The Sun. — London, England, 1838-12-31 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, DECEMBER 31, P7lB. thought it right to Pay that the prisoner's consent ought to de pend upon whether the Magistrates would let him out on bail till Tuesday. Mr. Stephens was not to suffer for the inaccu racy of other parties. He had a wife and family, and a re quest from his wife to be admitted to see him had been refused. Ho (Mr. Law) therefore advised Mr. Stephens not to be a consenting party to any adjournment, unless upon the terms of being allowed to give bail. Mr. Duck said that Mr. Stephens could not expect any other course than that he would be remanded ; and if the Ma gistrates were disposed to liberate him on bail, forty-eight hours' notice of the bail would be required. Mr. Law said that the Magistrates might make a reasonable order of adjournment for any length of timo to make inquiry ; but if the bail were unexceptionable, they ought not in this e?se to require one minute's notice, as the reason of notice being required was in order that the delinquent might not escape. He denied that forty-eight hours' notice was re quired; he had never heard it required in that Court, the usual period being twenty-four hours. He had two gentlemen in Court, real) , to becotne sureties, and as one of them was from Ashton, he was glad Mr. Owen was present to speak to his sufficiency. Mr. Kenworthy said the Bench would require two sureties 2501. each, and the prisoner's own recognisance in 5001., to appear on Tuesday next, with twenty-four hours' notice. The bail was then stated to be Mr. Abel Williamson, of Charlestown, Ashton , and Mr. William Willis, bookseller, of Manchester. Mr. Law said that twenty-four hours' notice would have the effect of forty. eight Ileum ; for it could rot be given while the Court was sittinz the following day (Saturday), and it would, therefore, amount to keeping Mr. S:ephens in prison till Monday. He (Mr. Law) should, therefore, advise hint to decline giving bail, unless it were taken that evening or the next morning. The sureties proposed %Ter' sworn and justified; and Mr. William Owen, deputy constable of Ashton, said he knew Mr. Williamton, and there could be objection to him : ho was worth 3,0001. or 4,0001. Mr. Willis said he wes worth 2501. after payment of all his debts; and Mr. Williamson said he was worth four times as much when tll his debts were paid. Mr. Kenworthy's clerk (Mr. Smith) said he was not at all satisfied with this bail being taken without time for inquiry ; and, after some conversation and altercation between him an:: Mr. Law, it was finally agreed that Keswick, of the police, should ascertain the sufficiency of the bail by noon this day (Saturday). The proceedings then terminated, about a quarter after eight o'clock in the evening ; Mr. Stephens, of course, re maining in .custody• till the result of the inquiries shall be stated to be satisfactory. MEETING OF THE RADICALS AFTER THE EXAMINATION On Friday morning, placards, of which the following is a copy, were posted on the walls of this town and Salford :-- " Arrest of Mr. Stephens —Radicals of Manchester, be at the Carpenters' Hall, Girratt-road, this evening (Friday), at eight o'clock, and the whole particulars will be laid before you.—By order of the Political Council. ( Signed) R. J Richardson." This bill purported to be printed by "Wheeler, printer, Whittle-street." At the appointed time a large crowd assembled in front of the door, and when it was opened quickly filed the place. When they had pot fairly in, Mr. James Wheeler called the Council of the Political Union to go to one end of the room to make arrangements as to what should be done, after which Mr. Nightingale got up in a kind of pulpit at the end of the room, opposite the gallery, detailed the circumstances of Stephena's arrest, and indulged in a gross tirade of abuse against the Magistrates who sat on the bench to hear the charge against Stephens, and designated their proceedings as the most disgraceful that ever took place in any Court of Justice in any place I The next speaker was Mr. Elijah Dixon, who followed in the same strain. Mr. R. J. Richardson then spoke, and said he tcok every syllable of any import which Stephens had uttered to himself. He ad vised the people to arm, and to be prepared for the worst, and " there was no hope for the people of England but in hanging_ a sabre or some other offensive weapon over his mantel-piece." James Wheeler. printer, next spoke, and advised them to do nothing till the National Convention met, the orders of which they were to obey ; and if one of its body could not go, they were to fetch him. A person who was called the Rev. Mr. Jackson then shrike, and said he did not agree with Stephens, nor go as . far as he did, though he went further than any other Minister within one hundred miles Mr. Richardson then proposed a resolution, " That this meet inv., entertaining the highest respect for Joseph Rayner Ste phens, pledge themselves to stand by and support him, whilst contending against the avowed enemies of the poor. After the motion was seconded, and Richardson was about to put it, a person in the room called out that the word " lawfully" should be inserted. This, however, did not suit the meeting, and loud cries of " no" were raised. Mr. Richardson said, if they were to support him by unlawful means, he and they all would he answerable. They did not mean to go vi et armis to the New Bailey, and fetch him out ; but they would sup port him by their sympathies and by their peace. The reso lotion was then put without the obnoxious word being inserted. A subscription for the defence of Stephens was then an nounced, and after three times three cheers for him, the meet. ing separated. —Manchester Guardian. MR. FEARGUS O'CONNOR AND HIS PAPER. (From a Second Edition of the Northern Star.) Northern Star Office, Friday Night, Dec. 28, 1838. We stop the Press to inform our friends that the blood hounds have laid hold of Stephens. We received a letter in forming us of the fact of his apprehension just as we were going to press, but not knowing the writer, and having re ceived false announcements of a like character before, we de clined noticing it until confirmed by other evidence. This night's post has brought us a great number of letters from friends at Ashton and the neighbourhood, of which we give the following : " Manchester, Dec. 27, 1838. " Gentlemen—The time is come. STEPHENS IS AR RESTED upon some charge by the authority of a warrant from the Magistrates of Leigh. He was brought from Ashton by two officers in a chaise ; they stopped at the Royal Hotel, Manchester, for refreshment, and afterwards went off to Leigh or Worsley. I shall be there to-morrow, and most likely, I shall come post haste to Leeds with a report for your Star on Saturday. " R. J. RICHARDSON." " Staly-bridge, Thursday Evening. Gentlemen,--I write to inform you that Mr. Stephens has been apprehended this afternoon. He was going to Manches ter, and when be got to the bottom of Stamford-street two peace-officers took him into custody. He requested permis sion to "o home, but they would not allow him. He then sent a note to his wife, apprising her of his apprehension. The charge against him is his Leigh speech ; and I understand they have conveyed him to that town. " Yours, truly, " JOHN DEEGAN." This is a bold stroke of the tyrants—a deep fetch—and we beseech the people not to make it a successful one. Never was that better half of valour—discretion—more necessary than now. The object of the enemy is clearly enough to be perceived. This is no move of the dull Solons of Leigh ; they act, beyond all doubt, as the puppets of directors, by whom the strings are pulled. The object is to draw the people into a premature and ill-concerted display of phy sical violence, which may afford the hell-hounds the op portunity of enacti ng i n E ng l an d the counterpart of the -ragedy which their bloody satellites have already played in Canada. Let the people mind this. Beware of the trap ! TIIE TIME FOR FIGHTING HAS NOT YET COME. And, for the love of Heaven and of freedom, we entreat them not to waste their strength and ruin their prosperity, and destroy Stephens's chance of escape from the blood-bounds, by any paltry, partial outbreaks of popular violence, either against persons of property. Stand still and look on coolly for a little while. Do nothing hastily, that we may have less rea son to repent. We firmly believe this to be no other than a rascally ruse, for the purpose of destroying the Universal Suffrage struggle, by decoying the people into an outbreak, which may afford pretext for another SUSPENSION of the habeas corpus. Let the people laugh the wretches peacefully to scorn, and they will not dare to hurt a hair of Lis hea I. Let us, at all events, wait and se?. MEMOIRS OF MR. STEPHENS, The following sketch of the prisoner's history is abridged from too separate accounts in the Observer of yesterday : Mr. Stephens is a young man, being in only about his thirty second year. He is marr i e d, an d h as several children. His mannerain private are exceedingly pleasing and unassuming. Ho was fur some years a preacher in the Wesleyan con nexion, among whom he was highly respected, both for his talents and piety. Il e was a d m i tte d on all hands to he the most promising man amongst the ministers belonging that body. Abo u t fi ve or six years ago' he became deeply p e l - impressed with (wh a t h e considered) the evils wh i ch have re sulted to religion from , the c onnection between Church and State, and what he tnus felt h e ava i led himself of every op portunity which presented it se lf to express in the hearing of others. This gave offence to the Wesley an body, the great majority of their numbers being fri en dl y to the Church of England. What aggravated his d e li nquency in this resp ect, in their estimation, was the circumstance of hi s allowing the occasional use of his chapel forlectuin and oth er purposes persons who were liberal in their politics, and, i n some in stances, loose in their notions on religious topies. Hi s con _ duct was brought befor e the Conference, meeting at th e t i me if we remember right, at Leeds, and he , refusing to acknovv: ledge that he had acted wrong, was excommunicated from t h e Wesleyan connection. Mr. Stephens previous to the passing of the New P oor .. law confined hims e lf e n ti re ly i n hi s a ddresses at public meet ings to the advo c a c y o f th e cause o f the factory children, and to an uncompromising denunciation of their employers. But • no sooner had the New Poor-law measure come into opera tion. thawhe offered it every resistan ce i n bis power, holding it up as an Act of most monstrous oppression of the , poor, which was neither sanctioned by revel at i on , no r the Consti tution of the country, nor the dictates of humanity, but was equally an outrage on all three. From that time up to . the present Mr. Stephens has be e n the unre m it t i ng an d untiring fee of the New Poor-law Bill. He became exceedingly popular; so much so, indeed, that the master spinners, &c., issued placard:, stating that they would employ no man, woman, or child belonging to the congregation, or who at tended any public meetings where he should happen to be present. The consequence was that thousands were thrown out of employment, and Stephens's income, which averaged about 2001. per annum, became now reduced to less than one half. Indeed, during three months he refused to take one farthing, on account of the poverty of his congregation. So much, however, was he beloved by the people of Ashton and its neighbourhood that a subscription was set on foot, and a gold snuff-box was lately presented to him, containing 113 so vereigns. Latterly, as a cure for the evils which he com plains of, he has become a leader among the Universal Suf frageists; and, as such, has travelled through the northern and western counties, advising the people to arm in defence of their rights and for the redress of their wrongs. In the pulpit he advocates the same doctrines, always professing - to prove their truth by texts of Scripture. He and Mr. Ostler, of Huddersfield, are greatly attached to each other, and it was as he was setting out on a visit to that personage that he was arrested. At the last general election Mr. Stephens started as candi date for the representation of Ashton-under-Lyne, in opposi tion to the present Member, Mr. Charles Hindley. In taking this extraordinary step, he never for a moment either expected or intended that he should be returned. His only object was to avail himself of the opportunity which his ndmioation would ff. ad him of addressing the manufacturers. After he had been duly proposed and seconded as a fit and proper person to represent the town of Ashton-under- Lyne in Parliament, he proceeded to address the congregated thousands from the hust ings. On that occasion, as usual he was most vehement in his denunciations of the manufacturers and of the authors of the New Poor-law. His speech was the longest by far ever delivered on a similar occasion—ever, indeed, delivered in the open air on any occasion ; .for he spoke for five hours and a half without one moment's intercession. He made a form of going to the poil, and 20 voted for him. Mr. Stephens is well-informed, having been educated ac cording to the best form among the Methodists for the train ing of their pastors; in addition to this, however, lie has read rnd studied much ; and, previously to his settlement at Ash ton under-Lyrae, travelled through France, Germany, Sweden, Norway, and even Finland, in order to acqu'.re a knowledge of the customs and condition of foreign nations. During this lengthened tour he contrived to become compl, tely conversant with the 'various languages of the people among v;honi he so journed: His father, who had been a preacher in the Metho dist connexion during many years, is still living in the county. of Essnx. CORN-LAW FALLACIES, WITH THE ANSWERS (po:tinued from The Stin of Monday.) 357.—1 t is likewise highly expedient, to promote the ex portation of domestic produce, if there be any redundancy, after supplying the demand at home. It is not sufficient to permit the exportation; but it may be necessary, for the en couragement of domestic cultivation, and in order that the articles grown at home may be enabled to meet the productions of other countries, in foreign markets, en equal terms, to give what is called a bounty on exportation. Nothing, however, eau be more erroneous, than to consider east encouragement a bounty, when it is in fact a drawback, under another name. The farmers at home, are subjected to a variety of taxes, which are not imposed on their foreign competitors. To enable them to meet on equal terms, they are entitled to receive an allow ance, on every quarter of grain exported, equal to what they had actually paid on its account to the public, under various de nominations.—Code of Agriculture. By the Right Hon. Sir John Sinclair, Bart. Ch, v. ANSWER.—A beautiful specimen of the consequences of allowing any order of men to live at free quarters on the purses of their neighbours, The landowners are not only to raise their rents by monopoly as they may Anse, but if through an accidental fruitfulness of the seasons or other causes, the price falls after all, they are to be paid the dif ference by the community. Fancy the manufacturers claiming a right to receive an allowance from the public, equal to what they had paid in taxes, on the ground that they were subjected to a variety of taxes which were not imposed on their foreign competitors. It is plain that to such an absurd system there could be no end. The sys tem is not absurd, only when it is employed in favour of one half of the community and against the other. 358.—8ut the real cure for the evils of the present Corn laws—the real corrective of gambling in Mark-lane—the real sezurity to the farmer against ruinous fluctuations in price, and to the labouring classes against starvation, or event of employment—is the absolute prohibition of foreign giain, as an article of importation into England. So long, we contend, as a single labourer in this country is unable to find employ. ment —so long as capitalists are compelled, from lack cf pro fitable investments, to peril their property in desperate adven tures to remote corners of the vvorid—so long ought the im portation of foreign wheat to be prohibited altogether ! A wise Government might, easily, supply employment on profit. able terms, to the half-starved tens of thousands who now look for such employment in vain ;—a wise Governmlnt might open up inexhaustible fields for the productive application of cpi tal, and might impart absolute security to the trade of farming, by simply regulating the business of corn-grow ing, on principles, which were recognised and acted on by the wisest eafons of antiquity—and which were deemed not un worthy of partial adoption by our own remote ancestors—those ancestors at whom our profound political economists have learned to sneer. No portion of a nation's wealth, perhaps, is so precious as its stores of corn ; —nor would a wise Go- vernment evince lass anxiety about these stores, than about the state of the treasury. By prohibiting the importation of foreign wheat, a wise Government would call into the fullest development all the energies of the English soil, all the powers of English capital, ,all the eapicities of English industry. Under such a system, no labourer could ever want employ ment :—no capitalist could ever want a sphere of- operations, either in agriculture, or in the mighty home and colonial trades, which could sprimr, out of the adoption by Government of the priqeiplc indicated. In years of abundance, Govern ment might buy the farmer's surplus produce, as soon as prices fell to a certain level. In years of scarcity, Govern ment could sell from the stores in the public granaries, when prices should rise to a certain predetermined point. The results would be security to the corn-grower—unbounded employment to labourers and capitalists of all kinds—together with a guarantee against famine, and against dependence on foreigners.—Morning HeralC2ist Dec. 1838. A.—lmagine walled-up Manchester kept from outside corn by heavy duties, and a teacher standing up and pro claiming, that " The real cure for the existing evils—the real corrective of gambling in Luke-lane, or wherever else the traffic in outside corn: such as it is, was carried on— the real security to the owner of flower-pots against fluc tuations in price, and to the working men of Manchester against starvation or want of employment—was in shutting the gates entirely against outside corn. So long, he should contend, as a single labourer in Manchester was unable to find employment—so long as capitalists in Manchester were compelled, from lack of profitable investments elsewhere, to peril their property in desperate adventures to the remote climates of Belgium and Germany—so long ought the pas sage of outside wheat through the gates to be prohibited altogether ! A. wise corporation might easily supply em ployment within the walls, to the half-starved hundreds who now look for it in vain ; a wise corporation might open up inexhaustible fields within the walls for the productive appli cation of capital, and might impart absolute security to the trade ofgrowing corn in flower-pots, by regulating thebusiness of corn-growing on proper principles. No portion of a city's wealth, perhaps, was so precious as its stores of flower-pots ; nor would a wise corporation evince less anxiety about its flower-pots, than about the state of its treasury. By prohibiting the introduction of wheat from beyond the walls, a wise Mayor and Alderman would call into the fullest development all the energies of the flower pots of Manchester—all the powers of its capital—all the capacities of its industry. Under such a system, no labourer in Manchester could ever want employment—no capitalist ever want a sphere of operations, either in the flower-pots, or in the mighty home and colonial trades which would spring out of the adoption of the principle indicated. In years of abundance, the Corporation might buy up the surplus produce of the flower-pots, and in years of scarcity sell it from the Coporation's granaries. The re sults would be, security to the owners of flower-pots,—un bounded employment to labourers and capitalists of all kinds in Manchester,—together with a guarantee against famine and against dependence on foreigners." How long are men to be libelled, by the supposition that they are to be gulled by such imbecile quackery? 359.—Free-trade doctrines have, with partial modifications, prevailed in this country for twenty years past ; and each year that has elapsed since the pernicious doctrines of the econo mists obtained ascendancy, has witnessed a diminution of the sources of the country's strength, and a corresponding exten sion of misery amongst . the producing classes. The Cur rency Act of 1819 was the first great triumph achieved by the free-traders over the industry of the country. That Act con fiscated, perhaps, half of the property of those classes in whose prosperity, the prosperity of the country is, of necessity, bound up. The spread of untaxed machinery, and of free trade in its various modifications, has followed rapidly upon the great currency revolution of 1819. Nearly a million of hand-loom weavers have been reduced to a state of semi-starvation. The labouring poor have been compelled to sell their children to the horrors of factory slavery. The hours of labour have been lengthened to vast bodies of arti sans; whilst, in the same proportion, have the wages of those artisans been lessened. The march of misery has, in fact, kept pace with the " march of mind ;" and yet all the misery to which a fraudulent standard of value, together with a frau dulent system of depriving labour of its just value, by means of unrestricted competition with machinery and with foreigners, have given rise, has not sufficed to procure for the free-traders a sufficiency of that " cheapness," on which their hearts are fixed. The new Poor-law—with its provisions for directly lowering wages by universally lowering rates—was retained ; and now the men who first demanded the new Poor-law, de mand that the sacrifice of the farmers and of the landowners shall consummate the sacrifice of the industrious poor. —ld. A.---You shut up Manchester and confine it to the corn grown in flower-pots within its walls ; and then you disco ver that the sufferings of the hand-loom weavers, the hor rors of factory slavery, the lengthening of hours of labour, and the reduction of wages, are owing, not to the stoppage o f the trade for food, but to the want of " rag" Money, the absence of a tax on machinery, and the freedom of such trade as has been left. Is it within the range of common sense, that such awful quacks should direct the concerns of a great country any longer? m w a a i s nte th na e n i e n e ve o n f e t o h n e opfotolr theirlan d o c w o n r e n r ! The new Poor i l h a e w e for getting rid of laws made ;and if the greater fools t b poorwill halloo n tiley vt erefor.tlie taken C for.orn laws after that, they hey are 360.—We stated, yesterday, that the Manchester Chamber of Commerce bad demanded a total and unqualified repeat of the existing Corti-laws—nay, had proceeded so far as to allege, that the existence of our foreign trade depends, now, trn depriving agricultural industry of protection in every sl:ape. The speculators engaged in certain branches of our foreign trade have, in other words, proclaimed war to the knife against the farmers and landowners of Great Britain ;—.and are coolly preparing to require at the hands of the Legislature, that English agriculture may be proscribed--and that all the trades and useful arts which depend on native agriculture miry be condemned to extinction—in order that a clas3 of men, whose profits depend on success in underselling foreign manufacturers in foreign markets, may be enabled to conduct their operations on terms satisfactory to themselves.—/d. Dec. 26, 1838. A.—The men who drive an honest trade, have pro claimed war to the knife against the men who live by the robbery of others. The men whose profits depend on being allowed to sell their goods to such as want to buy them, demand that the plundering caste, who rob their tills at the sword's point, may cease to be maintained by law. The landowners have robbed till they think it a virtue, and wonder other people do not think the same- But the Chamber of Commerce must go farther than it has done yet. Try them wills a tax on home-glows corn. 361.—The members of the Manchester Chamber of Com merce proclaim, that they are no longer able to compete in certain departments of productive industry with foreigners. The fact may be so : —but does it fairly or honestly follow from tie existence of any conceivable inability on the part of our manufacturers for the foreign markets to undersell their rivals, that the agriculture of England ought to be sacrificed to foreign agriculture—and that the industrious classes of England in every department ought to be crushed beneath that vast accession of power which a repeal of the Corn-laws would give to the monied classes in this country ? Let it be recollected, that if our foreign trade is no longer so profitable as it hes been—still our foreign trade. wi:h all its contingent risks, was voluntarily chosen by the speculators engaged in it, as the field of their operations I The agriculturists did net compel these speculators to embark their capital in foreign trade ; why then should these speculators be sanctioned in their grossly un just attempt to throw Upon the agricultural classes, the conse quences of their ill success in their own freely chosen - sphere of enterprise? Some of the querulous orators in the Man chester Chamber of Commerce adverted to the large capitals at their disposal ! These capitals, they have amassed in this branch of trade, which they state to be now no longer so pro ductive as they would desire ; yet, they have been content to keep possession of these capitals, instead of handing them over to the farmers and landowners, whom they morlestly de sire to render responsible for the diminution of their profits. It seems, in other words, to be in accordance with the ethical system which finds favour in the eyes of the members of the Manchester Chamber of Commetce, that speculators in fo reign trade should pocket all the gains attendant on their pus suits—but that they should throw the risks and losses on far mers and landowners, and on the body of the industrious classes amongst their countrymen. —ld. A.—The agriculturists are unable to compete with foreigners, at least on certain portions of their land. But does it fairly or honestly follow, that the manufacturers of England ought to be sacrificed to foreign manufacturers ? Have rot the agriculturists voluntarily chosen to speculate in land, as much as the commercial men in commerce ? why then should they be sanctioned i❑ the grossly unjust attempt to rob the commercial classes,--remembering always that he is the robber who is found with his hand in the other's pocket, and that,we are not such fools as to allow the thief- to cry out robbery when he is taken in the mainour ? The cry of " accession of power to the monied classes," means getting into the habit of giving to those who pay for what they get, instead of those who do not. 362.—Since these Manchester gentlemen "desire no pro tection for themselves" which they would deny to others, we call upon them to abandon that overwhelming " protection" which they enjoy, in the exemption of their capital from just taxation.--Id. Dec. 27, 1838. A.—The landowners, then, st Ind only on the inequality of their taxation, and give up the rest. And here there is no doubt the men of Manchester will he as ready to meet them as before. Let there be a revision of taxation awl all other charges ; and it will be odd if it turns out, that the object of the landowner 3 in excluding everybody else from the making of the laws, was to damage themselves. The manufacturers are ready to. agree to all that is fair ; o&y let there be an end of burning the house to roast the landlords' pig. They have lost the country the amount of the national debt over and over, sent the labourers into the poor-hous--, the merchants into the Gazelle, and finally thrown the trade of the world into the bands of foreigners ; and now they tell us, they did it all as compensation for the extra taxation they chose to lay upon themselves. 363.—1 f manufacturing capitalists were rendered responsi ble for the comfort end well-being of the labourers whom they employ, as the owners and occupiers of land are rendered re sponsible, we should cease to hear of men being doomed to sixteen hours, daily, of unwholesome toil—we should soon cease to be shocked by the spectacle of infant factory slavery, and by the report of those atrocities on which that hideous sys tem rests !—ld. Dec. 28, 1838. A.—The sixteen hours of toil, and the infant slavery, if such things are, are only the direct consequences of the Corn-laws. Nothing else could lay the labouring popu lation under the temptation of submitting to such e'.ils. The policy of the landowners is to take advantage of their own wrong, and throw the results of their own injustice into the faces of the classes they oppress. 364.—These enemies of English agriculture mean, in short, to " demand" in " language which cannot be misunderstood," that the agricultural interest of England shall be utterly sa crificed, in order to enable them to carry on at a rate of profit that may suit their estimate of the fitness of things, those branches of trade, which " owe no natural allegiance to our shores."—ld. Dec. 29, 1838. A.—Lay tax enough on home-grown corn, and see if some of the landlords do not talk of selling up and settling themselves abroad. The feudal cow-stealers complain they are to be utterly sacrificed, to enable the owners to make a profit to suit their estimate of the fitness of things. 365.—Does Mr. COBDEN really imagine, that any one will be imposed on by his indirect attempt to represent the recent " incendiary meetings," as having been prompted by hatred to the Corn-laws ?—ld. A.—The people may or may not, know what hurts them. But as it is certain they know they are hurt, it would be the part of wise doctors to take down the mischief if they can, without waiting too long for the patient's opinion of his disease. Having passed the thousand, the writer will cry halt for the present ; and be ready to go on again when matter shall accumulate. MUNICIPAL CHARTER FOR MARY- LEBONE. The above vestry held its usual meeting a; the Court. house, Marylehone-lane, on Saturday, at which, among other subjects that were taken into consideration, was that of an ap plication to her Majesty's Privy Council for a Charter of In corporation for the borough of Mary lebone, including the pa rishes of Paddington and St. Pancras. Mr. A. Daniell was nominated to the chair. Mr. GIBSON moved, " That a Compiittee bo now appointed to consider and report to her Majesty's Privy Council for a Charter of Incorporation for the borough of Marylebone, with power to coder with the parishes of S. Pancras arid Padding ton, as also to purchase Acts of Parliament and obtain any other information relating to the subject." Mr. KENSETT rose to second the motion. Mr. JACKSON argued againStiitep;oposition on the ground that they possessed power quite sufficient fur any purposes that they required. Mr. HOVENDEN observed, that be was of the " movement" party, and would support any proposition that had a tendency to produce benefit to sucicty.—( Hear, hear.) He thought that, under incorporation, they would enjoy many more be nefits than what they now did. Mr. JOSEPH observed, that if the question were agreed to, they would possess that which the city of London would be very desirous of being relieved from.—( Cries of "No, no.") That was his opinion. The expense of the maintenance of the city police amounted to 43,0001. a year ; the amount they were called upon to pay wasl9,oool. He thought that would iidd to, and not diminish, their expenses. Lord NuoENT said, that he had, at first, doubts of the prac ticability of the measure ; when, however, he found that, in the police alone, a saving would arise of 6.0001, he thought that that statement alone would prevail on the Privy Council to accede to their request. It was one of the principles of the Saxon Constitution that the people should elect their own Magistracy, and they were only recognizin f that principle by the adoption of the course they were then taking. Mr. KENSETT made a few remarks, when the mover replied; and on the question being put, the resolution was agreed to, with one dissentient. A Coinmittee of 25 was then appointed to carry the reso lution into effect, consisting of the following gentlemen, viz. —Lord Nugent, Mr. J. E. Hovenden, Mr. H. Waymouth, Sir Richard Joddrell, Major Naylor, Mr. Kensett, Mr. H. Wilson, Mr. G. A—Young, Mr. Sowden, Mr. Laye, Mr. Joseph, Mr Jackson, Mr. Gibson, Mr. Salornons, Mr. Skin ner, Mr. G. Brown, Mr. Harbutt, Mr. Bushell, Mr. Clapp, Mr. Wool, Mr. Marshall, Mr. Daniells, Mr. Rathbone, Mr. Biel s, Mr. Tarring. The Vestry then adjourned. Mark Pringle, Esq., of Cowfold (a Magistrate of this County), has raised the wages of his agricultural la bourers from 12s. to 14s. a week.—Brighton Herald. The delivery of General-post letters throughout the metropolis has been, upon an avera;e, one hour later ever &nce the mails were " accelerated" by the railroads. THE NEW NOVELS JUST PUBLISHED.--We are requested to state that Mr. Colburn, of Great Marl borough-street, has just published the following interesting new works of fiction, which can be had at all the libraries : —l. " Pictures of the World, at Home and Abroad," by the author of" Tremaine," " De Vere," " Human Life," &c. —" The Only Daughter," a domestic story, edited by the author of " The Subaltern." 3.—" Jack Adams, the Mutineer," by Captain Chamier." 4.—" Gurney Mar ried," a sequal to " Gilbert Gurney," by Theodore Hook, Esq. 5.—" Duty and Inclination," edited by Miss Landon. 6.—" The Glanville Family," by a Lady of Rank. And 7.—" Shakapeare and his Friends," an historical romance. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCII::: FRANCE. CHAMBER OF PEERS. —SITTING Dtc. 26. M. de Montslembert ascended the tribune to speak against the address. (Marks of deep attention.) The Noble Peer expressed his conviction that the Chamber would nut be ado nished at his commencieg with a vital question—that of Bel gium. All the Government organs bad urged the necessity of France abandoning her ally. He had last year agitated this question, he had received no reply, even from Ministers, though outside the wells of that Chamber, he bad been accused of using disrespectful language towards the King of Holland. He would now say, in speaking of the unex pected egression of the King of Holland in 1831, the ex pressions used by him, and which had been characteriz-d as injurious, were borrowed from the language of the Go vernment it-elf, which had said, " that the rupture of the amnesty was a breach of bad faith." Ile would grapple with the question in its present state, for it had made consi derabla: progress since the close of last session. It had been said that a treaty existed, that it was binding on France, and that its non-execution would involve her in a war. Etch of these tlefee positions he would unhesitatingly and peremptorily deny. The treaty of the 24 articles had been created by eir euntstancea, and it was now annulled by circumstances. He defied Ministers to quote a solitary iastanea of a treaty de (erred like that of the 24 articles for the space of eight years without the shadow of a pretext, except the caprice of one of the contracting parties, and then carried into execution at the expense of the other. The original object of 6,s:treaty of the 24 articles was to constitute Belgium as an independent and a ,self-existing state, but he would ask if that object had been attained? No ; it was impossible for Belgium to exist in the state of ►weakness to which it was proposed to reduce her, and peace was quite out of the question, if the Dutch flag floated over Limburg and Luxemburg, or the cannon of Maestricht threa•ened Belgium. Till the beginning of the Belgian revolu tion Luxernburg bad been counted in Belgium ; the separation dated from the revolution, and had been directed against Fratice. The bonds of religion had been spoken of, but was the - Chamber aware of the precise number of the 300,000 in habitants of Luxemburg that belonged to the religion of Hol land ? The precise number was 68. After that statement he might well say that an iniquitous attempt was made to dispose of the people of Luxemburg. He considered it impossible for France, after two revolutions, to permit the dismember ment of Belgium ; and, were it otherwise, he would almost regret the absolute Governments which be at present so cordi ally detested. Certain noble Peers might affect to despise the nationality of Belgium ; but what was it that constituted the nationality of a country ? Was it nothing to have or ganised a magnificent system of railroads, which France. herself might envy—France, that had as yet been unable to terminate a railroad. from Paris to Versailles ? Was it no thing to have solved the grand problem of religious inde pendence, when almost every other State was oppressed by a system of religious intolerance? What monarch in Eu rope could, like the King of the Belgians, boast that not a village in his dominions would regard a transfer from hi., Government in any other light than that of a grievous cala mity ? Were the Powers of Europe jealous of the influence and authority of the King of the Belgians over his subjects ? He was not astonished that England had abandoned France on the question of Belgium, for she had not the same interest as a - France in the maintenance of the integrality of Belgium. No conformity of language or customs existed between England and Belgium. He had no wish to attack the present Ministry. but he could not avoid obsciving, that for the last eight years France had been gradually retrograding, at first from the Vistula to the Rhine, from the Adriatic to the Alps, and is was now intended that she should retrograde to the Meuse. He concluded by insisting that an attempt to dismember Bel gium was an attempt to mutilate France—an attempt which must be resisted by France, if she wished to save her own ho neur, and to avoid involving herself and the whole of Europe in a we r. —( Sensation.) The President of the Council, in reply, observed that, in treating the Belgian question, he had taken up a position %illicit left every latitude to Ministers in their answers. The Noble Peer had endeavoured to establish the doctrine that treaties were not binding upon a nation when it was no longer its interest to carry them into execution. To pro cleini such a maim was to attempt to substitute might in the place of right. It was said that a treaty had existed, but had been annihilated by the force of circumstances. This position required examination. The Belgian revolution had done away with one of the articles of the t-eaty of Vienna. At that ee..iod the five Powers who had signed the treaty assembled in London, and the treaty of the twenty-four articles was drawn bp. Holland rejected, but Belga= ac cepted, the articles. On the 15th of November, 1831, the protocol was formed in the Conference of London, an the Belgian Commissioners demanded that the 24 articles should be converted into a treaty, in order that Belgium and her Sove reign might immediately take their places in the common, circle of the European Governments. The treaty was accordingly concluded between the five Powers and Belgium. Holland re sisted and made an incursion into Belgium The French ex pedition and the taking, of Antwerp ensued, and the convention of 1833 created a status quo burdensome to Holland. On this occasion Belgium approved of the territorial distribution made by the 24 articlee, a fact which could be proved by a reference to the illoniteur Beige, and to a speech on Low occasion from the Throne. It was therefore evident that up to 1834 Belgium bad regarded the treaty of the 24 articles as forming the basis of her national. rights ; but it was now considered desirable the , France and Belgium should shrink from their engagements. L was impossibl,, for a great nation thus to violate its faith. Eng land had abandoned Belgium on this question, because she was bound to do so by treaties, and also because it was her interest to do so, for in England every Englishman had the in terest of his country exclusively at heart. He wished he could s ay the same of every Frenchman in France.—( Hear, hear. ) Count D'Alton Shee said, he was at last convinced that Ministers had a system—to weaken the constitutional alliances of France, and to form alliances only with absolute Govern mute. In proof of this allegation, he considered it necessary merely to refer to the open violation of the Quadruple Treaty, to the humiliation inflicted on Switzerland, and to the eva cuation of Ancona, directing his attacks more particularly against the latter measure. He wound up by urging the ne cessity of introducing into the address a strong censure of the domestic and foreign policy of the present Administration. The Baron de Morogues read a written speech in favour of the address. Baron Pelet (de la Lozere) agreed with the Committee °3 the Address as to the general prosperity of France, but he differed from the Committee on questions of foreign policy. On the whole, be felt himself bound 'to vote against the address. The general discussion being closed, M. COUSIN rose, after the reading of the first paragraph, and said that, notwithstanding the state of his health, he came to speak of a grave question, the encroachments of the Clergy. He could not well be suspected of injustice in this case, for, be had, in 1830, come to the support of the Clergy and of religion, when the establishments of both were menaced, and when men risked popularity in so doing. After the violent and salutary crisis of 1830, the Church retired within its sanctuary, and seemed more imposing and holy than when it went hand in hand with the temporal power. Giving up mundane interests to mundane authorities, the Clergy reco vered the consideration and respect which it had lost. And it was honourable t o the July revolution to observe, that since its epoch the Churches had grown more and more frequented, and religion more and more respected, even in the works of the profanely learned. But an evil genius has come to lead astray the Clergy from the path of humble progress, and conduct it once more in the way of its destruction. He would ask no other proof than the public feeling and public rumour, both awakened and irritated by the scan dalous examples of bigotry and persecution lately given. Who had not heard of the affair of Clermont ? So outrageous was the conduct of the Bishop, that Government bad been obliged to interfere, and refer the matter to the Council of State ; this would prevent his entering at too great length into the subject. But he would remind the Chamber that Count Montlosier, the victim of the prelate's victory, was the same noble who exclaimed to the National Assembly, t , You want to tear the Bishops from their palaces—l tell Sou they will take refuge in cottages, and be more powerful. You would take from them their crucifixes of gold—l tell you wooden cruci fixes suffice, for a wooden cross saved the world." Such was the religious man, religious to the last, whom an unknown Bishop refused to bury, and this because he had written a book against the Jesuits, approved of by the first dignitaries of this Chamber. Nor is the case singular. At Lyons and Rheims the clergy have excited disgust and trouble, as at Clermont. The Je suits' College at Saint Acheul is about to be re- established, with a noviciate of the same order in Paris itself. This school, if it exist, is illegal. He would ask the Minister of Public Worship, if the ordonnance of 1828, respecting small semi naries, was executed ? He was not the adversary of the clergy, ncr was the University the adversary of the clergy, as long as each kept within its attributions. M. BARTHE, Keeper of the Seals said be had referred the conduct of the Bishop of Clermont to the Council of State as an abuse. The Seminary of St. Acheul had indeed been re opened, but was now closed. M. VILLEMAIN lifted his voice against these scandalous re fusels of the rites of sepulture. The Council of State could not remedy the scandal. It ought to have been prevented by Government. Count MONTALEMBERT said lie differed from M. Villemain. The prayers of the Church belonged to the Church—to the Church alone—and the Chinch might do what it pleased re specting granting or refusing them. The July revolution had brought liberty to the clergy as well as to other classes; arid to resuscitate now the laws of the empire against the clergy was to follow the example of Prussia, and treat eccle siastics as helots. M. SALVA NOY,. Minister of Public Instruction, said he was anxious to maintain, and had contributed to maintain the laws, protecting the department of Public Instruction against the ecclesiastic influence. Sitting adjourned. SITTING OF DEC. 27. [CONTINUATION OF THE DISCUSSION OF THE ADDRESS.] M. BoissY D'ANGLAs read a long speech, and proposed an amendment, Which was not adopted. Count PELET UE LA LOZERE called the attention of the Chamber to the events of Switzerland. The policy of France had been deplorable ; it had weakened the Liberal party in Switzerland ; that was to say, the French party had exalted its enemies. Count MOLE replied, that if there was a coldness between France and Switzerland, it was the fault not of him, but of the Ministry, to which Count Pelet, tile last speaker, be longed. That Ministry, (M. Thiers's), forced Switzerland to expel its German and Italian refugees, who menaced Austria. His Ministry (M. Mole's) bad expelled a per son who menaced the repose, not of Italy er Austria, but of France. Count PELaT explained, and hinted, that the Swiss griatrel; tiering his Ministry and before it, was caused by M. -Muntalivet's Sendiel a spy to Switzerland without the knowledge of the President of the Council of that time.— ( Movement. ) M. VILLEMAIN said that one fault had begatten another in this question. Tile original fault certainly lay in having ere- ated a hind of empiie of impunity for Louis Napoleon by letting him free Without trial, This fault had drawn after it all the other blunders and injustices—it bad led France to exercise the mere right of the strongest against Switzerland. Instead of appealing to the Swiss as an ally, France undertook to middle with Swiss laws, to interpret them, and enter into unworthy chicanery. Tao French Government obtained no reparation from Switzerland, and -France has no gratitude to pay to the Government. After some further observations of Count Tascnara the paragraph was adopted, and the next paragraph, that relative_ to 13e1giurn, was read. M. VILLEMAIN row, and began by hying that Count Man . talon - theft deciarcd the present menaced abandonment of Bel gian rights as proceeding fiannt a general syatern of policy, of which the motto was " reculer, retire." He made this policy date a, far back as 1830, and considered Count Mole's as but a continuation of the past. He (M. - Yillemain) thought other wise; he thought the policy which abandoned Ancona, Lux emburg, and Limburg very different from that which had taken Ancona and Antwerp. In the previous sitting Count Mole had declared the treaty to be explicit and immovable ; and from the declaratian it was easy.to imagine the tone assumed in the Landau Conference: for when the tone of the Minister was thus humble in public discussion, how could It be the c trary in negotiation? The Minister has thus revealed the secret of his diplomacy, and rendered evident that this diplo macy is very different from that of preceding Ministers, Count MOLE replied, and said thot the policy of the French Government was unchanged. It had besieged Antwerp in execution of the Treaty of T wenty-four Articles, and what it now recommended was but an execution of the same treaty. He had been accused of wishing to throw the responsiblity of the Treaty on the Chamber ; but he would have ere this con eluded the Treaty were it not for Belgium itself. Count MONTALEMBERT combated the assertion of Count Mole relative to Belgium's not hiving protested against the treaty of 24 Articles, and its territorial arrangements. To a question of Count MONTALEMBERT, as to whether the territorial question was definitively settled and decided, Count MOLE refused to answer. The paragraph respecting Ancona then having been read, The Due de BROGLIE rose and said—The French Govern ment has just given up Ancona to the Holy See, or rather, withdrawn its garrison, without any convention or stipulation, it would appear. If this were the case, he should regret it as an abandonment of the system which had been followed with respect to Italy during the last seven years. The occupation of Ancona was regularized and arranged in the month of April, 1832. From this account it will appear that the policy of the French Government in Italy may he resumed under four heads, viz :—FirA, to watch over the maintenance of the territorial statu quo, preventing any occupation of the Romanga by a single power. Secondly, To make serious efforts for the definitive pacification of the Roman legions, in obtaining from the Holy See real and efficacious reforms. Thirdly. In case of occupation to take fit sureties at any risk. Fourthly. In case of evacuation to foresee the eventuality of a new occupation, and regulate its conditions. In the puisuit of this simple and wise policy the French Government found at first encouragement, and support, and assistance from all i the Powers ndi,criminately. The French Government stipu lated for an amnesty, and for free institutions for the Romagna. These were given in an illusory manner. But the possession of Ancona ought to have been made the guarantee for enforc ing them, and this had been done. Nor did it appear that any guarantee had been taken against Austrian re-occupation.— Chamber adjoured from the lateness of the hour. I ( SITTING OF FRIDAY, THE 28th.) _ _ Count MOLE commenced by saying that he would retrace the circumstance connected with the occupation of Ancona. In 1831 the Holy See demanded the aid of the Austrians against an insurrection in Romagna. The French Govern ment remonstrated. Austria then in Ade an offer which Fiance refused. This was to guarantee the Pope in possession of his dominions. The French Government, on the contrary, pro posed the giving liberal institutions to the people of Romagna. ln consequence, the Holy See published certain edicts esta blishing provincial . couneils, and other institutions. The po pulation, not contpnted with these concessions, broke into insurrection and independence. Cardinal Albani marched against them with ruffianly bands, which provoked fresh re sistance. Thereon the Cardinal demanded the succour of Austria. France :thee re-demanded guarantees, but could no longer demand the granting of institutions, the essay of which had failed. The 4eccepati in :of Ancona wai 0 put forward, aed after much trouble Rome gave a verbal sequieseence. The orders given to General Cubieres were to send forward a brig to see if he would not be received at An cone. If admission were refused, the General had orders to land a battalion at Civita Vecchia. • Instead of this, the events took place, of which every one was aware. A Con vention was then agreed on, which was to be found published in " Lesur's Annuaire." This Convention forbade the French troops at Ancona to receive reinforcements or erect fortifica tions. The fourth article stipulated, that as the Austrian troops quitted the Legations, this. French should evacuate An cona. Article 5 stipulated that the Pupil flag should float at Ancona. By the 7th article the French promised to respect the Papal Police and Government at Anemia. The articles of this Convention were admitted and observed by every succeeding Cabinet. The present Cabinet had acted upon it up to it:. List act—that of evacuation. Ho would prove that former C 4.- bincts had acted in the same spirit and on the sane principle. It was not Austria that, in retiring, summoned France to eva cuate Ancona. It was Rome which sent M. Capaccini to Florence to beg Austria to quit the legation ; and, Austria consenting, the Holy See summoned France to do the same. What was the French Government to reply ? To refuse, and under what pretext ? Should we refuse the Pope to quit his towns until Austria and Russia evacuated Cracow? But what was Cracow to the Pope that we should do the Pope vio lence on its account? But should Austria re-occupy the lega tion, it is asked ? Why, then, said M. Mole, we will do what Casimir Perier did—come down to the Chamber and ask for a credit of one hundred millions to protect the honour of France and the independence of Europe. Such a measure was ten times more effective than the garrisoning an Italian citadel. After all the question is not so important—it was idle imagination that swelled it beyond its dimensions. The 15tic de BROGLIE said yesterday, and he would repeat, that the evacuation of Ancona, without any stipulation or pro visions of consequence, was calculated to trouble hereafter the peace of Europe. Count Mole said, that if Austria should re occupy the Legations, he would come down to ask 100 millions of credit wherewith to menace Austria with war. But this was an extreme measure, and he regretted that a convention had not been concluded, to obviate and meet the difficulty. The PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL had applied to the Holy See for an authorization to re-enter Ancona in the event of the Austrians re-entering Romagna. The authorization had been refused, and he (the Minister) bad then represented that the French Government hoped that, in case of necessity, the Holy See would make an application to all its allies simul taneously, and more especially to France, who would always act for the interest of the Roman population, and in confor mity to her own honour. M. VILLEMAIN was convinced that public opinion would be far from satisfied with the explanations given by the President of the Council. Paragraph 4 was then put to the vote and adopted. The Chamber then passed to paragraph 5, relative to the affairs of Spain. Baron PELET (de la Lozere) complained that the Foreign Powers kept up civil war in Spain, in order to support the policy of absolute Governments. M COUSIN proposed, as a remedy for the calamitous situa tion of Spain, the opening of a conference Letw•een the four Powers who signed the Quadruple Treaty. - This conference, be suggested. might take into considcratiou the most effectual mode of pacifying the Peninsula. • •-' The PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL replied that, as the French Government had decided upon assisting Spain reit her with men nor money, he could see no immediate utility in the opening of the conference recommended by the Noble Peer who bad last occupied the tribune. It might, one day, per hnps, become necessary, but at the present he considered it superfluous.—(Hear.) He maintained that it behoved the Government to confine itself strictly within the limits of the QuArupte Treaty.—Adjourned at half-past five. CHAMBER OF PEERS, SATURDAY, DEC. 29. The Chamber resumed this day the debate on the Address. The paragraph relative to Spain was adopted after a few observations from M. Tascher in favour of the French foreign legion, whom he recommended to the solicitude of Govern ment. The paragraph relative to Mexico was next read, when M. Pelet (de la Lozere) moved that the documents connected with the affair should be communicated to the House. Count Mole declined acceding to thin request, but assured the Chamber that the tendency which had of late manifested itself among the organs of public opinion in that country induced the belief that the difference was drawing to a close. The remainder of the Address gave rise to little or no discussion, and the whole was ultimately adopted by 102 against 14. BRUSSELS. (From the Private Correqondence of the Journal du Corn- nterce d'Anvers ) DEC. 29, 2 P. at—The Ministry has not yet replied to the last notification made to it in the name of the London Con ference, nor will it reply till it knows the result of the vote which the French Chamber of Deputies will give on the ques tion of Holland and Belgium. To-morrow there is to be a general meeting of the Direc tors and Commissioners of the Bank of Belgium, in order to fix the day on which the Bank shall resume its payments, and to decide whether the reimbursement shall be made in toto, or only 25 per cent. at a time. By a reimbursenaent, I mean the sums deposited in account current. The creation of a new bank is seriously contemplated, the capital to be 100 millions, of which 25 millions would be fur nished by the founders. It would be called the National Bank.-,Journal du commerce d'Anvers, Dec. 30. BELGIAN 1. UNDS—BaussELB, Mc, 29 ,, Actual Debt, 2N, per Cent. .. Rothschild's Loan, 5 per Cent. 97 58 Loan of Thirty Millions, 4 per Cent. .... 3 per Cent......... Loan of City, 1832, 4 per Cent. .................. Society of Commerce, 4 ! , 9 per Cent ............ 137 Bank of B.Agium, 5 per Cent ..............•••••• 0,5 g —Brussels Papers, Dec. 29. AUSTRIAN FUNDS.—VIENNA, DEC. 21 Five per Cents. Motalliques 4 Foci per Cents Three par Cents. hank Sharos —4llgemeincZeitung, Dec. WI ......r---. ISLE OF WIGEIT. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDEN'T.) COW. V. , 4 r /EC. 29. ARRIVAL OF THE MUTINEERS OF THE A MERICA , -1 4 BRIO BRA GANZa. --Many 44 our readers will doubtless r sitreniber the dreadful account of this mutiny and murd..T; wh iich we pub lished in August last. The Braganza was froi a St. JohnsPorto Rico, with su g ar, for Genoa, and tr on the sth of Aug;t, - when in lat. 37 N and long:. 13 W., about two in 'the raorn ing, the crew (foreigners) attacked the chief m: ite, severely wounded him, killed the evtain, and threw him rt)verboard ; they also wounded the :3econd nzate (son of Mr. M' air, jeweller, of this port), and pitched him over tio brig's side. h but he pro videntially caught a ropeaiid got en board agai - a. Th e mu tineers having succeeded hi overpowe:ing the c ,ffi f !ers, nailed down the companion and skylight, keeping as pci sow e rs the captain's wife, Mr. Turley, th e owner , Mr. D u i I, an d his lady, Mr. VAnder.din, the first mato, Mri Moir. t he second, and the cook, till the 11th, during the who, l e of a :hich time they feared each hour would be their last : oil tit at day, at two p.m. they turned them (with the exception, . of the first mate) adrift io a boat, about 350 miles from tt ,e coast of Portugal, after being twenty-five hours in whi eh they were picked up by the brig ilebden, Captain Fowle r who landed them at Greenock. The mutineers sailed up . Jobe English Channel, and eventually the brig was totally wrecked near Emden ; the crew steed themselves from the s. ma, but being interrogated, and their story not agreeing, they .vertre thrown into prison, where one of them hung himself, : tnel their true characters were discovered. The chief mate met a worse fate than the captain. The mutineers have at rived here in the Shepherdess, Captain Fiances, from Hamb tergh, in four teen days, bound to New York, where they are t, tbe tried for the mutiny and murders; they are all four daub' It ironed, and a watch is continually set over them. Mr. Mo i - is gone to New York to give evidence against them. On.. their voyage out it is said that the treatment they experienced. I row Captain Turley and the chief mate was very had. NE W PO RT. POOR LAWS. —A memorial agreed to at a publi , e meeting of the rate-payers of the parish of Northwood, held a t the Town hall, WestCowes, and afterwards most numerourily and respec tably signed, praying the Directors and Guardia us to give out door relief to poor widows and others duri; ig the winter months, was presented them a t th e i r quar t er l y visiting at ow Guildhall, by a deputation of the rate-payers from Cowes, and, wonderful to relate, was favourably rec sired. Many would not sign the memorial, as the Directors e cad Guardians, though they now and then call in some of the worst of the New Poor-law Amendment Act to their aid, are elected by the parishioners as directed by that Act, but self-nc nninated under an old Local Act, which left the rating, exc rasing, and re lieving in the hands of the rate-payers assembled in vestry- This did not please the Directors and Guardians--landlorcis, magistrates, and parsons—and they theeefore took the benefit of introducing some of the clauses of the New Poor-law, by which the whole power over the rating, 8c0.., &c., &c., was taken out of the hands of rate-payers, a lid they were made payers only, besides which, several nice 3ittle places were created by the new Act—all in the gift of the Guardians, of course—and the only treat the rate-payers Leut beyond a regu lar quarterly call from the overseers, is a. parish apprentice now and then as directed by the Local Act (but forbid by the New Poor law), and if they consider therrra.elves over-rated, a walk of perhaps twelve miles to Newport, and the expense attending an appeal to the Magistrates, the aforesaid Di rectors and Guardians. Though many of th e clauses in the new Bill are bad, and want altering—the nu toner in which it is worked out is the most objectionable.: CAUTION. —The numerous accidents daily occurring, and the great injury done to man and beast and ban n-door birds by juvenile sportsmen displaying their abilities cm the highways, has induced a correspondent to request us to call the atten tion of our sporting readers to the 72d claus , :t of the General Highway Act, by which any person firing off' a gun or pistol within fifty feet of any carriage-way or cart-way subjects him self to the penalty of 40s. Retrenchment in the Bank of England is proceeding with rapid strides. The interior Consol-office has just been swept away with all its clerks and attendants; it was intended originally as a check on the outer office, but the different Joint sto•ck Banks have made so many inroads on the profits of the establishment, that every possible re trenchment is DIM required to keep up the dividend. SHIPPING OF CAVALitY HORSES. TO THE EDITOR OF Th T E SUN. Mr. Eurren —I take the liberty of giving publicity through the medium of your valuable Paper (if you have a column for the insertion of it), to a fact which I heard, viva voce, from the individuals who were the sufferers. Two vesttels were sent to sea with about 170 horses in a heavy gale of wind (quite adverse), from Dublin to Liverpool, supported ',by spars and sails, which would not have held half the number ~of sheep. The vessels I allude to are the Birmingham and the Ho' hisson ; on board the former of which there were pnly two troop-horses lost, and the remainder on board the latter . . The division of the regiment who were the sufferers were! the Queen's Bays. During the night, the officers on board the Huskisson steamer were alarmed by the report that nearly an the horses on deck were loose, which they found to be the case, as these well made and very strong spars had not been sufficient for the weights of so many large horses when the vessel lurched in the heavy sea ; and had it not been for the' spiritc d exertions of the officers and some few of the men, who , could be made in any way to move and stir about, I have been 4,surcd that more than double the number would have perished; and some few of the men were nearly killed by the horses falling on them; but fortunately Providence ordained that no , serious injury should befal any of his own creacares. The captain himself can affirm, that at one period he was afraid be would be obliged to have some of the horses throats cut, and thrown overboard; for when the vessel beefed over, the loose horses all fell over to leeward, and consequently the ves— sel could not easily right herself. The loss to Government has already been fifteen troop horses and five officer's horses, whom the regulated sum of 4 51 - for a first charger, and 351. for a second charger, will not in s. quarter of a degree compensate. The estimate in money of the loss is nearly as fellows 15 troop horses, at 25/. each Three first chargers, at 45/. each Two second chargers, at 351. each 7O The aggregate appears to be Nothing could equal or surpass the horrors o f the scene of disembarkation, to see the poor animals hoisted out by cltains t round their necks—the sufferings of which, when alive, nul a , have been terrific ; as I am assure d by a ve t er i nar y surgeon o f note in Liverpool (Mr. Chambe rs ), th a t t wo o f tile horses bad many of thei r r ib s b ro k en , an d one o f them h a his entrails kicked out. of th is Trusting to your generosity to f org i ve th e le n gth detail, I must now subscrib e m ys e lf, Yours, &c., AN EARNEST LISTENER . Manchester, Dec. 28, 1838. cffiel MEETING OF THE WORKING CLASSES. The Tyne Mercury of Tuesday, in a second edition, re : ports the proceedings of " A G ran d R a di ca l D em onstratio n' of the working classes, which took place there the same IT and which we noticed in our Second Edition of Fi iday eveeti One of the speakers, a M r . L owre y, i s reporte d t o h ave delieei'a the following sentiments :—" He had visited their villages' ell at he understood there was to be no sham work, that having P I& out their hands, they would not pull them in again. They s oll . i . have no Whig measur es ; but as they kn ew th e i r rights, diet rights they would have. We will tell the Parliament they la. kept these men from their rights, and will ask them to ut,. them their equal rights, but if their constit u ti on k ee ps thew o they would not belong to that constit u ti on . If t h e y bad no par t in making the law, they would not obey the law—if they h ad°. voice in making the taxes, th e y wou ld not pay them. H e - w „ b il dares to rob them WAS a traitor to his country, and he su e ': 0 . be punished. We want th a t l oa f (p o i n ti ng t o a ditninutty loaf on the top of a banner) for twopence instead of sixpence; Let them remember the trial of the Dorchester labourers; a n d he would tell Lord J. Ru,sell that when the people of Eng l l e ? sat in judgment upon him he would have more justice done 1t0 34 and his accusers would not sit in judgment upon him. 'M e t talked of bloodshed, let them look to Canada where the treaso r ' was robbed—they talked of supportin g the law, but when the found the public voice was getting too strong for them. they ce . el o , out with a proclamation. He expected if a proclates,t l _,, came out to put the Convention down, they would let WT I know that a Queen's Proclamation is no law. They vic! u se bide by the law, but the same arms that placed the l ye of Brunswick on the. Throne might be used to item wa s them. They must not desert themselves ; only by physical strength—by a demonstration they could do—that kept their opponents where th e Y d O f . England never had any rights but what she has been rob cc _ Mr. Lowrey concluded his address, by saying that it had b I I be urged that physical force never did any good ; althoug did not wish to resort to it, he noticed the former history.e: the United Kingdom to show that it might be attended *el!! n f what beneficial results. He deprecated the party who had B_4 tempted to sow dissension amongst t hem, and ho ped they wow not succeed. COMMERCIAL TRA VELLERS' SOCIETY.- - T he 39th anniversary festival of this valuable institution. was held on Saturday, at the London Coffee House, Ludgat e ' bill. About 140 gentlemen sat down to a very excellent dinner prepared for the occasion, the Right Hon. the Lor a Mayor :n the chair. It appeared from the report for the p ast y ear , that since the establishment o f the Society the su m ° "64,005/. had been paid to 1,097 claimants up to October, 1838. The number of claimants at pxe i c y may rese nt on the fun ds is preceding and t y li e. e ar r . ece ri tt: value have of t a he the r society tfia" ed ted by the fact that th e c l a i man t s a nd their families , wh° had r e e t edt those se e o s t f i th e received the 64,005/. from the funds had on l y contri- Ih bt . ed the su m o f 9,1201. , an d th e V. e is one instance io % u • tch the member had paid in only 33/. 125., while he h as been paid no less a sum than 6781. The report appeared to give very galena satisfaction. Messrs. Broadhurst, Taylor, and Bellamy, let their aid to promote the festivity of the evening, and the company did not separate until a late hour. A Society so valuable as this should be stren4; ously supported, and we trust that. the approaching ye a , will exhibit a consid era ble in c rease to its means, for t houga its funds have increased during the last year, yet the iii crease has not been in proportion to the increased number • of claimants whi c h a dv erse circumstances have within that period placed upon their list of pensioners.—Morn. Paper M I R.