The Sun. — London, England, 1838-07-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS The conversation which took place last night in the House of Lords on the subject of Lord Durham's conduct in Canada, will command the universal attention of the country. The appointment of Mr. Turton, the incestuous adulterer, to the office of one of the Secretaries of the Go vernment, and to that of a member of an executive Council, consisting of only four individuals besides himself; The latter office implying and including, if this exercise of patronage should ever be ratified by the British Govern ment, one-fifth part of the authority and functions of the bench of justice in the court of ultimate resort, is no doubt an insult to the Canadian people, and an outrage to the good sense and moral feelings of the Sovereign and people of this country. But this, although the most odious and re volting, is not perhaps the most dangerous or mis chievous peculiarity that has distinguished Lord Dur ham's accession to his more than imperial autho rity. Sent out to tranquilise a distracted, and to appease a discontented people, one chief source of strife and disaffection among whom was the alleged selection as members of the Council of Englishmen and dependents of the Government, to the exclusion of a fair and . natural proportion of native and independent Canadians. What is the first act of this liberal and consistent, this amiable and judicious dispenser of contentment and peace ? It is the dismissal of the existing Council altoge ther, and the appointment of a sham Council, consisting of five of the Noble Lord's own immediate creatures and personal dependents, all, like himself, disembarked in the colony only the moment before they were gazetted as his Council, and one of them, as a sweetener we suppose of the bitter Bill, the identical Mr. Turton, whose appoint ment to the inferior office of Secretary Lord Melbourne-- even Lord Melbourne—certainly no Pharisee, says he learned with regret and surprise. And why should Lord Melbourne have felt surprise as well as regret upon this occasion ? Since Mr. Turton had gone out to Canada, in the same ship with Lord Durham and his Lady, it was the most natural thing in the world to ex pect that he' was to be appointed to some important offi ce or offices, and all the world did expect this, until undeceived by Lord Melbourne's distinct assertion that this was not intended. Nothing can be clearer than that some correspondence or conference on the sub ject of Mr. Turton and his prospects in Canada must have taken place between Lord Melbourne and Lord Durham before the latter left this country. Nothing can be clearer than that Lord Durham, in promoting Mr. Turton, has acted in defiance of Lord Melbourne's declared wishes and in defiance of his own express engagement. Neither of these propositions can be doubted, unless by those who are prepared to assume that the head of the Queen's Govern ment, speaking in its name to the House of Lords, has been twice guilty of the mean and contemptible vice of falsehood, has twice deliberately deceived the House of Peers as to a matter of fact not deterred by the certainty that, in a few months at the most, the deception would be detected. And yet persons are to be found, and pretended adherents of Lord Melbourne's Government too, who do not scruple to say that Durham and his interesting protege, Mr. Turton, may, after all this, be permitted to retain their places. They may retain their places if Lord Mel bourne relinquishes his. They may retain their places if I s erd Melbourne is willing to be branded as the utterer in his high office of deliberate falsehoods. But it is obviously impossible that either of them should retain their places longer than the time in which the best sailing vessel at the disposal of the Admiralty can carry out their dismissal, if Lord Melboorne can be a man of honour and remain a Minister of the Crown.—elforning Post. We know not whether Lord Durham will find it an easy master to satisfy the Canadians ; but this we know, that it will be impossible for him to satisfy certain good friends of his in the House of Lords. Last night Lord Ellenbo roueh, agreeably to notice, put a question to the Noble Lord, ti,e Secretary for the Colonies on the subject of Lord Durham's letter which appeared in the Quebec Ga z.lle of May 31, addressed to the Members of the Execu tive Council of Lower Canada, acquainting them that it was not his intention to continue that body ; and also on the subject of tite a ppointment on the 2d o f J une , b y L or d _Durham, of a Special Council, composed of Charles Buller, k;sq., Chief Secretary ; T. E. M. Turton, Esq., Secretary ; Colonel George Cooper, Military Secretary ; t h e Provincial Secretary, end the Commissary-General. Lord Elleeborough contended that the Governor-General had .no power to remove the Members of the Executive Council except for misconduct, and that the necessary re sult of his acts was to put practically an end to the Court of Appeal. The first question he had to ask was, whether, in thus completing the Executive Council, Lord Durham had acted without the instructions, pursuant to the instruc tions, or in any manner contrary to the instructions given to him by her Majesty's Government? But, by the Act under which Lord Durham acted, Parliament, he said, *lad not entrusted various powers to a Governor-General, but to a Governor-General in Council ; and it was neces sary that her Majesty in Council should approve of these Special Councillors, for the Act enacted that the Governor- Geneeal might appoint such and so many persons as her Majesty should think fit to fill the office ; and, by the third clause, the Governor-General in Council, and not he aone, possessed the authority held by the Parliament of Lower Canada, with certain excep tions. Ilis Lordship contended that on the principle -1 aid down by Lord Durham in his let , er, that no person permanently resident in the colony was to form part of the special Council, it was to be a sham and not a real Court. cif, having no real control over the actions of the Go vornor-General. What be wished to know was, whether her Majesty's Government had given any instructions directing that the Special Council should be composed of persons not permanently resident in the colony, or whether Government had received any intimation of the course in tended to be pursued by the Noble Earl in the formation of the Special Council ? Lord Glenclg briefly answered, ±hat the only information Government had received was etentained in the Gazette, rnd that the Gazette was not accompanied by any letter of explanation. He added that there was nothing in the instructions t o 1, 0 ,"d Durham limiting his choice to any One class, and that Government had left with him the re sponsibility of duly judging, on his arrival in Canada, of the course ',Thick ke ought to pursue in the conduct of 'affairs- As no particular instructions were given to Lord Durham with respect to the Executive Council brought into operation by him, the Noble E ar l h a d consequently acted n e ith er i n accordance with nor contrary to them. A further question having been announced by Lord Ellen borough, the answer to whicn he said he did not expect thee evening —whether there would be any objection to laying- before the House the instructionsgiven to Lord Dur ham lustier the third section of the Act—this was too much for the patience of Lord Brougham, who was evidently dis satisfied with Lord Elienborough's moderation. "It was 'ant," said the Noble and Learned Lord, " a matter of option with the Governor-General whether he would have a Council or not : he hoped that the Noble Lord (Glenelg) bad not so soon forgotten his own Coercion Bill, for by the second clause power was given to her Majesty in Council to give particular instructions for the constitution of the Special Council ; and for that purpose the Governor- General was to appoint such and so many persons to be -A.f embers of the Council as to her Majesty in Council might seem' fit." The kind and quality, he contended, as well as th e number of the Council, were to be such as to her Maje s ty in Council should seem fit ; clad he again asked the Noble Lord whether provision had been made under the second section of the Act, by her Majesty CounciL under the sign manual or signet, enabling th e Governor-General to appoint such and so many Persons as to her Majesty in Council should seem fit to form the Special Council ? Till such an ord , sr was made all was at a stand still—there was no con atitueion. By their next meeting his Noble Friend (Lord Glen e .'o ought to be prep :red to give a reply. The Noble and Leetened Lord, not satisfied with the leeture he had t ° 4 de edde'cb with his characteristic feeling of propriety 4`.Her. (Lore; Brougham) could not help thinking that some d ict(wrial indit'idlial had been appointed, who said that he moteld not only 'lomineer over her Majesty's subjects, but "ho did not think :!'• necessary to give his masters at home any information." Loi - d Gieneig, in a quiet way, advised tlsc! Noble an d Learned' Lord not to allow his excurs i ve 'neatlnatien to run away te.;th him ; and reminded him that the question put to himself' seas, whether the Govern- Terrt had issued any special instructions to Lord -Dui ham, and wheth er in those instructions any individuals 'vete excluded from the Council, and not whether a n y ( nAI r in Council had been issued for the formation of a SPie :ial Council. He would at once answer that authority had been given for the formation of this Council, and that Inst ructions had been issu e d at the time before the sailing 'of :Lord Durham. Though the result of this first attempt 41 1ia inst his absent friend was not certainly very encouraging, If tio Nobl e an d Learned Lord is not a man to be easily dis: knee aged. The convenience of assailing the absent is so temp,sing that it would be demanding too much from the Noble .and Learned Lord to requir e that he should suspend hi s judgement till he obtained full information respecting trensactio zee and not put the most uncharitable con etruction on partial disclosures. But when indivi kals, in ti'eir disreseard to appearances, sport so r eelelessly with their own reputation with the country, I 'Ow is it to the expected that they should be. re• ineeined by a sense of fair dealing towards these who are named e quite 11 9 1, present to def e nd themselves. Wayieg f or t h e present discussiona ll with res pect to the individuals das te 6 , Pecial C ounc ill ors b y L or d Durham, it seems a , , ear that as hi s Lordship was appointed to the ar d uous 7;iteflon of arra ng i ng questions of the utmost ir diffic u l t t fed( . lelica c y, not only in the sepatate colonies, but'i n t h e ia ni •Lions towards each other—that as he was vested with oe i nt r a t ,net ample power s, because te oertion of th Mao* had been e us elided p h p that as a the respone sibility of this high trust fell on him alone, the powers to decide should be commensurate with the responsibility. Lord Brougham, and Lord Ripon, and Lord Ellenborough are not, charged with the responsibility of the high trust committed to Lord Dur ham ; and the anxiety that the Noble and Learned Lord in particular evidently feels that Lord Durham should prove unsuccessful, does not communicate to the advice which he is so anxious to give, as to the mode in which the Governor-General ought to exercise his powers, any particular recommendation on the score of fitness. Hitherto some measure has been observed by public men in judging of the conduct of their opponents. But in thetrase of Lord Durham all regard even for ordinary appearances has been laid aside. Before he has even entered on his government he is arraigned. Without even waiting the answer of the Colonial Secretary as to the powers conferred on Lord Durham, he is pronounced guilty of having exceeded his powers. He ought, it seems, to have made special coun cillors, not of the individuals whom he, in his judgment, deemed fittest for assisting him to discharge the arduous duties of which the responsibility rested with himself alone, but of the individuals whom Peers, who have no responsi bility, modestly deem themselves entitled to fasten on him. The Constitution of this country allows, no doubt, great latitude to the Members of both Houses in criticising the measures of Government ; but we are not aware that it allows them to prescribe minutely in what manner the Go vernment shall be conducted. It is quite clear that the tendency of the speeches of Noble Lords, whatever their object may be, is to embarrass the Government, and to add to Lord Durham's diffictilties in Canada.—Morniew Chronicle. Mr. O'Connell is seldom deficient in impressiveness as a speaker, but his account of the state of Ireland, in his speech of Monday evening, was, perhaps, one of the most appalling statements which he has ever made to the House of Commons concerning the fate of his country. When the English public shall well consider it, and reflect at the same time that the Whig-radical Lord Lieutenant of Ireland has been made a Marquis on account of his ex cellent services in that kingdom, views of cause and effect will no doubt open upon them such as have not yet been dreamt of in the philosophy of the most subtle metaphysi cians. Mr. O'Connell would not vote for the appropriation clause proposed by his fiend Mr. Ward, because even that would be, in his opinion, a deception and a delu sion, if offered to the people of Ireland as the condi tion of their accepting an Irish Tithe Bill, which they had almost unanimously rejected. It is, he says, " the determination of the Irizdt people not to pay tithes in any shape whatever—no concession of an imaJinary or possible surplus," (it seas not thus that in April, 1835, Mr. O'Connell spoke of the much-discussed " surplus")— " nothing but the entire abolition of the obnoxious impost would now satisfy the Irish people." Excellent fruits of the " paternal government" which has prevailed in Ireland for the last three years ! The Romarists who previously to Roman Catholic Emancipation, proclaimed from the high places, and swore in the solemn places, that emanci pation being granted, there would tie no more hostility to tithes, will not now be content with any regulation regard ing them. No ; they must have their " total abolition !" Those excellent suh:ects of the British Crown, in con,idera lion of whose peculiar propensities to outrage, the preroga tive of mercy has been scattered as chelp as fit-things ; those grateful admit ers of a Liberal Government, who,in return for the boon of an O'Connelliscd Lord-Lieutenant, were tobe everything that was loyal arid deferential, they, through their Meniber for all Ireland, Mr. Daniel O'Connell,proclai ai that, no matter what the British Parliament may ordain, they will not submit to it. They are determined to " appropriate" the property of the Church, whether the law allows them or not, and, therefore, they care not the value of a cold potato whether the Parliament shall or shall not pass a tithe Bill, containing ar not containing the appropriation clause. They have issued their declaration of independence—they will no longer submit to the vulgar restraints of law— they insist upon being independent of Acts of Par liament 1 It is not enough for the Romish priests that they return three-fourths of the Irish Members of the House of Commons. They are only concerned about that on account of the influence which thereby they ob tain in the general affairs of the empire. As to the acts which Parliament may pass with respect to Ireland, their people will not obey them I This speaks volumes for the influence which British Government and Legislation have obtained in Ireland, owing to the healing policy of the Noble Lord who has just been promoted to a Marquisate for his services in that kingdom. Mr. O'Connell says that in the whole course of his life he never knew a time when Ireland was in so dangerous a situation as it is at present. He had often known of threats of armed resistance and hos tile collisions, but they had always hitherto been averted. Now, however, things were come to that pass that if some thing were not done thp armed resistance and conflict of parties must come, drawing in its train an amount of wretchedness, terror, and iasecurity, for person and pro perty, almost incalculable. These are, no doubt, the ad mirable effects of Lord Mulgrave's government, for which he has been made Marquis of Norrnanby ! But if the prospects of tranquillity in Ireland be of that bright nature which Mr. O'Connell describes, the state of the Government with respect to that kingdom is no less consolatory. Lord Morpeth ssys : " We have not in any respect changed our opinions upon the.question of the appropriation of the surplus of the Irish Church. We hold to them as firmly as ever. Twice we have brought in Bills to carry out that principle, and twice they have been rejected. What then is to be done ? For the peace ef Ireland it is necessary that a Tithe Bill should be made law, and the present objectionable system amended. If we in troduce an appropriation clause, we know that the measure will be thrown out elsewhere; and are we, because we cannot do all the good we wish, to remain inactive and attempt to do none ? We bring forward the Bill as it stands in the hope that it will obtain the sanction of the Legislature, and that it will promote the peace, and thereby increase the happiness and prosperity of the country. So, then, Ministers confess that they cannot do what they think ought to be done for Ireland, but for its peace, and in order to promote its prosperity and happiness, they mean to pass a Bill which, Mr. O'Connell says, although it be made law, the people of Ireland will not obey. No won der that the administration should be especially proud of the skill which it has displayed in the Government of Ire land, and the success with which that skill has been attended. The present state of that country, its prospects for the future, and the honours heaped upon its chief governor, afford an excellent illustration of the consistency, harmony, and gobd promise of Whig-Radical administration. --Morning Herald. Wh e n Lord Melbourne was asked, some two months ago, by Lord Winchilsea, certain questions touching a no torious personage of the name of Turton—as, whether the said personage, who was known to have accompanied Lord and Lady Durham and their children in the Hastings to North America, held any office under the commission of that Noble Earl, such as would entail upon him public re sponsibility, or entitle him to any portion of the public money, the answer returned by the present head of Queen Victoria's Government was distinctly and unequivocally in the negative,awith an assurance that the person in question had" gone out to Canada without any appointment, without any prospect of an appointment, and without any intention on the part of the Government or of his Noble Friend the Ear l of Durham to appoint Mr. Turton to any public situa tion whatever." Such was the solemn declaration of Lord Melbourne,. pronounced in full Parliament on the 30th day of last April. But we are bound to say it was a declaration which, however it might have served at the moment to stop the progress of natural and wholesome in quiry, did not tranquillize our apprehensions or satisfy us that in what concerned Lord Durham and Mr. Turton all was right and above -board. We so expressed ourselves, if we remember rightly, at the time. What has since hap pened ? Lord Durham safely reaches Canada, and the very first act of the Noble Lord's dictatorship for which room can be found in the Quebec Gazette is the public ap pointment of this very Mr. Turton as one of the Chief Secretaries to the high Commission, in conjunction with Mr. Charles Buller ! if people in general were amazed or confounded by this outrage, so were not we. Experience and acquaintance with the position and attributes of the several performers in the drama about to open con vinced us that Lord Melbourne was deceived. On Mon day last, Lord Wharncliffe, in Lord Winchilsea's alas( nee, stated clearly and pithily the facts above referred to, ca lli ng upon Lord Melbourne to reconcile them, if in his power. But Lord Melbourne could not reconcile them. He did not attempt it. He admitted fairly, frankly, and like a Gentleman, that " it was with very great concern and sur prise he saw the appointment of Mr. Turton a nneunced," and, " at the time he made his former statement to the House, he felt confident that no such apt ointment would tale place." Is it, then, otherwise than impossible to sup pose but that Lord Melbourne, the head of her Majesty's Government, must at once quash a nomination to office which has given him, the Prime Minister, " very great concern and surprise ?" Is it conceivable that Lord Mel bourne could, on the former occasion, have negatived so em phatically Lord Durham's intention to"appolnt Mr. Turton to any public office whatever," without hating been fully au thorised by the Dictator to give that assurance to the Hour of Lords ? We say it is not to be imagined. Lien every rational man must ask, what reliance can Lord Melbouin or his colleagues place upon the promise or good faith of the Earl of Durham, after such a flagrant %halation of both ? What possible co-operation can exist between parties, one of whom Las been thus self-stignietized, and the other thus insulted ? Is the arrogance of Lord Durham so prone to " lick the dust" that he will swallow patiently these reproaches which Lard Mel bourne cannot fail to cast upon him, which, indeed, the bead of the Queen's Government has already flung cut against him, and that in the most direci anal contemptuous manner, by his declaration addressed to the House of Lords last Monday ? What the moral sense of Lord Durham must have been at the period of his leaving England, the company in which he left it, THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 4, 1835. and in which he forced his amiable wife and family to leave it with him, will attest before an astonished world. For the consistency of his Lordship's moral sense, we shall do no more than recommend to our readers a comparison between the solemn guarantee tendered by Lord Melbourne on the 30th of April against any sinister intentions of Lord Durham, and the late announcement in the Lower Canada Gazelle. We wena prepared to see in a praligate evening tool of the Foreign office some proof of the sympathy be tween the virtuous chief of that department and the net less virtuous patron of the new Canadian S2cretary, end that proof came full upon us yesterday afternoon., The Foreign office pats the dictator on the back, and sings out "Turton" for ever."—Times. SECOND ED,ITION. SUN OFF! CE, Sven o' Clock, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The LORD CnniccEm.on took his seat on tha Woolsack a a Quarter before Four o'Clock. The Earl of ZETLAND (Lord Dundas) was introduced by the Earls of Albemarle and Dude, with the usual for malities, when he took the oaths and seat on his elevation to the Earldom. Afterwards the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and the Earl of Albemarle sat as her Ma jesty's Commissioners; and the House of Commons having been summoned, appeared at the Ear, when the Royal Assent was given to the following Bills in the usual manner:—The Su. gar Duties Bill, the Church Patronage in Corporations Sa'e Bill, the Freemen's Admission Bill, the Queen's Bcnch Sittings Bill, the Sodor and Man Bishopric Bill, the Bolton and Preston Railway Bill, the Grand Junction Railway Bill, the Garnkirk and Glasgow Railway Bill, the Southampton Dock and Pier Bills, Sale of Bread (Ire land) Bill, Processions (Ireland) Bill, Midland Counties Railway Bill, the Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway Bill, the Newtyle and Cupar Argus Railway Bill, the Blackburn Gas Bill, the Leicester Gas Bill, the Leamington Gas Bill, the Huddersfield Improvement Bill, the Refuge for the Destitute Incorporation Bill, the St. Luke's Hospital Incorporation Bill, and twenty-eight Road, Bridge, and other private Bills. The Blackheath Small Debts Bill, was read a third time, and the other private Bills on the table were forwardei a stage. The House then adjourned during pleasure. The !louse resumed at five o'clock, when A'lr. BIZOTHERTON and others from the Commons, brought tp the Barnsley Small Debts Bill, and the Oldham Gas Bill, which were severally read a first time, and the House adjourned. IMPERIAL PARLIAMEN T. HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 3. Baron OSBORNE (late Earl of Carmarthe) was introduce' by Lords Hatherton and Fitzgerald, aad took the oaths and his peat. The Earl of LOVELACE (late Lord King) was• it,troclueed by Lords Gosport and Effingham, and took the oaths and his scat. The Leeds and Halifax Turnpike Roads Bill was read a se cond time. The Sugar Duties Bill was read a third time and pasged. The other Bills on the table were advanced a stage. The Bishop of EXETER presented a petition of which he had given notice, complaining of the conduct of the Commit, sioners of National Education in Ireland, in having appointed as teacher a person who had been dismissed from the coa,=t guard on the ground of making seditious speeches. The petitioners state that this question had been enquired into in their Lordships' House. It was true the matter had been enquired into by the Committee, which sat last year ; but there were some peculiar circumstances connected with this ease. It was a remarkable circumstance, that this National School master bore a flag with this inscriptionron it—" Welcome, re ligion and liberty." There were other banners, with inscrip tions on them of an objectionable kind. He stated this, to show that it was not a light complaint that bad been made against this individual by Mr. Nangle. His (the Bishop's) speech was published, and the Board directed O'Donnell to take legal proceedings against the pub lisher. Certain proceedings were taken in which O'Donnell made affidavits, in which he swore that he had never been dis- missed from any situation in consequence of using seditious language. Before the Committee which their Lordships granted last year he (the Bishop of Exeter) produced evidence that O'Donnell had been dismissed from the Coast guard, because of using such language as that they (the Roman Catholics) would soon obtain the land again, and that there would soon be an end of the Church of England ; and that O'Connell would soon be put in his proper situation. That was proved by the Lieutenant of the Coast-guard, who was interested in the fate of the man, as he had been strongly recommended to him, yet felt it his duty to report him to his superiors. There was also the evidence of two witnesses wto hard this O'Donnell use tIA language fur which he had been dismissed. The negatiVe evidence amounted only to the non-production of O'Donnell himself before the Com mittee, and if he had dared to present himself, that evidence would have been contradicted. He had been removed from one school in consequence of this complaint, and strange to say, he was afterwards transferred to a school in the very district in which be had committed the sedition fur which be was dismissed by Lieutenant Irvin*.—( Hear.) Was it right that O'Donnell, the man who bad been distin. guisbed for his animosity to Protestantism, should be placed at the head of the school ? He (the Bishop of Exeter) thought that it would rot be unfair to expect that O'Donnell should be dismissed from his situation, and that the Commissioners who had so abused the Royal confidence should also be dismissed. He now moved that the petition do lie on the table. Lord PLUNKETT said he could not allow of the obser vations of the Right Rey. Prelate to pass without notice. The petition, and the speech in support of it, complained of the con duct of a body of individuals who were acting from the most disinterested motives. Notwithstanding the serious nature of the complai: t, however, the Right Rev. Prelate contented himself with merely moving that the petition be laid on the table, instead of moving the dismissal of the Duke of Leins ter, the Archbishop of Dublin, and the other Commissioners. The reformation of Ireland, if it ever was effected, he was convinced would only take place through the general education of the people ; but unfortunately a different course had been pursued, and Ireland had been con verted into an arena for the most acrid controversies. Mr. Nangle complained that O'Donnell had attended a pro cession to receive the person who had just been raised to the Archbishopric of the Diocese—inquiry was made and O'Donnell was severely rebuked by the Board for it. The other ground was that he had used seditious language. That was alleged to have been used in 1831, and it never appeared that any steps had been taken by any authority from that time till the complaint was m a d e . The Board immediately instituted an enquiry, and they wrote to Lieut. Irving, to whom the Rev. Prelate alluded, who answered that he had never heard of the circurre;tance. Lieutenant Irving in June, 1836, said he could not recollect having heard of O'Donnell being guilty of using seditious lan guage. In August, the same year, he stated, how ever, that in 1832 he dismissed a person named O'Donnell from the Coast-guard, for making seditious harangues to the populace. Now, these words were never (so far as it ap peared) either heard by the Lieutenant, or reduced to writing. The charge against O'Donnell was that he said Protestantism would be overthrown, and that Mr. O'Connell would be King of Ireland. Macarthy, one of the witnesses called, did not say these were the words used, nor did Rutledge say they were. He said that he heard O'Donell use improper language—that tithes would be abolished—that Ireland would be free, and he heard him praise O'Connell. Alacarthy's evidence was that O'Donnell said no tithes should be paid, and that Ireland should be free, and flourish once more. And for this he was guilty of treason, according to the Right Reverend Prelate. This man O'Donnell had in an affidavit denied the truth of the accusatioteor that he used the expressions attributed to him. A pamphlet .or speech had been published, attacking the Board of Commissioners, which he could not believe to have proceeded from the Right Rev. Prelate, because he did net think that be would have been so unmanly as to have shrunk from the avowal of the fact—if such it were—that the speech had been published by him. What course had been pur sued ? Had any opportunity been afforded of fairly meeting the charges contained in that work ? Application had been made for the name of the author, but in vain ; and the con sequencem oved for: v a a nd s that was a o c n r l i y m r i e n f a u l s i e n d fo o rm n a t t h i e on gr l o ta u d nd ne t e h e a s t sa ti r l i e ly ap been p 7 cation to the Court was not made at the proper time. He thought their Lordships must be sickened by the repetition of this disgusting topic, and as the Rev. Prelate had merely concluded his observations by moving that the petition do lie on the table, he would beg at once to second that motio n . The Earl of RODEN said with regard to an observation made by the Noble and Learned Lord relative to his Rev. Friend Mr. Nangle, he would only say he was sure that the Noble and Learned Lord could not be acquainted with that eminent individual, or he would not have spoken so slightly of him, and of the important labours in which he was engaged. He need only refer to the Committee before whom Mr. Nangle was examined whether the impression produced was not entirely in his favour ; indeed, he did not believe that there existed a more upright, a more conscientious, or a mere valuable servant of his master. He exercised his ministry in preaching the gospel of Christ in that part of the country with which he was con nected—not, as had been insinuated by the Noble and Learned Lord, 'as the servant of any Committee—ha stood there upon his own ground as a zealous and faithful Minis'er of the Church of England. He must differ also very much from the Noble and Learned Lord on another subject: and he re gretted extremely that the Noble and Learned Lord should have thought proper to say that he rejoiced to think that they were living at a time when there was a great amalgamation of the two religions, and when there remained little difference s unmanlyspeech in a h between them upon grand points. As a member of that againstlti Lo T r I e h a s d u e h e Bishopeann op°fl opinion.—(Hear.) nsXie : f dnE t . T h t—o e ll publication represent it o asf House and of the Protestant z t . lr th rc a l t e th l e re N b o e b g le ge a d nd to L p ea ro rn te esdt m d been not impression proceeding was thatwith of respecteoin coming ntno forwardthat speech to have avowed it, authorised by him. Now he would state briefly how the case took place, his first and -t Counsel, it was suggested to him that all stood. When the first of the very ab.e, avowinrs the thing ; but having put the matter into the hands that was wanted was to drag him forward, and that there could be no real intention of prosecuting ; and the application was ma d e to the Queen's Bench at a time when it was known that it could not be granted ; because, if it had been granted, an ) w ould have been afforded of answering th e charge. that he had never heard one wor d com i ng ( U P p p o o n rt that observation of the Noble and Learned Lord, h e would only te ll him, from him which he would not have the manli ness t o contra dict, without being terrified from the discharge o f hi s d uty b y the Noble and Learned Lord's e l oquence and vituperation But be was not the only individual whom the Noble nod Learned Lord bad deemed it necessary to vituperate ; he had thought fit to attempt to injure the character of a man as ho nourable as himself, thought not occupying so exalted a sta tion—Lieutenant Irving. The Noble and Learned Lord was, inde e d, very fond of wishing to say things which, however, he had too much caution directly and, positively to say. Further, the Noble and Learned Lord bad had the confidence to say that notice whatever had been taken of the business ; when, Learned was. Lord Now said that he upon the eviden ce o f Li eutenant Irving, it appeared that O'Donnell's offen ce h a d b een reported b y h i s i mmediate su perior to the com man di ng off i cer on the station, and that the man had been up on i nvest i gat i on dismissed. The Noble and tha ( a the O'll3)ii.h onti op ell ,,f wa E s x no more moedeida not know how far the N o bl e and L earned L ord m i ght be a steel boy ; but at all events O'D onne ll h ad b een di sm i sse d upon that ground aft er a f u ll i nvest i gat i on b y hi s super i or of ficers. But th e ma i n po i nt i n the petition, after all, was t h at than Lea r the Board knowingly appointed this man as a teacher of' the school in the very parish in which he bad been dismissed from• the King's service —( Hear, hear,).—because he was a steel bey. There was the gravamen of the -charge. After Lieu tenant Irving had stated that he had discharged him from the service for the offence which he had mentioned, what he com plained of chiefly was that on that same spct the B.,ard had chosen, had dared, to place this man as a schoolmaster. The petition was then ordered to he on the table. LOWER CANADA—LORD DURHAM'S MISSION. Lord E L LENBORO UGH wished to ask a few questions of the Noble Lord the Colonial Secretary in reference to a letter, which had been published in the newspapers, and which I it, perhaps, would be more convenient he should read. —The Noble Lord then read a letter signed " C. Buller," whi c h h as already appeared in The Sun. Now there were two questions which arose out of this letter. The first question related to the Executive Council, and the other to the Special Council, appoints d under the Act. It appeared that after the 23 of June, baring previously ad dressed the above letter to the members of the to:m , :r Execu tive Council, the Governor- General appointed as his Execu tive Council Mr. Buller, lir. Turton, Mr. Daly—all psrsons holding situations under him—and the first Aide-de-Camp. lie understood, though it did not appear in the Gazette, t h e; the old Executive Council had been dissolved; but whethur lird been dissolved, or whether this intimation that their scr vices would be dispensed with was consi lured lefficient, the same question arose; but in the fulmar case there we another additional question, viz., as to the legality of the whole proceeding; for he apprehended that it was anti: elf doubtful whether even her Majesty had the power of dis placing the members of this Executive Council unless for misconduct. However that might be, the necessary result of the step which had been taken was that these five holders of office were by an old custom the sole board of audit in the country. They, too, constituted a Court of Appeal ; but then, for that purpose, it was essential that each member should separately receive his appointment from home ; and if they should receive that appointment—if amongst the rest Mr. Turton should receive the mandamus—he would be come a principal Judge of appeal in the colony. However that might turn out, the present effect of the first measure of Lord Durham's Government was to put an end to the Court of Appeal in the colony. His first question therefore ”3, whether Lord Durham, in thus compromising the Executive Council, had acted without any instructions, or in pursuance of or contrary to his instructions? But there was anether and more important question, relating to the Spec al Council created by the Act of Parliament. Parliament had not en abled a Governor-General alone to exercise legislative powers, but the. Governor in Council; for the second clause having provided for the appointment of the Governor-General and the Council, the third clause delegated to the Governer- General in Council all the authority of the Parliament in Lower Canada. He did not believe that any Member of that or the other House of Parliament supposed or intended that the Governor-General was to act with a sham or pre tended Council ; but if Lord Durham intended to act in compliance with the principle laid down in the letter which he had read, viz., that no persons permanently resident in Lower Canada should be in any way committed by the acts of the Government during the suspension of the Constitution, then the Special Council must be framed like the Executive Council—a sham Council, net exercising any real controul or influence over the conduct of the Governor-General ; and if such was the case, he did say that it was not a bona fide car rying cut of the intentions of Parliament ; that it was in com pliance with the words, but was altogether an evasion of the spirit of the Act.—( Hear, hear.) Hie next question, there fore, was whether her nijesty's Government had issued any instructions to the Noble Earl, directing him not to appoint persons permanently resident in Lower Canada on the Special Council ; or if not, whether they had received any intimation of the intention of the Governor-General in that rerpect ? Lord GLENE LG referred to the last question, and the last part of it—whether the Government had received any explanation of the course of conduct which the Governor- General intended to pursue. Nuw he had to reply, that the only information which had reached her Majesty's Govern ment was contained in the Gazelle Extraordinary, which was equally open to all their Lordships. It had not been accom panied with a tittle of explanation from Lord Durham witl regard to his intentions—( A laugh)---and, therefore, of course the Government were entirely ignorant on that subject. Further, he had to say, that there was nothing in the instruc tions of the Government, representing the necessity of ad hering to any particular class cf persons in the appointmet. of the Special Council. The Government went on the prin. ciple of trusting implicitly to Lord Durham. Lord BROUGHAM said the Noble Lord opposite, whim sically enough, seemed to think the answer of his Noble Friend the Colonial Secretary satiefeetory ; he did not think it was an answer at all. It was not a matter of option whether the Special Council should be appointed ; the 'Bill expressly provided for it. His Noble Friend surely could not have forgotten his own Coercion Bill—( A laugh)—but if I e did, he (Lord Brougham) would bring it to his recollection. The second clause empcwerel her Majesty in Council to give directions for special instructions to constitute the Special Council, and authorized the Government to appoint such steel so many as her Majesty might think fit; that being done, then the Governer in Council was invested with the legis lative power. His Noble Friend m'glit say that that clause was wily permissive ; but they must remember that the Le gislature of the colony bad been suspended for five years, and that now, without the Special Council, no one thing could be done; whence, as he imagined, arose the necessity for the second question of the Noble Lord. He therefore begged leave to ask whether any steps had been taken for the vur pose of enabling the Government to be carried on in the Ca nadas, by giving special instructions under the sign manna to the Governor-General for the appointment on the Special Council of such and ro many persons as the Crown may thick fit, because, until that was done, the old Constitution ea; re pealed, and the new one could not be brought into operation? He had no objection to delay putting that question until Fit day or Monday, in order to afford further time for the arrival of any explanation from the Noble Governor-General ; but he could not help thinking that as a dictatorial measure had been enacted, some dictatorial individual had been appointed, who, being sent out to domineer over his subjects, did not think it at all necessary to give his masters at home any ex planation—(Laughter)—for he believed his Noble Friend was in as happy a state of ignorance of what was intended to be done by Lord Durham as any of their Lordships, with the - exception of the Gazette, which was open to all mankind. If he did what he pleased, he ought at least to let them know what he did.—( A laugh.) For these reasons he had asked the question, for the answer to which he now waited. Lord GLE NEL G said that the Noble and Learned Lord had very much misrepresented the questions of the Noble Baron. He had understood the question of the Noble Baeon, to be—and he would appeal to the House whether he was not correct—specifically to be, not whether the Government had issued official instructions for the appointment of the Special Council, but whether, in such instructions they had cxclud, d persons permanently resident in Canada. To that question lie had answered that theyhad •, but how extraordinary it was, said the Noble and Learned Lord, that he could not answer ti e question whether any special instructions cr authority had ben given to Lord Durham to appoint a Special Council? Why, to that question he answered that they had issued that autho rity. He must say that his Noble and Learned Friend had been unjust in the censure which he had vroriounced. Lord BROUGHAM had no intention of being unjust; on the contrary, he wished to be as merciful and favourable as under the circumstances be could; but the fact was, he had mistaken the question of the Noble Baron. Stiil, however, he wished to know whether these instructions embraced the 'quality as well as the number of persons, for the words of tl.e Act were, " Such and so many persons as to the Queen shall seem fit," evidently meaning that the Queen was not only to state the number, but the kind of persons fit for the office. After a few words from Lord ELLENDOROUGII and Lord RIPON, Lcra PORTMAN, at the suggestion cf Lord Brougham, withdrew his old Bill for the regulation of charitable trusts, and introduced an amended Bill fur the same purpose, which was then read a first time. THE IRISH MAGISTRACY. Lord LONDONDERRY rose to call the attention of their Lordships to the great changes which had taken place lately in Ireland in the appointvncnt and dismissal of the Irish ma- gistracy. Since iCe had first given notice of this motion the Noble and Learned Lord had had c3mmunications with the Lord Chancellor, and he was free to admit that same of the representations he had made had been at tendel with success; but, •if so, he charged them so much the more with inconsistency in first having had those magistrates dismissed, and then with restoring them to office ; for those reappointments must either have been by favour, or they must have been made originally with out any regard to fitness. But the fact was that the lists were made out in such haste that they sent to the county of Down the names of two persons who were dead.--( Hear, hear.) With respect to one of the principles set forth in the letter of the Noble Marquis (of Normanby) he must confess that Clergymen were not the most proper to be put in commis sion of the peace, but in such a country as Ireletid there was a great deal of difference in appointing them for the fist time, and in putting them out of appointment after they had served long and well in that capacity. It appeared that of the number of Magistrates dismissed in the county Down, to which county he should limit himself at present, twenty-four, he believed, had been restored, and twelve (all Protestant Clergy men) remain dismissed. [The Noble Marquis here read a list of Magistrates who had been omitted in the new commission for the county of Down.] He should move for papers connected with these transactions now, .and for a Select Committee at a future day, to investigate the charges. Indeed h e s h ou ld say t h at even t h e G entlemen who -had been re-appointed had been badly used at least. If the Noble Marquis were on a sudden to be deprived of his new and "blushing honours," without accusation or investigation, would he feel quite satisfied if they were merely restored to him without explanation or rpology ?_( Hear, hear.) The case of Mr. Trevor Corry. of Newry, was, peihapeone of the most illustrative of peculiar and undeserved hard hip. He had been complained of by a man named P. M•Tier, who failed to tubstentate the charges against him, and thereupon Mr. Corry applied for leave to take copies of the depositions and prosecute the man for re jury. After acme delay a com munication was made to Mr. Corry in answer to his request, conveying a permission to inspect the depositions and take ex tracts. But here a doubt was started by his legal aisiser, that these depesitions, not having been made in a Court of Justice, or'in the prosecution of a suit, might not be considered es i dence, under the statute, in a prosecution for perjury ; and un willing to undertake the trouble and expense of a prosecution un dersuch circumstances, Mr. Corry relinquished the intention of instituting any further proceedings on this score against the wretched tools of a party in Newry. The new Commission, appointing Magistrates fel- Ireland, has been issued, and Mr. Corry's name omitted, isithout any commueication to him. In fact, the conduct of the Irish Government towards Mr. Corry can be viewed in no other light than as • a wanton exertion of tyranny and injustice. Mr. Corry has been for about thirty-fire years a Magistr a t e , and Captain in the N ewr y Y eomanr y, o f which corp s h e was, for a great part of that time, in command. The strongest case of partiality in the revision of the Magis trates of this county is to he found in the retaining in the commission the name of John Lin: say, when so many re spectable men are left out. It was distinctly proved that this person, in order to promote tithe agitation in this district, bad forged many names to a memorial containing false charges against the Rev. M. S am p son , an d t h e proo f s were l a id b efore the Chancellor. The Marquis of Downshire assisted in the investigation, corresponded with Lord Plunket, and the neighbouring Magistrates resolved not to sit with Mr. Lind say on the bench in future. He and his brother, both in the linen trade, are Magistrates in a district where the chief business of Petty Sessions arises out of disputes as to the wages of the hand-loom weavers. Mr. Sampson has all the documents of this affeir, if allowed to be investigated. If Government would grant him the papers and a Select Cora -1 rnittee, he would prove this case. There were many othe s which he would not go into at that late hour. He believed that if the Noble Marquis had not had a certain influential in lividual behind to push him on, we should not have had him so :one to misgovern us. _( Hear, and laughter.) The meat un fortunate day for Ireland was that on which the Noble Mar quis had be: appointed to offr2e by that individual, and the happiest, doubtless, would be that on which he should be re called....( Hear, and laughter.) The Marquis of NORM ANB y would make no objection to HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER tiok the chair at ten minutes before Four o'clock. On the :notion of Mr. BROTHERTON, the Barnsley Small Debts' Bill was read a third time and passed. MAILS BY RAILWAYS' ELL. Mr. BELL presented a petition from the Directors of the Carlisle Railway Company against the Carriage of Mails by Railway Bill. NIAYNOOTH COLLEGE. Lord ALFORD presented petitions from tiro parishes in Leicester, praying for the discontinuance of the grata to Maynooth College. BROTH - gRTON presented a petition from the mer chants, manufacturers, and other inhabitants of Rochdale, praying for the establishment of inland bonding warehouses. Sir Aul:ustus Clifford, the Usher of the Black Rod, here entered, ani summoned the House to attend the House of Lords, for the purpose of hearing the Royal Assent given to certain Bids. CHIEF BARON OF THE EXCHEQUER— (IRELAND.) On the return of the SPEAKER, who announced that the House had been to the House of Lords, and that several Bills had there received the Royal Assent, Mr. E. J. STANLEY moved for a new writ for the bo- rough of Cashell for the election of a Member in the room of Mr. Woulfe, who had accepted the office of Chief Baron of the Exchequer for Ireland.—Ordered. Mr. E. J. STANLEY also moved for a new writ for the borough of Clonmell for the election of a Member in the room of Mr. N. Ball, who bad accepted the office of her Majesty's A• torney- General for Ireland.—. Ordered. MEDICAL CHARITIES. _ _ Sir C. STYLE presented several petitions against the Medical Charities Bill. SCOTS CHURCH. Mr. M. PHILIPS presented a petition from Manchester against further endowment to the Church of Scotland. Mr. HUME presented a petition from an individual in Birmingham, complaining of the heavy amour.t of indirect taxation upon the neemaites of life. Lord Po WERSCOURT presented a petition from Bath, against any further grant of public money towards the main tenance of the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth. Mr. BAINES gave notice that he should on Wednesday next move for certain returns regarding the importation of indoes. _ CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. Lord MAHON said, that in conscqwmce of the Con troverted Elections Bill having been withdrawn by his Bight Honourable Friend the Member for Taniwoith, he should withdraw till the next session the notice he had given of a oration, that election petitions be tried by a tribunal inde pendent of the House of Commons. - Mr. II AR VE Y gave notice that he should on Tuesday next move for a return of the amount of cash standing in the name of the Accountant-General in the Court of Chancery. He also begged to move that certain Charity returns, ordered by the House some time ago, be made forthwith. The dropped Orders were then proceeded with. After a few remarks on a point of form from Lord STAN LE Y, The SPEAKER said he thought the House ought to con sider whether some steps ought not to be taken to prevent the re-committal of Bills pro forma, after they had once been under the consideration of the Committee, and with respect to which the Committee had come to a decision. Sir G. CLERK said that the Bill had been several times brought on and committed pro forma, and it ought to have been brought on in the first instance in such a state that it could pass through the House. If the practice of allowing imperfect Bills to go through formal Committees were done away %a ith, all Bills would be made as perfect as they could be on their first introduction. On the Order of the Day for the Imprisonment for Debt Bill bring road, (to be postponed till Friday), Mr. HAWES expreisod a wish that the Government would name a day for this important measure coming on, when it could be publicly discussed.—( Hear; hear.) After a slight conversation, the Bill was fixed for the day above named. Mr. HUME suggested that as motion-days were generally got rid of, every day should be devoted to orders.—( Hear.) Mr. L ABO UCHE RE said the Government were not in disposed to take any course to facilitate the progress of pub lic b isine s, as had been proved by the proposal of the Noble Lord (J. Russell) for morning sittiugs on Tuesdays and Fri_ days. HIGHWAY RATES BILL. On the OrJcr of the Day being moved that the House re solve itself into Committee on this Bill, Mr. PARROT requested his Honourable Friend (Mr. Shaw Lefevie) to withdraw the Highway Rates Bill, and to bring in in the next Session of Parliament a more com prehensive Bill. If his Hon. Friend would not do that he should move that the Bill be committed that day three months. Mr. MACKINNON seconded the motion. Mr. S. LE FE VRE said his Hon. Friend who had recom mended the introduction of a comprehensive measure, would remember that the measure introduced by the Under Secretary of State in the session before the last was of such a nature, and be (Mr. S. Lefevre) was certain that any other measure of that character would meet with precisely the same fate. He could not consent to abandon this Bill, because, if he d:d so, be was convinced that not cnly would many of the roads be indictable, but the p rishes through which they passed, would be indicted. The House then went into Committee, Mr. Aglionby in the Chair. Clauses A and B were agreed to. Mr. HA L FORD had a proviso to propose by which no higher toll than at present should be imposed upon any cart or other vehicle not travelling, at a greater speed than four miles within the hour. He particularly wanted to protect the interest of a. class .of men not • Much a",ove pauperism, viz., the small village carriers in the neighbourhood of market towns. They were now charged t :11 on going and returning, and the rise in the toll would be a very sera U 3 inconvenience. • Sir C. B [MIZELL briefly spoke against the amendment. An HoN. MEMBER on the Opposition side of the House thought the case of the small country carriers worthy of con ,ideratien. After a few words from Mr. licdgcs. Mr. Shaw Lerecre, Sir C. Burrell, Mr. Bennett, Lard Hoick, Mr. Milford, Mr. Gentlimn, Mr. Gt imsditch, Mr. Darby, Mr. Sanford, and several other Mc ln')ers, The clause was agreed to without a division. (LEFT SITTING). 0,1.1.... T......-•••••••••• • 08.00. R +1...•4••••••• • •••• COAL IVIAIIKET.-(THIS DAY.) Ships arrived sin,: Cl st mane,. A.v 61 Per 'fait. R. it. Per Ton. s. .'. Aaair's lB 0 Walls End Hett in .3 3 dute'A 't :Infield Moor Virt's:Hartleyj ................... 19 0 . 3 d .. , 11 :: a s End Rewar"s 11,1y,..eil .... ....................... 21 6 Wall: Eal Hattlepoo! ...... .... =3 3 . Ord's ltedhugh ................... 17 0 W is End Ad:laid,. . 0 n Pontop V.'11,,,30, ................. 8 0 Wads Eni Auckland .... a u .„,1., nigh Main ............ 1.; 0 W 111 End 1 iaverdig rtas onto Ilart'ey ..................... 18 . Wa tb FllO Braddyll's Ilettoo 21 3 T ,wnley '7 6 Via le. End (* u n i on t.o 9 11 In . ..... .............. 1') It W,lls End Seymour T.:es . Watl3 En:l Dann ................ 18 0 Walls End •;outl) Durnam =o ° With 1 . ,:d ~,. 5....111.11 ............ 20 9 4-. all, End l'es Masts Eni 11,non ............... 20 9 Blythe 16 t 'ilialli ELd Fidds ............. .19 6 l 'oxard's Neth,:to, Main ali „ En d K. ~; t iln worth ...... 19 ii Walls End. Devon .hire l9 0 w jis End ', arcNeu'li ........ 19 0 Walls End Elgni ... . i2o U llaciclillb Main l7 0 ___ - Yesterday afternoon, as the Rai Rover Herne Bay .tem-a.b;,at w,s on her re:urn to London, the passengers were Mame by an Act Of suicide having been committed on beard that vessel, where it man had terminated his existence by cuttirg his throat. The occur• renec took place Letween Maekwall and. London. Property to the value of air - ,ut 101. was fermi on his person, Lut no paper or th.cu msnt by whiei it could be known %, Ito h twas. The Cody was re frons the re, sel to the Ililiingstate de :d-Louse, until a caroreeo nquest CJUILI be summoned. IS V lir ( ,---7--- ~..„( .... „ .,:,..L-- .7.-..• :A: . -i.-::,, • the production of the greater part of the papers called to to the production of the confidential communications elltfti ss- .4 Lord Lieutenants o f count i es h e shou l d most decidedly ob.; - terir m ject. The cases of the greater part of those persons were., still under consideration, and he must say that a more incon venient or more irregular motion than that taken by the Noble Marquis opposite he could not conceive. He was very sorry that such an injurious personal impression as that stated by the Noble Marquis h a d b een pro d uce d in Leland by the dismissals alluded to ; but he could assure hirn that the examination of the list had been a very labor ions task, and he was harp/ to sly that after all there were only twenty-trine cases to be found in all Ireland (with the exception of those complained of hi the county Down) in which there were any objections taken.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the exclu sion of clergyinsn there had been for a long time felt in Eng land a conviction of the propriety of excluding them from the magistracy on many serioue and practical grounds— all of which applied with still more force to Ireland, dis tracted as it had been by polemical politics. These were the only exceptions that had been made in the circular letter. In the Rev. Trevor Corry's case, that gentleman had an nounced to the Gee - emine n t his intention• of prosecuting certain parties ; but he never did so, and never even notified to the Government his reasons for declining to prosehute. In regard to his case the law officers of the Crown had given a strong opinion against th e legality of hi s p rocee di ngs, and therefore the Government could.herdly think of re-appointing him to the magistracy in the face of such a fact. With regard to the case of the Rev. Mr. -Lindsay he (the Marquis of-Nor- • manby) could not then enter into it, as he was not so much in possession of the details as the Noble Marquis seemed to be. He had no objection to prbduce the papers moved for by the Noble Marquis, with the exception nf the letters addressed to the Lords Lieutenant. The Noble Marquis had threatened a motion on the subject. " SuNcient to the day was the evil thereof." \Vhen that day arrived, he (the Marquis of Nor manby) should be ready to meet it. "All he should add was, that he and his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Plunket) • lied acted in the matter after all due deliberation. Lord PLUNK ET said a few words which were wholly in audible in the gallery. The Earl of WICKLOW said that what surprised him most in the matter was, that the course pursued by the pre. sent Government in regard to the revision of the magistracy in Ireland, was quite different from that pursued by the prece ding Government, although it professed to be only a conti nuation of the same policy that had been adopted by Lord Grey's Cabinet in this respect. He (the Earl of Wicklow) confessed that lie could see no possible reason for their depar ture from that course under the same Lord Chancellor. The Government took on themselves the responsibility of revising the lists without consulting the Lords Lieutenant of the seve ral counties. Lord PL UNK ET was understood to say that no warrants, nor removals, nor new appointments, had been made without such consultation. The Earl of WICKLOW had received the circular with the printed list of the magistracy of his own county only three weeks since ; but even then the revision had taken place, and he did not know what to do with either the one or the other. Ile did not then intend to enter on the case of his own county, though there were many complaints of grievance in respect to the proceedings of the Government of the Noble Marquis there; but he could not help thinking that the course adoptel by him on this occasion was by no means a judicious one, nor in anywise calculated to serve the country. Lord PLUNK E T was understood to defend the course pursued by the Government, and to deny that the Lords- Lieutenant or counties had not been consulted respecting the revision of the Magistracy. In only two instances—those of Cork and Down—they were not consulted ; and the omission arose altogether from want of time, as it was necessary to ap point all the Magistrates by a certain day, or obtain a new Act of Parliament for the purpose of doing so. Moat of the cases brought forward were those of gentlemen who had been removed in pursuance of the general principle laid down by the Executive for the revision of the Magistracy in Ireland. The Earl of GALLOWAY was of opinion that great in jury and injustice had been inflicted upon the Magistrates by the course adopted towards them. The Earl of G L ENG ALL said that the Noble Marquis opposite had said that the best possible information had been obtained relative to the formation of the lists. Now he (the Earl of Glengall) believed that Lords-Lieutenant of the counties had not been applied, to, and if this had not been done, he did not know what other sources of information had been applied to which could afford equal advantages. With respect to the omission of Protestant Clergymen from the the list, he could assure their Lordships that no class of the community regretted this step more than the Roman Catholic peasantry, who looked upon the Protestant clergymen as'those Magistrates who took most interest in listening patiently to all their grievances and disputes. The Earl of RODEN observed, that with respect to Mr. Trevor Corry, he was enabled to state that since the first re port of any intention to deprive him of the Commission of the Peace had gone abroad, the greatest regret had been evnced by all parties, grades, and classes, in the county in which Mr. Corry resided. The Earl of HARE WO OD on Thursday would move for a copy of the letter of the Lord Lieutenant to him, dated the 7th of January, with his answer of the 30th of that month. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY replied, and conclu ded by asking the Noble Marquis opposite if he intended to re place any of the Magistrates who had been omitted by the appointment of stipendiaries? 'The Marquis of NORM ANB Y said, in cases where an ac tive magistracy was required, it might happen that he would appoint a stipendiary. His previous conduct would, however, Le the best mode of judging what what his future conduct probably be in this respect. • The papers were then ordered, with the exception of those which hal been objected to.by the Marquis of Normanby.l; The Marquis of LA NSDO WNE moved the third reading of the Bill fur the better government of Western Australia. Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from the Rev. Mr. Mabcrley, of the parish of Wimpole, in Cambridgeshire, Complaining of treatment which an agricultural labourer had received from the Board of Guardians under the amended Poor Law Act. The Duke of RICHMOND objected to the proceedings of the Rev. Gentleman. The Earl of HARDWICK E said that the greater part of the petition consisted of abuse to him, as having ejected the individual in question. Te that abuse he would make no re ply. As to the Puor Law Act, the case showed the merits of the Act in the most brilliant light. The individual to whom the petitioner alluded, having no house to go to, sought an asylum in the workhouse, where he and his family were kindly received and treated. Being a healthy man, lie was allowed to go out to seek employment. having obtained it, he was told that he must contribute a part of his wages to the support of his family. This he refused to do; and he was then pro ceeded against, not under the Pour Law Act, but under an old Act, quite foreign to it, which provided that a rnan.who had work, and did not contribute to the support of his family,, should be punished. On this person's wife and family the Poor Law Act had operated most beneficially. Of this he was certain, that the new Poor Law had been pro.' ductive of so much good, that, notwithstanding all that Mr. Maberley and other individuals could do td excite discord, their efforts were fruitless. Earl STANHOPE was aware that that House was not a court of appeal against the decision of a Magistrate, but that was no reason why a petition, such as that which he had pre sented, shOuld not be submitted to their Lordships. He agreed also that every man was bound to assist in supporting his family, but to call for half the wages of a man who only earned nine shillings a week seemed rather too much. He wished to see the evidence of the pa:ties immediately concerned. As to the benc•fbial operation of the New Poor-law, and to tho general feeling upon that subject, all that he hoped was that the time might not arrive whi c h wou ld f urn i sh proof of the fallacy of the Noble Earl's opiniun which it would be impos sible for him to resist. The Dulte of RICHMOND said that he was as desirous as the Noble Earl to seethe evidence of the party immediately concerned.. He was desirous also to see his petition. There was no gaol in which the gaoler was not bound to furnish a . prisoner with the means of addressing a petition to the Great 011icers of State, or the two Houses of Parliament. Vv'hy, then, did not this petition proCced from the. individual said to be aggrieved, and who must know better the circumstances of his. case than the agitator who bad signed it ? lie would move that the petition be rejected. Lord . HOLL AND was very unwilling to reject any pc, titicn ; but as a nietin had been made to reject this petition he should certainly support the motion, . There were three circumstances in a petition which justified its ..tcjection : disrespectful language, want of proper formaiitiev, and pray ing for that whien was nc.t under their Lordships: cognizance, but which was under the cognizance of ano• her Court. It was on this last ground that he should vote for the rejection of the petition. Eat f STANHOPI . did not believe that Mr. Maberly had had any ecrnmunication with Ingle. The Duke of RICHMOND asked hew it was possible for him to know that Ingle felt aggrieved, or wished to have his erse heard by their Lordships. The petition was then rejected. Earl STANHOPE presented a petition, signed by tho Rev. Mr. Dowdney, arid o:her inhabitants. of Po.tsmouili and Portsea„agailst the new Poor Law Act, which the petitioners characterised as unjust, unconstitutional, and un- Christian. The Duke of RICHMOND observed that Mr. Doavdney was another of the agitators on the subject of the Poor-laws. and :t. , ..tcd the circumstances of the Rev. Gentleman's attack upon the Board of Guardians of the district, and especially upon the Chairman of that Board, who had done his duty and received the thanlis of the inhabitants. If the Noble Earl chosJ to move that the petition be referred to the considera tion of the Committee on the subject, he (the Duke of Rich mond) would support the motion. Hs was sorry to see the clergy so busy on this subject. Undoubtedly they had a right to interfere, but he wished they would exhibit Snore modera ti in that interference. Lord STANHOPE said that the Committee to whom the Noble Duke proposed to r&r the petition had already more_ business upon that hands than they could get through in the p cm - A Session. The Duke of RICHMOND wished the Noble Earl would point out a single instance in which a Board of Guardians had %jointed the law. Earl STANHOPE said that the Board of Guardians were only the tools of the great dictators—the Commissioners. The petition was then received, as was also a similar peti. tion presented by the same Noble Earl from North Walsham, in the county of Norfolk. Adjourned at Ten o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 3. The SPEAKER entered the House at four o'clock, but there being- only 27 Members preterit the House stood adjettriled. i 0 ~I `` 1 N 1 34