The Sun. — London, England, 1836-03-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. It will be remembered by our readers that the Morning Advertiser was the first to call attention to the recent violation of the treaty of Vienna, and de nounce the insolence and aggression of the three despotic Powers in respect to the free Republic of Cracow. Since then Sir Stratford Canning, in the House of Commons, 'has read the account of the entrance of the troops of the three Powers into the territory of Cracow, and asked what measures were intended to be taken by the Government of Great Britain in reference to the transaction. The answ er given by Lord Palmerston was , t hat no official in formation had yet been received on the subject, and that the attention of the Gover nment would be given to it, but he declined to inform the House what mea sures the Cabinet were likely to adopt. Flagrant as the conduct of the t hree Powers is, it is no more than what we have long foreseen, and what appeared to be invited by the disgraceful indifference, or rather the tacit a cquiescence, with which England and France beheld the annihilation of Polish independence. But t h o ugh we have foreseen the recurrence of fresh out rages on the rights of nations, it does not follow that we are still to permit their perpetration with im punity. By the ninth article of the treaty of Vienna, Russia, Austria, and Prussia undertook " to respect, and cause to be always respected, the neutrality of the free town of Cracow and its territory, and that no armed force shall be introduced on any pretence what ever." England and France were equally parties to this treaty, and guarantees for its maintenance ; and what faith in future can be placed in such engagements if they be thus impiously trampled under foot ? The circumstances under which the infraction has taken place still further aggravate the enormity of the crime, which could only be suggested by the implacable hatred which Russia bears to every member of that na tion she has so much wronged, and by her irradicable abhorrence of the very semblance of free institutions. Were her power equal to her will, it is not Cracow alone would suffer ; and as it is, the instruments which she now wields in the gratification of her atrocious ambition—Prussia and Austria—will, ere long, in trembling for their own security and existence, curse the fatuity which induced them to lend them selves to her designs. It was in vain that the Senate of Cracow remonstrated against the injustice of expelling from its territory men who for years had been invested with all the rights of citizenship, and allied to the State by the ties of person and property —the persecutors were inexorable, and not alone the Polish exiles, but all others who are obnoxious to the now sovereign authority of the invaders are liable to banishment and exile. Even the subjects of France and England are not exempt. The plea by which this outrage is attempted to be vindicated is an allusion, made in the ninth article of the treaty of Vienna, to deserters and criminals, who were to be surrendered to the several governments to which they might belong ; but this evidently cannot be applied to men settled in a neutral territory—unconvicted of any moral or political offence. As well might the same powers call upon France and England to surrender the exiles who have taken refuge with them ; and no doubt such demand would be made if there existed the means of enforcing it. Are Russia, Prussia, and Austria the only trus tees of the treaty of Vienna? Are England and France too contemptible to be even made acquainted with the intentions of the Sovereign Powers, until their fiat be issued, and the destinies of nations decided by a proclamation ? Such would appear to be the lamentable fact. Every circumstance corroborates the accuracy of the opinion expressed in the des patches of Count Pozzo di Borgo, as published in the Portfolio, when he advised Russia to ac cumulate her resources, and by at once seizing her prize, leave Europe no alternative but submission. At, the opening of the Session, Lord Palmerston intimated that the silence of the Kings Speech in regard to Poland should not be construed into an acquiescence of the Government in- the breach of treaties past or to come. This intimation at the time sufficed to allay the anxiety of the nation ; but the time is arrived for a more explicit declaration of the intentions of Govern ment. Neither this last nor the preceding outrages can be redressed by negative explanations—the nation demands, and has a right to expect some positive de claration of the course intended to be pursued. We urge not premature disclosures, but we expect an as surance that the interests and honour of England shall be vindicated. Let this be declared, and we shall nut ca vil about the means. But let it not b e sa id that while II issia openly violat e d th e r i g h ts o f na tions, frittered treaties to atoms, which Great Bri tain was pledged to maintain, and in the face of Eu rope, successively trampled on the independence of surrounding States—that the British Cabinet feared to whisper the intention of demanding redress, and shrunk from the assertion of the nation's honour, and the de fence of civilization, justice, and humanity. Since writing the above, we have been informed that Lord Palmerston has dispatched a diplomatic agent of great consequence to Cracow, to remonstrate against the outrage upon its independence. We trust that this proceeding will he followed up with energy and deci sion. Russia's chief power of encroachment is de rived from the timidity of our foreign policy. Let 12.ngland but once take up the gauntlet which has been so contemptuously flung down, and under the moral influence of her name will spring up hosts of chain pions to support me her in th e li sts . Of w h at co 'p i ence s it if the cabinets of Vienna and Berlin be steadfast, which they are not, in their adhesion to the invader—the people of Austria and Prussia will not, if hostilities commence, lend themselves to the forging of their own fetters. Despots even nearer home nay support Russia, but the antagonistic principle is to o widely diffused to allow that support to be successful. The proclamation of the Austrian General in usurp ing the occupation of Cracow, will be found in another column. It is like all similar instruments of oppres sion—a compound of the most false accusations and violent abuse of the persons mi'rked for persecution. It much resembles the denunciations of the Tory pres s against the Roman Catholics of Ireland—the terms " vagabonds"—" revolutionary emissaries"—" out laws," &c., are most liberally applied. Tyranny often seeks to palliate the enormity of its persecutions by slandering its objects—we trust their victims will not follow their example ; hut as words do not kill, that they will find a nobler remedy for sorrow.—Morning Advertiser. A petition was last night presented by Sir Ronald Ferguson from a Baptist Congregation at Nottingham, praying that the duties on th materials used in the edifices for public worship might be removed, and the dissenters placed in the same situation in this respect as the members of the Established Church. Sir John Hobhouse supported the prayer of the petition, and said he would take care to direct the attention of his colleagues to it, and which he thought it not impossible might be granted. The subject, as our readers are aware, is about to be brought before the House by the Hon. Member for Greenock (Mr. 'Wallace). A Morning Contemporary (the Times) was pleased to describe the proposition to remove the duties from ma terials employed in all buildings dedicated to divine worship as a first step towards the voluntary system. It might as well be said, that the exempting Dissenting .Ministers from serving in the militia was a step towards the voluntary system. The State establishes the teachers of one religion, because it does not choose that any portion of the people should be without the means of obtaining religious instruction ; but it does not thereby intend to dec lare t hat th people shall not be at full liberty to worship according to their conscience, or that their religious belief should subject them to any disabilities, or place them in a more disadvantageous situation than the members of the Established Church. The duty of the State to secure religious instruction to all, does not imply that the State ought not to hold the professors of all creeds in equal regard for this would be a violation of the principle of religious equality. There can be no ques tion that the removal of the duties on building mate rials used in religious edifices would be of the very greatest advantage to many congre gat i ons o f Di ssenters . We have been-informed that in many parts of Wales, which would have been altogether without religious instruction of any kind but for the exertions of the Dissenters, the chapels are greatly in need of repair, from the want of means to meet the expense, and that the removal of the duties on timber would be hailed as the greatest of blessings. Mr. Wallace is entitled to the best thanks of the Dissenters throughout the king dom for bringing the subject before the Legislature. We cannot think that any Churchman will object to the relief sought for by his dissenting brethren. The question is quite distinct from that of whether or not there should be a religious establishment at the public expense.—Morning Chronicle. Four clergymen of Bishop Mant's diocese have published a contradiction of an opinion expressed by Mr. Gore Jones, a stipendiary magistrate, that all the Protestant Clergymen of the north of Ireland were Members of Orange Clubs or Associations. We know that very many of them did disgrace themselves and their calling by joining that confederacy ; but the asser t tion that all had done so appeared to us quite too sweeping, and by no means credible. It gives us much pleasure, therefore, to find, on so good an autho rity, that Mr. Jones was mistaken. The imputation of Orangeism cast upon the whole army has provoked the following gracious burst of indignation, which, notwithstanding its bitterness, shows the existence of a sound feeling with regard to such a charge, which we think a good sign : " We take this public method of contradicting this solemn statement made by Mr. Jones, in his evidence before the Com mittee—not because we attach any importance to the accusa tion, but because we conceive that a misrepresentation of so determined a character could not have proceeded from igno rance, and that he was not prompted to make it from any good or Christian motive towards the Established Church. JAMES R. PHILLOTT, Chancellor of Connor. " ROET. GAGE, Rector of Rathlin. " STEVENSON HUNTER, Rector of Rathguile. Wm. S. BLACKWOOD, Rector of Armoy." It appears from this, that all the Protestant clergy in the north of Ireland were not Orangemen ; and, from 'the high tone of this contradiction, it may be presumed that even a considerable number of them might plead exemption from the charge of being so. We can further state, with great confidence, that the majority of the Protestant clergy in the other parts of Ireland never did enrol themselves in Orange clubs or societies. We mention the fact to their honour ; al though their not having done so brings them under the no less sweeping, and certainly not more gentle, de signation of " scoundrels," which one of their pro fessed champions, in his zeal, has bestowed upon every Irish Protestant who is not an Orangeman. " With a few scoundrel exceptions," says this meek apostle, " all the professing Protestants in Ireland are thorougly Orange in principle." We shall leave the clergymen of Connor to settle this point with their friend. It was only the other day that the same curious defender of the Church branded the High Churchmen amongst the clergy—that is, two-thirds of the whole corporation, as composed of equal parts of Protestant, Papist, and Socinian. But Durham was not then vacant, nor had Dr. Hampden been dubbed " Kettle " by those High Church " Pots "—the heads of houses in Oxford. Doubtless, if these events had occurred in time, High Church would have been let alone for a season, or at least until Bishop Philpotts should have had an opportunity of throwing his cap at the County Palatine. But let the Church adjust these matters with its own preux chevalier. As to the, lall " scoundrels," who have not been Orange men, when Orangeism was a name of mark, they must only endure the indignity as well as they may. We deny, however, that they are " few." And when we name the Fitzgeralds, Caulfields, Ponsonbvs, Achesons, Brabazons, Clementses, Brownes, &c., &c., among the Nobility ;—the Brownlows, Musgravcs, Somervilles, Chapmans, Napers, Putlands, Palmers, Fr2nches, Evanses, < rnin ,-, the Gcntry•—Plunkett Per _ _ rin, Moore, Crampton, Holmes, Richards, Mercdyth, Wallac, Curran, Lyle, Brady, Hudson, on the Bench, and at the Bar: the Latouches, M'Kennys, Orrs, Guin nev,ses, Bewleys, Fluttons, and Croathwaites, in the mercantile community—we defy any one to name more steady, conscientious Protestants, more influential and valuable members of society, or men who more sincerely abhor and abjure from their hearts and souls the principles and objects of Oraiveism: We could enumerate hundreds besides, equally pure from the taint of sectarian hatred or exclusion, and scarcely in ferior in respectability to those we have named ; these arc sufficient to set the charge of scoundralism, advanced by the Standard against all Irish Protes tants who are not Orangemen in principle, in its just light before the public. Perhaps as the name of Orangeman is dead now, and has been duly buried with funeral honours, we have bestowed too much notice on this characteristic howl over its gravc.—Morning - Chroliele. This fraud of the Ministers and their adherents must be put au end to—we mean this false and dis graceful attempt to make the Conservatives answer able for the crime, if it be a crime, of which their an tagonists are really guilty—that of destroying the Irish Corporations. The existing corporations ae " destroyed" by the Whig Municipal Bill, because they have been exclusively Protestant. And the on'v question that follows, as AV C have explained repeatedly, is this—whether the local administration, so abolished, shall be replaced in the manner recommended by the Irish Attorney-General—namely, by a municipality of Popish priests, and the more illiterate and servile part of their congregations ; or in that proposed by Sir R. Peel, according to which the local magistrates shall he nominated by the Crown, instead of by the priesthood —whether the town police, both in its selection of functionaries, and its rules of action, shall be regulated by the Lord-Lieutenant, or by the 51. creatures of the , aforesaid priests ; and whether the custody and ap plication of local funds shall be vested in responsible commissioner., of the Crown, or in Popish personages, falsely called spiritual, who may appropriate such funds, after the M'Hale fashion, to the building or repair of Rotnish places of worship. When we are told that the majority of the inhabitants, being Roman Catholics, have a right to the power of governing the whole, and are aggrieved by the refusal of such a power, we answer that the argument assumes the inherent dominion of an unqualified democracy, without regard to any other title than that of gross numbers. Such may be a very fine political theory, but is not that of the British Constitution. Property is the test of right to the exercise of power best known to the constitu tion of this country, and most rigidly exacted by it. All else is republicanism of the broadest and coarsest character. The assertion of mere numerical majority as a test of right excludes that of property altogether ; whereas the \linisters themselves, in their concoction of this bill, have recognized a property qualification as their principle, and have thereby raised against them selves the question—whether their qualification be of the proper standard ? We think it is not. Our de cided conviction is, that a 51. household qualification in Ireland is by far too low, because we find that the 101. leaseholders in counties lie prostrate under the hoof of the rough-riding priesthood, and vote implicitly as their excommunicating autocrats direct. It becomes there fore a question, and a grave one every man with two ideas in his head must acknowledge, whether the numerical majority of inhabitants of Irish towns, con fined to a single sect, moved by an undivided priestly power, embracing, indeed constituted in great part by, the ignorance, the superstition, the pauperism, the disaffection of the place, shall be suffered to exercise unchecked dominion over its intelligence, property, and love of legal order ? We trust that the Legislature will agree with us in resisting to the last the creation of such an authority, to be vested in hands which can employ it no otherwise than for purposes subversive of enlightened liberty, of Protestant security, "and of British power. Upon this view of the Irish corporate measure, of the amendment upon it, first suggested by Sir R. Peel, and, as appears from the notices of Wed nesday night, to be moved by Lord F. Egerton next llonday—upon this we take our stand. A " tyrannical majority" in the House of Commons—a factious, con federate, self-discordant majority, may outvote that great and more far-sighted body, with which we have the honour to concur ; but there are resources in the constitution of this monarchy for redeeming what may thus be lost, and for vindicatin g what, through an impulse of mo mentary rashness, or a scheme of calculating selfishness, may be, however, deeply inju re d. Th e system o f normal schools for advancing the system of mita tion," and for promoting the knavish ends of its pro fessors, will not yet, we trust, be extended to Ireland— at least, until the guilty parent of that system shall have been laid low—and the nature, principles, means, and objects, which now belong to it, shall have im bibed some less pernicious character. It is not very often that we are guilty of glancing at the lucubrations of a morning paper, which is said by many to have ex isted for more than a twelvemonth upon no other nou rishinent but its own unremitting rancour against this Journal. There has, however, been now sent to us by a correspondent an extract, which he states to have been taken from the Satur day's copy of that journal, wherein, speaking of the restrictions which may be legitimately and wisely affixed to the exercise of the elective franchise, that organ of marketable faction thus indites :—" Our readers are not to learn that the visits of the school master have not been over frequent in many parts of France, and those especially in the south and west ; and that were the franchise extensively diffUsed among the peasantry, their ignorance and prejudices might, make them a prey to desi gn i ng an d evil-disposed men. If, for the " south and west of France," we read, the " south and west o f I re l an d," it might require little candour to ackno w l e d ge th e p os sibility there also, that half-taught electors may fall " a prey to designing and evil-disposed men." But of course the argument was not for any such illiberal purpose !—Times. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY', MARCH 4, 1836. give way to an individual request, but would bow to the decision of the House. Viscount MELBOURNE did • not think the Noble Marquis need care for lying under the lash, as he termed it, for one day longer. He did not object to this delay, if it was thought advisable that the Noble Earl should be present. Lord WYNFORD—No, my Lords, I am the party most accused.—( Laughter.) The Marquis of LONDONDERRY then withdrew his motion, and gave notice for to-morrow. The Marquis of WESTMINSTFR said he did not rise for the purpose of occupying the time of the House, but merely to ask the Noble Marquis whether he had been re quested by the Noble Earl to postpone the debate till he was in town ? The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said that the No ble Earl had certainly expressed to him the strongest desire that the debate should be postponed till his arrival. After a short conversation across the Table , the Noble Marquis withdrew his motion till Monday next. The House then adjourned. HOUSE OF . COMMONS, MARCH 3. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual time. MIDLAND COUNTIES RAILWAY BILL. Sir R. GRESLEY presented a petition from some Land Company in the county of Derby, praying to be heard by counsel against certain parts of this Bill, which they stated in many respects objectionable. Sir R. FERGUSON presented two petitions from places in Nottingham against the North Midland Counties Railway Bill ; also, a petition from a gentleman of the name of Hall, a landed proprietor in the county of Derby against the Bill. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, 111.4xcit 3. The Lord CHANCELLOR to his seat on the Wool sack at 5 o'clock. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. BERNAL and others brought up the Report of the Select Committee appointed by the House of Commons last Session upon bribery and intimidation at elections, together with the minutes of evidence taken before them. Several Private Bills were also brought up. Mr. CRAFER brought up certain papers from the Treasury. Mr. CAMPBELL brought up certain papers from the East India House. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. Lord TEYN HAM said it was with regret he felt himself bound take up one moment of their Lordship's time. But there were extreme cases in which any man would be jus tified in trespassing upon their Lordships—such was his case. He knew not whether the Noble Viscount who had spoken the other night on a subject which he (Lord 'l'.) had introduced, was in his place or not, nor did he care. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, who was sitting on the Woolsack near the table—" Wait till he comes." Lord TE YN HAM—No, I won't. The NOBLE Loan then went on to say, that the in dividual to whom he alluded had received thousands of kindnesses from' a near connection of his, and he was astonished to find that he could have been guilty of the base insinuations he had made. What he had to complain of was a breach of the privileges of that House. He had to complain of the statements in a newspaper noto rious for falsehood—( Hear, hear, hear)—the Morning Post, a paper in which had been published a total perversion of the Noble Viscount's speech. It was false in almost every part of it, and had been dressed up and or namented with rounded periods, although he had under stood the Noble Viscount assented to having been the author of the composition. Lord WYNFORD would submit to their Lordships whether the charge should be brought forward in the ab sence of the Noble Viscount?—(Hear, hear.) Lord TEYNHAM—He has had notice of it. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was quite certain the Noble Viscount would be in his place presently ; and he would really submit to the Noble Lord whether it would not be better, in courtesy to the Noble Viscount, as well as for the Noble Lord's own sake and satisfaction, to wait until the Noble Viscount was present ?—jlear, hear, hear.) He thought from the Nob!e Lord's own state ment it would be more satisfactory to him to state what he had to say in the presence of the Noble Viscount. Lord TEYNH AM said, if it was the pleasure of the House, he would wait most willingly. But he trusted if the Noble Viscount did not make his appearance before the House rose, he would be permitted to bring the subject forward in the course of the evening.—( Hear, hear.) POOR LAWS-IRELAND. Lord ITATHERTON presented a petition from the m:gistrates, clergy, and others of the principal inhabitantS of Birmingham, praying for the introduction of Poor Laws into Ireland. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. Lord W YNFORD presented petitions from the Hun dred of Dartford, and other places In the county of Kent, complaining of agricultural distress. Lord ASHBURTON presented a petition to the same effect. WORKHOUSES. The NOBLI; LORD also presented a petition from Nor folk, praying that the loan for building workhouses might be extended beyond the period at present allowed. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. Lord STRA NGFORD having now entered the House and taken his seat, Lord TEYN HAM then rose and said—Seeing the Noble Viscount opposite in his place, I will, with the permission of your Lordships, ask him a few ques tions. One is, does he mean, or did he mean to apply those observations to me, that I un derstand he has sent to the Morning Post totally dif ferent from what I understood and comprehended him in the House, and totally different from the reports in all the other Newspapers. I want to know whether he means to apply those observations to me or not? Lard KENYON rose to order. The question was quite irregular. The Noble Lords were both in the House the other evening, and the Noble Lord opposite had an opportunity of hearing what was said ; therefore, be had now no right to call upon the Noble Earl to say whether the matter was true or not. It was the most irregular question that ever had been put, and if their Lordfilips wished for harmony to be kept up among themselves, they would not allow it to be put. Lord TEYNHAM had great respect for the Noble Lord who had just spoke at all times ; but his character had been assailed, and be conceived that he had a perfect right to call upon the Noble Viscount, and he trusted the House — Lord EL LEN BORO U H rose to order. The question could not be understood. No one had a right to ask such a question. Lord TEYNHAM persisted. He was not aware, at the time of the uncalled for, the scandalous, the false — (Order, order) — Viscount MELBOURNE rose to order. It was abso lutely necessary that some degree of order should be pre served in the proceedings of the House. The rules of debate must be adhered to, otherwise it would be impos sible to preserve the decorum of the House. The Noble Lord was perfectly irregular ; he could not refer to a for mer debate. There was a standing order against it. He trusted, therefore, he would pay deference to the rules of the House, and not persist in the question.—(Hear.) Lord TEYN HAM rose amidst loud cries of disappro bation. After the amiable speech—(Laughter)--of the Noble Viscount, who had just sat down, he was perfectly sa tisfied, and lie would not further trespass upon the House. But as he had been attacked, he trusted the House would for give him, though he was an unworthy member of the House.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped they would see the pro priety of his conduct, though it was against the rules. The Marquis of ;WESTMINSTER presented a peti tion from the county of Chester, complaining of agricultural distress.—(Referred to the Committee.) Also one praying for some measure for the speedier recovery of small debts. Lord FOLEY presented a petition from Worcestershire, praying for relief from agricultural distress. Lord WYNFORD moved for a return of the liabilities of the Bank of England for the last ten years. He moved this on behalf of the Agricultural Committee. ORANGE LODGES. The Order of the Day for the motion of Lord London derry having been read, The Earl of WINCHILSEA rose to request the post ponement of the question for one day, in consequence of the absence of a Noble Earl (Roden we believe), who was not yet in town, but who he expected would be then. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY felt embarrassed at the request made by the Noble Lord. He was anxious to oblige him, but he was placed in an awkward position, having given notice of the motion for such a length of time. He first gave it, in consequence of the gross personal allusions which had been made in the debate in the other House, for he felt most anxious to get rid of the pain which those dark and cunning insinuations had given him ; therefore he was most anxious the question should be now discussed. He was, however, in the hands of the House, and if Noble Lords opposite thought this the best moment to bring it forward, he was most anxious to rid himself of the pain— of the lash of the public journals. The Earl of WINCHILSEA begged leave to say, that he had not had any communication with the Noble Earl to whom he had alluded ; but know ing the intimate connection of that Noble Earl with the institution in question, and knowing the ability with which he could defend it, he was most anxious that he should be present at the discussion. . The Duke of CUMBERLAND thought that from what had fallen from his Noble Friend, it was but just to the Noble Earl who was absent, and it would be doing no more than justice to that constitutional and loyal associa tion—the late Orange Lodge—to wait until he was present. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, when he first gave notice of the motion, had distinctly stated that he did not proceed to the discussion of the question because of the Noble Earl's absence ; he therefore expected that he would have been there, considering the length of time that had elapsed. Under these circumstances, he could not NORTHERN RAILWAY BILL. Sir G. CREWE presented a petition against certain parts of this Bill. MANCHESTER AND CHESHIRE RAILWAY BILL. Mr. H. NIARSLAND presented a petition from Stock port in favour of the Manchester and Cheshire Grand Junction Railway Bill. Mr. C. HINDLEY presented a petition from Staines bury and Ashton-under-Line, in favour of the same Bill. GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. Mr. C. J. K. TYNTE presented a petition from St Michael's, in Somersetshire, against this Bill. NEWPORT PAGNELL. Re Marquis of CHANDOS presented a petition from a number of the inhabitants of Newport Pagnell, praying to be relieved from the payment of certain tolls. Mr. ROBINSON presented a petition against the Birmingham and Gloucester Railway Bill. Mr. TOOKE moved that a petition, presented on the 29th ult., respecting the London and Selby Railway Bill, be referred to the Committee.—Agreed to. TIMBER DUTIES. Captain GORDON presented a petition from Aberdeen against the equalization of the Timber Duties. He re gretted that in the present unhappy state of the colonies the Right Hon. Gentleman should interfere with the sub ject, as it would only have the effect of destroying the colonies, and materialy injure the shipping trade. Sir EDWARD CODRINGTON said he thought a serious question with the shipping interest would be the fact of their being able to procure 'timber from Turkey free of duty, and Turkey was willing to take English goods in return from this country without the payment of any tax on importation. Captain GORDON presented a petition from a law so ciety in Aberdeen, praying for a repeal of the taxes affec' ing attornies. THE DISSENTERS. Sir RONALD FERGUSON presented a petition from a congregation of Dissenters residing at Nottingham, praying for relief. The Hon. Baronet bore testimony to the respectability of the petitioners. Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE had been requested to sup port the prayer of the petition, which he did most cordially. He was sure the more the petitioners looked into the mea sures introduced for their relief, the more they would be sa tisfied with them. Sir RONALD FERGUSON next presented a peti tion from the Minister and Congregation of an Anabaptist Society at Nottingham, complaining of being obliged to pay for the support of religious houses of worship, in a form of faith differentfrom their own, while they received no assistance in the building of their chapels from other congregations. They also complained of being obliged to make a declaration from which their consciences revolted, before they could enjoy any municipal office under the Reform Bill. The Right Hon. Baronet hoped the day was not distant when perfect religious toleration would be established in Great Britain. Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE said this petition had been entrusted to him for presentation, but having come down to the House for some days past at four o'clock, in order to do so, but without effect, he took leave to put it in the hands of his Colleague.—( Hear.) With respect to the tax on the Dissenters for building chapels, he would only speak his own opinion, not that of the Government, and he would say that he was disposed to agree in the views of the petitioners. He hoped that the subject would shortly receive the favourable consideration of his Majesty's Mi nisters. With respect to that part of the prayer regarding the declaration, lie begged to give it his decided support. Sir RONALD FERGUSON presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Nottingham, praying for an alteration_ of that part of the Municipal Reform Bill which required the making of a declaration by Dissenters before they could fill any office to which they might be elected. Mr. WILKS supported the prayer of this petition. The clause adverted to was productive of great inconve nience, and so far left the Dissenters in the situation in which they stood prior to the Act for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. The Dissenters, and particularly the Society of Friends, decidedly objected to making the declaration required, and in Exeter alone several gentlemen, who would have been elected to places under the Municipal Reform Bill were prevented offering - themFelves, and thus Conservatives ob tained a majority in the Town Council. He hoped a speedy remedy would be applied. SPIRIT LICENSES. Mr. BERNAL presented a petition from the licensed victuallers of Chatham and other places, complaining of the hardships to which they were subjected by the provisions of the Bill affecting their trade, which lately passed the Legislature. Petitions to the same effect were presented 133 Sir EDWARD CODRINGTON from Devonport, Mr. WILKS from Boston, and some other Hon. Members. TITHES. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented petitions from Westport, the Union of Kilcommon and Robin, and the parish of Aughagower, in the county of Mayo, all praying for the total extinction of Tithes, in name and reality. The petitioners from Aughagower represent them selves as among the poorest persons in Ireland, unable even to provide themselves with clothing so as to attend Divine Service in their own houses of worship, and that it was therefore a flagrant injustice to be compelled, from their po verty, to contribute to support in splendour the members of a different religion ; also a petition from Ballvnashane, in the county of Antrim, mostly signed by Protestant Dissenters, to the same effect. The petitioners further state, that the Bill which passed that Hon. House last session, would not. have afforded such extent of relief as would have satisfied the people of Ireland. MR. BUCKINGHAM'S CLAIMS. _ _ The HoN. MEMBER then presented a petition from the merchants, bankers, and other inhabitants of Belfast, in favour of Mr. Buckingham's claims. The petitioners prayed that the House would take into consideration the propriety and justice of acceding to the claims of Mr. Buckingham, for remuneration for his losses. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. Sir G. H. SMITH presented a petition from the re spectable inhabitants of Colchester, praying that House to grant relief to the agriculturists, with whom their interests were closely connected. He trusted the House would not be led away by the statements of the opponents of this measure, that the labourers were better off than they had been for many years, and that the distress of the landlords and a griculturists had been brought on by themselves. As a practical man, he would say that such statements were not founded on fact. The Hon. Baronet then presented a petition to the same effect from the Agricultural Committee of the Hundred of Colchester and Wrixley. Mr. POTTER was about to offer some observations in replY, but was interrupted by cries of " Order," " Chair," s o ., and " Sit down." The petitions were referred to the Agricultural Committee. Mr. BRAMSTON presented a petition to the same effect, from an agricultural association in Essex. DISSENTERS' CLAIMS. Mr. LENNARD presented a petition from 4,800 of the inhabitants of Essex of all classes, complaining of the grievances under which Dissenters labour. A more im portant petition, or one more respectably signed, never be fore came to that House. They claimed for all British subjects an equality in all social rights and privileges, and th e y thought that Parliament were not justified in enforc ing a compulsory support for the Established Church, of which they conscientiously could not approve, and in the services of which they could not partake. They therefore prayed for immediate relief from Church -rates. He knew that this was one of those subjects which was most offensive to Dissenters, and he trusted, and indeed he felt sure, that it would at the earliest moment engage the attention of hi s Majesty's Government. Coming from the present Government, the Dissenters would look for a measure which would be satisfactory : but there existed great impa tience out of doors upon the subject, for the question had been much too long before the House. They also complained of the heavy tax levied upon them in the renewal of the trusts under which their property was held, and prayed for relief. He most cordially supported the petition, and would take that opportunity of saying that the Bills for relieving the Dissenters before the House gave great satis• fection ; there was, however, one point on which there was much difference of opinion—that was the neces sity there would be, under the Bill, for the attendance of a registrar at all marriages celebrated by Dissenting ministers. Mr. WILKS said the Hon. Gentleman had very rightly stated this petition to be one of the most respectable which had ever been presented. It was signed by upwards of 4,800 land-owners, land occupiers, and freeholders, both in town and country, and the most respectable men in the county of Essex. He agreed with his Hon. Friend in the statement as to the satisfaction of the Dissenters with the Bills now before the House, and he was quite sure the ob jections to minor details would be met in a spirit of liberality and conciliation by the Government. There were upwards of 5,000 Dissenting chapels, and 5,000 schools in the country. They were not upon an equality with the Church, and all that property was obliged to be held under trust, and whenever one trustee died, the trust bad to be renewed at great ex pense, though not one of the parties were benefitted one shillinr , from them. Such a system ought to be done away with for the benefit of education. Mr. LENN A RD then presented a petition from a parish in Essex to the same effect. MISCELLANEOUS REFORMS. Mr. DU NDAS presented a petition from York, praying for the adoption of Reforms in various branches of our Civil, Military, and Ecclesiastic Establishments. It prayed that the Bill about to be introduced for the Reform of Mu nicipal Corporations in Ireland might be as extensive as the English one. It also prayed for a Reform in the Irish Church, commensurate with the religious wants of the po pulation, for the removal of Dissenters' grievances ; the abolition of flogging in the army ; the adoption of household suffrage, and vote by ballot.—(Much laughter.) These were the leading features of the petition, but there were other points which did not reach the gallery. The llon. Member supported the general view of the petitioners. Mr. PARKINS was requested to support the prayer of the petition. The present laws against bribery were wholly inefficient, and he thought nothing short of vote by ballot would correct the evil. MUNICIPAL REFORM (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. VILLIERS STUART' gave notice of his inten ,ion to move an amendment to some clause in this Bill when the House went into Committee, but we were unable to catch the precise nature of the Hon. Gentleman's motion. TIMBER DUTIES. Mr. ROBINSON presented a petition from Nova Scotia, against the scale of duties recommended by the Select Committee. The Hon. Member expressed his entire concurrence in the views of the petitioners. The proposed alteration, in his opinion, would inflict serious in jury on the shipping interests, without conferring the slightest benefit on the public. On the contrary, he was convinced that the consumer would be a loser, instead of a gainer, by it. As a commercial man, he thought the public had a right to know what the intentions of Government were. He thought it extremely hard that the Government were not able to answer the question put to them the other night, whether or not they intended to bring forward any question on the subject in the course of the present Session ? In his opinion the question yielded to none in importance, not even to that of agriculture itself. —(Cries of " Hear.") He thought, therefore, it ought to be brought forward at an early period of the Ses sion, and not at a period when there would be but a thin attendance of Members. He trusted when the question was brought forward an opportunity would be given for its due consideration, and that Members would not allow their votes upon a question which affected the best interests of the country and the Colonies, to be swayed by any party feeling. He trusted they would not read the evidence of the Committee partially, and he was convinced that no impar tial man who read that evidence carefully could brine- his mind to consider that any alteration of the timber duties was necessary. In conclusion lie could not but call to the attention of the House the great length of time that had elapsed between the making of the Report of the Select Committee on the Timber Duties, and its being presented to that House. Mr. ROEBUCK deprecated discussion upon the pre sentation of petitions. There was, he believed, no doubt existing as to the intentions of his Majesty's Government — that they were about to follow the recommendation of the Committee. As to the statement of the Hon. Member that the Colonies would be affected by the measure, he represented one of the greatest Colonies, and they had authorised him to state they wished the Timber Duties done away with. In fact the whole of the Colonies were anxious to do away with the duties on timber. Mr. G. F. YOUNG thought that the Honourable Member for Bath was the last man to complain of discus sion upon petitions. The other night he had put a ques tion to the Secretary of State, whether or not negocia tions were in progress on the subject of the Timber duties ? To that h had not received any direct reply. If, therefore, Ministers did not take this question into con sideration, they must not be surprised at petitions being con tinually presented on the subject. For his own part, he should always avail himself of every opportunity of bring ing the question before the House. Lord S A NDON would not follow the Hon. Member for Bath, in stating that the whole of the Colonies were of opinion that the timber duties should be repealed.—(Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that the Hon. and Learned Member was correct in stating, that he had the authority of the Lower House of Assembly to state that they were favourable to the repeal of the duties ; but he could not, from all the information be received, agree with him in stat ing that all the Colonies were favourable to that measure. He knew perfectly well that the majority of the Lower House of Assembly, consisting of the old inhabitants, did not consider that they were interested in any very great de gree in the timber trade ; but they all knew perfectly well that a great proportion of the landed proprietors of the newer settlements, where the timber was found, and the whole mercantile interest of Montreal and Quebec, were most earnestly interested in the continuance of the present duties.—(Hear, hear.) The petition was then laid on the table. SPIRIT LICENSES. Captain PECHELL presented four petitions from dif ferent towns and villages in Sussex, in favour of the repeal of the additional duty upon spirit licenses. He would add, that the petitioners were a most oppressed class of their fellow-subjects ;no sooner was the house-tax taken off, than an additional duty was put upon spirit licenses, more than equal to the tax that had been taken off. Mr. JERVIS presented a petition from the City of Chester to the same effect. LAND TAX. _ Captain PECHELEI;;Sented a petition from a parish in Sussex, praying to be relieved from the land tax. MR. BUCKINGHAM'S CLAIMS. Mr. WILKS presented a petition from Boston, signed by the Mayor, by several magistrates, and by the principal merchants and inhabitants of that town, in favour of Mr. Buckingham's claims. He had several other petitions to the same effect, one from Preston, signed by several thou sand inhabitants, and another from Bolton. With these petitions he would take the liberty to state, that at Boston, and throughout the country, there was very great dissatis faction expressed at the manner in which Mr. Bucking ham's claims had been treated by that House, and indeed there was a general sympathy expressed throughout the country in his favour. Undoubtedly the matter would not be allowed to rest in its present situation. He hoped some Hon. Member would be prepared to refer the report of the Select Committee on the subject to the consideration of the House, and that some deliberate determination would be come to thereupon. DISSENTERS' GRIEVANCES. Mr. WILKS then presented a petition from Tam worth, signed by persons of all religious denominations— not only by Independents, Presbyterians, and Unitarians, but by the clergymen of the Catholic chapel in fay our of religious liberty, and of the redress of grievances of the Dis senters. CHURCH RATES. Mr. WILKS presented a petition from Wareham, pra ing for a repeal of Church rates. NEW WRIT. Mr. OSWALD moved for a new writ for Paisley, in the room of Mr. Spiers, who since his election had accepted the office of Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds. CONSTABULARY BILL—IRELAND. Mr. STEWART b roug h t up t h e report o f t h e Com mittee on the Irish Constabulary Bill. Sir R. BATESON seeing the Noble Lord, the Secre tary for Ireland, in his place, wished to ask a question re lating to the statement made by him (Sir R. Rateson) on a former night, when this Bill was before the House. Hon. Members were aware that he made an assertion, to the effect that an officer in the police had communicated to him a circumstance which showed the wish of the Go vernment to make the police force in Ireland a political body. But he refused, when taunted by Gentlemen oppo site to state the name of his informant—(Hear) —and he now wished to know if what he had heard from Ireland was true—namely, that circular letters had been addressed ;by Government to every police officer in Ulster, requiring to know whether any of them communicated with him (Sir R. Bateson) on the subject. Lord MORPETH could tell the Hon. Baronet that no such circular letters were, so far as he knew, addressed to the police officers. With respect to the charge brought on a former evening against Sir F. Stovin, he could say that he had been applied to, and Government had received such an insinuations against as would enable them fully to refute the against his conduct. He was convinced that there existed no foundation whatever for the Hon. Baronet's charges. He would take another opportunity of stating fully to the House what he considered a complete vindication of Sir Frederick Stovin's conduct. Sir ROBERT BATESON said there was no need for --- Government to go to - expense in sending those circular letters.—(Hear, bear.) He was willing to state the name of the gentleman upon whose authority he blade the assertion, and was on the night be made it ready to do o. but from the ironical cheers with which he was assL:ilsea from the other side. His informant was Mr. Somerset Currie, and he hoped this person would not have to contend with the vengeance of the Irish Government, or of the party which directed their entire proceedings.—(Cries of " Oh, oh !" from the Ministerial side of the House.) Lord MORPETH would not notice the observation of the Hon. Baronet respecting the vengeance of the Irish Government. All he should say was that when tile p ro p er time arrived he could show that his charges agait: st Sir Frederick Stovin were altogether unfounded. Mr. 11. GRATTAN—If the Hon. Baronet persevere s; in this course, I shall feel it my duty—(Loud cries of Or' der, order !" (luring which Mr. Grattan resumed his s eat. Sir ROBERT PEEL wished to ask if the statement made when the Constabulary Bill was last before the House, respecting the appointment of Colonel Shaw Kennedy , wa s borne out fully in fact, and whether or not the offer made by Government to that officer had been accepted by bile ? Lord MORPETH said it had. CHURCH RATES (ENGLAND.) Sir R. PEEL wished to know when Government in tended to introduce a measure on the subject of Church-. rates, which at present was the cause of much dissatisfact ion. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was not the intention to bring in the Bill till after the Easter recess. Sir ROBERT PEEL asked, would the measure be firs t brought into that House Lord JOHN RUSSELL, as we understood, answered in the affirmative. THE DORCHESTER LABOURERS. Mr. ROEBUCK begged to ask the Hon. Member for Finsbury, whether he intended to renew his motion relative to a remission of the sentence passed on the Dorchester labourers. Mr. `'VALLEY would be glad to have a few days to consider what course he should adopt.—(Hear, hear.) In the course of the discussion upon that subject{ the Noble Lord (John Russell), the Secretary °- State for the Home Department, had stated that th e question was likely to be satisfactorily set at rest ; and frog' the amicable feeling that then existed he did not think that it would be necessary to renew his motion. He (Mr. W.) trusted that the course which the Government would adop t on this question would render it unnecessary for him to re new his motion. Lord JOHN RUSSELL was able to say that since th e , discussion that had taken place in that House, he ha t ' thought it his duty to recommend to his Majesty that two of the Dorchester labourers should have a part of then; sentence commuted. He had already stated that four out 01 the six had been permitted to return at the end o f twe years, which would terminate in October of the present year ; and he had felt it his duty to recommend to his M 3 L : jesty that the remaining two should return at the end of three years, which his Majesty had been pleased to direct,' He did not think that anything had since occurred whi ch would induce him to recommend a further remission of th e sentence which had been passed upon these persons. ,HAND-LOOM WEAVERS. Mr. J. MAXWELL b egge d p erm i ss i o n to postpo ne the motion of whi c h h e h a d g i ven no ti ce f o r calling th e attention of the House to the condition of the hand-loo n ' weavers. POOR RATE AND HIGHWAY RATE. Mr. POULETT SCROPE then rose to move for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the - levy of the Poor rate and Highway rate in all th e p ar i s h es o f E ng l a nd an d Wales upon a uniform system of valuation and assessment' Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought the Bill likely to be productive of good effects, and he should therefore give it sanction. At the same time, however, he must say, tlt a difficulties existed as to making estimates of the adequa te value of property. He trusted the Bill would meet ~Kith the sanction of the House. Sir R. PEEL said that it was a matter of indiffere nce .; as to parochial assessments, wh e ther the premises were ra ta ' upon 3-sths or 4-sths of the value, or upon the full val ue ' But when the several parishes came to be rated to the county, then it was clearly a great injustice that one par isi l should be rated at the full value, while another was ra te only at 3-sths or 4-sths of the value. He thought t, better rule would be, to require all the parishes to be r ate at the full value. Fie wished to ask the Noble Lord vib e e : ther any uniform system of rating had been adopted un' the Parliamentary Reform Bill ? Lord J. RUSSELL replied, that whenever the question had been referred to the Law Officers of the Crown, th e l i a had always given it as their opinion that the parties s hc t, be rated to the full amount as required by the Act• was aware that a different construction had been put on P t ; the Act, from which great inconvenience h&I arise tl occupying crnet-et a boi rf house cl j toe. alv value.oyretahr 3boe/c.a Thisau s year, was eatrh,ewapsariosohlY;:as; o n person lyedra taet d tahte a hi g hly ob" - tionable. He thought that the rate sh ou ld b e ecl aiva ` itent to the real value. as Mr. BAINES observed that there could be n o ddlubt to the necessity of an uniform system of rating i n count' being established. At present the greatest inequality 30 t rate of assessment existed. Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. GAOL . Lord JOHN RUSSELL ACTS postponed his motion for Select Committee on Gaol Acts. BILL FOR COUNTY BOARDS—IRELAND . Sir R. MUSGRAVE said it was his intention t o no ds for leave to bring in a Bill for establishing county boa in Ireland. His principal object in doing so was to affclds increased employment for able-bodied labourers. agreed with other Hon. Members in thinking that ployment for able-bodied poor was full as necessary as r o „' lief for the hplpless poor, and therefore he hoped to : t e duce the measure now before the H o use. It was a seP• ar- o f measure, for men best acquainted with Ireland were be opinion that the question of employment ought to toP treated separately. He proposed, in the first instance , substitute county boards for grand juries for local taxat i l; In doing so, it was not his intention to deprive of property of that controul which they ought to exer eis t over county taxation. Under this Bill men of proper would form the county board. Similar local institution had for a long period existed in Holland and in °t i t countries, and the best Dutch writers had 'attributed tPt wealth of Holland principally to these institutions. 1511 , 0 he was anxious to apply the principle of representatio n these bodies, and public opinion was decidedly favourable c, such a change. From long experience he was well. a 3 „ c ; quainted with the operation of the grand jury laws. Yi t , gentler-oe," still he would not have ventured to undertake the diffieu task resulting from the present motion if he had not been ea . se bled to take advantage of the labours of two friends of ig't who brought to the subject great legal knowledge and gr e 4 experience in the affairs of Ireland. He alluded to ' VI I George Harrison, of Lincoln's Inn, and to a relati ve . ° his own, by whom this Bill had been drawn up. The Pr"; cipal clauses had been printed and distributed some Ye i ° since, and ever y use f u l suggestion was respectfully atte n d s ' to. After a ll means had been adopted in order to r ol l, the measure unobjectionable, the Bill had been oornPl ate by and last session had been read a first time and printed, no t order of the House. This course of proceeding w as 0 only calculated to produce an useful measure, but was a l • respectful as regarded that House. The power of a° 'lilting the grand jury, as exercised by the high sheriff, most objectionable. It was an anomaly at variance iai a the first principles of the British constitution, g e w hich not allow that any individual should exercise such a degrpal of control over public taxation. There is, indeed, an el 3 P; o t to a petty jury from the decision of the grand jury; it, the party traversing must employ counsel, agent, and vvre, nesses, at the assizes, and cannot, even if he succee d, p cover any part of the expense which he thus incurs., the various, too, are the views taken by petty juries of taip utility of public works, that this tribunal is very noc cr ost• and unsatisfactory. To give the high sheriff, in the instance, the unjustifiable power of nomination, and ;to' to endeavour to correct this evil by an appeal to a P bjjo jury, appeared to be a very unwise administration of 01,..01 works. The Bill proposed, then, that the entire po wer duty of taxation for loeal public purposes, be vested a'ete, elusively in a county board, to be elected by the r oily , payers. The rate-payers are to meet in each b n ar a of in order to elect a certain number of persons. 'igh' the entire number so elected in all the baronies, the 11 is sheriff is to select the county board. The county bo a s i l t' to consist of not more than sixty nor less than thirty 111 0 hers ; and is to continue in office for twelve months,„atbio the succeeding board is appointed. The members 01 first body are to possess a certain qualification. At their f 5 4r meeting the county board is to appoint a committee f o p.. perintendence, for superintending all public works and o in'' blishments within the county. The members of this c ec ial mittee are to sit and vote with th e ma gistrates at s P, a te sessions, and their powe rs an d d u ti es i n o ther respect; sit defined by this Bill. At present, certain r ate-PaY er o vi' t, and vote with the m ag i s t ra t es a t sess ions, by whic h t he sion it was evide n tly i n t en d e d t o es t a bli s h a check 0-nr 0 0 ' decision of the grand jury. But grand juries have ° ra te strued the l a w, th a t th e y now o ft en ac tually select the To payers from amongst their own friends and tenat tta. ra te substitute the committee of superintendence for the.sa Th e payers, will, I trust, appear to be an improvement' oin ted chairman of the county board is to be an officer aPP o rter by Government. In Ireland the chairman o f the g d t he o sessions is a barrister, nominated by the Crown , It greatest public benefit has resulted from this reguleu_oblic is necessary, on every account, but particularly .l v„ ao tY works are to be extended, that the chairman of the that board should, by his. legal knowledge, be able to gn as the body in the discharge of their duty. The foreman'. a _ aoi e statutes regard is now administered, is too often appointed wet regard to his being qualified by knowledg e of th