but he really thought that when we did plunge into the anirs of Spain we should have better prepared for collision than by the expedition which started from he isle of Dogs under General Evans. He should now conclude by moving for the papers of which he had given notice. The Noble Mar. quis then moved : ,• That an humble address lie presented to her Majesty that she will order to be l •id before that House an estimate of all sums paid, or to be , paid, by any radish authority on account of or for the use of her Majesty the Queen of Spain since the signature of the Quadruple Treaty. 2. An account of all the arms, naval and military, horses, provisions, or other supplies furnished by any public department, or supplied from his ala jesty's ships serving on the coast of Spain, or elsewhere, for the use of the forces of the Queen of Spain, or of the British Auxiliary Legion, since the signa ure of the said treaty, together with an account of the value of the same. :3. An account and estimate of all supolie, made to vessels o' war belonging to the 0 overnmsnt of Spain, and the amount of all the ex ponces for refitting or repairing Spanish vessels in our posts. 4. Account of the number of marines, marine artillery, engineers, and seamen of her Majesty's services that have been employed in the Basque provinces, and the extra expenses thereby incurred to the country since the signa. 1 tare of the Quadruple Treats , . Also the commissariat stores aad prod. Pions landed from her Ts7rjestv's ships for the supply of the above troops, and the amount thereoll O. A return of the particulars and amount cf the pay and claims owing and in arrear from the Spanish Government to the ctficers, being British subjects, of the Auxiliary Le gion as far as is known to the Government. (i. Copies or extracts of ell correspondence relative to their pay and demands, which have pa; nil hi-tweets the officers of the Legion and her Majesty's Government. 7. Copies or extracts of the origins) contracts or engagements entered into by the Government of Spain, or through their Ambassador, with any of her Majesty's Ministers or officers in command, or n her Ma jssty's set vice, respecting any engagements of British subjects serving under any Order in Council. 8. Copies or extracts of General Ala; a's letter, praying a special order to raise in the United Kingdom a brdy of 10,C00 m n, and Lord Palmerston's letter, dated June 11, IS.Tt, stating that it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to give every encouragement to half--pay (Ricers to avail them elves of the permission granted to his Majesty's subjects. 9. Conies or extracts of any correspondence between tqe Foreign I ffice and Colonel Wylde, relating to the re-organisation of the late British Auxiliary Legion. 10 Copies or extracts of any correspondence relating to the payment for supplies to her Majesty's Government from that of the Queen of Spain, with any statement of any sums or securities received. 11. Copies or ex tracts of all remonstrances aid applications made to the Queen of Spain's Government regarding the war (since the last papers presented to the House, and showing to any, and what further steps had been taken to promote the observance of the Eliot Convention. 12.. And, lastly (and to this part he had intended to have called attention, tut it had escaped him)—(Hear, hear)—for conies or extracts of any late communication between the Admiralty and Lord John Hay relative to promising the in terfetonce of the Government in the Basque provinces." Viscount MELBOURNE rose and said—With respect to the motion with which the Noble Lord has concluded, I shall begin by referring to it, and I have certainly no objection to the production of the greater part of the information for which he has moved. There are parts of the address which it is so obvious ought not to be complied with that I am sure I shall have to do nothing more than to name them in order to prove to the Noble Lord, and to the House, that an order cannot be made respecting them. The fourth rosolution calls for "An account of the number of marines, marine artillery, engineers, and seamen of her Majesty's services that have been employed in the Basque provinces, and the extra expenses thereby incurred to the country since the signa. ture of the Quadruple Treaty. Also the Commissariat stores and pro. visions landed from her Majesty's ships for the supply of the above troops, and the amount thereof." It is evidently improper to call for the numbers and distribution of a force the operations of which are still in progress. The Noble Lord next asks for " A return of the particulars and amount of the pay and claims owing and in arrear from the Spanish Govern ment to the officers, being British subjects, of the Auxiliary Legion, as far as is known to the Government." Now, that is an account between the officer:, in the employment of a foreign power, and that foreign power, relating to the demands which they have on that Government, and her Majesty's Ministers lint being in possession of it, of course it cannot be given. " And, lastly (and to this part he had intended to have called attention, but it escaped him)—(Hear, hear)—fur copies or extracts of any late communication between the Admiralty and Lord John I-lay relative to promising the interference of the Government in the Basque Provinces." I don't say that any paper of that sort has been issued ; but if it has, it relates to a matter at present pending, and cer tainly could not be produced without proving prejudicial and injurious to the public service. But in acceding to the production of these papers I beg leave to say that I do not mean to express the slightest accordance with any part of the speech with which the Noble Lord has prefaced his motion. In fact the motion did not at all require so long a speech to support it, and the information which it asked Ita ight be very properly given to the House or th e p u bli c without ierence to any of the genera l argumen t s w hi c h th e N o bl e L or d has duced ; and as the speech f orms a very unnecessar y pre li m i nar y to e motion for these p a p ers, so the motion for papers is a very lame d impotent conclusion to th e s p eec h o f t h e N o bl e L or d , b ecause, if his observations on the co n d uc t o f h er M a j esty ' s G overnment b e rrect—if that conduct has b een so b ase and perfidious—if it has esented such a tissue and compou n d o f f raud and treachery—if it has teeited all claim to the approbation of th e country, hazarded so many it consequences, and produced so much i n j ury to the public character d general relations of En g l a nd, unques ti ona bl y the Noble Lord ought have followed up his speech by a motion of a stronger character, namely, for the removal of an Administration on account of incapa city and weakness, which, according' to the Noble Lord's statement, had so betrayed the honour, the welfare, and the safety of the country. But, my Lords, I really feel myself relieved from going into a great deal of the general reasoning of the Noble Lord with regard to the pro ceedings taken towards Spain, and the policy in which the war origi. nated. The Noble Lord began by making a strong and bold statement of the motives by which he was actuated in bringing forward this motion. He said, " I wish to give the Government an opportunity of supplying us with an account of the conduct which they have pursued, which they are pursuing, and which they mean hereafter to pursue : in fact, the origin and ground of my motion is that Ministers should give us an ac count of their stewardship;" but in the course of his speech the real motive of the Noble Lord sprung out, for he declared that the only rea son of his speaking, not at such length, but at all, was to enforce the claims which the officers of the Legion had put into his hands, and that that was the principal object of his motion. It is evident, if that is the ob ject which he has now in view, that the quadruple treaty, the suspen. sion of the order in council, the enlistment, all the evils, all the misfor tunes, all the disgraces, and all the defeats arising out of the Spanish war, are in his mind of subordinate importance to the great object of compelling the Spanish Government to discharge the arrears of pay and allowance due to the officers of the Legion. That subject the Noble Lord has told he will never leave till he accomplishes, and that he will do so as certainly as he effected the liberation of the twenty-seven Carlist prisoners sent off to Porto Rico. lam justified, then, in assuming that it is to the ac complishment of that purpose his resolutions are directed. With respect to the general principles on which we acted in the Spanish war, the policy which was adopted was conceived to be best calculated to secure the independence of Spain, the continuance of peace, and the safety of Great Britain. I will not go back to the circumstances in which the war originated, tothe death of Ferdinand, the will of Ferdi nand, and the recognition of the Queen, up to which we are all agreed ; at least in all the discussions on the subject I never heard that anybody condemned the recognition of the Queen. That event was followed by the quadruple treaty—by Don Carlos leaving Portugal, coming to England, and going to Spain when the war broke out in the Basque provinces. I must say that when the war broke out the obvious policy THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 20, 1838. of England struck us to be putting an end to the war or concluding it as speedily as possibly. I know very well that there are different opinions on this question in Europe—that it is received not as a com mon case of disputed succession. I know very well that the great principles which divided Europe as to constitutional or arbitrary Governments must lead others to look at this subject in a different view from that in which I regard it, and that the differences in opinion which exist are to a certain degree irreconcileable, and must prevent that harmony and union in the proceedings of the different nations which might otherwise prevail ; but I feel hound to say, from all the knowledge which I have of what is going on in Europe, as well as from the character of their sovereigns and ministers, that in every one of their cabinets there is a most anxious desire to preserve peace and to make all the sacrifices compatible with their particular interests and views in order to secure that object. I am perfectly aware that there were persons of great experience and discrimination who, though they were as anxious as we could be for the settlement of the affairs of Spain, thought that the course we pursued in recognizing a compara tively constitutional government would lead not to a final adjustment of the difficulties in that country, but to greater disturbances. But 1 was not of that opinion. I have great reliance on any plan for curing the present evil—for meeting the present dif ficulty ; and I do think that, for the purpose of securing that object—for the purpose of securing the peace of Spain, whose interests must, in all probability, be wound up with Portugal, in whose welfare and connection with Spain we were deeply concerned, we were bound to do everything in our power to terminate the hostilities which originated in the northern provinces of Spain. It was for that purpose that I, for one, adopted those measures against some part of which I do not mean to say that objections may not be urged, and which unquestionably have not been as speedily and immediately successful as a person might be naturally led to anticipate; but the Noble Lord passed over this part of the subject with comparative lightness. It is true he read some opinions of ours as to the success of the Legion when em barking for Spain, and those which he read were certainly not very sanguine. And with respect to the passage quoted as mine I disclaim having ever said that the sending out of the Legion would lead to the " immediate" pacification of Spain, or used any expression tan tamount to that ; but if the Noble Lord means to say that the war has gone on longer than we expected, or hoped and wished, when we proffered our assistance, and Don Carlos has found greater support and resources than we expected, and that the war has turned out tobe a matter of more difficulty and endurance than we at first imagined, lam perfectly ready to admit that. It is impossible to deny it ; but, at the same time, Ido say, that the course we pursued had for its object to put a speedy termination to the war, that that was a wise and prudent object, and that it required and justified the sacrifices which we then made. These are the general grounds on which I have acted in this matter—these are the general objects we have had in view, and your Lordships are well aware of the means we have taken to secure them. The Noble Lord told us he was certain he should have to make a long speech, and he has unquestionably kept his word.—(A laugh.) The Noble Lord has adverted to most of the proceedings of the war, and to most of the great events which have happened in the course of it, but he has gone through them in so desultory and unconnected a manner, that I can hardly find one point on which to defend that conduct so bitterly and so severely impugned.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord adverted to the Durango decree, and said that he could not justify it, as it was impossible that it could be justified. He says that decree would not have been issued if we had not issued the Order in Council. That decree was directed against foreigners who came to Spain, and the Noble Lord was possibly right in arguing that the Legion must be included in its operation. But that forms no justification for its having been issued, especially when it is recollected that it was not the act (as was the case with regard to similar practices enjoined on the side of the Queen) of officers, soldiers, or unauthorised persons acting contrary to the directions of the Government, and incurring by it their dis pleasure, but that the Durango decree was the act of the Government itself, claiming to rule, and sanctioning by its authority a mode of war fare of such unparalleled horror and atrocity that we know nothing like it in modern times.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord has also made an ob servation, on e which I cannot help commenting, on some orders sent to Canada, which are like the Durango decree. What the N o bl e L ord could allude to or mean by such an observation I know not; but when he states that what I said in this House led th e L eg i on to embark in the service of the Spanish Government, under the conception that the Durango decree was not authentic, or that they would not be included in it, I must express the opinion that it is impossible to suppose, considering the period at which they left this country for Spain, that the men of the Legion were in ignorance of the state of the war, of the Durango decree, or of the risks and dangers to which they must be exposed by joining that service. The Noble Lord relied very much on what was done by Colonel Wylde on the reorgani zation of the Legion. Undoubtedly Colonel Wylde took a part in the reorganization of that body, but I can state most distinctly on the autho rity of that officer, that he did so entirely on his own responsibility; and that he stated that he could not in any respect answer fo r t h e Go vern.nent undertaking that the contracts then made should be fulfilled. The Noble Lord on a former occasion pressed very much the appoint ment of a commission to consider the claims of the officers. The com mission, however, is no sooner established and the persons who are to form it arrived, than the Noble Lord expresses his extreme dissatisfac tion with it, says it is no use, and that it is without funds. Now until that commission have ascertained the claims of these officers, the non-fulfilment of which, I ad m it, h as p l ace d t h em in a very distressing situation, and one which entitles them to great com miseration, I can say no more than that the Government will use its utmost good offices with that of Spain in order to procure the satisfaction of those claims. I have seen the plans proposed for enabling the Go vernment of Spain to fulfil the demands against it. Those plans involve a great change in the financial system, and in the commercial system of that country ; and no doubt they are founded in sound principles ; no doubt they are right, and if they were to be adopted would lead to great benefit. But at the same time there is a difference between recom mending a plan of this kind and forcing great changes of financial and commercial policy upon the Government. The Noble Lord afterwards went into a tong and minute account of the military operations of the past campaign, derived from a great many documents and papers. The Noble Lord began this part of his speech by saying how imprudent it was even for a general officer to comment upon operations in the field of which he had not bee n a witness. Now if the Noble Lord, who is a general officer, feels this incompetency in his own case to comment upon these operations, I certainly feel that I should. not be justified in offer ing any opinion on the subject; and I certainly think that it would have been better if the Noble Lord, acting upon the principle which he laid down, had abstained from the observations which he has made with a view of depreriating the character and detracting from the merit of those who were engaged in these operations and those who commanded them.—(Hear, hear) The Noble Lord, amongst other things, had read letters from officers in these forces severely commenting upon the conduct of their commanders. Now as for any importance which should be attached to sorb authorities, I perfectly recollect that when the Noble Duke was engaged in those operations in Spain, of which but one opinion exists at the present day, the whole town teemed with letters from various parties condemning those very opera tions which the Noble Duke was then conducting ; therefore, I do not think that any great stress should be laid upon testimony of this sore—(heer, hear, hear.) I must again repeat, however, that I think the Noble Lord would have done better in abstaining from those very severe comments in which he has indulged, and upon matters which, according to his own doctrine, be is, under the circumstances, but ill qualified to judge. The Noble Marquis lies commented severely also upon the military honours which have been accorded to the officers engaged in this service, and the civil honours conferred upon the person who now represents her Majesty at Madrid. Now, I certainly consider those honours to be well and worthily be stowed; but, at the same time, that is not a matter in which I should urge my individual opinion ; I leave it, therefore, to the public to de cide upon that question. Ido think, however, that the abilities end the career of both those gentlemen, the one in a military, the other in a civil capacity, and the services they have both performed, are such as fully to entitle them to the honours which have been conferred upon them. I have now, my Lords, stated the general principles upon which I have acted, and the grounds and reasons for the advice which I have given to his late and to her present Majesty, in regard to the proceed ings and operations in the Peninsula; I have adverted to all the points in the Noble Lord's speech which appear to me to demand reply at the present moment, and I have stated also the course which I intend to pursue with respect to the motion which the Noble Lord has made. Lord LYNDHURST said that as he felt very strongly on some pa rts of the motion brought forward by his Noble Friend, he trusted he should be excused while making a few observations.—(Hear, hear>) He agreed entirely with the Noble Marquis that the question WO' one of deep and paramount interest, because he considered every question of importance that concerned the reputation and character of this country. —(Hear.) It w as certa i nly not a little amusing to advert to th o se predictions to which th e N o bl e M arqu i s h ad referred. Th e Noble Viscount opposite declared th a t h e was never very sangu i ne , but dif. ferent had b een th e case w i t h the No b le Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Ile had been e ven f ace ti ous on one occas i on, and had talke d o f Don Carlos concealed in his modest retirement in th e moun t a i ns o f Biscay, at the same ti me s t a ki ng hi s p o liti ca l sagac it y on t h e resu l t o f t h os e 'mea surei which the Noble Viscount now told them lie had not been very sanguine about. He (Lord Lyndhurst) did not know whether they should ascribe the Noble Viscount's doubts to acuteness or indifference , but certain he was that the Noble Viscount had expressed himself, as represented by the Noble Marquis, making use of the words " speedy and successful issue." Viscount MELBOURNE—The words used by the Noble Marquis were " successful and immediate issue." Lord LYNDHURST had understood the Noble Marquis to say " speedy and successful." However, it appeared that this anticipation had also been shared by the Noble Earl at the head of the Admiralty, as that Noble Earl at one time stated that General Evans would go on in the same successful career he had commenced. The truth of this pre diction was very remarkable.—(Hear, hear.) It did not appear that the Noble Earl possessed any share of that faculty supposed to be peculiar to the part of the kingdom from which he came, because while he was thus talking of a successful career General Evans was in full retreat on St. Sebastian, after his unsuccessful attack on Fontarabia.—(Cheers.) The Noble Baron to whom was entrusted our foreign affairs had also been a party to an act which as an anticipation of success was almost as strong as any prediction.—(Hear, hear.) So confident was he of the success of General De Lacy Evans in putting down what he termed the bands of Don Carlos that he sent an order to her Majesty's ships stationed on the coast of Spain to refuse him admission should he present himself as a fugitive. Let them compare the state of the fortunes of Don Carlos at the time of the predictions which had been referred to with the state of those fortunes now. (Hear, hear.) The British Auxiliary Legion had altogether disap peared, and with the exception of the city of Valencia, the entire of the province in which it was situate was in the hands of Don Carlos. The provine of Upper Arragon was in his hands likewise, as was also the whole of Catalonia.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part he (Lord Lynd hurst) was one of those who had always c o nd emned interferenc e i n th e domestic quarrels of Spain, and intervention in that intestine s t rugg l e which was unhappily going on in that country. He th ought such inter ven . tion unwise and uncalled for, and not an intervention which could h ave been justified in reference to any sound views of the interests of G rea t Britain. But if such an intervention took place at all, he would ask their Lordships whether it ought not to be carried on in a manner and in a form becoming the character, the dignity, and the ancient renown of this country ?—(Hear.) One of the justifications of this interven tion was, that we interfered for the purpose of aiding in the endea vour to establish the principles of liberty in Spain. Our interference had been over and over again justified on these grounds. But in what way had the Noble Viscount and his colleagues shown their attachment to the principles of liberty in Spain ? Why, they had done so by send. ing out a body of troops to attack people as attached to their liberty as we were ourselves—people who were brave, hardy, and independent__ who possessed institutions to which they were as much attached as we were to our own--institutions which they valued as free institutions, and to which they were attached by principle, by habit, and by feeling. The Noble Viscount, in the course of his speech that evening, had alluded to the Quadruple Treaty. The ground on which that alliance with the Powers of the west of Europe was formed—the interfe rence in the affairs of the Peninsula—was a most monstrous ground. It was this, that it was desirable to form an alliance between the Powers of Western Europe—between France and England, constitutional Spain and constitutional Portugal —in order to form a counterbalance against the possible aggressions of the despotic Powers of the North. Never was there conceived in the mind of man a system of policy more mischievous than this.—(Hear.) He would not now go into a discussion of what might be the result of that policy if it had been successful, for happily it had most signally failed.—(Hear.) They had interposed to establish a Constitution in Spain and Portugal. But what were constitutional Spain and constitutional Portugal at pre sent ? So far as their efficiency as foreign Powers was concerned, it was no exaggeration to say that to all intents and purposes they were blotted out from the map of Europe. As far as France was concerned in that treaty, he would ask, what course was it likely that France would pur. sue ? Was there any one ready to say, who had observed the conduct or estimated the mind of the Monarch of that country, that that Monarch would be likely to pursue any course but that which was most for the interest and the advantage of his own country :—(Hear, hear.) Much had been said with respect to the Noble Duke (Wellington) having acted upon the Quadruple Treaty, and having undertaken the responsibility of fulfilling its conditions. When the Noble Duke came into office he found the treaty in existence, and he acted in the same way as would have been pursued by the Govern ment of any country. He found the treaty in existence, and he con tinued to act upon it. In the disposition that had distinguished every act of that Noble Duke's life he found that treaty in existence, and he performed its conditions, not Is the spirit, but according to the letter of the treaty.—( Hear, hear.) He (Lord Lyndhurst) had stated to their Lordships that he was opposed to intervention. But if intervention did under any circumstances take place it ought to be of a character far different from that which had taken place. It was the opinion of those most capable of judging on such a subject that there never was an expedition so ill-judged or so ill conducted as that which had been sent from this country under the alleged terms of this treaty. He did not wish to say anything in disparagement of the personal bravery of General de Lacy Evans, the commander of those troops, but he would say that the command of those forces ought not to be given to an officer who he (Lord Lynd hurst) believed had never before commanded a regiment, or even a company in the field. Was it then possible, under these circumstances, to expect any result from an expedition so constituted but that which had taken place ? Was it not an extravagant proceeding on the part of the Government to send out an expedition of that kind ? The military renown of the country was a portion of its proudest glory, and it was then the more incumbent upon us to take care that renown should not suffer, or that the high fame of our arms should not be impaired. It was predicted by those of the most experience that this expedition must fail. Amongst others by whom this prediction was made at the time this ex pedition was fitting out was an officer of great experience, who had served for a long time in Spain (Sir J. Elley). That Gallant Officer, at an early period, pointed out what must be the result of that expedition, and si mens non lawn fuisset, the Government would have saved the country at the last hour from the misfortune and disgrace of this disas trous expedition. He would say a few words with respect to the af fair of Hernani. Every one who was in the engagement knew that the failure of that operation was attributable to the General in command having taken up a faulty position for his troops, of which cir cumstance Villa Real and Don Sebastian availed themselves with a celerity and energy which turned the fortunes of the day, and eventuated in the defeat of the troops engaged in the attack. He well remem bered when this question was debated on a former occasion that the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Affairs was pressed with argu ments similar to those which had been used on the present occasion, and he answered that it was impossible that more could be effected, at so little expense. Was it fitting that this pitiful Inggestion of a miserable saving should be resorted to as a vindication of the policy of this great country in a case involving her relations with foreign countries ? (Hear, hear,) When the character and greatness of this country were concerned, any policy resting on such greunds was only worthy of the name of a peddling and miserable policy.—(Hear, and loud cheers.) When General Evans returned to this country, and when the expedition was over, the wreck of the Legion who remained in St. Sebastian were insulted by the Spanish Government, by that Government which they had gone to Spain to pro tect. There were certain cases in which the delay of justice amounted very nearly to the denial of justice, and this case seemed to come very close to that class of cases. Let them look to what other States had done, and how they had acted in similar cases. Let them look to France. Whenever she interfered in behalf of her subjects she interfered in ear nest. He did not mean to say but that there were several instances in which that country might have gone too far, but, whatever mistakes she might have made in this respect, she unquestionably never erred in being guilty of negligence, indifference, or supineness, where the in terests of her subjects were involved with other States. He wished, be fore he concluded, to say one word with respect to our naval co-operation. He did not mean for one moment to call in question the manner in which the naval force engaged on the coast of Spain had performed their duties. He believed that those duties had been performed with that skill and characteristic bravery wkich had always distin guished the naval forces of this country. But he would say that he had reason to believe that orders had been sent out by the Ad miralty, directing our ships en the eastern coast of Spain to take some frigates which were supposed to be carrying stores from Sardinia for the service of Don Carlos. If he was incorrect in his statement, he chal lenged the Noble Earl opposite (Earl Minto) to contradict him. It was fortunate (if we understood correctly the Noble and Learned Lord) that no opportunity had offered for obeying those orders, for, if it had so happened, consequences might have arisen which the country would have reason to regret. But, he would ask, in favour of whom had the Government of this country used all those exertions, and rendered all those sacrifices of the national honour and interests ?—(Hear, hear.) In favour of a people who, under the name of liberty, had perpetrated more acts of atrocity, assassination, and murder, than any other civilised people since the period of the French revolution.—(Hear.) He did not speak with respect to military movements, but to murders perpetrated in civil commotion or in private violence by one party upon another. He alluded to what had taken place in the cities and towns of Spain, where the convents had been invaded by violence, and their helpless inmates sacri ficed to brutal fury. He need only refer to the atrocities that had been perpetrated in Malaga, and to the murders in Barcelona, where prisoners had been murdered in confinement. Let them still more ca ll to witness the murders that had been committed in the capital—in Madrid, under the very eyes of the Government.--(Hear, hear, hear.) What had they achieved by their intervention ? They had one day the, vacillating and uncertain policy of M. Zea, to be the next day succeeded by a different system established under Martinez de la Itosa. Then came the period when the independent Junta, by the assent of the army, imposed Menclizabal upon the Queen of Spain. Then came the juste milieu and S. Isturiz, and finally the meeting of the troops at La Granja to proclaim a new Constitution. This was a brief and hurried outline of the shifting uncertain condition of the people for whom the Government had thought it right and fitting lo sacrifice the treasure, the honour, and the glory of this country. In doing so they had pur sued a conduct and a policy which lie had always felt it Ids duty to condemn. That conduct and policy he was certain their Lordships must also feel bound to condemn; and he felt equally certain that a conduct and a policy so ill conceived and so ill directed must equally meet with, as it undoubtedly deserved, the unqualified condemna tion of the country.—(Loud cheers.) The Earl of CARN ARVON said that the expedition out of which the debate had arisen did not deserve to succeed, as it was not framed on any just or reasonable calculations. The Noble Viscount had alluded to the Durango decree. Now, he certainly would deeply regret if, in any instanceonercy had been refused to any person under that decree. But the Carlists held that the soldiers of the Legion were not included in the Eliot convention ; but it was due to them to say that, though they en tertained that opinion, they endeavoured to carry the objects of that convention into elf ct by means of a cartel. All the predictions in which the Noble Lord and his colleagues had indulged respecting Don Carlos had been falsified. Nothing was easier than to indulge in pre. dictions, but those who did so had not always the good fortune to find their forebodings verified. It had been said that one object of the policy pursued by the Government was to promote an alliance with France ; but, if that had been the object he denied that it had been attained ; for was it not clear that, as regarded Spain, the King of the French had not kept faith with this country ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Now what, he asked their Lordships, was the result of this policy ? Why, the Durango decree was the first fruits of it. Since their acces sion to office the principle on which the Government declared they would not was that of keeping pace with civilization ; but hal they acted on this principle in their interference in the affairs of Spain ? Undoubtedly they hail lint. They had suffered British subjects to en gage in the trade of blood and misery from motives the most sordid and unworthy, and by permitting this, instead of acting on their own prin. ciple, her Majesty's Ministers had caused a retrogade and not an ad vance in that civilization with which they had so frequently declared their policy should be directed to keep pace.—(Hear.) Would the Noble Viscount, he asked, deny that time object of the interference on the part of the Government of this country was not to deprive the Bas queprovinces of their privileges ? Viscount MELBOURNE—I will deny nothing of the kind. We had no wish whatever to interfere with the privileges of the Basque provinces. The Earl of CARNARVON said he was glad to hear this, because it led him to conceive that the Noble Viscount would join him in pre venting the suppression of the privileges of the Basque provinces.— (Hear, hear.) Were, however, the Government of this country justified in allowing, as they had done, a naval co-operation for the purpose of desolating and destroying that part of Spain? The effect of this co operation w'as to extirpate the Basque people, as they would so many wild beasts, from the face of the earth ; but was such conduct worthy of that character which ought to be maintained by the rulers of a Christian people ?--(Hear, hear.) This contest had now existed for five years, and the scenes of horror which had occurred during that period were well calculated to excite sorrow in every Christian mind. He did think the time had arrived when such a state of things should be put an end to, but then this could only be done by other means than the interference which had been adopted.—(Hear, hear.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the Noble Marquis and the Noble Lord had cony.: forward that night to insinuate censures against the Queen's Government, which they would not put into the form of a distinct and substantive vote; and, recollecting the years that had elapsed since the Quadruple Treaty was entered into, it was surprising that the Noble and Learned Lord, who had attributed such lamentable consequences to it, had not, in the spirit of foresight which actuated him, earlier given their Lordships the benefit of his knowlodge of those mischiefs which must arise from a treaty which he now so much con demned. The Noble and Learaed Lord who had foretold these conse. quences ought to have informed their Lordships to a greater extent on the subject before that night than he had done, for he appealed to those who heard the statement of the Noble and Learned Lord, whether they did not suppose that be was speaking of some dire catastrophe which had befallen the councils of the Government of the Queen of Spain ? Lord LYNDHURST—I used the one word, and not the other, but not in the sense the Noble Marquis assumes. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—AII I can say, my Lords, is, that my attention was called particularly to the word " catastrophe." Lord LYNDHURST—WeII, but what becomes of the word " dire ?" The Marquis of LANSDOWNE--I did not certainly hear the Noble and Learned Lord use the word " dire," though I did distinctly the word " catastrophe." Lord LYNDHURST—I used the word "catastrophe," my Lords, at the outset of my speech, as denoting termination, in the classical sen se of that word. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE (with warmth)—My Lords, I ac cept the explanation of the Noble and Learned Lord, and ask your Lordships whether the termination that has taken place can be regarded as a dire catastrophe ? _ Lord LYNDHURST (interrupting)—.l say, my Lords, I did not use the word catastrophe in the sense the Noble ➢larquis seems to suppose•_(Cries of " Order, order.") I did not use the word dire a t all, and I employed the word catastrophe to indicate a mere termi nation or winding up of the catastrophe of a drama, for instance.— (Cries of " Order.") - - The Marquis of LANSDOWNE (with great vehemence both of voice and gesticulation, and amidst renewed cries of " Order, order") — my Lords, I thought the Noble and Learned Lord had risen to order, and not to interrupt me, and I gave him the opportunity of doing so, but I now tell him that I will not give way to him.—(Cries of " Order.") Lord LYNDHURST—My Lords, I thought the Noble Marquis had put a question to me, and wished that I should answer it. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE (apparently much excited, and with increased vehemence)—My Lords, I appeal to you whether the Noble and Learned Lord is not out of order?—(Cries of " Order.") Lord LYNDHURST (interrupting)—My Lords, I mu,t deny that I have done anything more than is common in your Lordships' House. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—Yes, common, but common only by permission. The Noble and Learned Lord has thought fit to inter rupt me in my speech, although he would have hail anllpportunity of explaining anything lie wished when I had done; and I will not admit that either the Noble and Learned Lord, or any other Member of your Lordships' House, has any such right as that of interrupting me when I am addressing your Lordships.—(Cries of " Order," and " Hear, hear.") My Lords, I will not submit to be so interrupted by the Noble and Learned Lord, for, however learned he may be, I know of no rule of your Lordships' House which enables either the Noble and Learned Lord, or any other of your Lordships, to interrupt against his will a person who is in the act of speaking, and the more especially as the Noble and Learned Lord will have an opportunity of addressing to your Lordships any observations he may have to make on what has fallen from me when I have concluded what I have got to say. When I sat down I did so for the purpose of affording the Noble and Learned Lord an opportunity of speaking to order, but he did not do so, and I now re peat that I will not give way to him again. Lord LYNDHURST (interrupting) —The Noble Marquis may just do as he thinks proper.—(Loud cries of " Order, order.") The Marquis of LANSDOWNE (with increased vehemence)—The Noble and Learned Lord has thought fit to interrupt me again. I-- Lord LYNDHURST—What I rose for was to say that I never ut tered the " dire." Had I not a right my Lords, to take care that the Noble Marquis did not misrepresent what I had said.—(Cries of " Hsar, hear," and " Order, order.") The Marquis of LANSDOWNE (still apparently under the influence of strong feelings) —I will not, my Lords, submit to be thus inter. rupted by the Noble and Learned Lord.—( lenewed cries of " Order, order.") I sat down, my Lords, thinking the Noble and Learned Lord wished to speak to order. The Noble and Learned Lord did not avail himself of the opportunity I afforded to him, but, on the contrary when I got up again the Noble and Learned Lord interrupted me. I contend, my Lords, that according to the usages of your Lordships' House the Noble and Learned Lord was not justified in interrupting me, unless for the purpose of speaking to order. But I presume the Noble and Learned has never put into the mouth of any of your Lord ships a word which you had not uttered. The Noble Marquis then proceeded to say that what the Noble and Learned Lord had said was that the cause of the Queen of Spain was a failure, but he had not thought fit to tell their Lordships in what that failure consisted; and from the observations which he had made one would be led to sup pose that something decisive had happened in Spain—that the arms of Don Carlos had been triumphant—that not only had Don :Carlos descended into the plains, but that he had never been compelled again to take refuge in the mountains. The fact was, that although the Noble and Learned Lord had spoken with an air of prophecy, be had merely retailed to their Lordships that night what he had collected from the proceedings in another place.—(Hear.) What the Noble and Learned Lord had declared to their Lordships was not a little extraordinary. He told them first that their policy had failed, but what were the grounds on which the Noble and Lammed Lord had asserted that the policy of the Queen's Ministers had failed in the cause of Spain, or that Don Carlos was not at this moment in possession of Upper Arragon ? Would the Noble and Learned Lord condescend to name a single place worthy of note or consideration in Upper Arragon which was now occupied by the Carlists. The Noble and Learned Lord had so far profited by his absence from legal pursuits, as to be enabled to devote his time to the study of military affairs, and now he could not only describe Spain by the map, but tell their Lordships theoretically what the military operations in that country ought to have been, and how the war should have been carried on. Now, how stood the fact ? Why, that, so far from being in possession of any considerable town or place in that province, Don Carlos only occupied the inconsiderable fortress of Morella. This he as serted to be the case ; but was the success of Don Carlos greater in any other province ? How many great municipalities or towns in Spain did Don Carlow now possess ? Were they not all in the hands of the Christinos ; - and yet, although Don Carlos had no great municipalities or towns in his possession, although he was confined to the mountains, from which he came down to levy predatory contributions, still this the Noble and Learned Lord called a successful, a glorious termination of the contest. He (the Marquis of Lansdowne) did not pretend to say that the Queen of Spain had undisputed possession of her dominions, for she had not, and he regretted it, but this he would say, that as far as public opinion in that country had been declared it was clearly in her favour.—(" No, no," and " Hear, hear.") It was true that the war was protracted in the North of Spain in the way in which war had often before been protracted in that country, but this war did not excite wonder in the mind of any one who knew how difficult a thing it was to bring a war to a termination which was caused by a diversity of opi. nions, and a variety of rights, whirls it was all but impossible to accom. modate.—(Hear.) Every thing which Don Carlos had attempted had proved either a partial or a decided failure, and this was one reason why those who wished ill to the cause of the Queen of Spain should censure the conduct of the British Legion.—(Hear.) For his own part he could not help thinking that the British Legion must have materially damaged the cause of Don Carlos, and that this it was that had sub jected that body to so many atteeks and so much censure both in that and the other House of Parliament. He was a party to the policy which had led to the sending out of the British Legion to Spain, and if the Noble and Learned Lord had consulted history he would find that at the best periods of the history of this country British subjects ht d been allowed to engage in foreign wars where the question at issue com bined with national policy, national advantage, and national feeling.— (Hear.) The Noble Marquis who had brought the subject forward had treated with contempt the policy of effecting the greatest good with the smallest means. That policy he had designated as miserable and pedd. ling, and it would therefore seem as if his opinion were that the only policy which was right was that which obtained the smallest good at the greatest expense. That was not the policy which her Majesty's Go vernment would pursue, and the historical recollections of the Noble and Learned Lord ought to have suggested to him that the balance of power in Europe had often been preserved by such miserable and peddling ser vices as had been rendered by this country to the cause of the Queen of Spain. The policy, however, which had been so much condemned was adopted in concurrence with France; but then the Noble and Learned Lord asserted that the King of the French had not followed out this policy. It was true, as the Noble and Learned Lord had stated, that the Quadruple Treaty bound the two countries to one action with regard to Spain, but it at the same time left it open to each to adopt their own particular measures for prosecuting the obligation into which both had entered. Whether France had used her best means to fulfil her part of the treaty he was not called upon to give any opinion ; but that the King of the French had violated it he most distinctly and un equivocally denied. Now, what was the result to which the Quadruple Treaty had led ? Why that the affairs of the Peninsula were more free from danger, whether internally or externally, than they would other wise have been.—(Hear, hear.) It would have been most unwise to have left the factions which uniortunately existed in Spain to fight their own Lattle out. The contest, he admitted, had proceeded too far al. ready, but still he thought the presence of the British had a most beneficial effect in restraining one party from the commission of horrors to the same extent as they had been perpetrated by the other.—(Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) It had been said that her Majesty's Ministers had interfered merely in favour of a popular Constitution, but this he utterly denied. They had interfered for the purpose of supporting the Government of the Queen of Spain in a crisis of danger, and only with a view of preserving order and tran. quillity in that country. So far from wishing to see any portion of the Spanish people deprived of their privileges, her Majesty's Government had lost no opportunity of recommending to the Spanish Government the continuance of the privileges which the people of Spain had en- joyed.—(Hear, hear.) The fact, however, was that Don Carlos had made that the basis of his pretensions to the Crown of Spain which he had 110 tight to do, and the consequence was that he was supported by many who imagined they were not fighting for him, but contending for their own privileges. If the Noble and Learned Lord who professed himself so well acquainted with the state of Spain were to snake the inquiry he would find that this was the feeling which actuated the Bis cayans and Guipuscoans ; and, if he were in possession of any other in formation, all he (Lord Lansdowne) could say was, that it was very dif ferent from that which had reached him or her Majesty's Government. It was not, lie assured their Lordships, against the privileges of any position of the people of Spain, or on behalf of any particular Constitution, that they had waged war, but merely to ensure peace and tran. quillity to that country, and to establish the Government of it on something like a sure and satisfactory foundation. The unjust pretensions of Don Carlos had led to atrocities which had been rust by corresponding inhumanity on the other side; but still no such atrocities had been perpetrated by the Christinos as those which had marked the career of Don Carlos. The Christinos, he was happy to say, had not inhumanly butchered prisoners taken in the field of battle and sacrificed them in cold blood.—(Hear, hear.) He knew that such acts as these could not but produce retaliation on the other side; but still that retaliation had fallen far short of the provocation, and he could say with truth, that on all occasions the convention of the Noble Duke, which was called Lord Eliot's convention, had been acted up to in spirit, as far as that was possible, by the Spanish Go vernment.—(Hear, hear.) The conduct of the Government might well be contrasted, as far as humanity was concerned, with that pursued by Don Carlos ; and he only trusted that the war in Spain would ter minate in a very different manner from that which the Noble and Learned Lord had predicted.—(Hear.) Lord LYNDHURST, in explanation, said that when he spoke of catastrophe he used it in reference to the British Legion, which he said had turned out a complete failure. The Noble Marquis had misunder stood another part of what had fallen from him ; for what he said was that Don Carlos was in the whole possession of Valencia, and that he also occupied the rural districts of Catalonia, and of Upper Arragon. —(Cries of" No, no," from the Ministerial side of the House.) The Duke of WELLINGTON said—My Lords, having addressed you so frequently on this subject on former occasions, I would not rise to take part in this discussion if I were not led to believe that some of your Lordships arc desirous of taking my opinion as to the present situation of this question; and I confess that some remarks have fallen from the Noble Lords opposite, in the course of the de bate, on which I feel it necessary to make a few observations. My Lords, the Noble Marquis has stated, and stated very fully, that it would be desirable to avoid any interference on the part of foreign Powers in the contest now carrying on between the two parties existing in Spain, and I am willing to admit to the Noble Marquis that, in point of fact, the interference on the part of Foreign Powers in the affairs of that country which has taken place, has tended only to exasperate the parties, and render more dreadful and fatal their violence, disputes, and dissensions.—(Hear.) My Lords, I will not refer back to the question of the disputed succession to the Crown of Spain, as I am perfectly aware, as the Noble Viscount at the head of her Majesty's Government has stated, that her Majesty's present servants have nothing whatever to say to that question—that it is a question, in short, with which the Go. vernment of this country can have nothing whatever to do.—(Hear.) My Lords, at the time I deprecated such interference.—(Hear, hear ) I objected, my Lords, to all interference on the part of this country in the affairs of Spain on this identical ground; and I said, moreover, my Lords, that we ought not to interfere, more par ticularly in a cause which had arisen out of those extreme opinions— that we ought not to have interfered at all, but most particularly that we ought not to have interfered in a cause which, according to the invaria ble practice of all Governments in this country, did not justify our in terference ; and even the policy pursued by the Noble Lords opposite themselves in other matters shows that they cught not to have inter. fered in aquestion which ad wholly resulted from extreme opinions.— (Hear.) We might have had some right, or, at all events, some pretext, for doing so if any other party in Europe had taken the side of Don Carlos.—(Hear.) But such had not been the case; there was no such thing.—(" Hear," from Lord Holland.) The Noble Baron cheers; but I say, and repeat, that no Power in Europe espoused his cause at that time. I say that at the time when Don Carlos left this country for Spain in the year 1834, there were not three battalions of the Spanish troops in his favour—(Hear, hear)—while there were no fewer than from forty to forty-five posts in possession of the Queen's forces; but up to the year 1835, and to that period when the convention which was negotiated by Lord Eliot took place—i. e., between the summer of 1834 and the commencement of 1835—Don Carlos had become so strong as to force Isis enemies to abandon all their fortified posts, and to take up a position on the right of the Ebro. —(hear, hear.) This, I say, is the true state of the case—(Hear, hear) —and I say, then, that the business of her Majesty's Government, even according to the Noble Marquis's (Lansdowne) own principles—(Cheers)—and seeing the state to which the contest was brought, and the moral influence we had acquired in Spain by means of the Eliot convention, was to have avoided entering into the contest, and to have endeavoured to support the influence we had obtained—(Continued cheers)—for by such policy we should have largely contributed to bring about results which' must have been most favourable even to the establishment of that very party which it was the object of the Government to see established.—(Cheers.) The Legion had been a complete failure.—(Cheers.) Although at the time it went out the Queen's army had passed to the right side of the Ebro, yet the Biscayan provinces were in her power as well as Navarre. In spite, however, of this advantage, she could not, it seems, carry on the war without a supply of arms and 10,000 men from England.—(Hear) Arms it was natural she might be in need of; but men she surely could not want. What Spaniards ask for 10,000 men from England, when Don Carlos was only among the mountains?—(" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) No; the real object was to bring the red-coats and the blue-coats—the French and the English—into the contest—(Hear, hear)—the object was to produce a foreign effect.—(Cheers.) The country of Spain is at this moment in the same condition in which it was in 1835—(Hear) —and I strongly advise the Noble Viscount opposite (Melbourne) to take up a clear, open, and honourable course of neutrality—(Loud cheers) --and to see what could be effected by the adoption of such a sys t em of policy.—(Hear, hear.) Of what avail was it to keep posses sion of Passages and the north coast of Spain ? If the Government abandoned Passages, and Don Carlos were to take possession of it the very next day, there was nothing to prevent them from communicating with the Christino Government by Santander, Bilboa, and Santona.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") In our present position we are in the situa tion of a party to the contest—(Hear, hear)—whereas our real position ought to be one of strict neutrality—(Hear, hear)—one in which we could exert a fair influence over both parties, and use all our exertions to bring this unhappy contest to a close.—(Cheers.) In conclusion, I have only to say that I have entered into the discussion of this ques tion with a desire to see the objects of the Government accomplished, viz., to see peace established in the Peninsula—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial bench)--under any reasonable system that will provide for the security of thefueres and privileges of the northern provinces, that will put an end to the inhuman cruelties that have been practised, and that will terminate this miserable civil war, of which the details have been so distressing and ,o terrible. ("f[le Nobo Duke sues loudly cheered on resuming his seat.) The Earl of MINTO said that the neutral course of policy alluded t o in the recommendation of the Noble Duke was so inconsistent with the obligations under which this country was placed by the Quadruple Treaty that he did not see how it could possibly be adopted.—(Bear hear.) The Noble Earl then shortly contended that tho Noble Dula had underrated the consequence of the possession of the port of Pas.- sages, and said that he could imagine no case in which one country had a claim on another for protection stronger than that which Spain had on this country at the commencement of the contest in the Peninsula• He understood the Noble and Learned Lord (Lyndhurst) to censure certain instructions which he had said he had understood to have been given to the squadron on the north coast of Spain, respecting some Dutch and Sardinian vessels. Now, he (Lord Minto) was not stat ing whether any such instructions were given or not, but if the Or' cumstances to which they were stated to refer had taken place he should have instructed the officers on that station to execute the Quad ruple Treaty, and to have prevented the landing of stores for Don Carlos, with every proper attention, at the same time, to the rights of friendly Saate. These orders, if given, the Noble and Learned Lord must be aware, were necessarily of the most confidential nature, and any information respecting them could only have come from a British officer concerned in their execution—(Hear)—and he (Lord Mint()) could not believe that any British officer would so far forget his duty as to repeat any part of his orders. It would be very satisfactory to hint to hear from the Noble and Learned Lord whether he had received bi 4 information from any quarter of that sort. Lord LYNDHURST said that he had not, but had heard it repeated in the course of the debates in the other House of Parliament, and, W the best of his recollection, in their Lordships' House.—(Hear.) The Earl of RIPON said that this country was, if not actually at war with Den Carlos, at least in a position in which it was doing all the mischief of war—(Hear, hear)—and that this was the first, and he hoped the last time in which a great country like England should find itself in volved in such a piebald and bastard state of warfare as scarcely to know whether it was or was not.—(Cheers.) The Earl of MINTO explained. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY shortly replied, and complimented the Noble Duke (Wellington) on the candid and honourable manner ill which he had expressed his opinion as to the conduct which the Govern ment of this country had pursued and ought to pursue. The returns, in accordance with the amended form of the motionoas suggested by Lord Melbourne, were then ordered, and their Lordships, at half-past Eleven o'clock, adjourned till Thursday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 19. There being only thirty-seven Members present at Four o'clock the House adjourned till to-morrow. BOULOGNE-SUR-MER, JUNE 18. I write you this in haste by a friend, who leaves this morning for London, on board the Commercial Steam Company's vessel the Emerald. I mentioned in my last that Marshal Soult, Duko of Dal• matia, and suite, were expected here from Paris, en route to at• tend the Coronation of her Majesty Queen Victoria, and that prepara tions were making by the mayor and municipal authorities to receive so distinguished a warrior according to the esprit militaire of the French. His Excellency arrived here on Thursday last, the WI, instatit, and was received by Monsieur Adam, the Mayor, and the four companions of the troops, under arms, which form the garrison of this unfortified fashionable watering-place. Yes' • terday a ball was given to his Excellency, which was attended by all the haul ton, and perhaps the veteran never looked more pleased at the attention paid to him by the inhabitants of the towns in the environs of which he had been encamped with his late Emperor" Napoleon at the head of the grand army. I have seen him in Paris often when troubled with the turmoils of office, holding the War De' rartment, with the gravity of the soldier and Statesman ; but at pre' sent he appears gay, and enters freely into conversation with every one, at times jocosely, and makes particular inquiries on commercial as welt as maritime matters, and the improvements that are rapidly making this country, not only in steam navigation, but railroads, for whic h , there is perhaps a greater mania than in England. The splend i " State equipages of the Marshal, have excited universal ad miration—they are of dark blue, and the pannels covered with morial bearings ; the axletrees most tastefully carved, representi n g garlands of oak leaves, twined one within another; and t he gilding, which is extremely costly, renders them, perhaps, tije finest that ever were sent f rom th e manu f ac t or i es o f t h e cap it a l. On; is lined with sky-blue silk, ornamen t e i w ith orange an d go ld, and another in pale apricot colour, of the ::chest Lyons manufacture ; b e " sides these there are five other State carriages for the distinguished per sonages who form his suite as Aides-de-Camp, &c. So much irnPr . lance does his Majesty Louis Philippe place o n th e ex t raor dinary Ul ,l ' sion of Marshal Soult to the Court of St. Jame s ' s , as his repres e ,": tative at the Coronation of " England's maiden Queen," where 17. will naturally come in contact with the leading Diplomatists a Envoys of all the Courts of Europe, that previous to his departnrel from Paris he has attended several of the Privy Councils, at wh' Ci the King presided, which proves that such a man as Soult being !e• .. lected for so grand an occasion, whose political principles are so ( ferent to those of the present French Ministry, that a change in ti.no e Cabinet is contemplated before the arrival of the anniversary of t; three glorious days of July, which might prove fatal to the King °I last Barricades, should such unpopular men remain in office, experiment of the review or call upon the National Guards on the 10 t h instant was a complete failure, and has lowered them, if it possibly could, , more in the minds of the people than they were before, arid endanger"' the Throne. His Excellency and suite were to have left this morning for London on board the Government steamer Le Meteor, which has been lyre {or the last three days waiting his orders ; but as a fete champetre is to .ii ; c M place they will not leave till to- mor row at nine o'clock, A ~ SO he w' in the great metropolis in the evening. as their ra. DOVER. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) JUNE 19, 1838.—A very large Government steamer called the Phaeton arrived in this port this morning from Bou!ogne, with the, carriage and baggage of his Excellency the Marshal Soult, and ali°U , eleven o'clock another very large French steamer arrive,' in the Ron: l6 ' called the Meteor, having en board the Marshal and his suite. 1 " Commander of the latter had intended coming in here to land his 0 5- sengers, but he arrived too late in the tide. The water had fallen SO much, the harbourmaster did not consider It prudent to attempt it, and as there was a heavy sea and strong wind, it was decided to proceed for Woolwich with the steamer, rather than land the Ambassador by boat. The two steamers were supplied with pilots for the River, and proceeded about noon for Woolwich. A salute was fired from the Western heights. whicli was returned by the Meteor. The Count and Countess Charles Pozzo di Borgo arc arrived this after noon from London, to embark to.morrow for Calais. The Marquis of Dalmatia, the Marquis de Mornay, and the Marquis D'Eyragnes, all attaches to the special embassy of Marshal Soult, ar rived in Portland.place (the mansion belonging to the Hon. I'onsonby) on Monday evening, from Paris, via Boulogne and Dover. His Excellency was expected to embark with his suite yesterd w ay, 'c 5 ! Boulogne, on board the French Government steamer, the Meteo r, h was to convey him to Dover, and lie will probably arrive in the course°, this day. His Excellency's massive service of plate, part of which , v 3 . 51 presented to him by the late Emperor Napoleon, was brought ove r charge of some of his domestics by the Grand Turk steamer trota..t Boulogne. A splendid carriage is building here for the Marshal.. will be finished in a few days. He also brings several superb Parl'l3".. made equipages over with him. Yesterday evening, a few minutes past six o'clock, his Excellency Marshal Soult, Ambassador Extrao r di nar y f r om the Court of Fr3l';'(77. arrived with his numerous and splendid suite, at his residence, / , e• Portland-place, which has been t a k en f or hi m an d f u rnished for t he casion, in a most superior style. ABSTRACT OF A BILL TO PROVIP, a y FOR THE CONVEYANCE OF THE MAILS RAILWAYS. t rycf I Postmaster-General may require Railway C ompan i e s to the Mails, together with Guards or other officers of t h e Post- 01 "1,: t either by ordinary trains of carriages, or by special trains, prov idc( re - , the expellee of the Companies, such carriages to be subject to su ch t • sonablc regulations as to speed of travelling, places, times, and dura :g. of stoppages, and times of arrival, as the Postmaster-General ," direct. 2. If required, carriages to be applied exclusively to conveyauCC' mails. • eor 3. Railway Company, if required, to provide separate carriog 'so carriages, for sorting letters, fitted up as the Postmaster, or a n y per deputed by him, shall direct, and subject to such reasonable regul3- as 4 the Postmaste. General may app ireoint. rag' . Postmaster- r General may dct mails to be carried along t he- way in mail coaches, in lieu of Com pny' 5. Company to be subject to such directions carriages. respecting the conveYanc° of the mails, &c., as the Postmaster shall from time to time give* tgo 6. Postmaster-General, or person deputed by him, May °b • le- . to engines or carriages provided by Railway Company, and direct o ther " be substituted in their place. „ e 7. Amount of remuneration to Railway Companies, for convoYa'r-ae mails, to be fixed by agreement between Postmaster-General And CO pany, or, in case of difference of opinion between them, by arbitration•jo 8. Agreements between Postmaster-General and Railway C° n) P 3 ; i :, is as to amount of remuneration, ECG, may be altered on notice bei o gf . ,gie by the Postmaster-General, that an addition to, or diminution °lt, the services of the Company, will be required ; terms to be settled as bel°- me 9 ~ Postmaster-General may terminate services of Railway ConaPa°lth on notice of three calendar months. 10. If without notice, then a full and fair compensation fi xed II at.' bit rat . ion to be made to the C may ss.• 11 Post-master General provide or hire engines or carriage,' _ to for conveyance of Mails on Railways, in which case no rate or toll i' be charged by the Company, provided that the conse s n u t ch en oft z h i r i, e e e s. 7: l,o of the Treasury be obtained, prior to the running of 12. Engineers or servants employed by Post mas t er General i • __ co management of engines or carriages provided by him, to ha ve free ac' along Railway. a ti tioth 13. Railway Company enjoined to render services or accoMro°,- for if demanded, when Post-office engines or carriages are emPlO-1; aL which special remuneration, to be fixed as above, is to be gir e , n o ; . e sr such cases a fair compensation to be made for the tear an° Railway. ided 14. Royal arms to be painted on engines or carriages P" Post s. master-General. oa inst 1 Bye-laws of Railway Companies to be of no erre d a " - and provisions of the present Act. , o r ob. 16. Companies to be liable to a penalty for refusing to co-' structing conveyance of mails. 17. P ostmaster-General may require Railway Companies t° ,'" curity by bond to her Majesty for the due performance of the dutic posed upon them by this Act. IS. Notice to be held good if served upon any Director, or or other officer, agent, or servant of the Railway Company,or 1" an 19 . tation of the Company. ~ree t 11,03 as If Postmter-General and Railway Company can not f „,- the amount of remuneration to be given for tear and w ear, or -_ t he services performed by the Company, th e c a se shall be submittedatOd,it arbitration of two persons —one to be named by each party' by they cannot agree, then to the umpirage of a third, to be *Poi nte them, whose award shall be final. t v2eo interpretationonst ruc t Construction t o t f o f t terms he termisn contained this Act i t ri o tbheearcotrs fordin regulating Post-office, passed last year. Session 21. Act may be amend e d or re pe a led during the pres ent Parliament. uthiaetrinegspro Amongst a p r i va t e collection of paintings now on public view at Robi ns ' s A uc ti on R o oms, are ten very beautiful and %; e traordinary l a nd sca p es by ce l e br a ted amateur, we ll known at t he of ena the last century for the wonderful genius displayed in his pictur—es. and which has be en r ec orded in various pu bli ca ti o ns of that peri od • it is the first time any of these productions have been announced for sal e, we imagine they will command the attention of connossieurs. ERRATA.—'Two verbal errors occur in our leading article of yesterday, on the subject of the proposed appointment of Mr O'Connell to the Mastership of the Rolls ;—" Ireland assume the naturo• position," instead of "her natural position ;" and, lower down, " a cabi net to whom," instead of "to which." HORTICULTURAL SOCIETY.—A special genc•- meeting was held yesterday afternoon at the rooms of the Society ia Regent-street, for the election of a President and Member of T he Coun,ll, in the room of the late Thomas Andrea' Knight, Esq. Duke of Devonshire was elected President, and Sir G. Grey I4erte" Member of the Council, in the place of the late Mr. Knight.