The Sun. — London, England, 1838-02-13 00:00:00

size for the unions, as they must be adapted to the wants and circumstances of the locality for which they were intended. Mr. O'CONNELL said that this difference of opinion only showed the utter impossibility of working this Bill. Last year Ireland was to be cut up in diamonds of 20 miles square. in which no man was to be more than 10 miles distant from the workhouse. What would become of that arrangement now, when they were to look for market towns in which to erect the workhouse, and that in Ireland the market towns were, in some cases, 20, and even 30, miles asunder? Mr. !iicholl had, in his Report, promised a millennium for Ireland if he could only get a school, a barrack, and a workhouse together, and now they must hunt for a market town in which to erect a workhouse. Mr. GORING deprecated large unions, as rendering it most inconvenient for the poor who might wish to visit their relations in the workhouse. Mr. GRATTAN would support the clause as it stood. Lord CLEMENTS was opposed to large unions. Lord HO WICK said that it had been agreed ou all sides that there should be no limit to the size of the unions. He had no doubt, however, that the Commissioners would be able to make them suit the convenience of all parties. Mr. WALKER supported the clause. Mr. WYSE thought the only effectual course was to adopt the arrangement proposed by the clause. Mr. GORING moved, as an amendment, that the town lands in the clause should not be more than ten miles from the Union workhouses. Sir R. PEEL was of opinion that in an experimental mea sure, such as was the present, the widest possible discretion should be allowed. It had been argued that the English poor had objected to the size of the Unions established by the late Act ; but this was not to be wondered at when it was re membered within what narrow limits they would have gained relief under the old Act. The Irish, however, had no poor law, and of course could not make the same objection, which Was but the result of comparison. There could be no hope for the success of the Bill, if the mode by which it was to be carried into operation were confined within too narrow limits. After a few words from Lord MORPRTII, Mr. PARROTT, and Mr. O'CONNELL, Mr. GORING again urged his amendment. After a few words from Lord CLEMENTS, Lord SAN DON, and Mr. W. BARRON, Mr. GORING withdrew his amendment. The clause was then agreed to. On the motion of Lord MORPETH, the Chairman re ported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Friday. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, on mov ing the Order of the Day for going into a Committee of Ways and Means, wished to call the attention of Members to the experiment made that evening, as to the new mode of lighting the House. He thought an opportunity would offer now, on moving that the House resolve itself into a Committee of Ways and Means. Mr. HUME thought the House could not come to a fair conclusion, without some more experience on the subject. There was much difference of opinion, and he thought it would be better to take the sense of the House to-morrow. The House then went intea Committee of WAYS AND MEANS. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX CHEQUER, " The sum of 11,413,750/. was granted to her Majesty to pay off and discharge any Exchequer-bills charged on the aids or supplies of the year 1837 or 1838, now remain ing unpaid or unprovided for ;" and " That a sum not exceed ing 2,000,0001. be granted to her Majesty to discharge the like amount of supplies :granted for the ,service of the year 1 837, or any preceding year. v On the motion of Mr. G. KNIGHT the First Fruits Bill Was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Wed nesday, February 28. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Twelve o'Clock. METROPOLIS IMPROVEMENTS. On the motios of Sir MATTHEW WOOD, a Select Committee was appointed, consisting of the following Meat hers :—Sir Matthew Wood, Mr. Chancellor of the Exche quer, Sir Robert Peel, Lord Viscount Lowther, Mr. Hurries, Admiral Codrington, Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, Mr. Wakley, Colonel Evans, Mr. Clay, Mr. George Palmer, Mr. Pendarves, Mr. Barnard, Mr. Hall. POST-HORSE DUTIES. The Government has ordered the Officers of Excise to make up their accounts of the above duties for the year ending the 31st of January, and to forward them to the Board as early as possible. We hope this is with a view to some beneficial alteration in these inquisitorial and unjuit imposts. IRISH POOR LAW. FOURTH PART. TO THE FRIENDS OF REAL JUSTICE" TO IRELAND. I come now to a part of the proposed Bill which is of the greatest importance, I mean the rating clauses. On the proper construction of these, it depends whether the essential prin ciple I contend for, I mean Landlord responsibility, ba este bli,,hed or destroyed. I admit the imperfection of these clauses as they at present stand in the Bill, but I think an attempt has been made unjustly to raise a popular excitment against the principle of them. I see an important principle recognized, which may be of the greatest value in laying a foundation for other improvements in the relationship of Landlord end Tenant ; namely, that the State assumes the power to value the rent of lands, and to tax the Landlord in proportion to the correspondence of his rents with that value. Is not this a valuable principle ? And yet it has been suggested that this principle should be cast aside, and the taxation put wholly upon rents alone, wit/tout reference to the degree in which the Landlord has been the creator of poverty by his extortions, or the preventer of it by the moderation of his demands. It is impossible that poverty can be kept down by a Poor law, except the taxation be so imposed as to make it the in terest of all classes to promote the common object. If, then, the taxation be imposed in all cases on the Landlord, the Tenants, no matter how valuable their interests may be, (al though in many cases their interests raay exceed in value that of the Landlord's), they will take no concern in the matter ; they may introduce paupers to serve a temporary purpose, they will care not about consequences, knowing the Landlords must pay for the poor; and the Landlords will not care about consequences, because the smaller the income of tits Land lord, even paying an equal per ventage, the greater will be the pressure on his means of life, and therefore his prime object will be to raise the amount of his income by any means. The just principle is, that the Landlord and Tenant should pay according to the value of their respective profitable in terest. If the Landlord absorbs the whole profits he be comes the creator of poverty, and should be responsible for the whole tax ; but if he lets his lands on the principle of live and let live, poverty cannot arise from his fault, and it would be most unjust to make him sclely responsible; he would be forced to become a rack-renter in his own defence. On these grounds I would support the principle of the clause ; but I am not insensible to its defects—it does not fairly work out its own principle—because, by the clause which proportions the Landlord's share, no matter how great his extortion, he can never be chargeable with a greater share of the tax than one half; the occupier must in all cases pay not less than the other half.. . . I would propose to remedy this by the following simple pro position :—that the Poor's Rate should be applotted in the form of a per centage on the computed annual improved value (or estimated under the provisions of the Bill) of every occupier holding, and that every occupier should bo entitled to have a reduction from his rent of a like per centage with that which he paid on the ♦alue. Thus, in all eases where the rent equalled or excedeed the value, the whole tax would be paid by the Landlord ; but were the rent even less than the value, the tax would be paid in just proportions by Landlord and Tenant. It would, in fact, be a property tax, founded on equitable principles. But in addition to this, I think some means should be found of causing money property to pay a just proportion. Middle landlords should be entitled to deduct the per cent age from the head rent under certain limitations, which I shall hereafter notice. The above is the principle which I should desiro to fairly see carried out—but the payment of the landlord's share of the tax by the occupier, in the first instance, appears to me to be highly objectionable. In such cases as the district of Burrishoole (already often referred to), how would it be possible to collect a rate, even intermediately, from such wretched poverty ? And even were it collected, those poor people would not dare to demand the legal reduction from the rent of the landlords—they would be bullied—and no re duction would be allowed to them. Where taxation falls upon the landlord, it should be levied directly on his income, and not through the intervention of the tenant. Every cause of collision between landlord and tenant should be avoided. I would therefore propose that it should be done in the following manner : It will be recollected that my proposition, as before detailed, is, that every Union should be subdivided into districts, cor responding, as far as possible, with the boundaries of estates. I will suppose that valuators are appointed for each district (or estate) in the Union, under the valuation clauses of the Bill. Those valuators should have full powers to inspect leases or receipts, and so to ascertain the amount of the rent paid by each occupier. It should then be the duty of those valuators to prepare a district Register, in which shall be noted the name of each occupier—the name of the landlord receiving rent— whether middleman or head landlord—the annual value of the pre mises—distinguishing the value of land from the value of houses erected thereon (provided they are of a description admitting of a separate valuation)—the amount of rent paid, and the tenure ; and for this purpose a form should be provided in a schedule attached to the Bill. This Register should be left for public inspection at an appointed time and place; and a power of appeal to the General Sessions or Assizes permitted both to landlords and tenants. After this the document should be a legal Register, subject to annual revision, in case of alterations occurring in the arrangements of property. This document being provided, the Poor-rate could be easily applotted on the following principle. I shall suppose the rate to be charged, as respects the occupier, by a per tentage on the annual value, the rent being first deducted ; and, as respects the landlord, on the amount of the rent so deducted, or paid to him out of the premises. In this manner, the rate chargeable on the landlord for each holding being computed, and entered in a separate column, by adding up this column the whole amount payable by the landlords could be ascer tained. Notices should then be served on the landlord or his agent of such amount, who shall be bound to pay the same within a limited time, under a penalty for neglect or omission ; and, in case of continued omission or refusal, power might be given to the proper officers to enter into the receipt of the rents of the estate till this public . debt was discharged with in. terest and costs. BRADING—ISLE OF WIGHT. THE BALLOT.-A public meeting, called by the High Bai liff, was held in the Town-hall on Monday last, to take into Fonsideration the best means of protecting the honest voter In the exercise of bis elective franchise—the tenant from the tyranny of his landlord—the servant from the dictation of his master--the tradesman from the persecution of his gentleman customers—and all from the effects of intimidation and corrup tion. After many excellent speeches it was unanimously re solved that the Ballot was absolutely necessary to protect the T~,r ; for should the tenant, tradesman, or servant of any Y be honest enough to feel that the right of voting was ren by the Reform Bill to him, and was not the property of to Is landlord, customer, or other employer, and be determined L . vote as he conceived best for his country, he must make up ,!& mind to a " notice to quit," or "an order for his bill." ` ll .e petition to the House of Commons is to be entrusted to Lord Worsley. NEWPORT—SUNDAY. The winter is seriously felt by the farmers and gardeners in thl! island. The former depended much on their turnip crops, Which, as they continued growing till January, were very fi ne; but as no snow fell till during that month, to protect !hem from the intense frost, almost the whole of them were frozen, and are now rotten on the land, and great quantities of potatoes are in the same state. The latter have been equally Unfortunate ; their broeoli, cabbages, turnips, potatoes, let t,luees, being all destroyed. During Friday night and Satur day we had a heavy fall of snow, which, thawing in the roads, and a hard frost setting in last night, they are one sheet of ice. A quantity of mutton, hares, partridges, and 17 live pheasants, Were stolen last week, from the mansion of W. Warde, Esq., at Westover ; b u t as M r . Ch ar l e s Allen, of the Rural Police, 'n& traced two men to Cowes, where they had conveyed two lar ge sacks i n a sus pi c i ou s m anner, it is hoped that not only the thieves, but the receivers, will be brought to justice. COWES—ISLE OF WIGHT. t norm. Ye eNT SQUADRON INTELLIGENCE.—rapt. Keene 41 purchas e d th e A ma zon yacht of 75 tons, of W. Dela .l rill, Esq. We hear that within the last few days the Secre tary to the squadron has had more applications from gentle ttleh about to purchase yachts than he before remembers so !ally in the season; we therefore anticipate a very active and n umerous assemblage of . yachts this summer. 12th The first generafmeeting of the members is fixed for the of May. The general result of the foregoing arrangement in each trict would be, that when a rate was imposed on any dis trict, if the rent equalled or exceeded the annual value, the landlord would pay the whole amount of the rate. If under the annual value, the landlord would pay his just proportion ac cordingly; and the occupier would pay his proportion on the excess of the value above the rent. By these means, in conjunction with a regulation of settle ment, such as I have described, a joint interest would be created both in the landlord and tenant to keep down poverty. I think the equity of the principle can admit of no doubt or question with respect to all future contracts to be hereafter made between landlord and tenant; but with respect to existing contracts, I think justice would demand some limitations and modifications. Where leases have been granted many years back, for perpetuities or long terms of years, or for lives renew able for ever, at what, according to present value, may be only a nominal rent, and let (as many are) with the express provi sion that the tenant shall be liable " to all taxes, Parliamer tary or other, imposed, or to be imposed." It may be said those landlords cannot fairly be made responsible for poverty, created by the faults or the sub-letting of the lessees, and in the correction of which the head landlords could not have had, or could not have hereafter, any possible controul. The follow.. ing, therefore, might be a fair proposition, namely, that in all cases where the rent payable to the head landlord did not exceed one half of the improved estimated value of the land (excluding the value of buildings made by the tenant), and held by tenures of the nature alluded to previously granted, the landlord should not, in such cases, be liable to the per centage, and the power of intermediate tenants to charge per centage on their superior landlords should cease under such circumstances. It may be truly considered that the landlords who let for long tenures, subject to low rents, have, in point of fact, been paying a poor-rate while others were exempt ; they paid it in the most useful manner, namely, for the preven tion of poverty. I shall only now refer to one other point in the rating clause of the Bill. I mean that which would impose on the Landlord the pa)ment of the rate, in all cases where the rent did not ex ceed five pounds. This proposition, lam aware, was intended for the relief of small occupiers; but although the intention was good, it must have been suggested in ignorance, and it would produce irremediable evil in the poor man, as well as injustice on the Landlord. It would offer a premium on the instant ex pulsion of all small holders, or on the raising of the rents of small holders, in order to bring them above the five pound con dition. It would harass the poor man, whilst it would be doing injustice to the Landlord who had kept down his rents; but, independently of this, did the framers of this clause remember, that in many cases valuable properties are held in Ireland for terms of years, or perpetuities paying less than five pound an nual rent? And yet this clause makes no exception. But the evils of this clause will be pointed out from other quarters : I need not dwell upon them. I shall now conclude the 'observations with which I have ventured to trespass on the public. I have put forward what appeared to me the prominent objections to the working of the Bill—and I have shown what appeared to me to be the remedies. A THE PARKS ON SUNDAY.—The frost of Fri may and Saturday had glossed over the surface of the ice in !he Park s; b ut f ear f u l was th e d anger to th o se who trusted ce its support. Th e ice around the greater part of the '"Ser pentine was broken, in order to prevent, if possible, a repeti "on of the accidents, fatal, unhappily, in four instances, which Occurred on the first Sunday after the frost. The precaution Was of very little avail, for at an early hour many had found mea ns of getting on the ice, and the example was followed , others who came subsequently. The ice was rotten in t he extreme ; but in defiance of all the cautions which were given by th e men b e l ong i ng to t h e R oya l H umane S oc i e ty, ndreds it may be said thousands, appeared to despise the clanger. That no fatal accident happened is not to be attri buted to their foresight, and very many were immersed in the Water ; but an admirable vigilance on the part of the Then belon g i ng t o th e H umane S oc i ety preven t e d a f a t a l resu lt. Those who fell into the water were immediately taken to the receiving -house, where the most prompt attention was paid to their cases, and upon their recovery they were sent to their homes. The accidents by falls were numerous, and in some cases severe. In St. James's Park the people assembled went f ar beyond the numbers in the nearly adjoining park. Here 416 0 the ice bad been broken round the edges a few days ago, and it was with some difficulty that any one could get °A the ice. About eight or ten broke through the ice, but Were speedily rescued from their perilous situation by the —gn i of the Humane leiety. One poor lad fell down, and decln.plained of great pain in the arm, and upon a gentleman bon e him to take off his acket, it was found that the of had snapped close to the , wrist. A number of accidents minor importance took place. It is worthy of remark t hat hen the fatal accidents happened at the Serpentine , one of b parties rescued has been ascertained by Mr. Pritchard to mob well thief—an experienced member of the swell al 11n7, ,+ en the man Carter was taken to the receiving house si r ti "st dead, his revived is usual, was taken off and put on one Peered When he it was found that his coat had disap ,:and that the party who must have taken it had just D nrescued f rom t h e j aws o f d eat h. S o s t rong is the ruling V: ; 4 , i°ll . A more heartless robbery the annals of the Old i„"Y cannot fu rn ish. His name is stated to be Burrow. He l e , l l kn own to t h e po li ce . o MEMOIRS OF THE BEAUTIES OF THE COURT Aitaauts 11., ivy Mi s s. J AMES O N , New Edition, with a nions. Part I.—" The Lovers of art, as well as those affect the amusing tittle-tattle of Courts and their gay for tn iz T ls, will equally be gratified by this re-issue (in a cheaper p n . , ) of the above elegant and attractive work. There is one ti;.. l "t of view in which we would peculiarly recommend it to pro. at tention of our readers, namely, as offering the most ap ho.friate and a tt rac ti ve ill us t ra ti ons th a t c an b e conc e i ve d o f of p most charming of all works of their class, the Diaries It e jla, Evelyn, &c., and contemporary productions, touch- Ishi e t le manners and state of society at the singular period to n th ese Portraits belong. The Diar i es of Evelyn, Pepys, illt?ltClarendon, i n p ar ti cu l ar , are no t complete without th ese T r i liti ° ll s " Naval and Military Gazette. T he •—• 11, w Tollowing novel foot race came off on the um ark road on Thuisday. Mr. Emmison, of St. Benedict's, we ' i tert oo k L to carry on his back Mr. Pratt, of St. Mark's (who lie" nineteen stone). for fifty yards, whilst Mr. Gambles ran lie ra % r ds• Mr. Emmison won by about six yards. —Boston The f artll •ly of Mr. Morton, of Outwell , having been r :with viol en t pa i ns i n t h e b owe l s and vomiting a ft er din at4, II Wednesday last, it led to an inquiry as to the circum fr,tproduce the effect, which was fouud to arise likely.o tier fr ,,"- cook having taken some snow water to dress the din arilov°l out of a tub in which wheat had been pie.pared with tilth o , ". ° for sowing. The whole family, it is hoped, will recover, gh very Post. I am not insensible to the various objections which have been made of another descripti on , espec i a ll y to t h e d es potic character of its provisions ; but still, if I could see that there were good principles, which w ou ld b e pro d uct i ve o f any rea l benefit to my country — incorporated even with a certain por tion of evil—l would . rather acc e p t o f i t t h an re j ect all h ope o f relief. The despotic character of the Bill might be in some degree remedied by a clanse limiting the duration of the powers of the Commissioners to a certain defined period, when it should cease and determine, unless renewed by Parliament. I dare not venture to illustrate my views by suc h a d e t a il of it evidence or facts as I hare in my pow er t o pro d uce , b ecause it would have rendered publication by the press impracticable; but I could do so—and I could show the practicability of form ing clauses with such provisions as would carry into effect the objects I propose. I think it unnecessary to enlarge further. I have little hope that anything emanating from me can com mand attention in any influential quarter—and without that nothing can be done. At any rate, I f ee l t h e sat i s f act i on o f having discharged a duty, in humbly endeavouring to save my country from the infliction of evil, and to procure for her the attainment of good. I,V. SHARMAN CRAWFORD. Crawfordsburn, Feb. 8, 1838. So high was the wind on 'Wednesday, that flakes of fire were blown from the locomotive engine OR the Birming ham Railway for a distance of 45 yards, which set fire to the stacks on one of the farms belonging to the D u k e o f G ra f ton, between Stoney Stratford and Northampton, burning ricks to the value of 70u/. The arrival of the eregiues peevcritui the fire communicating to the house, in which the farmer was confined by illness,—Derby Mercury. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1838 COMBINATION STRIKES. TO JOSEPH HUME, ESQ., M.P. _ • Brompton-square, Feb. 12, 1838. MY DEAR Sin,—During the last few years a disposition to coerce the working people has been diligently fostered by many men in power ; it is now becoming manifest in many ways, especially so, and foreboding many very mischievous consequences, in the proceedings of which Mr. O'Connell has given notice. On Tuesday he is to move in the House of Commons : _ . . 1. That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the origin, nature, and extent of Trades' Unions, or combine 6:ins of workmen in the United Kingdom. 2. The tendency of such Unions or combinations to affect the free distribution of labour, wages, and employment. And, 3. Also to report such sug gestions for improvement in the existing laws against illegal combinations, or societies, as they may deem requisite. The part numbered 1 is vague and absurd; it has no direct relation to the present state of things. The origin was in the reign of Edward the Third, after the great plague, when ordinances were made, and Acts were passed one upon another, as each more cruel process failed to compel workmen to labour for low wages. The part numbered 2 prejudices the work-people, and is gross injustice. When the laws against combinations of workmen to regulate their wages and hours of working were in existence, there were numerous illegal combinations— secret Committees—and oaths were administered to bind the workmen together. These illegal combinations continued during many consecutive years ; seldom, indeed, could the combinations be broken up, though many were the prosecu tions against individuals, and numerous the cruel and unjust punishments. It was the bad laws which forced the men to commit many mischievous acts, and served them as a bond of strict alliance. Still the law neither prevented strikes nor kept down the wages of labour, excepting in some very few small trades, in which the masters were in a close and conti nuous combination among themselves. The law and the practices under the law were purely mischievous, and trade was much more embarrassed by the proceedings of both masters and men than it has : been since those unjust and dis graceful laws were repealed. You will recollect that the mischievous effects of those laws was fully proved before the Select Committee of the House of Commons, of which you were the Chairman, when of sixty two witnesses, masters and men, who were fully examined, only one wished the laws to remain as they were, one doubted, and the whole of the sixty who remained desired their repeal. The inquiry now to be made is—how the " combinations of workmen affect the free distribution of labour, wages, and employment. This is stigmatising the workmen—taking for granted that their conduct does these things to an extent in jurious to the nation, since if this were not so, no such inquiry could be needed. It is a condemnation of the working peo ple before one word of evidence has been heard. It is a one sided, unjust misrepresentation of the case by inuendo. If justice be intended, as I very much doubt it is, since it seldom happens that in matters of inquiry respecting the working people, any idea of justice is really entertained—the whole mode of education and life, and the associations of men who have never themselves been workmen, prevents such an idea being entertained. The sympathies of such men are wholly on the side of those whose aim is profit; while want of sympa thy for, and prejudice against, those whose aim is wages, is as conspicuous as it is at variance with justice, and their conduct is generally both unjust and oppressive. If justice lie indeed intended, the motion must be worded thus—" 7'o inq u i re i n to the nature and extent of Trades' Unions, Trade Clubs, com- BINATIONS, and STRIKES, as well among empl o y ers as wor k men , 6-c." Justice can be done in no other way. The . motion, as it stands, is one-sided, and can produce nothing but mischief. The part numbered 3is unnecessary. No useful law can be suggested, no law of restraint on the right to meet, to discuss and to decide any matter respecting wages or hours of work ing, can be enforced to any considerable extent ; and if this be attempted, it will force the workmen to adopt secret meetings, secret committees, and secret and mischievous proceedings. There can scarcely be a doubt that every trade club would consent to admit to their meetings a man on the part of the masters, provided the masters would in like manner consent to admit a workman to their meetings. Yet any laws to com pel such an arrangement would be repudiated by both masters and men. Any law which should be made to compel the meetings of the men to be public, and yet permitted those of the masters to be private, would be scandalous in justice, and ill adapted to the present state of society in Great Britain. It would be a law which ought not and would not be obeyed. I see no necessity for the inquiry. I cannot see any adequate good to arise from it ; but if there is to be an inquiry, it should be full and equal. It will thus be found that the work men have been more sinned against than sinning. It will thus be found, that bad examples have all along been set by the masters, who in these respects are muck more to be blamed than the men, inasmuch as they are comparatively a small body, have more means of obtaining correct information, and consequently may be supposed to be better informed than the very numerous body of workmen. Let us look at the real state of the case, in some few, but very important instances. When the masters combine, they who are not working peo ple conclude at once, and without evidence, which they never desire to receive, that the conduct of the masters is just—is commendable ; they give them their sympathy, and applaud their conduct. When the men combine, they conclude equally, without evidence, or the desire to receive any evidence, that their con duct is unjust, and they at once condemn them : they approve of more unjust and stringent laws ; coercion, alone, appears to them the proper remedy. Yet upon a fair and full inquiry it would be found, that the STRIKES of the masters are as productive of evil consequences, as those of the men in the very worst cases. But this is not all. Whenever the masters strike against the men to reduce their wave, and the men refuse to submit to the reduction, the blame is always thrown upon the men. Re duction of wages always tends to deprivation and degradation ; and yet, however rational may be the conduct of the men, in their endeavour to preserve their station, their conduct is al ways treated as a crime by their superiors. Take, for example, the following occurrences. In 1829, the OWNERS of cotton- mills, in Manchester, STRUCK against their work-people for the purpose of reducing their wages ; this was, I believe, in the month of December. lt seems there was an agreement among the MILL-OWNERS to keep the whole of their work-people out of employment:for three months ; and thus were many thousands.of work-people, men, women, girls, and boys, doomed to starvation. This was cruelty on a large scale, much more evil being inflicted, than needed to have been in flicted. Masters must, however, be allowed to stripe against their work-people whenever they may choose to do so ; and it must be left to their humanity, or the want of it, to decide on the course they will take. No man can with justice complain of the conduct of the working people in resisting, by every legal and peaceable means in their power, any strike of the masters to reduce their wages. All that the working people can in such cases do is seeking aid in money, in the hope that they may be able to hold out longer than their employers, and thus prevent a reduction of their wages. Thls in the case referred to they attempted, and in this they signally failed. Now mark what followed. To say nothing of the best men among the work men being for ever excluded from employment, in consequence of their not having at once and unconditionally submitted to be starved for three months, if it should please their employers so long to continue the strike; it was most shamefully im puted to the whole body of workmen, that they, not the mas ters, had made a "heedless, reckless strike"—had put many thousands of people out of employment, and plunged them into , misery indescribable. For this, which they had not done, they ' were with scandalous injustice condemned in the most solemn manner, and held out to the execration of the public. They were reported on as miscreants by King's Commissioners; the scandalous report was signed by their hands, was presented to both Houses of Parliament, and printed separately by each House. The men were, in like manner, and in more severe language, reprobated in the Companion to the Newspaper, pub lished by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, and distributed all over the world. It was, with equal un truth and injustice, treated in the same way by another King's Commissioner, in a pamphlet written by him. Greater injus tice could not be perpetrated, nor could more lasting mischief be done to the working people. But this was not a solitary instance, for next came the STRIKE of the cotton MILL-OWNERS of Ashton and Staley Bridge. Here, on one and the same day, 52 mills were closed, and all the workpeople deprived of employment. The STRIKE was to reduce their wages. Here again the workpeople were not willing to have their wages reduced, and they made the best stand they w ere able. 60,000 people, it was said, were cast into horrid misery. This was true ; it was a cruel proceeding, since it does not appear that any proper means were used less inhumane than thus turning out so large a body of people to starve in, as I believe, the cold month of November. Now, then, again, mark the re sult. It was precisely the same as that in respect to Mary cheater. It was in like manner imputed to the men, reported upon by the King's Commissioner in the same language — it was in :the same way presented, printed, and distributed. The same false account was given of it in the publication of the Diffusion Society, :and by the King's Commissioner in his disreputable pamphlet. In the long-protracted STRIKE of the Masran Carpet ma nufacturers at Kidderminster, which injured the trade of the town, and went near to drive the manufacture to other places, the men were again misrepresented and condemned, in the same words, and by the same parties, and by the same means as has been very briefly noticed respecting Manchester and Ashton. It will be difficult to show that the conduct of the , men has at all been so injurious to trade, so inhuman towards their own class, so calculated to produce hatred in society, as these, and such as these, proceedings of the masters, and those who have so shamefully belied the men. I now put it seriously to you to decide seriously, whether or not the motion should be so worded as to include the conduct of the masters as well as of the men, and that the inquiry should be full, fair, and honest. You know that previous to the inquiry before the Select Committee of the House of Commons on the Combination Laws, in 1824, of which you were the Chairman, an opinion generally prevailed, as well among masters as men, that the laws against combinations of workmen kept down wages, and that the inquiry eonvinced all the witnesses that this was an erroneous opinion, and that they produced nothing but mis chief; but the mass of the working people were not thus sa tisfied—they still believed that the Combination Laws kept down wages, and that now, when they were repealed, wages ought to rise • and this led to th e great str ik e o f t h e work men at Bradford, to support which, for the first time, subscrip tions were raised in all parts of the kingdom. The men failed in their attempt, and their exertions spread the truth very ge nerally, that the old laws did not keep down wages, and that the wages of labour in manufact ures cou ld no t be much in fluenced by Acts of- Parliament. This, then, was a great good, though iL was dearly purchased. It was the first, and last strike produced by the misconception of the law. Much blame should not be cast upon the men for this strike : since they committed no greater error than is frequently commiled by one or both Houses of Parliament, from a similar want of knowledge in: some particular. All that can be fairly said of the workmen of Bradford is, that they did not understand the principles of political economy any better than our legis lators, who, as a body, have frequently shown their ignorance of this science. Then came the greatest of all absurdities committed by the 'WORKING MEN, in the formation of what they called TRADES UNIONS, as distinguished from TRADE CLUBS. A TRADE CLUB is an association of workmen in their own trade, which is always of much importance to them, generally highly useful to both master and men, though they have been, and sometimes are still, ill conducted occasionally. A TRADES UNION is a confederation of several or many trades, is a mischievous nuisance, and never can be anything else. These Unions seemed, in the eyes of the working people, to be combinations of great strength and commanding power, when in fact they were week, silly, and childish in the ex treme, and did nothing but mischief, more especially to the working people who joined them. Trial of their supposed efficacy—proof of their inefficiency—were necessary to the working people, and it was therefore quite proper to let them run their short career unmolested. Even in those absurdities the blame does not rest with the working people ; they were encouraged in their proceedings by men of wealth and in , fiuence, who ought to have known better. The men made the experiment, they failed wholly, and were punished by the exercise of their folly. Many years must pass away before another attempt of the same kind can be made ; but it is more than probable that such another attempt will never be made. There was, however, another attempt, which for folly and absurdity greatly exceeded that of TRADES' UNIONS. This was nut, however, the act of the workmee. They were joined in this, aid urged on in it, by gentlemen, mill-owners, and trades men. Two large Committees were formed—one of gentle men, &c., the other of working men. Correspondence was carried on with many parts of the kingdom, and some deputa tions were sent forth by the working men. The purpose was to induce all the labourers in the kingdom to strike on the same day, the then ensuing month of March, to reduce the hours of working to eight in each day, and yet to demand the usual payment for twelve hours' labour. Eight hours a day are certainly as many as any man should labour at any occu pation of ordinary labour for wages ; but the belief that such a proposition could, in the circumstances of this country, be at once adopted, seems almost incredible. This piece of strange absurdity produced a great sensation in the country—not, however, among the working people ge nerally, for they wholly disregarded it, but among their bet ters—even his Majesty's Ministers became alarmed as the dreadful Ist of March approached. To those, indeed, who understood the real condition of the working people, it was clear that the scheme must come to nothing; and so it did. The Ist of March passed away as quietly as any other day in the year, no attempt being made to reduce the hours of work ing by any body of men. Here again is an apology for the working people. It was impossible for those who attended the meetings, and were associated with the gentlemen, not generally to believe that they were ground down to the earth by their employers, when such men as were now taking the lead among them, and pointed out th e means o f re d r ess, and, above all, argued to show that the consequence of labour being restricted to eight hours a day, and the consequent increased price of commodities was increase of both profits and wages. Lastly, then of Dade Clubs, as distinguished from Trade Unions. Clubs of working men, in their respective trades, very generally deserve an encouragement ; and, but for the bad spirit which but too often prevails, quite as much on the part of the masters as of the men, they would be equally use ful to both, and highly beneficial to the nation. During the eight years that I was a poor journeyman, I formed several Trade Clubs, and, as secretary, conducted them. During the eighteen years that I was a master I constantly encouraged them ; and during the nineteen years that I have been wholly out of business, I have given a considerable portion of my time to them, and to the other concerns of the working people. For nearly half a century I have been a close ob server of such matters, and can show very plainly, that there is no class rt of peopl e w h o , d ur i ng t h e same per i o d, h ave im provedmore than th e s kill e d l a b ourers o f G reat B r it a i n . I n of the wor ld ever was t h ere , i n no part o f t h e wor ld i s o part a there, a body of men of their class who can be advantageously compared with them. Great, indeed, has been their improve ment—mentally, physically, morally, ingeniously, indus triously, in manual dexterity, neatness and solidity of work manship. It needs no more to prove all this, and much more, that a well-conditioned middle-aged man should look at them, examine the construction and finish of the furniture and com modities they construct or make—should read what they write—should hear what they say—and then, notwithstanding some erroneous notions they still entertain, to be satisfied that great progress in all that is commendable has been made by them. And if it be asked, how has this been brought about, seeing that they have had but little extraneous help ? the true answer will be—certainly not only by their Trade Clubs, but mainly so. By means of these clubs ttey have, as regards wages, put themselves on a level with their employers, and prevented those wages being reduced to the starvation point, as they would otherwise long since have been. It is thus that the skilled workmen have maintained their own self-re spect, and preserved their feelings of independence. It is these clubs which have made them moral, industrious, inge nious, and, to a considerable extent, the well-informed body of men they are, and has put them on the path to more and more knowledge, making them Letter sons, husbands, fathers, than they could otherwise have been. Were it possible—as happily it is not—that partici and unjust laws could put an end to Trade Clubs, this admirable body of men would retrograde faster than they have advanced; their industry would diminish, their self-respect would be lost, their admirable tract would no longer exist, and they would become a class of people not merey disreputable as a body, but a disgrace to their country—a source of apprehension and mischief to those who had thus unjustly treated them. There needs no such new law as Mr. O'Connell's motion implies—none can be devised for the purposes he indicates which would not be a national evil. There are laws enough, and barbarous and cruel punishments more than enough, for every good purpose of go vernmen t , and it is time that ama teur dabblers in law-making should be effectually discouraged. But it will, I know, be said, no one contemplates any such law as you seem to apprehend. This is always said when evil is intended. If this really be so, then there will be no need for any interference, either by Committee, or in any other way, and Mr. O' Connell ' s project will be quietly put an end to by his letti n g his notic e drop. I not there are half a centur y behind the same class in London, and they must, as w as the case h ere , commit many errors be fore they can arrive at the same condition as our skilled work men have attained. am fully l Dublin acquainted with th e rea l mer i ts o f t h e lateublin ; but this I d o k now , t h at t h e wor k men proceedings Your's truly, FRANCIS PLACE. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The appointment of Mr. Shell to the office of Commissioner of Greenwich Hospital, in the place of the late Mr. Creevey, has been censured by the Standard. Before proceeding to notice the remarks of our Contemporary on Mr. Sheil's ap pointment, we have to observe that there are two departments department. The Com missioners belong to the civil department. The other Corn- Sir Henry Parnell, Lord Duncannon, Ed ward are i s o verpaid ; or the system of the establishment und George Tierney, Esq. appointment may be objected to because it is unnecessary, , iwnarthdeiHiaons,pkietalL, a oc m k i e l r it , ary E r: ci n i d , a civil An it forms a part may be objected'to. We have never Hospital ought to be reduced as n h l c ri T;:riesany , declaration that a Commissioner issi the complaints of the have we ever heard from any of them to the nor ha sho o ilf r ei iawp b r e dioi c if a fcrh u Go s mir e te et W , now objections answe r the institution is naval, TIC iiistita l iZ Standard : —lst. . a naval one ; what ex. bu e . r . i the office is not in the naval but civil department of it. If Standard wishes a reform of the institution—to have all the offices filled exclusively by sal ors —that is another affair. The Administration merely continues the institution on the present amount of salary.. footing on which it has always been continued. 2dly. " Mr. Shell is a barrister by profession, representative of an Irish p 'erica has Mr. Shed?" We inland county, and there is no reason to suppose that he ever saw th e sea , except in crossing St. George's Channel. He is not even an English lawyer, should legal knowledge bo deemed a recommendation ; nor even a very eminent Irish lawyer, could a knowledge of Irish law aid him in the management of the Hospital estates, which certainly it could not. He has never had an opportunity of mani festing his administrative talents, in any department of busi ness." We are not aware that a knowledge of English law or Irish law is an indispensable qualification for the ap pointment ; and we will thank the Standard to name the Com missioners in times past who have been named for their legal qualifications. But it so happens that Mr. Shell might have justly claimed high professional honours in Ireland, and it would be strange if an eminent Irish lawyer should be found without sufficient legal knowledge for a Commissionership of Greenwich Hospital. If an 'lrish lawyer; be no English lawyer, an English lawyer must be no Irish lawyer ; and in that case Sir Edward Sugden's appointment in Ire land was a gross abuse. Mr. Sheil is perhaps the most elo quent speaker in our day, but he is not a mere speaker. There are in the House of Commons men who can speak fluenly on the ordinary questions, that occupy the House, in whose speeches, however, there are few or no indications of a cultivated mind. Mr. Shell is rich in illustrations derived from the most varied sources, and full of allusions proving his familiarity with the whole field of literature. There are those who wonder that Mr. Sheil, with claims to any situation, should have taken an office so poorly requited as a Commissionership of Greenwich Hospital; but the individual must be fastidious indeed who pronounces Mr. Sheil unfit for the office. But Mr. Sheil found fault with the appointment of Lord Londonderry to the embassy to St. Petersburg. Who supposes his Lordship qualified for that or any other embassy? Not, surely, the Duke of Wellington, who proved, by the lec tures he has since been obliged to read to the Noble Marquis in the House of Lords for his absurd speeches, that he shares the general opinion with regard to that nobleman. This was one of the worst attempts of the Tories during their interreg num, and they can hardly feel very grateful for the inoppor tune reference of the Standard to the service rendered to the country by Air. Shed, when his sarcasm fright ened Lord Londonderry into an abandonment of the appointment. The great objection to Mr. Shell, we suspect, is that he is a Reformer. And we, on the other hand, con sider Lard Melbourne's Administration entitled to praise pre cisely because they have appointed a Reformer. If offices are to be retained, they ought to be filled by supporters of Minis ters, and not by their opponents. The Whigs are open to much censure for persisting too long in giving a preference to Itheir opponents over their friends. Ibis absurd liberality only exposed them to the sneers of those whom they so favoured, while it produced discontent in their friends. On the prinei ple that entitles a Ministry to the support of the country, they are bound to distribute their patronage among their political adherents. To favour opponents, so far from disarming oppo sition, only affords it encouragement. When we see Ministers proceeding in the true course of giving what they have to be stow to those who afford them support, we are bound to applaud them. If a public man believes his own principles the best fitted, if acted on, to promote the wel fare of the country, it is his duty to secure, wherever he can, the services of men sharing those principles. Common sense must tell a Minister that he betrays the interests of the Crown when he bestows its patronage on those who oppose the servants of the Crown. The Standard has made the dis covery that appointments to office of Reformers - indicate the breaking up of a Reform Ministry. It seems the London Correspondent of the Scotsman has communicated to that paper what its editor has since pronounced " startling and fal lacious statements," which were published without careful examination. The Scotsman accounts for the criticisms of its correspondent on the acts and policy of Ministers from his belonging more to the section of Radicals than the editor, and being influenced by his position as a member of that party We dissent in foto," says the Scotsman," from his assertion that Ministers have sunk in public estimation. We lamented Lord John Russell's uncalled and most impolitic declaration at the opening of Par liament in November; but a faultless ➢linistry, like a faultless man, is a monster the world never saw. And we should think more meanly than we do of the British public if the unexampled and glorious services of the Reform Ministry in the last seven years could not cover a much more serious error than this. Where are the symptoms of Ministers neclining in public favour ? We discern none. We see, indeed, a furious outcry raised against them for one of their most en lightened acts, the new Poor law. We see the vengeance of the three Established Churches enlisted against them, because they are the friends of religious liberty. «e see, also, itinerant demagogues, some of whom are probably in the pay of the Tories, trying to inflame the ignorant against them, by preaching Universal Suffrage, and pleading for the right of Trades' Unions to plunder capitalists. One object of these missionaries of evil undoubtedly is, to alarm men of pro psrty, and induce them to seek refuge in the ranks of Toryism; and in this object they are probably succeeding to some extent. We admit that owing to these causes there is what some may be pleased to call a reaction to the prejudice of the Government ; nor shaliw e waste time in disputting about the mooning of a word. But we believe that the bitter hostility of the parties we have described has raised Ministers in the estimation of the most enlightened and most influential part of:the Liberal public; and whatever be the consequence, sure we are we shall never see the day when, for the purpose of keeping up popular excitement, according to the :counsels of some, or gaining the support of the Oastlers, Stephenses, and Trades' Unionists, they will cater to the appetite; of the ignorant or evil-disposed, by bringing forward measures which are either useless or dangerous." But the Standard seized with avidity the passage in the letter in the Scotsman, as proof positive that the Tories had only to say the word, and office was theirs. Day after day has it cited the Scotsman with exultation ; and now the ap pointment of Mr. Sheil places the matter beyond dispute. May Ministers continue to supply proof to the Standard of their breaking up, by appointing always good Reformers to offices falling vacant for which they are qualified !—Morning Chronicle. There aro said to be four candidates for the office of Clerk o the Ordnance, vacant by the appointment of Sir L. Hay to the Governorship of Bermuda. The aspirants are—Colonel Evans, Mr. Ward, Mr. E. Bulwer, and Mr. Bannerman Colonel Evans would, it is thought, have had the preference' but the Ministers dread an election for Westminster. The, rival pretensions of Messrs. Ward and Bulwer have been urged with so much earnestness and pertinacity, that Ministers shrink from any decision between two such doughty personages ; as a middle course, therefore, they have, it is stated, given the place to Mr. Bannerman. If, however, Lord Glenelg should be ejected by Sir W. Molesworth's motion, Mr. Ward and Mr. Bulwer may, perhaps, venture to contend for the prize of the Colonial Office. Modesty, we apprehend, will not hold them back.— Times. Thursday next is the day appointed for once more submit ting to the decision of the House of Commons the important question of taking the votes of Parliamentary electors by way of ballot. The necessity of a strong muster of those favour able to the proposition cannot be too forcibly impressed on the mind of every Member of the House of Commons desirous of proving himself a genuine friend of the representative prin ciple. Important as have been the measures upon which the House has already decided, amongst which we may adduce the Canadian and Irish Poor-law Bills, as affect ing the preservation of the empire in a state of unity and integrity ; yet even these, though more immediate in their consequences, will exercise less influence on the ultimate des tiny of Great Britain than must the measure to which we now solicit the must earnest solicitude of the popular branch of the British Senate. Other laws are, for the most part, limited in their operation to the subjects to which they more directly refer ; but the adoption or rejection of the Ballot, as exercising a most extensive influence in the constitution of the Legislature, must operate most powerfully, either for good or ill, on all the measures which may be sub jected to the consideration of Parliament. There can be no question that, in the present relations of society, if it be de sirable to obtain the free voice of the constituent body in the election of representatives, there exist no means of effecting that object, unless through the medium of secret voting. The arguments hitherto alleged against the Ballot are so obviously contradictory, untenable, or absurd, that it is needless to reiterate their refutation—such fallacies and sophistries can no longer impose on the British public, who see clearly enough through the shallow subterfuges with which the oppo nents of the Ballot would delude them. It will no longer avail to lament over the extent of bribery and corruption at elections, and express an opinion half in the spirit of promise to one party and of threat to another, that should such evil practices continue, the Ballot or some similar re medy must be adopted. The party who could give utterance to an opinion like this, however he may en deavour to adduce objections to the Ballot, must feel an in ward conviction of its efficacy-. The expression is an ad mission of the whole question, otherwise it would be folly to talk of putting an end to 'bribery and corruption by the intro duction of the Ballot, if it were at the same time asserted that the Ballot would prove utterly inefficient to such objects. Yet this is a folly which has been perpetrated by more than one of the not least influential Members of the House of Commons. It is high time that such miserable pretences should be aban doned. The public expects from the Liberal side of the House, at least, some more substantial arguments against the Ballot than the flimsy sophistries by which it has hitherto Leen attempted to conceal the real motive of opposition —hostility to a full and fair representation of the people. As friends and supporters of the present Ministry, we feel it an incumbent duty to warn them of the danger of continuing their opposition to this most necessary measure. Had it been adopted in the last Session, or had the Government merely shown an inclination to adopt it, far diffe rent would have been the result of the recent elections, nor would it be necessary to conciliate the Opposition benches by curtailing liberal policy of its fair proportions. If any doubt, however, be really entertained of the efficacy of the Ballot, a fair opportunity presents itself of subjecting it to the test of experience, by adopting the proposition of Sir Harry Verney, who has given notice of an amendment on Mr. Grote's motion, to the effect " That it is expedient to make trial of Vote by Ballot in the election of Members of this House ; and for that purpose, in case bribery or intimida tion, or both of them, are proved on any election pe tition now pending, and a new election is ordered, such new election shall be made with vote by Ballot." Ilere is a safe and satisfactory mode of at once testing tho re lative merits of the secret and open system of voting. Where the open system has failed, it certainly cannot be any harm to make trial of the secret. The experiment, at least, is due to all parties; and should any opponent of the Ballot object to the trial, it will leave no doubt of his little credence in the force of the arguments hitherto urged against that measure. The experiment would soon prove on which side lay the error; and surely, where undue returns have been declared by a Com mittee of the House of Commons to have been made under the system of open voting, in such cases at least, and for the sake of appearances even, it is but fair to make trial of the Ballot. Morning Advertiser. A great many people have been asking for the last ten days why the Whig-Radical Administration was not turned out upon the question of the Canada Government Bill ? Our weekly Contemporary, the Spectator, which often notices things that other papers think it as well not to notice, and maintains a charming impartiality of detestation towards both Whigs and Tories, gives the following passages upon the forbearance of the Opposition : " It is rumoured that many of the Tories think their party corn. mitted a blunder in allowing the Canada Bill to pass. They will not soon have such another opportunity of defeating Ministers on Liberal ground. To the discovery of this mistake is attributed the manifesta. tion on Thursday night in the House cf Lords. But the Duke had pledged himself to the Bill as well as Sir Robert; so It was too late to take up a different position. " Indeed it would not accord with the long.sighted policy of the re. sponsible leaders of the party to turn out the Whigs, juct yet. By his present course, Sir Robert Peel is damaging his opponents, and strengthening his own party, systematically and surely; thereby laying the foundation for a longer term of office when the time comes for taking it. The more (sager Tories, and the small fry of office-hunters, are impatient; but they are curbed by their cautious and calculat ing chiefs." Our Contemporary is always clever ; but here rather too much so, if his object he the diffusion o truth regarding po litical affairs. No man of good information entertains se. riously the belief that the present opposition is an opposition for the sake of place. There may be a good many among the Tories who think (and that not upon merely selfish grounds) that it ought to be a more place-seeking Opposition than it is. There may be many who consider that immense practical mischief is occasioned by leaving the Executive Government in such hands as now abuse it, and that the controlling influence of Conservatism in the Legislature is not enough. Bu t i t is certain that the great bulk of the Opposition are exceedingly indifferent as to whether their party be in place or not, and the object of their Parliamentary conduct (unlike that of all Whig Opposition) is rather to assert their own principles than to drive their adversaries from the Government. To treat, therefore, of the tactics of the Tory party, as if their desires had no other aim, end their efforts no other object than either the proximate or ultimate dislodgement of the present placeholders, is to proceed upon a totally erroneous basis of fact. Thee is no point upon which it is more difficult for an honest Toi-y to come to a dis tinct judgment than this very one, of the good policy of driving the Whigs from Downing-street at the present time. The Revolution of IST?. was so fearful in its aspect, and the reco very of the British people from its extraordinary concussion has been so much more than even the most sanguine among the lovers of political order could have expected, that Tory leaders may he well excused if they feel themselves but too h a ppy in the legislative influence they now possess, and not unwilling to act upon the sage proverb which recommends that well should be left alone. Of course they are not to abate a jot of that influence in maintaining the true Conserva tive principles, against every measure of real tyranny or snu.-ious liberalism which an unprincipled and incompetent f Government may submit to Parliament; but if they find that I they may do this, and that the Ministry—willing to yield any thing and every thing but place—gives way to their suggestions, it is not surprising that they should be content with this victory, and be in anything but an envious mood towards the occupants of Downing -street. But if it had been the cue of Conservatives to to 11 out the Ministers ups the Canada Bill, does not our shrew i Con temporary see the nature of the difficulty? How are you to defeat people who will not contend with you ? Ccrta rile, if the Ministerial party had not been fully as des:itute of the spirit of pugnacity as Bob Acres in the play, there was abundant provocation given for a decisive conflict upon the Canada Bill. As well might the Greeks have blamed Menelaus for not spearing Paris upon the field of Troy, as the Tories blame their leaders for not defeating the Mi nisters upon the Canada Bill. The Ministers gave up the battle, and abandoned the field. There is no ima ginable proposition of the Tories upon that Bill that the Whig Ministers (looking at the host that sat op posite to them) would not have deemed it expedient to agree to. "As far as regards the matter of form," said Lord John to Sir Robert Peel, "we should be willing to accede; but if you come to the substance of the thing—" " But Ido come to the substance of the 'thing," replied Sir Robert; "the Bill must be altered both in form and in substance." " Well, well, have it your own way, inexo rable man I" quoth Lord John; and so it vas. What more were the Tories to do in the way of opposition ? If the Tories were mere place-hunters, like the Opposition in 1835, they might indeed, like that Opposition, have thrown their princi ples to the winds, and, by joining with the Crown and Anchor gentlemen, carried a vote to which even the Whig-Radical Ministers could not accede. But if the Tories are not to ob tain place until they do something of this kind, they will never obtain it. They leave such successes to be achieved by the Russells, the Rices, and the Palmerstons. To return to the Spectator's paragraph. The Tories (whatever may be ru moured) do not think that a blunder was committed in permit ting the Canada Bill to pass, though many of them do think that the Bill, even as it stands, taken in connection with the whole policy of the Whigs, is one of the disgraceful acts of the Whig Government for which, among the rest, it will be execrated in time to come. But every Government must, to a certain extent, he left to manage its affairs in its own way. As to the distinction attempted to be established between what is called the " long-sighted" policy of the Tory leaders and the impatience of the " more eager" Tories, we consider it to be founded upon the mistaken supposition that either the less eager or the more have for their principsl ob ject the getting office. With them office is merely contem plated as a means of practically enforcing sound principles of government ; and while they compel the Whigs to pay proper respect to Conservative principles, they have none of that hunger for office which is the offspring of combined vanity and necessity. These two things are the grand influencing prin ciples of Whig- Radicals.—Morning Post. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL' B—YESTERDAY. THE RIHDLESWORTH. 50 even bettod on the Cobweb colt 3 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's filly, by Friam—take 5 to I A poney even laid between this filly and the Surprise colt. TILE' DERBY. The three favourites severally moved up a point, retaining the same relative positions they occupied on Thursday last, but withcnt being so much in request; a small bet at 10 to 1 about the grey, and 900 to 100 agst Nonplus was all that we saw done. D'Egville and lon were backed at small sums at the odds quoted below. The Early Bird opened at 20 to 1, which was snapt up so eagerly that he rose at once three points ; a late arrival, however, and a toler ably strong commission, again threw him back, and he left off at the opening price. Mono Adam was backed for 100 at 30, and for the same amount at 28 to I. Some outsiders werk also backed, but the business on the whole was moderate in eatent and import ance. Closing prices:- 9 to 1 agst Mr. Armitage's Nonplus colt—taken and after wards offered 19 to 2 agst Lord Jersey's Cobweb colt—take 10 to I 21 to 2 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Grey Momus—taken 12 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's D'Egville—taken and aftcr. wards offered 15 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's lon—taken and afterwards offered 16 to 1 agst Mr. Bland's Young Rowton—offered: 22 to 1 agst Mr. E. Peel's The Early Bird—taken 28 to 1 agst Mr. Richardson's Monc Adam—taken 30 to 1 agst Sir J. Mills's Volunteer—take 33 to 1 33 to 1 agst Mr. Watt's Dash—offered 30 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's Richard Roe—taken and after wards offered 50 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Tranby's dam colt—taken 2000 to 20 agst Mr. Bowes's Brother to Aleppo—taken 1000 to 10 agst Sir G. lleathcote's Amato—taken 3000 to 30 agst Mr. J. Day's brother to 111nley Moloch—taken 1000 to 70 agst Mr. Johnson's brother to Jupiter—taken LATEST BETTING AT MANCHESTER. CHESTER TRADE CUP. 15 to 2 agst Mr. Mostyn's Birdlime—taken 9 to 1 agst General Yates's Sylvan—taken 10 to 1 agst Mr. Robinson's Whaley—taken 10 to 1 agst Mr. Fowler's Mersey—taken 11 to 1 agst Mr. Price's Wentworth—offered 12 to 1 agst Mr. Fairlie's Zohrab—offered 14 to 1 agst Mr. Clarke's Magician 15 to 1 agst Mr. Houldsworth's Combat 16 to 1 agst Mr. BoxNes's Lord Stafford—taken 100 to 6 agst Captain Lamb's Chit Chat—taken 20 to 1 agst Lord Derby's Parelles 20 to 1 agst Mr. T. Walters's King Cole—taken 25 to 1 agst Lord Miltown's Fasileer 25 to 1 agst Mr. Barrow's Catherina 100 to 3 agst Mr. Allan's Vesper—taken 100 to 3 agst Sir T. Stanley's Violet—taken TURF APPOINT. MARCH. Coventry Hippodrome Warwick Spring Epsom Spring ... 2B, Pytcliley Hunt ... Catterick Bridge -I Bedford APRIL. Bibury Spring (old c.) lO Croaton Park Mallon Newmarket Abei•gavenny lB Hippodrome Durham Bath Spring 25 Newmarket Eglinton Park MAY. Bristol and Clifton Royston Chester 7 Hippodrome Newmarket. Liverpool Craven York .. Hippodrome Epsom Manchester St. Alban's JUNE. Reigate Ascot Beverley Newcastle Hippodrome Nevaon Bath Bibury Stockbridge 12 26 . 26 27 VENTS FOR 1838. LY. Cheltenham Newmarket Mansfield Liverpool Stamford Lancaster Southampton . Knutsford Goodwood Edinburgh 10 AUGUST. 18 24 25 25 Worcester Pottery Wolverhampton York Burton Devon and Exeter Brighton Oxford Plymouth, &C. Lewes Northampton ...... 22 23 sErTEMBER. Warwick Lichfield ...... Abingdon Leicester Doncaster Walsall Heaton Park Lincoln OCTOBER. Newmarket Wrexham Richmond Monmouth Newmarket Holywell Hunt Newmarket 26 15 The Metropolitan Steeple Chase is again 'postponed, in conse quence of the frost. BATH STEEPLE CHASES, FEB. 28, AND Menem 3. FEB. 28.—A Sweepstakes of 15 sovs. tach, 10 ft., for hunters be longing to persons resident within five miles of Bath, on Decem ber 1, 1837. Tie second horse to receive the Purse added, and the winner to pay the expense of flags, &c. Four miles across the country ; weight l2st. Captain Rhys na. b. g. Trefoil; Mr. Davis na. g. g. Paddy ; Mr. E. Jenkins's g. g. Melbourne, ; Mr. Shew na. b. g. Hannibal, aged ; Captain Tooker na. b. g.Walker, aged; Captain Grose's b. g. Little-go, aged; Captain V. Jenkins's b. h. Jesuit, by Bravo, 6 yrs ; Mr. J. Haddy's b. g. The Doctor, aged ; Mr. J. Newcombe's b. g. Cannon Ball, aged ; Mr. W. Haddey's g. g. Billy.the-Beau, by Billy-the-Beau, aged; Mr. W. Goldstone's ch. g. Bobadil, aged ; Mr. W. Goldstone's b. g. Billy the Rover, aged; Mr. Munro na. b. g. Paganini, aged ; Captain Disney na. eh. m. Inez, by Waxy Pope, out of White Stockings, aged; and Mr. Barrow's Maid of the Mill, aged. MAstcu 3.—A Sweepstakes of 15 cons. each, 10 ft., with 50 added by the City of Bath and the vicinity, for horses of all ages, 12st. each. Gentlemen riders. Four miles across the country. To close and name at the Castle and Ball Inn, Bath, on or before the 19th of February. Horses entered for the Bath Stakes at. lowed to enter for the second the night previous to the race. W. B. Goldstone, Esq. ; E. Jenkins, Esq. ; Captain W. V. Jenkins, Captain G. Disney. I. H. Munro, Esq. ; R. G. Massey, Esq. ; Mr. I. Sadler, Captain C. Rhys, R. Margerum, Esq. ; H. W. Tooker, Esq. ; Mr. W. Haddy, R. 8., Esq. HUNTING APPOIN7'3IENTS. The C. H. Hounds en Friday, at North Barrow. Mr. Horlook's Hounds on Saturday at Compton Bassett—hf-p.lO. Major-General Wyndham's Hounds on Wednesday at Bradford Bridge ; Friday, at lfold ; Saturday, at Balls' Cross—half-past 10. Mr. Drake's Hounds on Thursday at Edgcot Village; Saturday, at Warden Kennel. Sir I'. Stanley's Hounds on Saturday at Hawarden-10. Mr. Leche'■ Hounds on Wednesday at Worthenbury Village ; Friday, at Penley Hall—half-past 10. Errington's Hounds on Thusday at Rolleston ; Friday, at ttarkby Hall. The Atherstone Hounds on Wednesday at Canwell Gate; Thurs day, at Gepsall ; Saturday, at Ticknall—quarter to 11. Mr. Villebois's Stag Hounds on Thursday at Gayton-11. Mr. Sandiford's Hounds on Friday at Dunton Patch-11. The Rufford Hounds on Thursday at Ossington ; Saturday, at Carburton Bar—half-past 10. The Essex and Suffolk Hounds on Friday at Wriston—lif-p. 10. The Cambridgeshire HoUnds on Friday at Haley Wood—hf-p.lO. The Oakley Hounds on Wednesday at Artwood ; Thursday, at Melckbourne Wood ; Saturday, at Battlesden-11. The Norfolk Hounds on Wednesday at Yarrow ; Friday, at Lan gor Bridge—half-past 10. Sir J. Flower's Hounds on Wednesday at Hill Ilarling ; Friday, at Larlingford-11. NEW WORKS OF FICTION. —We are requested to state that the following new Novel; and Romances are just published by Mr. Colburn, and may be had at all the libraries:-1. Royston Gou.cr, or the Days of King John, by Thomas Miller.-2. Raff Hall, by Robert Sulivan, Esq.-- 3. Love, a Novel, by Lady Charlotte Bury. -4. Jane Lomax, or a Mother's Crime, by the Author of " Brambletye House."-5. Mary Raymond, by Mrs. Gore.-6. Ethel Churchill, or the Two Brides, by Miss Land on .-7. Pascal Bruno, a Sicilian Romance, Edited by Theodore Hook, Esq. —B. Uncle Horace, by Mrs. S. C. Hall ; and, 9. Stories of Spanish Life, Edited by Lieut.-Col. Craufurd.