The Sun. — London, England, 1838-07-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Evening Contemporary, to whose attacks on the Corn-laws we replied at some length, yesterday, complains, that in our article we attempted merely to point out cer tain discrepancies between the arguments employed by him, and the arguments employed by other oracles of free trade —instead of confining ourselves to a refutation of his own peculiar reasonings. We, certainly, did advert to the dis crepancies in question ; but we, also, pointed out the utter unsoundness of our Contemporary's views. If, however, we are again called on to slay the slain, our consolation must be, that the task is not a difficult one ! The follow ing is our Contemporary's case in his own words : " The abolition of the Corn-laws would place a greater quantity of food at the command of our capitalists and ma nufacturers than at present. They would enter with the fo reign manufacturer, into competition for corn in the cheapest foreign market, and would enhance its price to him. If it did not actually equalize the price which they and the foreign manufacturer would have to pay for food, it would have that tendency, and would place the two more nearly on a level than at present. At the same time our manu facturers would compete with oae another for corn in the borne market much less keenly, and they would in both mar kets get more corn for their money than at present. Obtain ing more corn for their money, they would have an increased demand for labour, and would give more than at present of the increased quantity of corn which they obtained to the labourers. We do not pretend to conjecture in what propor tions the increased quantity of food at a lower price, which would come under the command of the capitalist, would be divided between profit and wages ; but we have no doubt whatever that the abolition of the Corn-laws would augment both. Supposing that the reduction in the price isf; corn should only be 10 per cent., 2 or 3 per cent., or 5 per cent., would be a rich reward to a manufacturer on his large capital, and an adeition of five per cent. to the wages of labour would be a great boon to all the labouring classes." Let us weigh these various propositions in succession. " The abolition of the Corn-laws would place a greater quantity of food at the command of our capitalists and ma nufacturers than at pr.ssent." The abolition of the Corn-laws would place cheaper fund at the disposal of our capitalists, than they can obtain at present—and, by consequence, " a greater quantity." for their own personal purposes, of that cheaper food ;—but if cur Contemporary means to insi nuate, that it is an object of the free traders to abolish the Corn-laws, for the sake of securing " a greater quantity of fiwd" to the British labourer, than the British labourer now enjoys, our Contemporary must be suffering under some sad confusion of ideas. Cheaper fwd fu• worimen, is the great object of our free traders—but not a greater quantity of that cheap food The price of labour, let it be recollected, may be enhanced as much by increasing the quantity of cheap food, as by increasing the price of the customary quantity ;—and dear labour is an abomination in the eyes of a free-trade philosopher. Cheaper food— and not a larger, but a smaller quantity of it, as the reward of labour :—these aee the results, to which the enemies of native industry look from a repeal of the Corn-laws. IF the quantity ofcheap food awarded to thelabourer should increase, the repeal of theCorn-lews would not serve the purposes of the parties who clamour fur their abolition ! Our Contemporary proceeds :—" Our capitalists would enter with the foreign manufacturer into competition for corn in the cheapest foreign market,and would enhance its price to him." " At Me seine time our manufacturers would . compete with another fin• coin in the home market much less keenly, and they would in both markets get snore corn for their money Man at present." A repeal of the Corn-laws wou'd undoubtedly " enhance the price" of corn to the foreiga manufacturer, until a greater Lreadth of corn land could, in continental coun tries, be brought into cultivation. But how would such " enhancement of price" benefit the labouring- classes of England, for it is, be it recollected, of the labourer's in. terest in this matter that we are now attempting to take cognizance? The " enhancement of the price" of foreign corn might undoubtedly increase the misery of the manu facturing- poor in foreign countries—might lead to a diminution in their daily supplies of food —and to an extension of the periods of their daily la bour—as well as to an increased use of that ma chinery, which neither hungers nor thirsts—but all these changes could Lave no other effect upon the English labourer's condition, than to make him more miserable, by increasing the intensity of the competition, to which he would be exposed. Not only would the increase of toil to the fo•eign labourer, consequent on an " enhanced price" of foreign Corn, act, directly, in a most unfavourable int-in ner, on the English iabourer ; but mark the concomitant and indirect causes of misery, which are to be brought to bear en his condition ! At the same time, our manufac turers would compete with one another for Corn, ig the home market, much less keenly." But is English Corn grown without the intervention of English labour ? Aad if this competition for Eng!isli Coen is to become " much less keen," must Lot the competition for Erlglisli labour, bezome much less keen" also? And English labourers arecallcd on to rejoice at this prospect' Tbey are called on to rejoice at the prospect of being shut out from the field, where their labour commands the bi;hest price, and at being compelled to enter upon a career of boundless competition with fo- reigner 1 al;ourers, whose poverty and degraded habits enable them easily to undersell the Labourers of more civilised countries! The complaint urged, be it remembered, by the free-traders against English agriculture is, that it is too costly—in other words, that English agricultural labourers are too highly paid ;—and the free-traders while they are moving heaven and earth to close this best of all possible markets against the English la bourer, have the modesty to require the English labourer's thanks, for the kind service which they arc rendering to Lim ! In the same spirit, our Contemporary proceeds to ob serve, that, " our capitalists obtaining more corn f;)r their money, would have an increased demand for labour, and would give more than at present of the increased quantity of corn which they obtained, to the labourers." Let us admit, for the moment, that the introduction of cheaper corn might bring with it, in certain quarters, " an increased demand for labour," is it not obvious, that the means by which the cheaper corn in question is to be procured—the repeal, viz., of the Corn-laws—will give to our manufac turers, at the same time, a grater command of labour, inasmuch as one-half, at least, of our agricultural population will be compelled to accept of employment in towns on any terms. The increased demand for labour could not, in fact, bear any proportion to the increased supply of labour ; and the result would be, that the " increased demand for labour" would resolve itself into the exaction of an in creased amount of daily toil from the labourer, in exchange for a smaller daily quantity of cheapened food! It may, here, be worth while to analyse the meaning of some of the phrases employed by our Con temporary ! Our capitalists, he states, " obtaining more corn for their money would have an increased demand for labour, and would give more than at present, (f the in creased quantity of corn to the labourers." But capitalists seek to obtain mare corn for their money, chiefly because the " more corn" is convertible into a larger quantity of labour ! The phrase, therefore, means, that in the circum stances supposed, capitalists would obtain more labour in exchange for their money—and that seems but an indiffe rent reason (even assuming anincreased demand for labour) 'why labour should be paid a higher price. The statement, in fact, is as purely logical as if it had taken this form : The price of labour depends upon the price of food. The price of food, will, - in certain circumstances, be cheap ened—and with the price of food, the price of labour ; but, because the price of labour is sure to sink, there fore the buyers of labour will give more in exchange for it ! Our Contemporary, it will be perceived, proceeds to indulge in visions...of the prosperity, which must bless the nation, as soon as the Corn-laws shall be repealed. The manufacturer is to receive increased profits to the extent of two or three per cent. ; whilst the labourer is to come in for an increase of five per cent in the amount of his wages Such anticipations may be pleasant, but they are startling ! How strange to be told by free-traders that the repeal of the Corn-laws will increase wages five per cent.—when the alleged highness in the rate of wages is the very reason for urging the repeal of these laws! Nor less startling, is the prophecy of increased profits to manu facturers, when we bear in mind, that a repeal of the Corn laws—the measure from which these increased profits are to flow—snust in the nature of things destroy the English manu facturer's home market—that market, which in a healthy state of society, must be worth to him,all othermarkets taken together! Want of space compels us from following our con temporary into his denunciations of landowners and tithe owners, beoause (as he alleges), these classes " live on the labour of others"—and, because, therefore, there are no two classes of men " more useless than these, or even more noxious to the general welfare." We shall only observe, that these are dangerous topics to be ur g ed too 'far by an ad vocate of manufacturing and commercial schemers ! Ca pital, we incline to believe, does not drop from the clouds —and, if it is not derived from " the labour of others" than the capitalist himself, we must confess ourselves at a loss to account for its existence ! We have thus, we be lieve, shown (at greater length than we intended) that the repeal of the Corn-laws would deeply injure the lot of the English labourer—would ruin the English landowner and farmer—and would not, in the long run, improve the con dition of the manufacturing capitalist himself, inasmuch as a repeal of the Corn-laws would deprive the English manufacturer of his most profitable customers.— Morning Herald. it was announced with ;refit pomp in the Times of W e rieesday, that. the Marquis of Queensberry had " worthily illustrated the independence of his station and character, by resigning the Lord Lieutenancy of Dumfries shire, from feeling it incompatiMe with his sense of honour to continue to the Melbourne Ministry the benefit of his cupport." This is certainly "a heavy Wow and great dis couragement" to the Liberal taus', and must produce a great sensation all over Europe. The true version of the story, yve unders!and, is, that his Lordship in a pet re signed his Lieutenancy, because he was not made a British I Peer ! The Noble Marquis will now look to the Tories for promotion. Ho holds, we believe, a pension of 6001. or 8001. a year—no doubt for some great services performed in one of the revenue departments ; and when he attains his Peerage, our Contemporary, we hope, will agree with us in recommending to his Lord ship worthily to continue to illustrate the independence of his station and character by resigning his pension : par ticularly so , as we are happy to larn that his Lordship lately succeeded to a good fortune in Dumfriesshire. It is reported, and we hope truly, that General Sharpe, a con sistent and steady supporter of the Queen's Government, is likely to be appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Dumfriesshire. —Morning Chronicle. One of the most characteristic productions of the time, " A Letter to the Bishop of Exeter by Richard Oastler," —the Right Rev. Prelate must rejoice in being associated with his correspondent—is now before us. A more trucu lent and egotistical production has seldom come under our notice. Richard Oastler and Bishop Philpots are no doubt in their own estimation the most distinguished cha racters of the age—the Gog and Magog of Conservatism ; but in the opinion of the public, they stand merely as ob jects of derision and contempt. The present letter was, as it is stated, written by Gog—Richard Oastler—at the desire of Magog—Bishop Philpots, who requested from his lay compeer some information respecting the state of feeling in the northern counties. Gog com plies with the request, and representing himself as the great leader of the northern movement, tells of " his hair breadth escapes i' the imminent deadly breach," his pacifi cation of tumultuous excitements, his protection of those whom the civil and military authorities could not protect, his supreme controul over the military and the people, his influence amongst the clergy, and indulges in a vast deal of vaunting rigmarole, of which some idea may be formed from the following extract : " On all occasions, my Lord (and I have had a many), when I have been in company with soldiers, either officers or privates, I have found that their hatred to the new Poor-law is as strobg and as bitter as my own. The men say, and they say with truth, that no portion of her Majesty's subjects are so likely to come under its operation as their parents, their wives, their children, their brothers and sisters, and them selves.' " When they were last in Huddersfield, I was with about a dozen of them in one room ; and I said to them—' What has brought you here to-day ? You ought to have been at Church at Leeds, and not marching through all this stormy weather to Huddersfield.' One of them, very good bu mourodly, answered for himself and his comrades—' An't please your Majesty (I am generdly celled King in these parts, both by the troops and the people), an express ar rived at our barracks last night, informing our Commander that your Majesty was going to hold a levee in the Market place, at Huddersfield, to-morrow morning, and so he has dispatched two troops of us ( Sunday though it be) to take care that your Majesty's enemies don't injure your royal person.' I merely mention this little crcumstance, my Lord, to show the kind of feeling there is between the troops and ourselves. " My boys (as the people here call themeelves) are now quite fond of the soldiers. I ern never afraid of the soldiers coming amongst the people now. The Whigs have found it out, and they now say—. It is of no use bringing the soldiers any mere, because the people will not provohe them.' " We suppose wo shall next hear of Harry of Exeter pouring the sacred oil on the head of the Oastkr, and enoleting him " Cock of the North," under the title of Richard the Fourth. This crack-brained incendiary is certainly more an ohject of pity than of disgust. It i 3 im pussibie, however, to forbear from smiling on seeing him mistake his " cap and bells" for a diadem—the sneer which the sHeastie soldier levelled at him for the homage offered to a Sovereign, and in Royal phraseology acknowledge the compliment as an illustration "of the kind of feeling between the troops and ourselves." How gratifying it must be to the Reverend Prelate of Exeter to hear from his liege Oastler the announcement, " My boys Os the people here call themselves) are now quite fond of the soldiers." This is very Ithlieroue ; but with the melancholy e,iso of the maniac Thorns before us, and the outcry which the Tor'es raised aga;nst Ain'sters for not having kept him under restraint, we think it is a question for serious con sideration whether or not the mageanimous Richard Oast ler should be longer suffered to remain at large. As the King remarks in Hamlet, " Madness in great ones must not unwatched be,"—Oastler is no doubt, by his own showing, " a great one," the other contingency of the apho , ism is a matter oFopin7on ; but, for the sake of the publie peace, willing as we are to give him the benefit of the doubt, the Government should " have an eye on him." It is impossible to read this man's account of his " long interviews with the Duke of Wellington" —of his " introduction by the Duke of Rutland"—of his interesting conversation with " the late venerable Earl Eldon"—of thanking God that Yorkshire, and Birming ham, and the destinies of the country generally, were rescued from the hands of Lord Brougham and placed in those of Richard Oastler —of these, end of his other extraordinary statements, it is impossible to read without being convinced Of the writer's political hallucination. With this conviction ere commit his pamphl e t t o th e fl ames, an d recommen d t h e writer to follow our example, by a similar presentation of any copies which may remain in the hands of his booksellers. —Morning Advertiser. GRAND STATE ENYERTAINIVIENTS The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge gave a State Dinner last evening, at Cambridge House, to the principal Foreign Ministers and their Ladies. The Ambassadresses came in full court costume, and the Ambassadors in their respective uni forms, wearing their ensigns of knighthood. The party con sisted of the Austrian and Russian Ambassadors, the French Ambassador and Countess Sebastiani ; the Ottoman Ambas sador, accompanied by Mr. Salame, her Majesty's Oriental Interpreter; the Belgian Ambassador Extraordinary, the Russian Ambassador Extraordinary and Countess Strogonoff; the Neapolitan Ambassador Extraordinary, the Netherlands Ambassador Extraordinary, and the Baroness de Capellen ; the Spanish Ambassador Extraordinary, the Prussian Ambas sador Extraordinary, the Austrian Ambassador Extraordinary and the Princess Schwarzenberg; the Hanoverian Ambassador Extraordinary, the Sardinian Ambassador Extraordinary and the Marchioness de Brignoles ; the Swedish Ambassador Extraordinary, the Por►uguese Ambassador Extraordinary and. Duchess de Palmella; the French Ambassador Extra ordinary, Baron Bulow, the Prussian Minister, and Viscount Palmerston. After dinner the whole of the illustrious party went to the Grand Ball at Gloucester House. The Duchess of Gloucester gave a State Ball last evening at Gloucester House, which was most brilliantly and nume rously attended. Her Majesty, the Royal Family and Foreign Princes, the Corps Diplomatic, and several hundred of the Nobility and Gentry were present. The preparations for the fete were very extensive ; the two drawing-rooms on the west aide of the house were appropria ted for dancing, the larger of the two, fronting Piccadilly, was the principal room; on one side of it was an elevated platform richly carpeted, in the middle of which was a throne of crimson velvet richly carved and gilt, which the Queen occupied between the dances. At each side of the throne on the platform were chair of white or gold for the Royal Family and Foreign Princes, and on either side of the platform were seats for the Ambassadors or their ladies. Behind the throne was the immense looking-glass extending to the whole height of the room, and opposite to it, over the mantel-piece, was another glass of large proportions. Both glasses thus reflecting, a large cut glass chandelier suspended between them from the middle of the room. Full length portraits of George the Third in the Windsor uniform and Queen Charlotte were hung on one side of the room, and opposite to them portraits of George the Fourth and William the Fourth, in the robes' of the Garter. This room is of handsome proportions, and was brilliantly illuminated with a number of branches with wax lights. The draperies were of crimson and gold. Weippert's Quadrille Band performed here during the night. The adjoining ball-room contains por traits of his late Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester in the robes of the Order of the Garter, of the Duchess of Gloucester, the Princess Augusta, the Princess Sophia, the late Princess. Charlott e the Duke of Gloucester (father to the late Duk e ), an d of the Princess Sophia Matilda. A very large and beautiful Cabinet was placed in this room, filled with choice and interesting articles of vertu, of gold. silver, and porcelain, and also some beautiful china vases. The east drawing-up was very tastefully and elegantly fitted up ; the furniture was of primrose -coloured satin, beautifully embroi dered with flowers : a number of beautiful china vases and several cabinets, curiously inlaid and ornamented, and filled with miniatures, small busts, and other works of art, were placed in this apartment, with portraits of George the Fourth, the Duke of York, the late Dnke of Gloucester, and a half length of George the Third. The fourth room of the suite on this floor—a small ante-room—was appropriated to refreshmeuts—and contained a number of cabinet pictures and miniatures. The lower suite of drawing-rooms were fitted up with otto mans, sofas, and settees of dark crimson and gold in alternate stripes, with gold fringe and draperies to correspond. The walls were nearly covered with pictures, principally portraits and landscapes ; among them is a picture of Wilkie's, " a card party." The whole of the windows of the State-rooms front ing the Green-park were taken out, and the company were enabled to pass from each suite into a conservatory, which ex tended the whole width or front of the mansion, and which was erected for this occasion. The back ground was composed of canvass, striped with red, suspended from above the upper suites of rooms down to the bottom. It was lined with white drapery, and the plants, the choicest that could be procured, were arranged in ascending rows, having lamps introduced among them, with considerable taste and effect. The roof of each compartment was gracefully hung in festoons of ever. greens and flowers. Tl,e effect of the Conservatory from the rooms was extremely beautiful. Tlic Princess Augusta, attended by Miss \%ynyard and Sir 13.2njantin Stephenson, and the Princess Sollia Matilda, at tended by Lady Alicia Gordon, arrived very ear ly. Prince Christian of Holstein (attended by Count G. de Blucher) the Duke of Sussex, the Duke of Nassau, the Hereditary Prince and Prince Maurice of Nassau, Prince Ernest of Hesse Philippsthal, Prince Edward of Saxc Wei mar. the Duke tie l';emourc, the Duke of Cambridge, at tended by Baron Knesebeck ; the Duchess of Cambridge, accompanied by Princ , .! George, and the Princess AtT,usta of THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 6, 1838 Cambridge, attended by Miss Kerr and Colonel Cornewall, arrived soon after ten o'clock, and were received by her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester, in the lower suite of rooms. The general company were ushered up stairs. At eleven o'clock her Majesty arrived, and was received at the entrance by the Earl of Albemarle, the Hon. Colonel Cavendish, the Earl of Surrey, the Ladies Georgiana Bathurst and Caroline Legge, Ladies in Waiting on the Duchess of Gloucester; and Colonel Sir Samuel G. Higgins, Equerry in Waiting on her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester, received her Majesty in the entrance hall. The Queen was accompanied by the Duchess of Kent, the Duke of Saxe Coburg, and the Prince of Leiningen, and was attended by the Duchess of Sutherland, Hon. Miss Pitt, Hon. Miss Spring Rice, the Marquis of Conyngham, Earl of Fingall, and Colonel Buckley. The Queen wore the Riband of the Order of the Garter, with the Badge of the Order appended, set in diamonds. The Coldstream band, stationed in the Court-yard, played " God save the Queen" on her Majesty's arrival. The Royal and Illustrious party passed to the ball-room, and dancing commenced. At one o'clock supper was served in the Dining-room. At the Queen's table the service was of gold, and in the middle • was a large temple, very tastefully designed and ornamented. Grecian Temples, Gothic Towers, and a varioty of ingenious designs, were interspersed among the candelabra. The supper-room contains a very large picture of the Holy Family, Curreggio's whole length Magdalen, a companion picture of Apollo, &c., and several portraits, including one of Charles the Tenth, also a pastoral subject finely wrought in tapestry. All the rooms and the grand staircase were brilliantly lighted up with chandeliers, lustres, and candelabras, and every recess and appropriate space, both in the rooms and staircase, were ornamented with a most beautiful display of the choicest plants and flowers. The costume of the company was of the same rich and splen did description as at the State Ball at the Palace. Among the company were the Austrian and Russian Am bassadors, the Ambassadors Extraordinary, Prince de Put bus, Prussian ; Baron Van der Clpellen, Netherlands, and Baroness der Capellan ; Duke de Palmella, Portuguese, and Duchess de Palmella; Mince Schwartzenburg, Austrian, and Princess Schwartzenburg ; Count Lowenhielm, Swedish ; Count Alten, flanoverisn ; Marquis de Brignole, Sar dinian, and Marchioness Brignole ; Marshal Souls, French ; Prince de Ligne, Belgian; Marquis de Miraflores, Spanish ; Count Ludolf, Neapolitan, and Countess Ludolf ; the Ot toman Ambassador, the Prussian, Wurtemburg, Belgian, Brazlian, Netherlands, Spanish, Sardinian, Hanoverian, and Saxon Ministers, the Danish Minister and Baroness Biome ; the Bavarian Minister, and Baroness Cetto ; the United States Minister, and Mrs. Stevenson ; the Grecian Minister, and Princess Sou'zo ; the Swedish Charge d'Af feires, and Baroness Rehausen ; the Portuguese and Mexi can Charges d'Affaires ; Captain Ompteda, Count Alten, Count Flahaut, Bsininese Sreth, Count and Countess Zichy, Baron Werther, Baron Bourqueney, Madlle. Soutzo, Count Bethlen, Baron Lebzeltern, Chevalier de Paiva Pereira, Mr. De Bille, Baron de Seydlitz, Mr. Negrete, Baron Wedel Jarlsberg, Baron Bonde, Count Bcrnstorff, Baron de Kral_ soul, Baron de Bergh, Count Pourtalles, Count Hatsfeldt, Baron Saldern Leppin, Baron Schonfeldt, Count Bentinck, Baron and Baroness de Lagos, Mr. and Madame Sampayo, Lord and Lady Gardner, Lord Ashburton, Hon. Mrs. Baring, Countess of Lichfield, Viscount Torrington, Earl of Liver pool, Lady Louisa Jenkinson, Earl and Countess Munster, Lord Maidstone, Viscountess Forbes, Duke of Rutland, Lady Adcliza Manners, Marquis and Marchioness of Lothian, Lady Kerr, Earl and Countess Kinnoull, Mr. Hope, M. P. • Ilon. C. C. Cavendish, M. P:; Lady Catherine Cavendish, Miss Cavendish, Mr. and Mrs. Brand, Sir Henry Wheatley., Lady Wheatley, and Miss Wheatley, Duke and Duchess of Buccleoch, Esrl and Countess of Selkirk, the Ladies Daugiar, Earl and Ceuntess of Rosebery, Lady Anne Prili eee, Earl and Count rs of Albemarle, Earl and Countess of TAnk-rvilb., Earl of Shrewsbury, Lady Mary Talbot, the D u l a ,. of Wellington, Viscount and Viscountess Falkland ' E.erl of Lovelace, Marquis of Down‘hire, Lady CharlAte Hill, Lord and Lady Lynrihorst, Hon. Miss Cooley, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lady Theedo s i a Spring Rice, Mr. Stephen Spring Rice, Miss Spring Rice, Flin. Colo:lel Cavendish, Mrs. Cavendish, Hon. Miss Cavendish' i Miss Cavendish, lion. C. Gore, Hon. Miss Gore, Sir John and Lady Shelley, Miss Shelley, th e D u k e and Duchess of Somer set, Lady Saint :11.1ur, Viscount and Viscountess Chive, the Duke aed Duclies.s of Roxburgh, Earl Grey, Lady Georg-ina Grey, Hon Captain Grey, R. N. ; Hon. Captain Grey, Earl and Countess Morton, Lady Ri vers, H on. Mi ss Pitt, Lady Cecilia Underwood, C o u n t ess o f M ex b oroug: , , L ady S rah Swill, Earl and Countess of Surrey, Duchess ot Northum berland, two Misses Percy, Viscount and Viscountess Peres ford, Earl and Countess of Uxbridge, and Lady E. Paget, Countess of Ando, Lady Fanny Elliot, Lady Mary Elliot,Lord- Alfred 1),g -et, Lord and Lady J. Russell, Hon. Miss Lister, Lord and Lady Ashley, Right lion. Sir R. Gordon, Viscsunt Palmerston, Captain Hay, Earl and Countess Carlisle, Lady Howard, Mr. Howard, Lady Stuart de Rothsay, and Miss Stuart, Madlle. D'Este, Earl and Countess de Grey, Lord Stuart de Rothsay, Lord de Lisle, Marquis of Clanricarde, Earl ManAcl.l, Lord Stanley, Marchioness of Londonderry, Lord Foikestor e, Marepia and Allrehioness of Normanby, Mr. Howson, Marquis of Hertford, Earl and Countess De La Warr, Lady \Vest, Sir George, Lady, and Miss Sey mour ; Lord and Lady Cowley, and Hon. Miss Wellesley ; Earl and Countess Grosvenor ; Miss Vyse, Duke and Duchess of Leinster ; Marquis of Anglesey, and two Ladies Paget ; Duke of Sutherland ; Miss 11titford, Earl and Countess Jersey ; Lord Villiers, Marquis and Marchioness of Salisbury ; Lord Alford, Marquis of Lansdowne, Viscount Loftus and Lord G. Lon us ; Earl and Countess of Sheffield; Mrs. Hoare, Lord and Lady Maryborough, and Hon. Miss Wellesley; Earl and Countess Brownlosr, and two Ladies Cust; Lady Willoughby and Miss Willoughby; Sir James and Lady Graham; Lady Georgiana Fane, Earl of Clare, Countess of Chichester, and Lady - Pelham ; Sir C. and Lady Knightley and two Misses - Knightley; Lady C. Yow l:at, Ladv George Murray and Miss Murray ; Lord Hither_ ton and y Miss Littleton ; Mrs. Dawson Darner and Miss Morier ; Countess and Lady W. Stanhope; Earl Cawdor and two Ladies Campbell; Lord Emlyn, Earl and Countess of Haddington ; Lord and Lady Burghereh ; Right Hon. H. Pierrepont and Miss Pierrepont ; Lady Harriet Paget and Miss Paget; Countess of Euston, and Lady - Fitz Roy. A HINT TO THE CONSUMERS OF TEA.- (Extract of a letter from a Scotch gentleman at Macao, to his friends in Edinburgh, dated 19th January, 1838.)—" I have found all the re spectable natives I have met with extremely civil and communicative. I went to see the other places, and, the most absurd of all, the manufacture of black tea into green. It is very disgusting to think that several hundred tons of the most inferior black teas are annually sent to Europe painted green, by a mixture of Prussian blue and a kind of talc pounded very fine. I _ . saw about a hundred people in one factory engaged in this manufacture, and there are many large factories for the same purpose over the river. It is a filthy process, and enough to prevent one from ever touching green tea, if not of the very finest kind. Nobody here ever touches green tea of any kind. I dined at a Chinese party--we sat down, ►even English and French, and five China men, three of whom were strangers from the green tea country. I was quite amazed at the readi ness with which they entered into all our fun and mischief. They laughed, and sung, and drank wine with us, just like so many English. men; put on our hats, gave us part of their dresses, then called them selves by our names, and gave their names to us. Altogether, they were as jovial a set of men as I have seen for many a day. The din. ncr consisted of about sixty courses, each course of one dish. I tasted every one, and invariably found them good. I dined upon soups and stews made of birds' nests, frogs, sea-weeds, sharks' fins, beche de la meer, or sea snails, nets, pigeons' eggs, sharks' skins, minced pigeons, &c. You may think lam joking, but I assure you it is quite true, and all their dishes are exceedingly good. We had, besides the above, beef, mutton, veal, fish and fowls of all descriptions, grouse, wild.duck, pheasants, partridges, snipe, quail, besides other good things too nume rous to mention."-- Scotsman. A WEALTHY CONVICT.--.The Sydney Gazette gives the follo w i ng account of the death and property of a man named Sam Terry, wh o was transported some fifty years ago to New South Wales :—Th e f uneral of the late Mr. Samuel Terry took place on Sun day morning. Th e d eceased was followed to the 3rave by a large number of his f r i en d s, an d at hi s particular request was burie d with masonic honours. The b an d o f t h e 50th Regiment headed the 131.°":. , smn, playi ng th e d ea d march in Saul. Mr. Terry's will was brought from the Bank of New South Wales (where it had for a considerabl e time been deposited), by Mr. Black, the cashier, to the residence of the deceased in Pitt street, where it was read by Mr. Unwin, in the presence of the executors, and all the members of the family. Three codicils had been added to it. By the will it appears that the Sydney rental of upwards of 10,0001. a year has been left to Mrs. Terry for her life, and after her decease to his son Edward Terry, for his life, and to the heirs of his body ; and in case of his death without lawful issue, to the children of John Terry and . 'Mrs. John Hoskins as tenants in common. The bulk of the landed property, estimated at 150,0001., has been left to Edward Terry, his son, for life, and to the heirs of his body, and, in case of his death without lawful issue, as in the case of the Sydney property. The personal estate, valued at 250,0001., is left—one moiety t o Edward Terry and the other moiety to Joh n T erry, o f Box-hill, mr, Terry Hughes, and Mrs. John Hosking, s h are an d s h are alike. e .pecific lega cies are bequeathed to a considerable amount, among which is 10,0001. to Mrs. John Hosking, his daughter, and 5,000/. to Mrs. Terry Hughes, and 100 guineas to each of his executors. All his charitable subscrip lions are desired to be kept up for ten years from the date of his decease, a nd various annuities are bequeathed to hi s re l at i ves i n England. The d we lling-house in Pitt-street, and all hi s h ouse h o l d furniture, carriages, &c., are left to Mrs. Terry. The whole estate is valued at half a mil_ lien. e l‘ c r u . t oNrlisinandder'j.Terry Hu ghes, and M rs . executrix, and Mr. Unwin, Terry Solicitor to the estate. 1 3' 1 l a r v s e . J. .e enappointedNorton, Wex. ---- eRKNEY.—A mail-coach is to start from Kirkwall to Stronmess—and to ply daily betwixt the two principal towns on the mainland of these islands, for the conveyance of her Majesty's ma n, , passengers, and parcels. We look upon this as one of the most remark able instances of the start which has taken place in these modernmtie times of improvement ; for we are assured, on good authority, that twenty years ago the roads in the Orcades were mere traps for travell ers, and that the so.called high way betwixt the two towns, containi ng cad , e av n the about 3,000 inhabitants, was perilous travelling, exept in sum on horseback—and as for a faur.wheeled carriage, a balloon would h ave been a more practicable mode of conveyance. Since that time roads have been improved, bridges (not very magnificent, but very use. ful), have been built over gullies, and the way made practicable for a mail coach. Loss ok. LlFE.—Tuesday morning the fishinc, smack Good Intent, of North Meols, Wright master, was on her home ward course with tier cargo, when, having reached about the sixth buoy in the north-west channel from Lytham, the wind blew a tremen. dous gale, and the unrortunate vesstl was seen to labour much. No pump was e n board, the crew bailed the water out of her with bucket., when s h e su dd en ly went eown, and, melancholy to relate, all hands on beard (three in number) perished. None of them had been picked up when oar account left yesterday. After the lapse of a short time the ill-fated vessel was drivels by the boisterous waves then rolling to the shore nei.r to CTO , S Slack, where she now lies much damaged. Two of the crew have left families to lament their untimely fate ; the other was a single man. There is every probability of the vest-el being got off.— Whitaaven Herat'. CHEVIOT HILLS.—It is said in many border towns, we know not wit!' what dogree of truth, that when the snow i s seal on Cheviot Hills CM the ‘22.1 ofiune, the tenants of those mountain, pay no rent for the year. If this be true, the present will be a free year f::r large patches a: e now distil - 10V seen.—Tyne Mercury. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JuLr 5. The SPEAKER entered the House at Four o'Clock, but there being only the following thirty-two Members present, the Houso stood adjourned : Baines, E. Brotherton, J. Butler, Hon. P. I'arrott, J. Wallace, It Sandon, Lord Dungannon, Lent Canning, Sir S. Turner, W. Bewes, 'l'. Lynch, IL A. Hodges, T. L. Barnard, E. G. Dugdale, W. S. Pease, Joseph Palmer, G. Style, Sir ' s'. C. D uncan , Lord Finch, Francis Labouchere, H. Jones, T. Graham, Sir J. Lushington, C. Murray, J A. Freshfleld, J. W Manners, Lsrd C. Warburton, H. Divett, E. Thornely, Thomas Hawes, B. Salwey, Colonel Ferguson, Sir Robert HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 5. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, in the absence of the LORD CHANCELLOR, took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'clock. EDUCATION. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the county of . Lancaster (we b e li eve ), pray i ng f or a b e tter system of edu cation for the lower orders. His Lordship said some objection had been t a k en to the phrase "lower orders," as though it meant anything more than that the parties referred to were I lower" i n th e art i f i cial scale of society ; however, as this ob jection had been taken ----" he (Lord Brougham) would use an other phrase theworking classee—to which he appre hended no objection could be taken, as many of their Lord ships were of the "working classes."- 7 (Hear, and laughter.) BEE - R. SHOPS: The Noble and Learned Lord then presented a petition signed by 1,000 of the bankers, merchants, and tradesmen of Bristol, complaining of the ill effects of the late Beer Act, and of the pernicious effects produced by the numerous beer shops throughout the country. He stated that so convinced was he of the baneful influence Of the beer shops, and the encouragement they afforded to vice of every description, that he would pre sent to the House a Bill to repeal that Beer Act. The Noble Lord concluded by laying on the table his Bill, which would put an end to the operation of the Beer Act after the Ist of April next, and he moved that the Bill be read a first time. The Duke of WELLINGTON said when the measure was brought before Parliament it was strongly recommended by many as tending to put an end to the brewers' monopoly ; but at the time he was aware of the many inconveniences attending it. But there was another Act which had done a great deal of good, and that was the Poor Law Amendment Act, for there were not near so many beer-houses now as there were previous to the passing of that Act, and a great deal less money was now spent in them than formerly. It was most desirable that an end should be completely put to beer-shops.— ( Loud cheering.) He was doubtful whether such a measure could originate with this House. It would be better if it originated with the other House. But wherever it came from he would give it every assistance and support in his power, being thoroughly convinced that no greater evil had been done to this country than by the adoption of that measure. —( Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM said he had listened with great de light to the observations of the Noble Duke. He considered that sentence of death had gone forth against the beer shops, and that it was only respited for forms which must be complied with before it could be finally executed.--( Cheers. ) This would be a sufficient notice to persons not to take li censes, and embark their capital in a vessel which was already sinking. He had been informed by persons who were well acquainted with the habits of the working classes, that they were now quite a diners it people from what they were seven years ago.--( Hear.) Lord PORTMAN said the Bill of his Noble Friend near him, and the avowal of the Noble Duke opposite, were the most gratifying circumstances that ever happened.—( Hear, hear.) fie should be highly gratified when the day came to get this nuisance to the labouring classes repealed, as he was quite satisfied that the disturbances in 1830, which were so detrin.ental to the labouring classes, were concocted in beer shops. The Bishop of DURHAM was heartily glad to hear the observations w hien had fallen from Noble Lurds, though he felt bound to state, that from his experience, the working of the Poor-law Amendment Act had done much for abating the evil. The Rev. Prelate presented a petition for the prevention of all Sunday trading. He could not support the prayer of the petition, because he thought he would act unwisely in inter fering to prevent the sailing of ships on Sunday in a maritime counLry like flis. Lord WYN FOR D could not see the applicability of the argil:l-lent of the Roe. Prelate, for if the poor Lad no money they could or need not go to these beer shops. Lord ROLLE, as one of those who had voted with the Noble Duke for the Bill, was most glad to hear what had fallen from Noble Lords on both sides of the House. The repeal of the Bill would be a great relief to the families of la bourers in general. The Eari. of CARLISLE presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Carlisle, praying that persons might be relieved from oflicial attendance on the idolatrous worship of India. The Earl of ABE FIDEEN presented a petition from Writers to the Signet, praying that they might be allowed to practice in the Sheriff; Courts in Scotland. Lord PORTMAN, in the ab - senee of Lord Duncannon, said it was the intention of the Noble Lord to move the second reading of the Dean Forest Bill on Monday next. TREATMENT OF PRISONERS. Lord BROUGHAM wished to ask the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Councils, whether there was any ob jection to his moving for information respecting the treat ment of prisoners in Newgate, not under sentence, but who had been committed for trial, and who were consequently by the law of England presumed to be not guilty. The 4th of Geo. IV. made special provision for such cases, and the prisoners were to have a bed, hammock, or cot ; but they were com pelled to lie upon rope mats—male and female. In the next place, the Act provided that all prisoners should be allowed as much air and exercise as should be deemed proper for the p r e serv ation of their health ; but instead of that t h ey were locked up for three-and-twenty hours in the day out of the four-and-twenty. The Act stated that beer should be allowed under proper restrictions, but no person was allowed beer unless under the order of a surgeon. He therefore wished to know from the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Councils, whether there was any objection to his making a motion for all infor mation the Home-office might have with respect to the way in which the Act of the 4th Geo. 4th, commonly called the Gaol Act, had been carried into execution. The Marquis of L ANSDOWNE was not aware of any objection to communicate the information desired by the Noble and Learned Lord, but be would enquire upon the subject. Earl RIPON observed that an Act had passed a few years ago, giving to the magistrates, and to the Secretary of State, iu conjunction, the power of making regulations for the in ternal management of gaols, and especially dwelling on the necessity of separation between prisoners before and after trial. Lord BROUGHAM said his statement was that prisoners were kept i n so li tary con f ine ment—a very different thing f rom separation.—( H ear .) CANADA. Lord ELLE N BOROUGH th e n rose and said, that bef o re putting his qu es ti on to the Noble Baron (Glenelg) on the sub. ject of L ower Canada, he wou ld sta t e w h a t he appreh e nd e d to be the law, as enacted by the Act passed at the commence ment of the present session, which provided, by the first clause, that so much of the 31st Geo. 111., or any other Act, consti tuting a Legislative Council, or Assembly, in Lower Canada, should be repealed ; and the second clause empowered her Majesty by any Commission under the Great Seal, to constitute a Special Council; but the Act gave no additional powers to the Governor of Lower Canada—(Hear, hear)—it merely altered his position thus far, that he was to legislate with a Special Council instead of with the Legislative Council. The whole character of the measure depended on the Special Council, who might either (according as the Government exercised the discretion vested in them) exert a controul over the Governors, or become quite subservient to him, so as to leave him absolute Governor of Canada. What he (Lord Ellen borough) had to ask the Noble Baron was, whether the Government had any objection to show to Parliament in what manner they had exercised the trust confided to them. He would first ask whether the Noble Lord had any objec tion to the production of the Commission from the Great Seal, for the instructions necessarily sent to Canada under the se cond clause of the Act. He was also desirous of ask ing for the Commission granted to Lord Gosford, as well as that granted to Lord Durham, in order that he might be able to compare the two, and see if there was any difference in their powers. The House ought also to possess a copy of the mandamus, or warrant, or other form by which the persons were appointed. Lord GLENELG said the Noble Lord had confined him self to the instructions under the second section of the Act, and he had no objection to their production; neither did he object to the production of the mandamus. E ar l RIPON wished to ask the Noble Lord the Secre tary for the Colonies as to the powers committed to Lord Durham —whether they authorised him to do anything by virtue of any authority with respect to the provinces of Upper Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick. Lord GLENELG—The Commission gives the Noble Earl a general Commission, and gives him power over all these Colonies —certainly a larger power than any given before. He had no objection to produce the Commission. Lord ELLENBOROUGH wished to ask a question as to the rewards offered for the apprehension of the persons en gaged in the nefarious transaction of the seizing of the British steamer the Sir R. Peel He saw there were 30 persons in custody, and 10001. offered for the successful conviction of any one connected with that transaction in a Proclamation. He wished to ask whether that was to extend to convictions obtained in au another county? He begged also to ask the Noble Lord whether that Proclamation was an authentic document? Lord G L ENE LG—Yes, it is. _ _ _ Lord BROUGHAM was greatly surprised that it was authentic, because a more extraordinary document he had never seen. Did ally body before hear of the Government of a country giving a reward to witnesses for prosecuting in a foreign country ? He wished to ask -whether Lord Durham had explained this Proclamation in any desp a t c h sent to the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Departme n t? Lord GLENELG said he had received no such expla nation. __ The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought it was not only inconvenient, but rather unjust to criticise with such nicety the great step that had been taken by the Noble Earl on the ought not to lose one mome n t i n prosecuting to spur of the moment. The Noble Earl, no doubt, felt be conviction those persons who ha] b een o ff en d ers . The Noble Earl would be able to vindicate not on l y t hi s step , but every other step he might take in the exercise of the large discretion that had been vested in him. Lord ELLENLIOROUII thought it was not only conve nient, but absolutely necessary, to bring such cases under the attention of the House, where the Constitution of a Colony had been suspended for three years.—(Cheers:) Lord BROUGHAM said, the rroper morr.7nt to object to any course of conduct on the part of a Colonial Governor was just when the act complained of had been committed. He had always been disposed to construe charitably and candidly on the conduct of Lord Durham. Why, three days ago, when Lord Durham's appointment of Mr. Turton lied been attacked, and when he ( Lord B.) endeavoured to excuse it, every member of the Government was silent in Lord Durham's defence—nay, the head of the Government, expressed his regret at the conduct of the Noble Lord,:as to whose conduct, forsooth, now not a word was to be said.—( Hear, hear. ) The Duke of WELLINGTON said, I can't help re marking upon an observation which has fallen from the Noble Marquis opposite, with respect to the great powers entrusted to the Earl of Durham. Now, my Lords, I confess I know nothing of any great powers entrusted to the Earl of Durham, except under the Act of Parliament—( Hear)—and it appears to me that no very great powers are given under that Act, or under the instructions which were given previously to the pass ing of the Act itself ; but the Act gives no power, further than that of making certain reports on an important subject respecting the Government of Canada, and of directing the formation of a Commission of Inquiry for that purpcse. In any other respect, so far as my recollection serves me, I know of no other powers given to the Earl of Dur ham, which are not ordinarily given to every Governor of a colony. But the Earl of Durham has arrived at the seat of his Government in Quebec, and it appears that he has per formed certain acts in execution. I conclude, of his instruc tions. The Noble Earl, it is said, has been entrusted with a large discretion in the discharge of his duty of inquiry and re porting on the subject of the final settlement of Canada; and I cannot but feel considerable anxiety on the subject of that inquiry, and that report which will be made hereafter, in con sequence of what has occurred lately and what has been brought out by the diligence of my Noble Friend near nee (Lord Ellenborough) in the course of the discussions in the House ; and it is in this point of view that I consider these discussions important.—( Hear, hear.) When the Noble Baron opposite (Lord Glenelg) comes to lay on the table of the House the instructions which hare been communicated to the Earl of Durham, we shall see whether be has those enormous powers of which we have heard the Noble Marquis speak ; but up to the present moment, this House, Parliament, and the public, have no knowledge of any such powers as are stated to be placed in the hands of the Earl of Durham.---( Hear. ) The Marquis of L A NSDO WNE only meant to refer to the powers given under the Act. Lord E L LE NB 0 RO UG H —They are none at all. The Marquis of L A NSDO WNE thought they were con siderable; but if their Lordships would condescend to wait, they would then have fair means of judging if the Earl of Dur ham had exceeded his instructions. The Noble Baron (Lord El!enborough) had said that he had already discovered, from the proceedings of the Noble Earl's Government, that it was arbitrary and unconstitutional. He congratulated that Noble Lord on the rapidity of his judgment. The Noble Earl ar rived on the 29th, the vessel sailed on the 3d, and the de spatchei.t, he believed, were dated on the Ist; but in the pro ceedings of those two or three days the Noble Baron saw suf ficient proof that the Noble Earl's Government was arbitrary and unconstitutional; but he would only say, that if the Noble Baron had already formed his judgment on the subject, a day ought not to elapse before he moved for an address to the Crown, praying for the recall of the Earl of Durham; but to those who had not formed their judgment with the same haste ha begged again to suggest the inconvenience cf discussing such a question with so little information before them. Lord BROUG HANI said, his Noble Fiend had not yet answered the question whether in the instructions to the Earl of Durham the mode and manner of selection, the number and description of persons, had been specified ; because if that had not been done the appaintments could not be valid—the parties could not act. Lord E LLENBO R DUG I! begged most respectfully to decline acting on any advice coming from the Noble Marquis. Ile had acted on his own judgment, fortified by the opinion of his Noble Friend (the Earl of Aberdeen.) He should con tinue to do the same, and the:Noble Marquis might be quite sure that he would not be a moment after the time.--( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Noble Marquis said that he had com plained that the Government of the Noble Earl was arbitrary and unconstitutional; but lie had put a couple of epithets together, so as in some measur to confuse the mezning of what he had said. First, as to his Government being arbitrary, he would say ashy he had made that charge. He found that on the I4th of July last the Noble Lord opposite, out of all patience at not receiving the names of the Executive Council, told Lord Gosford to name any five persons, but at the same time to take care to adhere to the recommendations contained in the report of the Commissioners ; that despatch contained in extenso all the report, and the Noble Lord said that he concurred in all its suggestions, amongst which was the following :—" It is our opinion that the Executive Council should be so composed as to secure, as far as possible, the confidence of the people ; that holders of office under the Crown ought not to be dis qualified ; yet that the number of office-holders ought never to be considerable." Arid the Noble Lord himself, in intro ducing the Bill, stated that the predominance of office-holders in the Executive Council was one of the greatest evils of which the Canadians complained ; yet the first act of Lord Durham's Government was distinctly to intimate to all the existing members of the Executive Council, purified as it had been by Lord Gosford, that their services were not required, and to appoint in their place three Secretaries, one principal Aide-de- Camp, and a Commissary- General. —( Hear, hear. ) He said, then, that was a sham Council—( Hear, hear)--and . it showed an arbitrary spirit.—( Cheers.) What further he said, and he said it still, was, that it was their duty to supply, by constitutional vigilance, the absence of a constitutional Go vernment in Canada, because he w ou ld no t ca ll t hat a consti tutional Governm en t w hi c h was a l toget h er w i t h out a ny prin ciple of popular representation—( Cheers.) Lord G ',ENE L G did not wish to prolong this discussion ; but when th e p ro p er t i me came h e s h ou ld b e f u ll y p re pared to justify the conduct of Government. Lord BROUGHAM postponed his motion with regard to slavery from Tuesday to Thursday next, and named the for mer day for his motion respecting the Sardinian vessels. On the motion of the Marquis. of LANSDOW NE, the Grand Jury Cess (Ireland) Bill, and the Dublin Port and Harbour Bill, were read a second time. APPOINTMENT OF MAGISTRATES. The Earl of HARE WOOD was anxious to address a few observations to the House on a subject of some interest, re lating to the :appointments of Magistrates and Lords Lieu tenant, and particularly he wished to call their attention to i the unpleasant situation in which he had been placed, n con sequence of the system adopted by the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsaok. This was a subject of great delicacy, because it was clear that the C(own, through the Great Seal, had a perfect right to appoint the Magistrates throughout the country. No one disputed it ; and it was a power that he, for one, would not wish to see curtailed ; but, at the same time, another custom had arisen from the courtesy of the Lord Chancellor, by which the Lords Lieutenant, or Custodes Rotuloruni appointed—(No)—he bogged pardon, he meant recommended to the great Seal, such persons as might appear to him proper to hold the Commission of the Peace; that practice, he might say, had been found to be one of very great convenience. But the system now pursued was en tirely different; for it was left to the Lord Chancellor to make such enquiries as he might please with regard to par ticular individuals; thus the Lord Lieutenant was placed in a most unpleasant position, he was considered in the dis trict as responsible for the recommendation, and it was said, " why is this person in the Commission, or that not?" A case had occurred in Leeds to which he would call their attention. He had received a letter from the Noble and Learned Lord, inquiring whether he had any objection to the introduction of eight individuals named, all of whom he happened to know, and felt perfectly secure of their appoint ment. He had resisted giving any answer, because he would not establish the precedent of subjecting himself to questions of that nature. Shortly afterwards, some office becoming vacant, for which two Magistrates wished to become candidates, they applied to have their names struck off for that purpose, and their request was granted. In their place two persons were introduced into the Com mission. Now, what then was the situation of Leeds? He had investigated the matter, and found that, in the town of Leeds, there were twenty magistrates ; that fourteen of them resided in the town, and six directly in the neighbourhood. The magisterial business of that town did not include more than 200 cases a year, so that, sitting from half-past one to four o'clock, the magistrates could only be occupied a very few days. There was, therefore, no necessity for appointing one single additional magistrate there. If he was setting him self up against the laws—if he was a refractory Lord Lieute nant—the Noble and Learned Lord knew his remedy ; but this he would say, that he had not acted factiously, but accord ing to the dictates of his conscience. Personally he had no reason whatever to complain of the Noble and Learned Lord ; but he objected to the system upon principle. The Earl of WARWICK objected altogether to the pre sent system of sending to inquire the opinion of the Lord Lieutenant, because it placed him in the light of a public ac cuser of every man worth 100/. a-year who was not put into the Commission. The LORD CHANCELLOR stood before them as the Keeper of the Great Seal, with full powers to appoint the Magistracy of England, and he would not subscribe to the doctrine of the Lob le Lord, that h e must a bi de b y the opi isions he received in reply to his applications for informa tion —that he was to exercise no discretion—to listen to no complaint—to take no remonstrance into consi deration, that did not arise in the course of his correspon dence with the Lords Lieutenant of counties. It was he who must put the Great Seal to every act of nomination, and it was he—not the Lords Lieutenant—who bore the responsibi lity of the act. He had habitually communicated with many Lords Lieutenant with great satisfaction, both to them and to himself, as well as with considerable benefit to the public, without allowing anything to transpire which would hurt the feelings of individuals; but the Noble Earl was resolved to alter all that. However, until the present occurrence, he had never found a Lord Lieutenant who th6ught that he was doing anything disrespectful in asking his opinion a; to whether cer tain individuals ought or ought not to be put in co emission of the peace. Were it a necessary consequence of asking to adopt such advice as the Noble Earl seemed to think, the Great Seal would have no power in the matter. At what time the Noble Earl adopted this opinion was rather a puzzle to discover. He had at four various times written to request his official ad vice in the matter of appointing Magistrates, and had in coil, sequence received three very satisfactory replies, which led to nothing further—twice before the occurrence alluded tc and once after it. The Noble Earl might in the two ,'armor cases net have obtained the new light r(- spect . ng his impeisa tive prescriptive right to appoint by advice; hut in the latter excercise of his fenction as Lord Lieutenant, he seemed to have relinquished it again. In 1831, long before he had a slat in that House the question had been tried there by the Noble Earl.—[Here an explanation took place between the Earl allai - e.voed, Loiel ea;lrae::, and the Lera Chaecellor, the particulars of which was not understood in the gallery.]_ It was with great regret that he referred to these letters. On the 24th of October the Noble Lord sent him a list of names that were all approved and inserted. On the 26th of October a correspondence took place between the Secretary fur the Home Department and the Noble Earl. Lord LONDONDERRY rose amidst cries of " Order" to speak to order. He reminded their Lordships that the act about to be committed by the Noble and Learned Lord was one that had been repudiated by her Majesty's Government as a practice perfectly inadmissible. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that in reading the correspondence he did not intend to mention any names. ( His Lordship then read several letters, commenting as he proceeded, but in a conversational tone so low and rapid that it was with difficulty we could catch the meaning.) The first was from the Noble Earl, stating, in regard to a list which he returned, " that he was not acquainted with any of those per sons, and therefore he could have no objection to state to any of their appointments." The next to which he should refer was also from the Noble Earl written in reply to a letter containing a list of magistrates suggested to be appointed fcr a town within the district in which the Noble Earl resided (he would not mention the town). The Noble Earl therein stated that he had no objection to any of the persons mentioned, but added that there was one who had said that if appointed he would not act. He (the Lord Chan cellor) subsequently wrote to that gentleman, requesting to know if this report were correct. The gentleman in reply said that he would be happy to act if appointed. The Noble Earl also wrote subsequently to say that he had been informed to the same effect. Then came the letter in question—thatof the 29th of January—addressed to the Noble Earl as Lord Lieutenant of Yorkshire, written in the usual style ordinarily adopted in official communications to Lords Lieutenant, and requesting his opinion and information re specting a list of nine persons inclosed, proposed to be ma gistrates of the West Riding. To this the Noble Earl re turned a reply " that he hoped the persons therein mentioned were fit persons, as eight of them were persons connected with himself. However, he did not know that there was a want of magistrates in that district ; but had there been such a large deficiency he would have represented it. He objected to be called on to uedertake the novel and invidious task of objecting to any particular name on a list of persons sent to hire. He complained also of a want of courtesy in not affor ding him the opportunity of giving his opinion in the first in stance as to the persons proper to be put in the list." On the .sth of March lie (the Lord Chancellor) replied that be in tended nothing more than to solicit information respecting the individuals whose names appeared on the list. The Noble Earl, in answer, approved of three of the names, and took no notice or made any objection to the other two. His (the Lord Chancellor's) surprise was great that no objection was taken in this latter letter to any person, notwithstanding the claims advanced and objections in principle stated in the pre vious one. The Duke of WELLINGTON—The Noble and Learned Lord has only done justice to the Lords Lieutenant of counties in stating to the House their willingness to correspond with him on all subjects relating to the performance of their duty in respect to the magistracy. I believe that the Lords Lieu tenant of counties in general, and I think my Noble Friend has stated to the House Isis conviction of the fact, are perfectly well aware that the right of appointment to the magistracy rests exclusively in the person holding th e G reat Seal for the time being; but I believe it to be also the use and the custom for them—a use and a custom which they have uniformly exere eised—to recommend to the Lord Chancellor the names of in dividuals fit and proper for the magistracy. The Noble and Learned Lord admits this fact himself, among the many stated by my Noble Friend ; and yet he adds that, though age has sanctioned the custom almost to a right, he will exercise his own discretion and nornieate who he likes to the magisterial bench. My Lords, I do not stand here to dispute the right of the Noble and Learned Lord to nominate whom he chooses—the right otS the Great Seal to appoint to the magistracy whoever the bolder of it liked, was never questioned by my Noble Friend either. But what he and I contend against is the mode in which that right has been exercised, when the Noble and Learned Lord, when called upon to make good the due number of Magistrates in the town of Leeds, does not write to my Noble Friend, and say that he wanted so many, and that he wished him as tho Lord Lieutenant of the county to recommend those persons whom he knew to be fit and proper to fill up the vacancies. No. The Noble and Learned Lord does no such thing. Ile tells us himself that he canvassed in Leeds, and having disco vered the names of certain persons, he then, and thea only, irked my Noble Friend whether they were proper persons to be nominated to the Magistracy. My Lords, 1 have for a pe riod of twenty veers exercised the duties of Lord Lieutenant of the county, and I have on two other occasions discharged the functions of that office also, and I can tell the Noble WI d Learned Lord that the practice pursued by him in this respect is not consistent with that pursued by other Noble and Learned Lords, his predecessors in the high office which he now holds. The Lord Lieutenant of a county is not called upon by the Noble and Learned Lord to recommend person; as fit and proper for the Magistracy that they may be appointed by him on such recommendation, but he is called on to state confidentially whether certain persons named to the Lord Chancellor by ether parties—and well known to be so named. too—are in that position. He is thus placed in the dilemma of being obliged to sanction certain names proposed by cer tain parties—the proposition being well known to him —eon. trary to the usual course in such cases, or take on himself the odium of objecting to them altogether. Yet this very thing is done by the Noble and Learned Lord. My Lords, in the course of my lifetime I have acted wider Lords Lieutenant. I have acted as Lord Lieutenant. I have acted in a variety oaf offices ; and, my' Lords, I tell the Noble and Learned Lord fairly, and to his face, that after such conduct as this, after such a mode of treatment as he has adopted towards my Noble Friend, I cannot act with confidence under him.--(Hear.) My Lords, I will just state a few possible cases to show the operation of the Noble Lord's course of proceeding. The Noble and Learned Lord, as he tells you, canvasses for opi. nions in respect to his appointments to the magistracy. Now, my Lords, I'll suppose a few cases in illustration of the success, ful result of that canvas?. I'll suppose, my Lords, a gentle man recommended to the Noble Lord as a fit and proper person to fill the office of magistrate, who is, what is called in ancient Acts of Parliament, a barrator—which means a person un der the cognizance of the law, and bound over to keep the peace. Whore does the Noble and Learned Lord find this recommendation ? Is it from the Lord Lieutenant of the county ? or does it come from any gentleman of rank and station in the district ? No such a thing ; it comes from a. polical partisan. Ido not mean to say, my Lords, that a partisan ever approaches the Noble and Learned Lord ; but partisans in plenty approach some one else who has the ear of the Lord Chancellor, and it is on the recommenda tion of this " some one else" that the appointment is made. Another cese, my Lords, may be equally apposite. I will suppose a gentleman to stand a contest for a county at a ge neral election ; I will suppose him, after this, appoined to the command of one of Majesty's ships, and sent to sea ; and then I will suppose the Lord Chancellor finds him a fit and proper person to be nominated a magistrate, and no minates him accordingly, contrary to the letter and spirit of the Act of Parliament. which requires that magistrates should be resident at the time of their appointment. A third case :—I will suppose a person, who has been an attorney—a respectable person enough in his line, one of the partners of a respectable house, but who has re tired from active business, and is now only a sleeping partner—l'll suppose such a person recommended to the Lord Chancellor from a source similar to that of vabich my Noble Friend complains, and appointed a magistrate ac cordingly. I do not complain of the exercise of the right, but I do of the appointment, and I do also of the manner in which it is procured. The Noble and Learned Lord was much mistaken in supposing that the Lord Lieutenant might take up a parson in the streets, and place him on the bench, expecting the magistrates to perform the duties of their office * and risk their reputation in the same judgments. They would do no such thi ng , Th ey are gentlemen, and expect to be treated as such. They would not sit on the same bench with a man who held views totally different from their views. [The Noble Duke was occasionally inaudible in the gallery.] The LORD CHANCELLOR said in reference to the Noble Duke's observations, that in regard te the expression " going about canv ass i ng ," app li e d b y the - Noble D u k e t o hi m , he had net the slightest idea to what the Noble Duk• alluded. " Canvassing" meant " going about asking something." That. he (the Lord Chancellor) never did ; and he entirely and po sitively denied the application of the phrase in that sense to his proceedings. The Noble Duke had referred to certain persons as connected with supposititious cases; among others he referred to a person under the appellation of a barrator— a name which he (the Lord Chancellor) did not think was known out of the Courts, certainly not much in that House— as having been appointed to the magistracy by him. Of these F arsons Ile (the Lord Chancellor) knew nothing, and he wished. to ask the Nobl e D uke whether he meant to say ' that he had appointed them to the magistracy ? Lord WHA RNC LIFFE protested altogether agai ns t the doctrine of th e N oble and Learned Lord, and also against the proceeding he had taken consequent upon it. The Duke of WELLING TON had used the word " can vassing" only in the sense in which the Nehle and Learned Lord had employed it himself, The LORD CHANCELLOR only stated that if there were an exclusion of persons of one party in any particular dis trict, there cou ld h o no confidence expected f • rom that party in the magistracy so a pp o i nte d. Lord HOLLAND held that the Noble and Learned Lord had a clear and undisputed right to nominate any fit' and pro duty that it was, moreover, his perpe t r o son no t m o i t n h: te ma t g he is m tr , acy ; however they mig a l s it , come .recri mended, or from whatever for the office was undoubted. q uar t Te r i, so that their qualification le Lord Lieutenant was a purely military office, long country, and established pule nowt: to the Constituteon of this the magistracy. It t o onsiderable time . r..esequent to therefore, quite impossible that there could be any Fight • Learned Friend had mend to that of:ice. ii„ ln the Lord Lieutenant to recom- Ives of opinion that his Noble and had telten. acted wi se l y in taking the course he The Earl of h`l After a few words from 1-wlialsfirelLA Lord COLCHE STE R, sersat i on, in , A OOD replied, and after a short eon the Duke of Wellington and Lord Hol. land took a p This Bile' 4 t, the Noble Earl withdrew his motion. ESTATES time. BILL. U on the rn second on E d of the LORD CHANCELLOR, their° t• poneineet cf He; - dings Bill and the Su'ter's Money Bill were wooed t'rne, aed erdeeed to be committed on felonday. P 3 n the motion of Lord DENMAN, the. Distenters' Oaths Bill was referred to a Select Conun'tee. The Jurisdiction of Judges Bill • was sects a second time. 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