The Sun. — London, England, 1838-01-17 00:00:00

Citerior demands, and by applyiug every remedy to gain addi tional strength for the new contest about to commence. Ur, that I believe has been the effect in Canada, and such is tl a effect which is seen, even in the unfortunate contest at the csent hour. But, to return to the events, which I feel It to be my bounden duty to recur to, because I think I am bound to lay before the House that which its attention bad never been called to before—to return to the sub ject after the passing of these resolutions in 1834, there ryas no occasion whatever upon which the Assembly voted supplies to carry on the Government. The Government of this ts.eantry was not merely endeavouring to remove 211 real ievances, but imaginary ones. At the end o f 16'34 the Rigilt, Hon. Sir Robert Peel became the Prime Minister of this country, and that he did cot intend to adopt all harsh measure with respect to the Canadians, I think I may safely state, from the appointment he made. Tee srpointment made under his Government was Lcrd Am twest ; he was appointed not merely as G o vern or , b u t f or the investigation of all grievances affecting the administration f the affairs of Canada. The character of Lord Amherst 'himself, even if this had notlx_en stated, would show that the en eteavour on the part of the Government was to do all he could for the interest of Canada. Upon the retirement of the Right lion. Gentleman from office, and the resignation of Lord Am terst, the Government of Lord Melbourne which succeeded pro yosed to send out a Commission to Canada to enquire into all their grievances, giving the Commissioners great latitude, as *nay Le seen by the instructions to Lord Gosford, who was she Governor-in-Chief. I shall take the liberty of quoting sue of the passages in these instructions to Lord Gosford, because it slams the spirit in which the Government were determined Co act with respect to Canada.--(Cries of " Het - ..r, hear.") Lord Glenelg, said, in his dispatch to Lord Gosford, dated July 17, 1833 " It may no', however, be improper to address to your Lordship one caution of a different nature. Whatever may lie the ground of the disputes which have so long prevailed letween the Executive Governmerit and the House of Gene lel Assembly of the Province, it could net, with any degree I f truth, or even of plausibility, be alleged that they have it her originated, or have been prolonged, v.ith a view to any interests, real or imaginary, excepting those of the people of Canada themselves. No motive ceuld possibly be as signed as influencing British policy towards this part of his Majesty's dominioes, except the advancement of the social avelfare of the inhabitants. Lied the development of the ~ources of the country. In prenestii g these great ends, the King has found an object worihy of the a blest ambition ae.d of the most earnest selieitude. Even if the counsels subrei ted to his Majesty for the Gavernreent of Lower Canada were admitted to be as injudicous as they have hero sometimes described to he; yet, even on that supposi tion, the singleness and disinterestedness of the motives by aeleieh his Majesty's confidential advisers have besn actuated iseculd he beyond dispute. Whet has Great Brintin to gain Ity the misgovernment of so important a portion of the British ▪ MPire ? There is co single ground of national competition sos filch could induce the metropolitan state to abuse her autho rity, or wideh should make that authority a sulject of rer sellable 'distrust to the Caea.disn p l eople, if it cetti..l, with - see justice, be supposed that those who are honoured eith a place in Lis Majesty's mere immediate crvrusels could be diverted by the sercid desire of patronage frem the up , ig!;t discharge of citifies so clear and important as these welch they owe to Bsitish North America. Yet i; is demon - el-able that so tins verthy a motive has not exerrised the slightest influence" on their deliberations. I do not find, for many yesrs psst, a :Soh lacy , xample of any piano, excepting that of the Governer timself anti one or two of the, chief aileers of customs, having Len confeired, in Lower Canada, on any peisen except the fettled inhabitants of the province, or in CiOr sentience of any recomtnem'ation but that of the Governor. Ne Minies tar, during the present or the last reign, has Lace used the pa- Sweetie of British No - . th America either to pn-onrste his ilea' pester or the nesse:id adeantaneolitimeelf or Iris c nnee tionas. I need seereely aid that tins Msjesty is ii .lily ra t; ivtii to enforce the ..ha •raance is feet, e tl e sage; jeat all fiber I rolicy." I b liele :het it is impoesible t i d ny tee truth of the alleg- thin mode by the Noble herd the Secre-. tery I , r the Colonies. it is r quany irei.nossiLle, to d , nv that Lord Gosford uselertork the Gosernment t.f Cantada nit!: an earnest desire—a desire in which he wee wm'y seconded by the British Governm en t—t o a ll ay t h e an - m shies and redress the grievances of ti.e Can and to esta blish harmony in) that province.—( Hear. ) Si,, I steed I s' year that there were veni us roc meneadations maid before the House of Assembly be the G ene nor. a hich I • sorry to say were cot acted on They thoinelit tit to per severe in the course which they had sdopte I s.,lutels re :using. to vote the Supplies. In the years 1835, 1836, gad jaw, a it!) the exception of one nets which was so objsctior.- bl e that it could snot be received, they refits elehe supplies sewn year, On is greet obj ct seernin , t to les, to tale . away t. e ma!eriel of Govererneot. to rent!, r it imps saible to carry it on, aed t make it necessary for this House to int rterc. I a anal bef re, that the appropriation of the reeeeues of Lower eanada was net a measure of deninee but of expediency. If tee supplies were to be refused year after yeer, tine machinery •,f Government could nor go o n. Why, if ie this country Sue supplies were to be refused for a single yeas, the mos: calamitous cons:quenctss would ensue. Refuel the supo . ies, and you disorganise the army ; refuse the supplies, and you snake public credit ; refuse the suppli s, an I non almost ii"saolve the Constitution. then, Sir, what was to 1 Le cline with reseect to a refusal of Supplies by a Pi oviecial asarliament. There could be but one of two courses adopted when these supplies had been resolutsly refused You onus: wither accede to all the demands of the Assembly, or you must take some means by which that mischief would be remerlier% it must be utterly impossible that Courts of Justice, and that alt the other means by which eisil Gevernsnent is carried on, alaculd be brought continually to a .top in conseqnence of those feuds, and one remedy or the other must he applied. 1 stated to the House that, welt respect to the farmer cf those alternatives f thought it impossible to gin up. With respect to the first of those demands : an Elective Council, it is stated in the Report of the Commissioners sent from this country, that their belief was, without, how evsr, dechliag upon the abut art question of an Elective Legislative Council—still less deciding on the policy or irnpolicy of establishing one on the North ' American Continent —that the establishment of an Elective Council in .ntver Canada would he piecing the Government en tirely in the hands of one of two extreme parties; that the 4 , ousequence of that establishment would be resistance by the anher party ; and finally, a dangerous civil war. I fully believe, eair, in the truth' of that statement of the Cemnsissioners. I believe, after the dissensions that have prevailed, that art Elective Council representing the passions, representing the violence, and representing the extreme desires which have found their way into the House of Assembly, would Lave been considered by all the British settler; in the Province as nothing else but a declara. lion that their interests would not be protected, and that they must resort to some other means of protection. illaesseet of these derneels was fur an Executive Council, and that that Executive Council should be responsible only t o The House of Assembly.—( Cries of " H ear , hear.") Sir, I stated that such a n Executive Council as that could exist but in one place—could exist entirely bat in one place, end the: in the seat of the Imperial Government.--(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") If the Sovereign of this country avere to select the confidence of the Crown, but elm possessed none of the confidence of the House of , Commons, there must a speedy change in the administration, and the Constitution would only proceed in consequence of thet change. But in a colony, if the Legislative Council are to be named according to the will of the Assembly, there is another question which arises, namely, what is to become of the orders given by the Imperial Government and the Governor of the colony ? You are here placed in the situation that your authority is com pletely set aside. You have a Can :dean Ministry responsible only to the Assembly, with a power of dismissing or driving away from particular places British troops, and of admitting the ships of a power, perhaps at war with this country, into the ports of Canada. If they have not the power to make such restrictions, they must be made responsible. If they have it, then a supreme and independent Governor has no place in the Colonies. Not only should there be an irrespon sible executive, but every judge and public officer should be Appointed not according to the laws of the Constitution, or the rule of the Imperial Monarchy of the mother country, but in accordance with the institutions and usages of a new and independent Republic. Another question in these proceedings was, whether a repeal should be granted of an Act passed by this country with respect to land in Canada, under which certain rights had accrued. Your Commissioners said, and most justly, that it was impossible to take these away without doing an Act of flagrant injustice to rights and titles granted under the sanction of an Act of Parliament. Another subject, on -which we declared we had no objection to enter, was an alto nation in the tenures, provided the rights, which could not be saes aside without injustice, were justly and duly maintained and preserved. As we were obliged to declare that we could not consent to have the relations between this country and Canada disturbed in the manner which had been threatened, and as the demands of the Assembly were declared repeatedly to be the only conditions on which they would consent to carry on the ordinary business of the Constitution, I say, by their own act, and without any interference of the superior power, the Government was ipso facto suspended by themselves.— ( Hear, hear.) Therefore, we proposed in that difficulty, in that extremity, when this House could not agree to proposi tions of the Assembly, that some measure should he taken to remedy this extraordinary embarrassment, and that some mea auves should be adopted by which the judges and others hold ing official situations should receive what otherwise would have been voted by the Assembly, and that the Governor should have the power to appropriate these sums. Sir, I do not think that we went at all beyond the necessity of the case. At the same time it was. evident that the II use of Assembly of Canada must either continue to • vu trend the Constitution altogether, or meat reconsider the grounds of their complaints. They hal repeatedly rieclared that their misgovernment was owing- to the Colonial k;ecretary of State, or to the Executive Government of this country, arid that they relied on the wisdom of Parliament to remedy their grievances. On receiving, however, these re aelaalnes, they did not take the peaceful pant of the Attu-ea live. They did not agree to look to other methods for the sedrese of the grievances of which they complained. Be it remembered, that when we said we could not agree to their 'demands. I stated expressly myself, that if any mode of ar ranging the differeness which existed otherwise rhea by the appointment of an Elective Council, we should be ready to bedertake the consideration of in mid if possible. to adopt it. .1 proposed myself certain mitigations as to the manner of ap p. intrnent in future. Instead of having persons chosen by atse s;overner unknown to the inhabitants (a matter which was fsequently complained of), it was d, tt ruined that the Exs.seu stive Council should send their opiition with respect to the fit mess c.i the persons intended to he appointed. When Mr. I.Reebuelt, formerly a Member of this House, proposer that the kesitla ive Council should be abolished, I did not at once say that the proposition was inadmissible, but I wished to know whether the Assembly of the Province proposed any remedy for that of which they had themselves complained.—(Hear, hear.) I did not propose the remedy which was sug gested. I was not disposed to think it well considered ; but I felt that the course which was to he taken should not be in the face of the repeated resolutions of the assembly, declaring that the Imperial Parliament could not otherwise act for their benefit than by the refusal of those Acts which interfered with their welfare. I was not, therefore, to pro pose a course entirely new, and at variance with that established Constitution which had hitherto been deemed so acceptable as to be looked upon as the sole instrument for accomplishing their wishes. But what was the answer of the Assembly in their meeting of August, 1837 ? Their answer was, that they would not suggest anything, that they would not propose anything, but if the Government of England should think proper to propose certain modifications in the Legislative Council, they would endeavour to determine what changes would enable the Government of the colony to be carried on beneficially. What was the meaning of this? By repeated evasions of the questions which had been asked them, and of the resolutions of that House, they seemed resolved to give this interpretation of their conduct, if we should introduce certain favourable changes : " We rejoice that you have get rid of the Legislative Council as an ob stacle to our desires, but you have not fulfilled the whole conelltions on which we rest our case, and we insist still upon an Elective Council as the only means by which future har mony can be established." Is it not obvious that such would have been the answer—is it not clear, from the spirit in which the controversy has been conducted, that no other reply would be received from the Canadians in answer to concessions volunteered by the Government.—( Hear, hear, hear.) In August, 1837, therefore, the Assembly, having met, refused altogether to comply with the request of the Governor to grant the supplies, and persevered in their former demands, with the trifling admission that there was a possibility of giving them at some future time. They were accordingly prorogued. With respect to all that has happened since the events of which I have been speaking, as there is a sufficiently succinct narra tion to be deduced from the papers which have been laid before the House, I do not mean to refer to them in any particular or detailed manner, contenting myself with a simple reference to their roost prominent features. It appears that soon after the reception cf the resolu tions of which I have just spoke violent meetings were I held in Canada, at which these resolutions were arraigned, i the Government of the colonies held up to odium and scorn, and at which not uefrequently the example of the Utthed Stetes of America was held up as the one it bshoved the. Canadians to follow. The nature arid objects of these meetings were very badly enough expressed, but stid it ap pears, by repeated dispatches from Lord Gosfot d, that for a long time he did not consider these demonstrations of im portance, end even in his liter communications he has more than once said, he thinks thet the system of agi:atioe Las failed in accomplishing its objects, that a bettor spirit is com mencing to prevail, and that many who were but a little tine past favourably disposed to the alleged objects of the move ment party, had let-ly expressed themselves ash: tter inclined to she mother-country. But after the meetings I have described above had gone on for a considerable time, it appears others commenced to be held, which were certainly mote of a forenhl- able character. Lori Gosroi d's attention heving been called to their existcnee, and to the propositions discussed before them, he conceivt d it to be his duty to dismiss from the militia certain of fice rs who h,d token part at these violent, and I will sly, seditious assemblies. Upoa this the people met, and aft r most eielently impugning the conduct and motives of the Governor for their dismissal, they proceeded to elect officers for themselves; and passed resolutions, pledging themselves - :tot to sulenit any case of theirs to a magistrate holding autho from her Majesty, and concluded by declaring themselvas any to art in any manner they should be required undt r cer • in ' pacific does," eppeinted by themselves, and the offieers the militia they t'a,nselvtie had just elected. It. was 0h .1.1i from the in.ry ssiccdoa of :lies; officers, and from the epic proceeding to obey their commends, that. the intention., as to throw off ail allegiance to the mother country ; bet, un !rimiately, matters did not stop here. '1 seditious nice gs continued to be held; and, sioaded on by the inflamma try declama t ion o f the orators, the mob procce:ted, in man !stances, to aria of personal vi dente against all whohasfuse obey. the maedatcs of these illegal meetings. Parties lien • nod at night, threreti toning with destrect.on all who refuse knit the ranks.of the disaffected; in many instances house id p ro p er ty w er e destroyed, aid the extreme vengeance of : infuriated rabble was held out to those officers of th dlida who had not been dismissed by the Governor, and inced an incline ion to perform their duties with loyalty s d fidelity. 0:1 the 23 of September, Lord Gusford, in a leveed' to Lord . Glenelg, says—" It is evident that the eipieceu facsioa arc not to be satisi n 1 will any concession • at does not i lice them in a mere favourable position to carry eto eff'ct their niteilor obj .cts—namely, the eeperadon of is country from England, and the establishment of a epuhlican ferns of Government. M._ Papineau has gone !ch lengths that Jae must now persevese in he course lie has -en, or submit to a defeat which would annibiltte all his ..ower and influence. The plan he pursues clearly shows that he is determined to do all that lie can tv, obtain his I ends. The violent and unjustifiable attacks which have been made by the ultra Tory party upon the French Canadians generally have caused an animosity which M. Pepincau does net fail to turn to account, and I atitibute much of his influence over so many members in the Assembly to this cause. M. Pepin: au has emissaries in various directions ; and though I do not conceive there is any ground for alarm, still:great caution and vigilance are required to guard against the evils that might follow from the attempts malting to excite discontent among the people by the most abomi nable misrepresentations. The Executive requires more power, and under my present impression I am di-posed to think that you may be under the necessity of suspending the Constitution. It is with feelings of deep regret I state this, but duty compels me to communicate it to you." On the Bth ! f September he agaie writes—" We can now make co terms s' ith air. Papineau ; you must either put him down, or su b m it A let him put you down ; there is no halting between two ! pinions. By at once increasing the 'sewer of the Executive aid suspending the Constitution, you at once paralyse the de , gns of these mischievous men. It would establish confidence the minds of those disposed to peace and good goverment . and at no distant period you might be solicited to restore the Constitution to the province, under arsaegements better calcu lated to afford satisfaction that could be accomplished by any effort or proposal in the present state of things ; for until you nullify Papineau's power you can never be in a posi tion to treat on anything like fair and liberal_ terms with a man of his extravagant, uncompromising, destructive views, exercising, as he does, complete controul over the minds of many who have been too long accustomed to be under his yoke." Notwithstanding the positive tenour of this despatch, I find that on the 9th of September Lord Gosford wrote to say that he did not believe the disaffection ;tile spread. He observes, in this dispatch—" Thst this state of affeirs seriously augments the difficulties of carrying on the government, and operates most injuriously upon the welfare and prosperity of the province, must be quite obvious. With the exception of some of the counties in the district of Montreal, I believe the mass of the population is contented and loyal, and that the attempts thet arc making to shake its allegiance and to create confusion will be unsuccessful." At a further period, however, there did occur a collision in the streets of Montreal between two parties, the one calling them selves the followers of Papineau, and the others adherents to the constituted government, under the designation of the Doric Club. This was very soon after followed by information of so alarming a tendency, that the Governor of theiprovince con ceived it to be his duty to send the Attorney-General to Mon treal to collect all possible information upon the subject, and to write to Sir John Colborne to ascertain what might be his means of putting down any disturbance that might arise. It appears the Attorney-General very soon obtained what he conceived sufficient evidence of secret and unlawful or ganization ; and in consequence he determined on putting on trial, for what was termed high treason, several persons of the Montreal district, and the requisite orders for their immediate arrest were issued. In pursuance of these orders the force, known as the county police, made several efforts to take into custody the persons inculpated, but in the end .were obliged to relinquish the attempt. It appears that afterwards, when Sir John Colborne, in the exercise of his duty, sent out troops to obtain possession of the guilty parties, an armed rebel force was found prepared, in the villages of St. Denis and St. Charles, to resist the Queen's troops, and then an open insurrection broke out. I imagine, Sir, that when matters came to this point, there could be no doubt on the mind of any man loyally disposed as to the object sought; no man so disposed would deny—indeed, I hope, no man so disposed would attempt to deny—that it was the duty of the Governor of the proviace in which these acts of insubordination and rebellion took place to take every means his position offorded him to restore tranquillity and protect the well-disposed of her Majes ty's subjects.--( Hear.) Fortunately, most fortunately, the person who is entrusted with the military command of the troops in Canada is one intimately acquainted with the coun try in which he has to act, and endowed with all the vigour of intellect and firmness of purpose requisite for his highly impor tant station. Sir John Colborne immediately adopted the steps the occasion required, and, as far as we have been able to learn, up to the present moment, the result of those mea sures has been the defeat of those who were in arms against the troops of her Majesty, and the restoration of tranquillity to a great portion of the disturbed district. So far, there fore—although in common with all I must lament that civil war should prevail in any part of lice Majesty's dominions—_l think we have all common cause of congratulation : I think, Sir, there can be but few—l thick there can be but very few—to whom it can he a matter but of congratulation that her Majesty's troops have been successful in the per formance of the service they were legally and conetitu tionelly employed upon.—( Loud cheers.) I do trust, Sir, that, in the course of this or any subsequent debate on this subject, we shall hear no more of those inconceivable wishes—(Cheers)—of those guilty hopes—(Loud cheers)— that the armies of her Majesty may encounter defeat, and the British name be covered with dishonour.—( Loud cheering for some moments.) I do trust, Sir, and I do believe, that if such a feeling exists at all—and the balance of my opinion I ann bound to say is against its exideuce--that it is confined to a very narrow yortion—l Hill not say of this House ' but of the n h o le p o p u l at i on of theeinpire.—( Cheer;.) This at least, is clear, that with respect to other portions of our North American Colonies, with respect to Upper Canada _although a base traitor of the name of M'Kenzie has attempted to d'sturb that province—(Cheers)--that in Nova Scotia anti New Brunswick the feeling, I may say the universal feeling, has been one of loyalty to the Bri tish government and and attachment to this connection with the mother country. We have seen that not only the regu lar authorities of her Majesty's government acted with the promptitude which became them, but we have also seen a large portion of the loyally disposed inhabitants of the pro vinces holding meetings, volunteering to take arms, and doing every other act in their power to show the depth and sincerity of their attachment to the constitutional govern ment, and the desire fur the continuance of the connection between the provinces and the mother country ; and let me say further, I was asked at the commencement of this ses sion whether the Government had not received intelligence of an increased amount of deserti o n among the British troops employed in Canada. At the time this question was asked I was not aware as to how the fact was, and I answered accordingly; but I am most happy in being able to state that, upon inquiry, I find desertion among the troops in Canada, so far from having been on the increase during the past year, was considerably diminished in amount.—( Hear, hear.) The Honourable Gentleman who asked me the ques ' tion, may, perhaps, be surprised that, with the addition to his ordinary duties of a civil war, a winter campaign, and very severe duty, there should not be an increase of desertion ; but when I tell him that my supposition, the reverse of his, is Lased on these very circumstances, I think his surprise will be increased. In my opinion, when a British soldier finds the question is, whether or not he shall remain at his post to maintain his allegiance to his Sovereign and support the honour of his country, those very hardships I have enu merated would induce him to be firm, and that, bearing up against th em v .i t h t h e h eart o f a B r i ton , h e will be found to the last faithful to his Queen, and true to the interests of his country.—( Loud cheers.) I have now, Sir, stated what has been the course of the present Government in respect to Canada, from the commencement of our career to the present time. I have shown, I think, that we have no reason to re proach ourselves with tyranny or oppression, or even with care lessness or senseless indifference in our government of these provinces.—( Hear.) 1 come now to a question which has been argued in a very different temper—it is the question whether it is for our interest to abandon Lower Canada altogether. I say, at once, I cannot bring my mind to the conclusion that it would be so. I say, at once, that the single motive of the at taeliment of a considerable portion of the population to the 13ritish Constitution, and the situation in whirls they would be left if we abandoned the province to the French party, that mo tive-alone would be a sufficient reason with me for e mphatically saying " No" to such a proposition. —( Cheers.) I ask the 'louse, would they be ready to desert the men who are now so nobly evincing their loyalty ?—would they leave them exposed to the plunder that would be inevitable on a separation?—and if they would, I then ask them could they do so consistently with justice, and with the maintenance of their country's high cha racter ? But if the reasons I have mentioned were insuffi cient, there were other considerations which would induce the Government to oppose any project of abandonment. Sup. posing the St. Lawrence, under the command of the United States, and a Canadian republic established at Quebec, does any one believe that the other provinces, the provinces of Nova S. otia and New Brunswick, could be kept under control ? No, Sir ; I am convinced, if such a state of things should by any rr.ischance come round, the question would arise whether we s' ould not try to regain Lower Canada, or abandon North America altogether. Was Eagland prepared for such en alter native ? I do believe that the possession of our colonies tends materially to the prosperity of this empire. On the preserra:ion of our colonies depends the continuance of our commercial marine, and en our commercial marine mainly depends cur naval power, and on our naval power mainly depends the strength and supiernecy of our arms. I think, then, I may say, without arguing the question any further, that it is our policy, as well as but fairnsse and justice to cur fellow-subjects, that we should not think of abandoning th ,se provinces.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, I have .thought it necessary to address the House at this great, I fear too great, length on the subject of our affairs in Canada, be cause I do think it is most important that Parliament and the country should be put in postee!iors of the while of our pro ceedings, so that when the fitting time arrives the conduct of the Government in regard to the question may be fairly and fully discussed. I say, for my own part, if I thought our conduct was founded in iojuatice to any party fronts it, I would at once retreat. I say likewise, if I could find that .t is nut the interest both of this country and of the colons , i self that Canada: should continue to be a part of the British empire, I should be prepared to counsel a separation; but coming as I do to a most decided conviction oil both these questions, I am quite prepared to come to the father question, namely, what is the course we should adopt upon the present occasion. I conceive there can he no doubt that the first duty of the country and of the 'louse, if they concur in the view of the question which we take, is to propose that sufficient means be afforded in order to put down the insurrection. I am not going to ague the question whether or no the present Government were to bla , ne in not has ing at this moment a greater military force in Canada. The question which we wish to propose for the consideration of the House to-night is, whether or not they are prepared to maintain the sovereignty of the Crown in the eolunies, and net whether her Majesty's Ministers were to blame. I see opposite to me a Noble Lord who is reported to have said that Ministers should appear at the Bar of the House, for suffering an insurrection to break out. If that Noble Lord, or any other Honourable Member, thinks we are to blame, let him arraign us, and we shall be ready to meet the charge.—( Hear, hear.) Before, however, they do so, I shall suggest their considering for a moment two paints t—lstly, Whether any authority, civil or military, r any body of persons whatever, hold the opinion that the force at present in Canals was inadequate, and ought to have been increased ; and, 2dly, Whether, up to the present moment, the force in Lower Canada Las been proved inadequate for the suppression of the disturb ance.—(Hear, hear.) However, I repeat, I do not wish at the present moment to argue this question. I am ready to do so should the House think fit to pass a vote of censure on us; but the question for to-night is, what are the means we ought to adopt, and what are the points cn which n-e can agree in order to maintain in these Provinces good order and tranquillity. With respect to force, it will be, I think, absolutely necessary that a very sufficient force should be in the St. Lawrence in the spring, to bo landed in Canada as soon as the navigation opens.---( Hear, hear.) For my own part, I may say I entertain no apprehensions as to what may have hitherto been done by these insurgents, aban (Lined as they seem to have been by the great body of the British, and even French Canadians. From this I say I do not feel any apprehension whatever. But it is obvious at the same time that, an iesurrectiou having once broken out, a temptation is by the very circumstance presented, to many a temptation not to be resisted, to endeavour to shako the British power in Canada. Let me be understood as not meaning to say that any treaties or friendships with this co un t ry are likely to be forgotten on the present occasion, either by the great Powers of Europe or by America. I hare no intention of even insinuating the possibility of such an occurrence, and the con duct of the United States Government since the commence ment of the disturbances in Canada strongly tends to con vince us that from the United States the Canadian rebels will meet with neither sympathy nor assistance.—( Cheers.) But at the same time it is impossible not to see that both in Europe and America there are many whom the want of employment at home, and the hope of a participation in those splendid spoils so temptingly held out by the abettors of the rebellion. will induce to flock to the scene ; and for this reason, even though circumstances may in the end prove that the precaution is unnecessary, I think it will be quite necessary that we should be prepared for action by next spring, and have in the St. Law rence ready for disembarkation a force sufficient to put down every vestige of the insurrection. Then comes the question with respect to the Civil Government. It is obviously quite im possible that we should think of convening the Assembly, or of asking them to pass laws, or do any act properly be longing to their jurisdiction. Unhappily, some of the most prominent members of the Assembly have taken part with the insurgents, so that, as I before said, the Assembly itself may be said to have suspended their Constitution. I m ay as well here state that the general plan I shall have the honour to propose is embodied in a Bill which I shall to-night ask leave to introduce. Its leading provisions I shall now briefly state. In the first place, to ask Parliament to suspend that part of the Constitution of 1791 by which it is made neces sary to call together the members of the Legislative Assem bly. We then propose that the power of legislation shall be given to a Governor in Council. This Bill does not, in its present shape, propose any particular number of which that Council should consist; but it provides that not less than five members of it should loe present at any deliberation, and that every subject of deliberation should be brought forward and proposed by the Governor. It then proceeds to provide that all the powers of legislation which may be necessary for the Government of the provinces shall be en trusted to this body—.l mean the Governor in Council ; that they may renew, if expedient, any Acts which may have expired owing to the non-convocation of the Legislative A s pt%pyhohrowoar p uti tr o ym s t euamnetanhiyieaarbtueigsegui the htv h hee c en r CC u t otr h nh, s e set tri itet G uue o trui v eot e mn r ba n oi o and r cry 4. this hn r Council sembly, and that they may pas s suc h A cta as the occasion may require for the Gove rnment o f t h e province bat the B s to u f t b u ' e rt S i r l i e e r h f , no other view, that permanently a f ree C onstitution purpose we mean s Bail should while established? It is our intention, and we a d opt this tslanhowiultd o u t henh does ,as notv a e u u questi exist in Canada. __(Cheers.) For thi s only to limit the period of the autho r ity o f t h e new Gover nor,n ot but also the period of the authority o f t h e laws which we give him power to enact.—( Cheers.) If there are any who think that the present occasion ought to be taken to adopt any other than a free Government in Can a d a , or that the English party should have a concession made to all their wishes, and that the French Canadians should be subjected to a form of Government unpalatable to them, or one from which they could not expect full justi ce , or the due consideration of their interests, I have only to s a y t h at to such a proposition her Majesty's Government will b e no par _ ties._—( Cheers.) We propose to do but that w hi c h we consider the interests both of the mother country and the Provinces require. We do nut propose to govern Canada in any other way than that which must tend to the welfare of its inhabitants. I am firmly of opinion that the difficulties whi c h have hitherto prevented an adjustment of this question have entirely arisen from the peculiar constitution of the House of Assembly (convened, unfortunately, at the will of one ambi tious demagogne), and of a Legislative Council, in the compe -1 titian of which, by former Governors, the interests of the Pro vinces and the character of the individual men were not suffi ciently consulted. —( Hear.) I think, therefore, that with re spect to the principal questions on which the alleged griev enees of the Canadians are b ssed a satisfactory adjustment may, in the course of time, be arrived at. At the present moment 1 doubt very touch whether we have before us all the elements upon :chick to decide the terms of Ruch an adjustment ; b ut I think, nevertheless, we have sufficient to justify our express ing an opinion that a consummation so much in every sense to he desired is not to considered by us either impracticable or even difficult. I shall propose, therefore, that the Governer and his Council, with the view to this final adjustment, should base recourse to the opinions of the American authorities, summoning for that purpose a kind of Board, to consist of (as we understood the Noble Lord) twenty-three persons, of whom ten should be representatives of the Assembly of Upper Canada, ten of the Assembly in Lower Canada, and the three remaining to be existing Members of the present Le gislative Council. I do not, however, propose—l should not be justified in proposing—that the final settlement of this matter should be left to this body in conjunction with the Go vernor. The Imperial Parliament is naturally the supreme legislative authority in the British empire, and I do not think we should on this occasion—on this so important and solemn an occasion—depart from the principle so invariably advocated by every great statesman and law yer, of leaving to it the supreme control. I, there fore, propose that the propositions which may emanate from this Assembly, after having been assented and agreed to by the Governor, should be transmitted to this country, and then proposed to Parliament, with a view of making such modifications in the constitution of 1791 as may conduce to the interests of all, and eventually prove the foundation of an harmonious, and, I would add, a free constitution for the people.—(Cheers.) I do not despond. I say that such a foundation may be laid; but at the same time I think it is most important that the person to be sent from this country should be one whose conduct and character should be be yond exception—a person conversant not solely with matters of Administration, but with the most important affairs which are from time to time brought before the Parliament of this country. I think he should be conversant also with the affairs of the various states of Europe; and, moreover, that it should be implied by his nomination that he was not at all adverse to opinions the most liberal, and that he was favourable to popular feelings and popular rights.—( Hear, hear.) Having said this much, I know not why I should refrain from stating that her Majesty has been pleased to en trust the conduct of this affair and these high powers to one whom her advisers think in every respect fitted for the change —namely, the Earl of Durham; and the Earl of Durham having accepted the office, will be duly nominated to it.— ( Cheers.) I will proceed to say a few words as to the advan tages which I think are at present enjoyed by the people of Lower Canada. It is the general opinion of all persons who are conversant with the subject, that there are no people on the face of the globe who are in a condition of greater com fort and ease, or who enjoy wore extensive and peculiar ad vantages, than the habitans of Lower Canada. That is their present condition, and with the general progress of improve ment it is fairly to be expected that that condition will im prove. In addition to the benefit which they derive from the enjoyment of laws congenial to their own habits, feel ings, and prejudices, they have the benefit which they derive from the enjoyment of British laws. It is certainly true that, with all these advantages, they do not enjoy complete independence. They do not enjoy that absolute freedom of action which is altogether inconsistent with their state, if they are still to be considered as the inhabitants of a colony belonging to a mother country. But, Sir, iii return for that disadvantage (if, indeed, it is a disadvantage), there are cir cumstances which go far to compensate them. Among the first or those circumstances i 3 the privilege which they possess of being defended from foreign attack by the armies and by the navies of this country without charge. In the last year a sum of 220,0001. was voted for the naval and military defence of Canada, of which sum not above 1,200/. or 1,5001. was paid by Canadians. What would they have to pay if they were in the situation of the United States ? In the last year the charge for the naval and military expenses of the Americen Stags was little less than 5,000,000/. Tien again, with regard to taxation. The taxes in the Canadas see exceedingly light. The disposition of the revenue is also i i the highest degree favourable to the interests of the people. The largest annual sum that has been voted in Lower Cann Ix ( I speak in round numbers) was 137,000/. Of that ruin ;7,000/. was appro priated so the expenses of the. Civil G .vernment ; 70,000/ to the expenses of roads, enclosures, a 1 other internal ill erovements ; and 25.0D0L to the pie roses of education. Now, I ask, whether, if we were in ti. e, condition, if all we lied to ply was the expenses of the Civ 3overnment, the ex p 'rises of internal improvements, and th s expeuces of public education,. it would not be thought that ere were in a very en viable situation? But, Sir, if tile peopi > of Canada have no greet reason to complain of th e l aws tin l er w hi c h t h e y live— if they have no great reason to compla a of the taxes which are imposed upon them—if they have no great reason to com plain of the disposition of their revenues—eel:l leas reason have they to complain on the subject of trade. With respect t trad o it has always been admitted that an I nperial Legisla ture Isis a right to compel a colony to receive the produce of the mother country, and a right to r strict that colony in its co amerce with other nations. But he would put it to the Canadians whether, if th sy were separated from Great B stain—if Great Britain and Caned% were two independent notions, the trade of Canada could by pesibility be in a state so beneficial to that colony as at present ?—( Hoar, hear.) If, then, the situation of the people of Canada is so happy with respect to their internal conditien— to their laws—to their finances—and to their trade—l think I have a perfect right to come to this House, and to ask it to agree to the proposition which I am about to mske to them, The Address which I mean to propose, after "thank ing her Majesty for her gracious communication of papers re lating to the affairs of Canada," and " assuring her Majesty that the anxious consideration of this House shall be given to the preparation of such measures as the present exigency may require," proceeds " to express to her Majesty our deep con cern that a - clisafft•cted party in Canada should have had re course to open violence and rebellion, with a view to throw off their allegiance to the Crown. To declare to her Maksty our satisfaction that their designs have been opposed, no less by her Majesty's loyal subjects in North America than by her Ma ; jesty's forces, and to assure her Majesty, that while this House is ever ready to afford relief to real grievances, we are folly determined to support the efforts of her Majesty for the suppression of revolts, and the restoration of tranquillity." I Sir, I think I have laid quite sufficient grounds to induce all • to consent to repose this confidence in her Majesty and her Majesty's Government, who arc, with me, not prepared to give immediate independence to the British provinces in i North America. Although, I repeat, that I am not prepared . to give such immediate independence, this I will say, that if the time were come at which such an important change might be safely and advantageously made, I should by no means be F indispos e d t o g i ve th e 1,400 , 000 o f our present fellow-sub jects who are living in the p ro vi n ces of No r th A mer i ca a participation in the perfect freedom enjoyed by the mother country. If it were a fit time, if circumstances of all kinds were such as to render such an arrangement desirable, I think L that our Colonies might with propriety be severed from us, and formed into a separate and distinct State, in alliance offensive and defensive with this country.—( Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member for Kilkenny and the Honourable i Member for Bridport cheer this sentiment. Of this I am sure, that if things had arrived at the state which I have described, if the time for such a separation had arrived (which I utterly deny), we should then hare as allies men influenced by the most amiable and affectionate feelings towards the mother country ; not men who would wish to see the British arms defeated, or who would entertain the acpiratioa that the power of Great Britain might sink into in significance and contempt. On the contrary, I am convinced that we should find in them men who would sheer on the efforts of this great empire, who would reverence our character, and enjoy our triumphs.—( Hear.) Until such a time, however, shall arrive, until separation shall be the mutual interest of the British colonies and the British empire, we will not consent that these provinces shall lose British protection, in addition to the privileges which they enjoy in common with their fellow subjects. If the time be not come for the separation to which I allude, at least let us not eensent to the separation of asmall portion of persons who hare carried their ambitious designs into effect by breaking into open rebellion in one of the pro vinces, that of Lower Canada.---(Hear.) If you consent to P such a proposition, you will indeed create a civil war, you will excite to plunder and pillage, you will give the signal for a long and sanguinary interruption of public tranquillity ; and if the individuals to whom I have alluded, fancy that they can establish a free, a happy, and an orderly Republic, in that expectation, they will most signally fail.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, such are the reasons and such are the grounds on which I ask this House to assent to the Address which I am about to propose. I feel confident that the House and the country will do her Majesty's Government the justice to believe that they entertain no wish to avail themselves of the means which, they trust, will be placed at their disposal for purposes of se verity, still less of vengeance, with reference to the misguided people who have been induced to take a part in this insurrec tion.—(Hear, hear.) I am sure that no one can be more anxious that the Noble Lord the present Governor of Canada, and I am sure that no one will be more anxious than the Noble Lord who will succeed him, to make the present warfare as little attended by circumstances of a painful and sanguinary nature ntth;atftotriely also will feel consider clemency e le st . road feel t o reconciliation conde fi con fident that the defection of the greater p ortion of t h ose wh o have been led into rebellion in Lower Canada may be justly a tt r ibuted to ignorance. — ( Hear , hear.) The few really guilty, the des i g nin g men who have exas p erated others, and Induced them rashl y to a pp eal to arms, will hereafter be held a s p tl o te ssi b b in detestation by their ovvn countrymen. Confident as to the issue of this contest, I shall feel it my duty, when that con test is terminated , to call u p on this House to reward those w ho b e en faithful to their Sovereign, to their country, to their have oaths, and to the integrity of the empire.--( Hear, hear.) The SPEAKER read the Address to her Majesty. Mr. HUME rose, and after the noise occasioned by a num ber of hon. members leaving the House had subsided, pro ceeded to observe that he was very unwilling to trespass upon the House, but was nevertheless desirous to state shortly the v i e w lie took of the question under consideration. There was one observation made by the Noble Lord which had given him great satisfaction. The Noble Lord had stated that he was sure the House and the country would be anxious to have all the facts relative to the occurrences in Canada fairly and fully before them. Now, it was because he (Mr. Hume) knew that the House and the country had not all the facts relative to the occurrences in Canada fairly and fully before them that he could not agree to the proposed Address, and still less to the proposition for suspending the Constitution of Lower Canada. He knew vory well that the Noble Lord had a great advantage over him in calling the attention of the House to the subject, without having previously given the , after a forth lot:g with statement a proposition of t he sma ll e st intimation of what it was his intention to propos e . Th e Noble Lord had car e f ul l y concealed his plans from every b)onr d the Constitution of L ower C ana d a. H e ( Mr. Hume) would take upon himself to say that the Noble Lord had not dea l t fairly with the Huuse in stating . that a they were in full possession of the facts which had led to the t p j a. past s 1 s u i s s i t codyy ; of nd Canada, n° w h e came present condition of things in Lower Canada, and which ought to induce them to adopt the extraordinary and uncon stitutional course which the Noble Lord now proposed. He agreed with the Noble Lord in one statement, that it was the intention of Parliament in 1791 (and he would not enter at all into the Noble Lord's previous statements) to give to the people of Canada all the advantages of a representative body, similar in every respect to the House of Commons in the mother country. If, however, the Noble Lord read the speeches of Mr. Fox and the other Hon. Members of that period correctly, he would find that the Legislative Council was an experiment to try if a body could he established similar to the House of Lords. That experiment had been made, and it had entirely failed. That circumstance the Noble Lord, had, however, passed over, and had gone on to describe the violent meetings and proceedings that had taken place in Lower Canada. But the House of Assembly was not in fault. The fault was attributable to the Governor and the Legislative and ExecUtive Councils, which were never found to be in accordance with the Legislative Assembly. In 1828 it had been distinctly declared by the Colonial Secretary that the measures then in contemplation had for their object the bringing of these different bodies into a state of accord ance. Now, as the great majority of the Legislative Assem bly was composed of French Canadians, if a disposition existed at the period he had alluded to to brine the different bodies into a state of accordance, that could only have been accomplished by giving the same party a majority in the Legislative and Executive Councils. Was it possible that any rational person could suppose that the Government of so distant a colony could be satisfactorily carried on by two parties so differing in opinion from one another ? The thing was imposible ; and there was no doubt, therefore, that the intention in 1823 was, that the people of Lower Canada, being fairly represented in the House of Assembly, the Legislative Council and the Executive Council should con tain so many persons who had a stake and interest in the country, that it was probable the opinions of those Councils would coincide with the opinions of the House of Assembly. That intention, however, was not carried into effect. On the contrary, such a selection of persons was made for the Councils as was not at all calculated for that purpose. This the Noble Lord must admit. If he did, ought he not to pause before he came to that House to propose the destruc tion of the representative body? He (Mr. Hume) thought that the Noble Lord was to blame in blaming the conduct of the House of Assembly. The Noble Lord ought to have looked at the proceedings during the government of Lord Dalhousie. He (Mr. Hume) wished the Noble Lord had told them what, in his view of the question, bad been the powers vested in the House of Assembly ; and had then pro ceeded to show in what respect they hail exceeded their autho- ' rity, and what charge existed against them of a nature so se rious as to demand their destruction. Could anything be more legitimate than that they should employ themselves in examin ing, item by item, the articles of the Civil List? From the year 1820, when Lord Dalhousie was Governor, the right possessed by the House of Assembly to exercise this scrutiny had been acknowledged. If this were termed by the Noble Lod an offence, in his (Mr. Hume's) opinion, the 'Noble Lord would entirely fad in proving- it to be one. Whoever knew anything of the privileges of the House of Commons . would acknowledge that one of the most valuable of those pri vileges was that of investigating the Civil List. Instead, therefore, of being a charge against the Legislative Assem bly of Lower Canada, their exercise of this privilege ought to redound to their praise. It was the Legislative Council who had thrown impediments in the way of beneficially go verning the country. The Noble Lord referred to the in structions which had been given by Sir George Murray, when he was Secretary of State for the Colonies, and said that those instructions were liberal in their character. He (Mr. Hume) admitted it. But had those instructions been acted upon? He could state on the authority of those who, being on the spot, were perfectly competent witnesses, diet they had never been acted upon. He by no means blamed Sir George Mur ray, whose intentions he believed, and had always said he be lieved, were good. But he (Mr. Hume) had also said, and he still said, that it was impossible satisfactorily to govern any colony at a distance from the mother country, if the per setts in authority in that colony had na feeling in common with the people of the colony. Up to the present moment the per sons in authority in Lower Canada were aliens in that colony. That was proved by the petition to the House of Commons in 1828, signed by 87,000 inhabitants of Lower Canada, nine teen-twentieths of whom were landed proprietors, forming an overwhelming majority of the population. In the Legislative Council of Lower Canade there wes only one person inte rested in the soil. The other Members of that Council were either official persons, or people from Eoglaud, who had no interest in the soil. Was it possible that Sir George Mur ray, or any other Colonial Minister, should be able satisfactorily to administer such a Government as that of Lower Canada under such circumstances ? Out of three hun dred end forty civil officers, only forty were Canadians ; the rest were persons such as he had just described. There was the origin of all the evils that had occurred. Could any thing be mere extraordinary than that, at a time when they were anxious to be relieved from all the expenses of the Co lonies, they should refuse to listen to the proposition of the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada, to relieve them from those expenses on the condition of having the management and disposal of the revenue? By such an arrangement both the government at home and the colonial government would acquire greater strength. The present system of lavish and extravagant expenditure was maintained only for purposes of abuse and corruption. He (Mr. Hume) had frequently stated that the people of England were taxed, not for the benefit of the colonies (who did not want it), but for the benefit of a few individuals. That was the cause of the prevalent sys tem of abuse and misrule. Was it fitting that the House of Assembly should be blamed for endeavouring to perform one of their most important functions, that of examining any branch of the public expenditure, item by item ? The two statements made by the Noble Lord were inconsistent with the facts ; and that could be abundantly proved by documents and correspondence. He (Mr. Flume) might go on and advert to other circumstances —to the pension list and other matters. Nearly ten years ago he had said that Sir James Kempt was the only governor of a colony he had ever known against whom no complaint had ever been sent home. He would take upon himself to say, that if all Governors of Canada had acted on Sir James Kerrept's principles, the present posture of affairs would never have existed. It was incorrect to say that the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada had refused to pass the Act of Supply. They had only refused to do so without attaching to it certain conditions, indicating the impropriety of allowing any individual to hold several offices, and the expediency of confining one individual to one office. Adverting to Lord Go,ford's letter of February, 1837, respecting the arrears which for three years the Legislative Assembly hail refused to pay up, he (Mr. Hume) observed that the Noble Lord went out after the Governments of Lord Amherst and Lord Aylmer for the purpose of conciliation ; but that the most im portant object of his mission remained concealed until disclosed by Sir F'. Head. The Canadian people said, and said naturally, to the Governor, " It is right we should tell you, and through you the British Parliament and the British Government, that until you redress our grievances, which are of so important and so grievous a nature, we will not pay up the arrears ; but in order to show you how sincerely desirous we are that the machinery of Government should go on, we will, notwith standing the severity of the measures which you now adopt towards us, vote the supplies for the current year, so that you may have sufficient time to write home to the Colonial office, and to ascertain whether in that quarter there is any disposition to accede to those claims which we deem just and reasonable." Such was the language held by the House of Assembly, and they acted not only upon the spirit, but up to the very letter of it. They took the estimates of 1833 as the ground work upon which to frame those for the cu rren t y ear . The House would hardly believe that a Minister of the Crown should now rise in his place in that House, and state that from the year 1892, the House of Assembly ha l uniformly and obstinately persisted in refusing the supplies, when he (Mr. Hume) held in his hand a letter from Lord Gosford in which that nobleman said, " the House of Assembly has entered item by item into the account for the supplies:' The House of Assembly had in fact not only entered into the account item by item, but had actually voted the salaries of all the chief officers of the Government. It was true that they had at tached certain conditions to their votes, but those condi tions were only just and reasonable—conditions not only justifiable in themselves, but, in many instances, absolutely , necessary to the proper discharge of the duties of the situ ations filled by the different officers.—( Hear.) Did the Noble Lord mean to say that the House of Assembly, whet' it voted the money, had not the power to affix conditions upon which that money should be paid ? Public opinion in England had declared against plurality of offices. Was it not fit and proper, therefore, for the Canadian House of Assembly to say that it would vote certain salaries to certain officers only upon condition of their abandoning places which were wholly in consistent with their official situations? Was there anything unjust, unreasonable, or improper in their declaring that the auditor of the land -tax, the clerk and registrar, the clerk of the Legislative Council, and the master in Chancery, should severally be paid the salaries attached to those offices, only upon condition of their ceasing to be Members of the Legisla tive Council ? Was there anything inconsistent in the House of Assembly declaring that men holding subservient situations, as clerks in different offices, should not continue to be mem hers of a body which in the Colonial Legislature was ranked in the same place as the House of Lords in Great Britain ? He for one thought that the House of Assembly, instead of being subjected to blame, were Deserving of every praise for the step they had taken towards the suppression of an abuse which was no longer tolerated at home. Ile would mention only one or two other instances, just to show the nature of the conditions made by the House of Assembly, and for which the Legislative Council afterwards threw out the Bill of Supply. For it must always he remembered that it was not the House of Assembly which re f used, but the Le gislative Council which rejected, the supply necessary to carry on the official duties of the Gove rnment. The salary of the Speaker of the House of Assembly was voted with this pro viso, " that he shall not at the same ti me rece i ve an equal or a higher sum from any other situation under the Government '' Had they not previously set the example in England, and laid down the rule, that an officer who received a large salary for one office should not at the same time be allowed to receive a salary from any other office ? Was it just, then, to blame the H o use of Assembly in Canada f or d o i ng the very same thine which they (the House of Com mons of England) took creditn for doing themselves? The salaries of the officers of the Crown and of the Court of Chancery were also voted subject to this reasonable condition, " that they should not continue to be members of the Executive or Legislative Councils." A grew deal had been said about the salaries of the Judges being left unpaid. That was a falsehood t h roughout : the salaries' of the Judges had been voted. The Noble Lord was, there fore, quite wrong lay big that charge at the door of the House of Assembly. Lord Gesford, in his dispatch of March, 1836, distinctly stated that the Homo of Assembly would pay the salaries of the Judges, provided they did not hold other offices. Was that as unreasoeable con dition ? Was it fit that the Judges should hold other offices ? Was it permitted that the judges of England should hold a i plurality of offices ? If it were not permitted in England, .as it right that the Noble Lord, in making out a case against Canada, should say that the judges were left unpaid, and that justice could not he administered, when the only bar to their payment was the fact of their holding a multiplicity of s . tan tons, utterly at variance with their office of judges. Such an allegation on the part of the Noble Lord, was nothing no ie than an excuse on the part of the Noble Lord, to induce the House to go along with him in an unjust measure ; a measure founded upon si.atements and assertions which tete documents in the Noble Lord's own hands would not bear out. The sa lary or the Chief Justice had been voted without any condi tion at all; and the salaries of the Puisne Judges had also been voted, subject only to the condition that they should not hold other offices under the Government at the same time. The salary of the Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty had also b .ea voted, subject to the same condition. It was neither just nor fair in the Noble Lord, therefore, to state that the salaries of the judges had been refused, and that justice could not be administered. Was the House of Assembly to blame, if it attached such conditions to their votes, when they found gentlemen holding situations, as the Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty did, wholly inconsistent with their offices, and receiving fees wholly unsanctioned by the laws ? He took alt these facts from Lord Gosferd's dispatches, which had been published by order, of the Government ; and when ha mentioned that circumstance he thought he had stated enough to show that the Noble Lord was not warranted in his asser tion that the House of Assembly had refused to vote the sup plies. Lord Gosford distiectly stated that the Bill of Supply was introduced into the House of Assembly on the 25th of February or March, and was sent up to the other House with very little delay, and subject only to the condition which he (Mr. Hume) had adverted to relative to plurality of offices. Lord Gosford added that the House of Assembly had taken that means of putting down the calumny that they had refused to vote the Supplies ; and he observed further, that he had no hesitation in saying such was the feeling—such the disposition of the House of Assembly, that but for the untoward publica tion of the instructions of Sir Francis Head, the House of As semble, that which was now so severely blamed, would have voted the whole of the Supplies for the year. Was it not won derful, then, that the Noble Loid, with such evidence in his hands, should have the hardihood to come forward as a Minis ter of the Crown and declare that the House of Assembly had obstinately refused to vote any Supply ? The fact, as he had al ready stated was, that the House of Assembly proposed the measure of Supply, and seat it up to the Legislative Council, where it was read a second time, but afterwards dropped. Hence the want of supply. Who was to blame ? Not the House of Assembly but the Legislative Council. He had thus shown, from the correspondence of Lord Gosford, first, that the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) was not supported in his statement ; and, secondly, that he was erroneous in the con clusions he had drawn. Then the Noble Lord alluded to the rr port p a, of 1828, and to certain resolutions which were agr e ed -- to by t e House of Assembly. The Noble Lord said that the Assembly was most ungrateful; what was the fact ? He (Mr. Hume) held in his hand a series of resolutions in which the House of Assembly expressed great thanks for the inquiry which had taken place. But what was the result of the in quiry for which, according to the Noble Lord, the House of Assembly ought to be so extremely grateful? Were any of the recommendations cf the report carried out? The House of Assembly was the best judge of that. The House of Assembly declared that not one of them had been carried cut. They were great fools, therefore, for thanking the Home Government for benefits which seemed to be promised, but which, in fact, were never granted. If the recommen dations contained iii the Report of 1828 had been fairly and honestly carded into effect, there would have been nothing of the unpleasant distractions which had ex iated almost from that tome to the present hour. There would certainly have been nothing of that armed resistance which unhappily had of late been offered to the constituted authorities. He (Mr. Hume) maintained therefore, that the Noble Lord when he quoted the report of 1828 quoted it against himself; or at all events quoted it only to be told that none of the recommendations which it contained had been carried into effect. There might have been a few petty and insignificant attempts at reform ; but all the principal grievances of the Canadians remained un redieused. Tho- Noble Lord then alluded to the minute of Lord Aberdeen. He (Mr. Hume) wished that the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) had acted more in the spirit of that nobleman. Ile thought the intentions of Lord Aberdeen were good, and had that "Nobleman remained in office up to the present time, he had no doubt, from the great at tention which he paid to the facts brought before him, and from the manner in which he drew his conclusions, that there would have been none of the rebellion, none of the disturbances, which they were now compelled to regret. Cheers from the Opposition.) He was bound to say so ; taking :t for granted that Lord Aberdeen would have acted upon the reasoning adopted by him during the short time he was at the head of the Colonial-office, and which, if carried into effect, would certainly have done much good. The Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) then repeated five different charges or complaints which he alleged had been committed. These included the iadependence of the press, the Jesuits' property, the Church and Crown revenues, and the Constitu tion of the Legislative Council. He (Mr. Hume) was cer tainly surprised to hear the Noble Lord, assert that the Ca nadians had no reason to complain of the Constitution of the Legislative Council. The Canadians complained that that body, as at present constituted, was subject to no liability ; and that as long as it was continued in its present shape they could have no power over their revenues, over their laws, or, in fact, over anything that concetned their welfare ; because, whatever their own efforts might be in the House of As sembly, the Legislative Council had always the power, with out any kind of responsibility, to step in and mar all. Tile Noble Lord passed over a period of ten years in a couple of paragraphs, with scarcely an allu sion. He said that responsibility was recommended in the Report of 1828, and that the Canadians were very unthankful in not having expressed their acknowledgments for the recom mendation. But what had been done ? Had the recommenda tion been carried into effect ? No. Nothing had been done_. nothing at least that could confer a substantial benefit upon the colony. Did the Noble Lord believe that the alteration which he had made in the Legislative Council gave the least satisfac tion to the people of Canada? Did lie not know that public meetings had been held in which the new regulations intreas duced by the Noble Lord were complained of as raaking the Legislative Council worse than it was before ? Did not the Noble Lord know that the Canadians would rather have that body com posed of men fresh from England, not at all connected with the colony, than of men who were renegades from their former opi nions, and in every way obnoxious to the great majority of the Canadian public. But when was the alteration made which was to give so much satisfaction to the people of Canada, and which, according to the Noble Lord, they were so ungrateful in not having acknowledged ? Why (the House would hardly believe it), this boasted alteration was not made until the latter end of October last, ten years after the period at which an alteration in the Constitution in the Legislative Council was originally recommended. The Council, which ought to have been reformed in 1828, was not reformed until 1837, when ten members were added to it, leaving it just as highly objectionable, and as little calculated to satisfy the people upon the score of responsibility, as it had. ever been. He maintained that all the Noble Lord's state ments with respect to that body were entirely fallacious. The Noble Lord then went 01 to say that from the year 1830 none of the measures of conciliation held out by the Government and Legislature of the mother country bad been fairly met by the House of Assembly. What measures of conciliation had been held out? What real measures of conciliation 'Lad ever been held out without being successful ? No, it was not until they were driven by the measure of last year__a measure which went at once to the destruction of their Constitution, and of all their just rights, that the people of Canada assumed a tone of defiance towards the mother country. He (Mr. Hume) denied that there had been any manifestation of a desire to conciliate on the part of the parent state. Was there any thing of conciliation in the Resolutions of last year ? He ( Mr. Hume) had never heard of anything so reckless of all principle as those Resolutions. They were immediately pro tested against by the whole of the Canadian people—public meetings were held in every district to condemn them ; yet nothing was done by the home Government to remedy the fault it had committed. Up to a very late period, assurances were received from Lord Gosford that there was nothing to excite any serious alarm in the state of the colony, although he, at the same time, expressed a doubt whether the spirit of dissatisfaction which had exhibited itself could be put down without a suspension of the Constitution. The argument of the Noble Lord (J. Russell) was, that a portion only of the people of the province were dissatisfied—merely a few donna - gogues who had practised upon the ignorance and credulity of a small portion of the people. If that were really the case— if the evil extended no further than that—what pretence was there for punishing the whole of the province? If a few had °Untied, why were all to be deprived of the benefit of their Constitution ? It was not yet known whether Papi neau had ever joined the insurgents, or whether he was in arty way privy to the revolt. He (Mr. Hume) believed that the armed resistance to the Queen's troops was not pre meditated, but arose out of the heat of the moment. In con sequence of instructions received from Lord Glenelg, Lord, Gosford struck out of the list of magistrates every man of liberal opinions, and substituted none but Orangemen and Tories in their places. Having thus obtained a subservient or congenial magistracy, Lord Gosford proceeded to arrest twenty-eight individuals in one day. It was this that startled the whole Canadian people, and excited that strong feeling which led to the opposition of the troops. Nobody knew on what authority or en what evidence these arrests were made. Every thing was done with the utmost silence and secrecy. The people became alarmed; and this led to the rescue which, as he before said, he believed to be wholly unpre meditated. Did the Noble Lord mean to say that the House of Assembly knew any thing or had any thing to do with the rescue ? Did the Noble Lord mean to say that any thing but an attempt to interfere with the administration of justice in a degree so flagrant as that adopted by Lord Gosford would have led to the rescue which had since given rise to such unhappy consequences? Had the same conduct been pursued in Ireland, would not the consquences have been the same ? If every liberal magistrate had been struck off the list in Ireland, and the commission of the peace filled up only by Orangemen and Tories—men entirely hostile to the feelings of the great mass of the people—would not the same resistance to the law have been offered at all events? When Ministers had allowed the expression of discontent to arise to so great a In ight in Canada, end especially after the admission of Lord Glenelg, that complaints from the Colony have been increasing ever since 1828, he thought the mea sures now proposed to be adopted were too severe. To de prive the whole province of its libel tics, because a few had of fend. d, gave to the proceedings of the Government an appear ance of vengeance rather than of justice. He thought that the best course would he to send out an individual like Lord Durham, to whom he saw no sort of objection, armed with ample powers to do whatever he should deem necessary to preserve the tranquillity of the province, but not accout THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDA Y, JANUARY 17, 1838.