The Sun. — London, England, 1864-07-19 00:00:00

ThgERIAL PARLT Ay ENT HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening, The LORD CIIANCRLLO.R. took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. METROPOLITAN RAILWAY. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a petition from the inhabitants of Finsbury-square against the ex tension of the metropolitan railway to Trinity-square. Lord REDESDALE gave notice that on Thursday he would move that no petition be received against the metro politan railway schemes unless they should have been pre sented before Friday next. THIRD READINGS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (Blackburn new lines) —West Sussex Junction Railway—Edinburgh and Glas gowßailway--London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway (new line)—Rickmansworth, Amersham and Chesham Railway—llfracombe Railway, and Lancashire Union Railway. LAND SECURITIES COMPANY BILL. The Earl of DONOUGHMORE presented a petition from the Land Securities Company, and moved that the bill be committed. Lord REDESDALE objected to the motion. He con tended that the bill was the introduction of a new principle into private legislation, and therefore he hoped their lord ships would support him. Every day new schemes were set on foot for money-lending by limited liability companies, and he was satisfied that these schemes should be regu lated by public and not private acts of Parliament. Lord TAUNTON said he should give his hearty support to the noble lord who had just sat down. After a short discussion, the motion for the committal of the bill was rejected. BURIALS REGISTRATION BILL. This bill passed through committee and was reported with an amendment. THE SPANISH SLAVE TRADE. Lord BROUGHAM said if there was one thing more than another t h a t gave him great satisfaction in re flecting upon a l o ng parliamentary life, it was the act be had been eo fortunate as to induce Par liament to sanction, namely, that making the slave trade piracy. He was glad that a great amelioration had taken place in the condition of the negroes in certain parts o f th e world, but he had now to complain of the manner in w hi c h the Spanish Government had set at naught the ob ligations they were under by the treaty they had entered into, by a continuance of the slave trade. He was not one of those who held that it ad not become this country on any account to interfere with anything going on in a foreign country. In some cases it was honourable to do so—in others it sometimes became a daty. The noble and learned lord then proceeded to comment upon the slave trade carried on in Cuba. The planters and the people of Brazil were both against the slave trade ; and it was, therefore, impossible that it should be revived. Good faith, therefore, on our part seemed to require that wo should repeal the act to which he had re ferred. 'The noble lord then presented a paition from a public meeting held in Jamaica, and presided over by the bishop, complaining of the conduct of Spain. Earl RUSSELL said that every successive Foreign Sec retary had remonstrated with Spain against her violation of her treaty engagements ; but we had never been able to get her to fulfil them. The Spanish Government did indeed profess their willingness to do so, but they had steadily re fused to pass efficacious laws for the purpose. From time to time the Cuban slave trade was diminished, and he believed that the present governor was in earnest in his efforts to suppress it. But almost all the authorities of the island were disposed to connive at the traffic, and he did not feel any confidence that a future governor might not do so too. H e strongly objected to the proposition to reimpose a dif ferential duty upon slave-grown as compared with free labour sugar. But he would assure the house that he would continue to urge upon Spain the fulfilment of her obligations. The Earl of MALMESBURY eulogised the sincere and successful efforts of the Government of Brazil to suppress the Brazilian slave trade, and said that in his opinion the time had come, or nearly com-, when the Aberdeen Act should be repealed. In fact, before his death, the Earl of Aberdeen had himself arrived at the same conclusion. After a few words from Lord BnouaH.tae in reply, the subject dropped. The Mutual Surrender of Criminals (Prussia) Bill, and Thames Embankment and Metropolis Improvement Loans Bill, were read a second time. The Street Music (Metropolis) Bill was read a third time and passed. The Inland Revenue (Stamp Duties) Bill was read a third time and passed. The Railways (Ireland) Acts Amendment Bill and the Drainage and Improvement of Lands (Ireland) Bill were read a third time and passed. The Administration of Trusts (Scotland) Bill was read a second time. The house then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. Tho following bills were read a third time and passed:— Earl of Egmont's Estates and New Brighton Pier. METROPOLITAN RAILWAY DISTRICTS BILL. On the order for the third reading of this bill, Mr CRAWFORD moved an amendment to the effect that the bill should be read a third time this day month. He said that the most serious objections ezested to the construction of this railway, and he contended that the interests and the feelings of the public would be con sulted best by acceding to hls motion. This project was not the result of a company, but merely an engineering specu lation, and he argued that that circumstance should induce the house to regard it with great jealousy. (Hear, hear.) A considerable difference of opinion prevailed in reference to the necessity or advantage of this Metropolitan Railway scheme. Mr AYRTON and Mr. GOSCHEN opposed the bill. Lord STANLEY supported the bill. He said he was chairman of the select committee on this bill, so that he had opportunities of judging accurately of the whole scheme, which induced him to approve of it. (Hear, and no, no.) Every attention had been paid to the bill in tramitu, and the opinion he expressed was shared in by the other members of the committee, Differences of opinion, as well as differ ences of interest would exist on all matters, but he thought that if hoz , . members would read the evidence they would see that the conclusion to which the committee had arrived was justified by the facts as developed by the statements of the witnesses which had been examined. Mr HANKE Y opposed the motion for the third reading, on the ground that it would not be duly considered by the House of Lords at this period of the session. After some further discussion the bill was read a third time and passed. CASUAL POOR OF THE METROPOLIS. Mr LYALL asked the president of the Poor Law Board whether he would bring in a bill this session, in order to carry out the special recommEndations of that part of the report of the poor law committee, which relates to the casual poor of the metropolis, so that relief may be afforded to that class by legislation before next winter? Mr VILLIERS said that it was his intention to bring in a bill this session, and that the house would have time to consider its provisions fully, as it would be very short. SEA FISHERY (IRELAND). In reply to Mr BLAKE, Mr PEEL :said that he had not had time to receive the annual report of the Sea Fishery Department of the Board of Public Works in Ireland from the department in ques tion. METROPOLITAN FIRE BRIGADE. Mr HANBEY asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he had abandoned the idea of bringing in a bill this session relating to a new Fire Brigade for the metropolis; and if so, what course he proposed to follow respecting the better security of the metropolis against lois by fire, in accordance with the recommendation of the Committee on that subject. Sir G. GREY said that he had no hope of carrying any such bill this session, but he would introduce a bill on the subject nest session. THE TREATY OF 1852. In reply to Sir J. PAKTNGTON, Lord PALMERSTON said that all the parties who ere contracting to this treaty had been in communication in reference to the provisions of that treaty, and it was per fectly Competent for them to modify the terms of that treatY. That subject had formed the material of the Con ference that had been held in London. BRAZIL. 31r B. ORR__I3I3:IsIE rose, pursuant to notice, to call Wen• tion to the st a t e of our political relations w ith B raz il. H e said ho felt th a t Some apology was due, no t only to the house, bat also to the holders of Brazilian stock, and to all those who were engaged in the immense commercial trans • actions with that empire, for bringing on this question at the present hour of fatigue, when the house was exhausted with the labours of the session. But if the house was ex hausted with these labours, I, —e thought they were bound to remember the great is s u e t h at was at thisstake'n ques tion of Brazil, and the relation s w hi ch had existed a considerable period with th a t empire, What now fir t Cause sow I.as'n the ca use of this Brazilian question ? It was a tant, that he thought it would be well, at any rate, for P° th r' Ch anc ellor of the Excheque r t o i n t errupt the private co n e vorsa tion in which he was then enga ge d an d li sten to the -question now before the house, because it was a question which most assuredly affected her Majesty's Governme n t, as he would show. He believed the empire of Bra z il was the one solitary example in the world of a state with which we had many commercial transactions of various kinds, and with whom we had not a single treaty of any kind, except the convention of 1826 between that country and England. The commerce carried on between that country and Eng land was not less than £12,000,000 a year—the Brazilian dealings in this country were £9,ooo,ooo—and there were no fewer than three English companies making railways in Brazil. Besides th ese , th er e were various companieswhich had undertaken to light B ra zilian towns and to drain their lands. Was it not strange that wa had no sort of treaty with that country ? That was a state of things so unsatis frActory that we were entitled to ask what was the present policy of her Majesty's Government towards B fazil. The case rested, he was obliged to say, on that mede ling and mischievous policy—(hear, hear, from the Cc naervatives) —which was never content except wa,n interfering with small States to subject thorn to trou' - )le and injustice. This was not only tyrannical to Brazil, but was injurious to England. From 1822 to 1844 Brazil was in such a state, from the disorder of its finances and the weakness of the executive, that the slave trade was carried on to a considerable extent ; but he was pre pared to show that since that period the policy of Brazil was essentially anti-slavery. By the convention of 1826 the Brazilian Government agreed that any slaver found in their waters should be deemed guilty of piracy. This provision remained in force until 1845, when such was the repugnance of the Brazilian Government to the right of search that it was resolved that this rule should cease and terminate, and to this the British Government agreed. The first act of the convention of 1826 still remained. At this time the Aberdeen Act was framed, authorising British cruisers to seize Brazilian ships on suspicion of their being engaged in the slave trade, and to carry them before a British Admiralty Court for condemnation. This was extensively put in prac tice, and several ships were carried into the Admiralty courts, producing extreme ',Ad feeling in BrP;i11 towards this coun try. The act w condemned 1)y Sir Thomas Wilde, the Lord High COtancellor of England, who said that so mon strous was that act that it was impossible to enforce it against any power except one that was unable to resist. Anotlier ornament of a Whig Government, his lion friend the member for Ashton-under-Lyne (Mr M, Gibson) had also resisted that act. Would that he would do so now, and use his influence on the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) to bring about amicable relations between this country and Brazil. If he raised his voice against that act when the slave trade was carried on to a considerable extent in Brazil, how could he reconcile himself now to sit cheek by jowl with the noble lord? (A laugh.) Some time after this Lord Aberdeen, recognising the steps taken by the Brazilian Government against the slave trade, said the English Go vernment, as soon as they were able to do so, would recom mend to Parliament the repeal of that act. The Brazilians were in a weak state, they had no navy, and all they could do was to protest against this act as a violation of the law of nations. Well, what did the noble lord (Lord Palmer ston) do when he came into office ? Not content with what existed, the noble lord in 1850 ordered our cruisers to do an act which had never been done before—actually to invade Brazilian ports and waters. They did so, and for two years did this system continue. The British cruisers went into Brazilian ports, and taking out ships from there sent them to St. Helena to be adjudicated upon, creating the greatest ill feeling against England. Now the slave trade was not carried on by the Brazilian Government themselves, who were greatly opposed to it, but by Ameri cans, Spaniards, Portuguese, and he believed by some Eng lish—because it had been whispered that Liverpool mer • chants, at least, were engaged in it—while the Brazilian Government, disgusted with their experience of the Eng lish Government, probably winked at it. An effort was afterwards made by the Brazilian Government to put down the slave trade. and so much was this so, that the noble lord at the head of the Government complimented the Brazilian Government upon it, and said there could be no doubt that in another twelvemonths the slave trade with Brazil would be entirely extinguished. That was in 1851, and so far were the efforts of the Brazilian Government successful, that in 1852 Lord Malmesbury withdrew the order authorising British ships to enter Brazilian waters, and he must say the whole conduct of Lord Malmesbury in this Brazilian business had been immensely to his credit. The Brazilian Government continued to put down the slave trade, and since the year 1858 he (Mr Osborne) was pre pared to prove, on undoubted authority which could not be disputed, that no slaver had been run on the coast of Brazil, and that the slave there was entirely extinct. (Hear.) Nearly 200 miles of railway had been made by English companies in Brazil, and no such thing as a single slave had been employed on those railways. The slave trade there had received a blow which it never could recover. It was thought, therefore, that this house would repeal the act of 1845. But the house did nothing of the sort. The house had been content to wait year after year, to leave the enor- Inoue trade of England with Brazil without any protection, and they never took any steps to repeal the act of 1845. They all knew the case of the British frigate which made severe reprisals on the Brazils, the question arising from which was referred to the King of the Belgians, who decided that the British officers were altogether in the wrong. (Lord Palmerston intimated that the hon. member was mistaken.] Did the noble lord contradict that ? He had the face to contradict anything. He (Mr Osborne) had not provided himself with the despatch, and this showed how careful one ought to be. (A. laugh.) At any rate the decision was not in our favour. The noble lord would not say that. He might get off in some quibble of words ; but the decision was not in our favour ; and in 1862 the British Charge d'Affaires was empowered to apologise, that being the first apology he believed the noble lord had ever made. They had had debates on the subject; but why or wherefore, after the question of mediation had been referred to the Portuguese Government, irritating and offensive language should be used, passed his comprehension to understand. (Hear, hear.) He should like to ask the noble lord whether he thought the Portuguese Government would eontinue their mediation in the face of such language. (Hear. hear.) He held in his hand a document which he should quote for the information of the Foreign Office, which was at, once ignorant and insolent. (Laughter.) By a decree of Decem- ber, 1858, the Brazilian Government torbade altogether that any emancipated negro should be apprenticed to private individuals. That was a most material step ; and it further appeared, from the report of the Brazilian Minister of Justice, that in 1860-61, 201 "emancipedoes" were set free; in 1862-63, 147; and down to May, 1364, 71—upwards of 400 altogether since 1860. It was stated by the noble lord at the head of the Government that there were twenty re quirements which the Brazilian negro should satisfy before he could obtain his freedom ; but what would the house think, when he told them that those requirements were taken from an opposition paper, which was a sort of half Otce, half Punch—(laughter) —and that they were written to ridicule the delays of the law in Brazil f (Hear, hear, and laughter.) What would the noble lord say if the Brazilian Government quoted in their house "Punch's Essence of Parliament?" (Laughter.) And yet, if they did so, they would simply parody the proceedings of the noble lord him self. (Hear, hear.) But what was the policy of the noble lord with regard to Brazil ? Was it a hostile policy ? Let him tell the noble lord that so great was the feeling in this country at the irritating and mischievous policy which was pursued towards Brazil, that it had only to resist to upset his Ministry and to repeal the act of 1845. Language of menace and irritation was not the way to treat a country like Brazil, which was no longer in its infancy, but which ought to be treated on terms of perfect equality—(hear, hear)—and if we wished to get on, not only with Brazil, but with any other country, we should employ terms of conciliation, and not terms of irritation, (Hear, hear.) In conclusion, the hon. member declared that if the act of 1845 had been repealed, Brazil would have at once entered into a consular and postal convention ; and that so long as the present policy of irritation was continued the result would be injurious to the commerce of this country. (Hear, hear.) Lord PALMERSTON—The hon. gentleman recom , mends mildness of language. Sir, he is not himself a great master that way—(laughter) --and it is my intention rather to follow his precept than imitate his example. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The hon. gentleman says that lam a great hand at denying. If I may be allowed to return the compliment, I would say that he is a very great hand at asserting. He knows—everybody knows—the source from which the hon. gentleman draws his information— Mr OSBORNE—I do not. Name, name. Lord PALMERSTON—He knows whom I mean. Mr OSBORNE—I deny that; name, name. (Cries of " Order, order.") Lord PALMERSTON—Everybody knows that there is an active Brazilian agent ready to supply information to those who are anxious to undertake the cause of Brazil. I do not blame him; but I wish that those who adopt hie statements would, in their duty as members of Parliament, be quite sure that the facts which they repeat are correct. There was much in the speech of the hon. gentleman that would provoke me to go into an angry discussion. Mr OSBOItNE—Be provoked. (Laughter, and loud cries of " Order.") Lord PALMERSTON—Never mind—l will not bepro yoked. (Laughter.) Her Majesty's Government are now engaged, through the Portuguese, in negotiations, the ob ject of which is to re-establish diplomatic relations between this country and Braz.l. Now, I don't think the hon. gentleman has shown great judgment—(hear, hear)--In endeavouring to bring on a controversial discussion upon such a matter at such a moment. The necessary conse quence would be if I were to go through his statements, that I might be led to say things which he would again c ondemn —(laughter) —as being unfavourable to the success of the negotiation. Therefore I trust the house will think I am better performing my duty in abstaining from going into his statements. (Hear, hear.) In reference, however, to the commercial disadvintages which he says not only our present relations with Brazil, but also those which have existed for some time, impose upon our merchants, I will take our exports from, and imports to, Brazil for a certain period of time, and see how that matter stands. From 1850 to 1852 the imports from Brazil varied from two millions to two millions some hundred thousands, and the exports from two millions to three millions. Bat from 1866 to the present present time our imports from Brazil have been : in 1860, S 2,200,000; 1861, £2,600,000 ; 1862, £4,400,000; and 1863, £1,500,000. That is not a state of things which shows that our commerce has suffered. Our exports have been : in 1860, £4,000,000 ; 1861. £4,500,000 ; and in 1862-63, £3,700,000. So far, therefore, as our com mercial interests go, I do not think that they have suffered in consequence of this matter. It is quite true that the Bra • zilian Slave trade ceased in 1852, and that the Brazilian Gover nment have si nce that time passed laws and estab lished regu l ations which have, I believe, prevented any material importation of slaves into Brazil—(hear) — but still it must be remembered that out of her population,seven and a half millions, there are three million of slaves, only one million short of the number in the Southern States of Ame rica. Of these 10,000 have been emancipated. Mr OSBORNE—More, Lord PAL NI E RSTON —Th at a inst the makes rather ag THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 19, 1864. hon. gentleman. He has told us that 3 years 400 have been set free ; but if so it will be a long time before the 10,000 are fully emancipated. I must decline going into any controversy with the hon. gentleman. I am anxious that the negociations going on should succeed—and I think the house would do better to drop the discussion than to allow things to be stated which might revive angry feeling and embarrass the negotiations which the Portuguese Go vernment have, with the best motives and in the best pos sible spirit, undertaken to carry on. (Hear, hear.) Mr S. FITZGERALD congratulated Lord Palmerston on the moderate tone of his language as contrasted with that of last week, in which he spoke of the conduct of the Brazilian Government as flagitious and disgraceful. He believed that that Government was using every effort in its power to carry into effect the treaty stipulations for the liberation of the emancipados. Sir H. CAIRNS said that the impression on the part of English capitalists and merchants having an interest in Brazil were almost universally opposed to the policy of her Majesty's Government. With regard to the Aberdeen Act, as a question of international law, he had nerer looked upon it with any other feeling than that of amazement. Mr NE WDEGATE complained that the Brazilian Go vernment were endeavouring to coerce the house into the repeal of the Aberdeen Act by persecuting English resi dents in Brazil, and he mentioned in particular the case of Mr Christie, our late Minister at Rio, and of a Mr Reeves. He also denounced the corruption of the legal tribunals of the country, and described the internal slave trade as of a most iniquitous and inhuman character. Mr T. BARING having described the policy of the Go vernment towards Brazil as taunting, irritating, and unfor tunate, the subject dropped. Mr PACKE brought under notice the report of the in spector of reformatories on the state of the St. Bernard's Reformatory at Whitwick, in Leicestershire, and to the recent outbreak among the inmates of that establishment, which he described as a nuisance to the neighbourhood. Sir G. GREY described the precautions that had been taken by the Government to prevent the recurrence of similar outbreaks. Lord J. MANNERS and Mr NEWDEQATE expressed their hope that the institution would be removed from the county altogether. Mr HEYGATE saw no necessity for so extreme a course. The house then went into committee on the remaining civil service estimates. The vote for the packet service estimate and a vote to pay off Exchequer Bills were agreed to. The vote of £14,355 on account of civil establishments on the West Coast of Africa led to some discussion on the Ashantee expedition, and Sir Jonx HAY moved the reduc tion of the vote by £2,500. Mr ADDERLEY gave notice that, early next session he would move that the whole subject be referred to a select committee. Ultimately the amendment was withdrawn, and the vote was agreed to. On the motion of Lord C. PAGET, a supplementary navy estimate, amounting to £220,000, was agreed to for the purchase of the steam rams now lying at Birkenhead. The whole of the supplies having thus been voted, the chairman quitted the chair amid faint cheers from the 50 or 60 hon. gentlemen who formed the committee. On the motion for going into committee on the New Zea land (Guarantee of Loan) Bill, Sir J. TRELAWNY moved, as an amendment, that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the relative financial position of Great Britain and the colony, with a view to adjusting any outstanding balances and other mat ters connected therewith. On a division, the amendment was negatived by 79 to 32, and the bill went through committee, after an Ineffectual attempt of Mr Morrison to reduce the amount of the gua rantee from £1,000,000 to £500,000. The Fortifications (Provision for Expenses) Bill was read a second time. The Bleaching and Dyeing Works Act Extension Bill, the Turnpike Acts Continuance, &c., Bill, the Portsmouth Dockyard (Acquisition of Lands) Bill, the Militia Pay Bill, the Sheriffs' Substitute (Scotland) Bill, and the Bank Notes, &c., Signature Bill were severally read a third time and passed. Several other bills were advanced a stage, and the house adjourned. by men of all parties—by the large number of those who disapprove Mr Chase's financial policy, as well as by the smaller number )f those who believe that if he has not done well no other man in America under the same circumstances could have done much better—that Mr Chase's resgnation was not accepted because Mr Lincoln was dissatisfied with the finan cial results attained by, with, or in spite of Mr Chase's management, but iecause Mr Lincoln and a section of the Cabinet were eager to punish him for having dared to aspire lo the Presidency, or for having publicly and privately expressed his con• tempt for the whole body o! his colleagues. Mr Fessenden, who has not yet accepted the perilous honour that the President and the Senate have conferred upon him, and who is reported to hesitate very greatly whetter he shall do so, is not known very extensively as a financier. He is chair man of the Finance Committee of the Senate, in which capacity he has almost invariably lent his support to the financial policy of Mr Chase. He is is believed, however, to share the views of Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means in the House of Representa tives, on the impolicy of pa3ing the interest of the public debt in gold. Should he be really infected with this idea, and attempt to carry it into prac tice, it is not difficult to foresee that his financial career will be even more calamitous than that of his predecessor. In any case he will be a brave man if he accept the office, and a fortunate one if he make bad no worse in conducting it. In addition to the disquietide caused by the mili. tary situation and the aspect of affairs in the Cabi net, the rapid depletion of the army makes wise men, as well as timid ones, shake their heads. It is confessed in both Houses of Congress that the con scription of last year is a failure, which has pro duced more exempts who have paid commutation money than soldiers who have done service in the field. After many debates, during which several contradictory resolutions have been affirmed, first in the one house and then in the other, a final decision has been made, by which a new and, as it is sup. posed, a better system of forced recruitment has become law. Mr Lincoln is authorised to call for a quarter or half a million of volunteers, to serve for one year, and deal to the rebellion the finishing blow. If within 60 (some friends of the Government prefer 40) days the volunteers do not present themselves a draught will take place, in which every man draughted, whatever his business or profession, must personally serve or find a substitute; in other words, the Government will refuse to receive com mutation money, and will cease to charge itself with the trouble of finding substitutes for those to whom fighting is either disagreeable or inconvenient. The draughted man must find another man willing to take his place; and if he has to pay 1,000 dole. or 10,000 dole. to the newly arrived emigrant, the native-born rowdy, or any other person willing to take the risks of a soldier's life, it will be a matter wholly between himself and the substitute. The price of the raw material of soldiership will rise and fall according to circumstances, and no longer be regulated by a Governmental tariff. The unlucky conscript will pay as little as he can. The intend ing substitute will extort as much as he can get. "Food for powder" will have to be purchased on free trade principles, and the owners of the commo dity will virtually rule the market. Under these circumstances it will not be improbable if the Government, which so particularly dreads a popular outbreak in New York, should take measures quietly, but effectually, to draught a much larger number of rich men than of poor, and so keep the poor in comparative good humour with a system which nothing can render popular. Yet in view of the urgent need of the Government for men to deal " the finishing blow" which it ex pects to be struck within a year, it becomes interest ing to know whether it actually raised since October last the 700,000 men it called out during that in terval ; and if not, what chance there is of its raising 500,000 at this time. If Mr. Wilson, Chairman of the Military Committee of the Senate, be accurately informed, the 700,000 men were positively enrolled and paid for, at a cost of no less than 125 millions of dollars. There exists no such force now, or Mr. Lincoln would not need hada million of new recruits. Grant's army does not number 200,000, whatever it might have numbered when he crossed the Rapi dan, and it is difficult to see where an addi tional 200,000 are to be found if all the forces of Sherman in Georgia, of Canby, the successor of Banks in Louisiana, of Wallace in Maryland, of Dix in New York, and of every other army of occupa tion in every part of the States be taken into the account. If in October last the Federal Govern ment had not s single soldier in its service, it would seem from Mr Wilson's figures, corrected by those of the existing armies in field or garrison, that in the short space of nine months the Federal Government had lost in killed, wounded, and disabled, as well as in prisoners and deserters, fully 300,000 men. But as, prior to the levy of this particular 700,000, the Government had on its own showing fully 500,000 in the field, it will follow, if it have no more than 400,000 at this moment, that it must during these nine months have lost the services of at least 800,000 men—killed, wounded, disabled, prisoners, deserters, and soldiers whose term of enli s t men t h a d ex pi re d, and who have not been induced by bounty money, or patriotism, or any other consideration to revolun tear into the service. If this be a true computation, it will abundantly account for the necessity of Mr Lincoln's new levy. But will the men answer to the call ? And will money, in default of patriotism, secure them ? These questions must either be an swered in the affirmative by facts, or it will not be the "rebellion," but the Northern Government, which will receive the finishing blow, and drift away into financial collapse and political ruin. Railway and Other Companies, RAILWAY BILLS. Yesterday four comm.ttees of the House of Lords as sembled to consider the various bills transmitted from the House of Commons. The first consisted of Earl Devon (chairman) and Lords Hawarden, Monson, Abinger, and Congleton, the bills being those for the London and Brighton Company's additional powers—Portpatriek Rail way, for new works and ste a mboats—Dublin Trunk Con necting Railway, and Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln shire Steamboats. Having approved the London and Brighton Bill, Mr Calvert and Mr Rodwell were heard for the Portpatrick Railway, and the evid en ce for the promo ters occupied all the sitting. The bill for the Scottish Cen tral Railway Company's stations was considered and passed in a committee of Lords Egerton (chairman) Methuen, De Manley, Mostyn, and Stewart. The Launceston, Bodmin, and Wadebridge was also passed, and that for the Teign Valley subsequently considered. Another committee, con sisting of Lords Silchester, chairman, Melville, Seymour, Inchequin, and 0 verstone had before them the bills for the Drayton Junction, St. Helen's, North Staffordshire (New Works), and Silerdale, Madeley, and Drayton, Cannock Chase, and Wolverhampton. Mr Denison and Mr Round having been heard for the promoters of the Drayton Junction, and Mr Merewether against, for the London and North-TV'estorn, the committee passed the bill. Mr C ripps and Mr Bidder were heard for the Gloucester and Ledbury i n L o rd Eversley's Com mittee, the 'evidence occupying all day. The Worcester and Dean Forest, and the New Brunswick and Canada Land were passed in Lord Redesdale's, and the Much Wenloek and Severn Valley in Mr Ma sse y' s Committee. farmers and others; also to persons on the coast for the con veyance of fish and other produce to excellent markets. Resolutions were unanimously passed in favour of the proposed line, which was to be constructed at an estimated cost of £5,500 per mile ; and owing, it was believed, to the great advantages the line would confer on the districts through which it was intended to pass, it could not fail to be remunerative to the proprietors. Local committees were then formed with a view to obtain the necessary subscrip tions for shares and otherwise to promote the success of the undertaking, AMERICA. (From the Times Correspondent.) NEW YORK, JULY 1. A sensation-loving public has been gratified with a sensation that might have been and was antici pated, but which, nevertheless, possesses all the charms of novelty. Mr. Chase has either resigned the office of Secretary of the Treasury, or been dis missed by the President. There is a Ministerial crisis which threatens to involve the whole Cabi net—if such a word can be applied to eight gentle men who never meet for the transaction of business, who manage their own departments without re sponsibility to each other, to Congress, or to the people; who own no allegiance to anybody but the President, whom they severally despise, and who agree in nothing but in their hatred or distrust of each other. The commercial and banking interests of this metropolis experienced a sensation of relief when the announcement was made. But it was a moment only. They were informed in the same paragraph which told of Mr. Chase's disappearance from office that his successor had been appointed in the person of Mr. David Todd, ex-Minister to Brazil, ex-Member of Congress, and ex-Governor of Ohio, and that Mr. Lincoln had sent his name to the Senate for confirmation. The transitory feeling of satisfaction was succeeded by incredulity, and, when incredulity was no longer possible, by dis gust. Mr. Tod's antecedents were known. He had no experience, was neither statesman nor financier, was once of opinion that it would be better for the Northern States to become colonies of Great Bri tain than to suffer the South to be independent, and was generally in favour of a war of extermination. Nor were his personal and social qualities found to be of a higher grade than his public qualifications. He was, it is true, a particular favourite of the Pre sident. A congeniality of humour had made them friends. Next to himself, Mr. Lincoln admitted Mr. Tod to be the best teller of a story in all the West, an estimate which most people who were acquainted with both admitted to be correct, the only difference being that while Mr. Tod was Mr. Lincoln's equal in the pruriency, dirtiness, and broad vernaeularity of his jokes and anecdotes, he was somewhat his inferior in the copious fertility of the fountains whence he drew them, So great was the alarm created by the announcement that it was calculated gold would rise 50 per cent. if Mr. Tod accepted and the Senate confirmed the appointment. But Mr. Tod proved to be wiser than the President, and telegraphed from Ohio that he declined the honour. Once more commercial men felt relieved, though many who while Mr. Chase was in power considered him a dangerous Minister would have been glad in view of the worse dangers that might have resulted if Mr. Lincoln's next choice should have been as absurd as that of Mr. Tod, to hear that the difficulty had been arranged, and that Mr. Chase had consented to resume his portfolio. But of this there was no chance. The feud between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Chase was final, and boat parties intended it to be so. Mr. Lincoln did not hesitate long, but appointed Mr. William Pitt Fessenden, the senator for Maine, to the dangerous post. The Senate seeing no objection, personal or political, hastened to con firm the nomination, and took only two minutes about it. Gold, which had risen to 282 on the resig nation of Mr. Chase, fell to 260, and when, at a later hour in the afternoon, it was announced in Wall -street that the Senate had repealed the stupid Gold Bill it fell to 225, showing a fluctuation of 57 per cent. in a few hours. It is asserted by Mr. Chase's friends that he resigned, and was not dismissed ; that he long meditated withdrawal from an Administration with which he could not agree, and from the service of a President whose incapacity he could not but de plore, and whose place he considered himself infi nitely better qualified to fill; that he would have resigned some months ago if it had not been that charges of corruption in his office had been publicly brought against him by Gen. Blair, a person high in the confidence and friendship of Mr Lincoln ; that an investigation into these charges had been ordered by Congress, and that, pending the inquiry, his resignation might have appeared to his enemies, if not to his friends, as a tacit admission that the charges were true. The investigation having closed and the insinuations against Mr Chase having been dismissed, as without warrant or excuse, he deter. mined to carry out his previous purpose and place his resignation in Mr Lincoln's hands. It is asserted by others, who claim to be in Mr Chase's confidence, that he was - further impelled to this course by the refusal of the President to appoint the person whom he designated to succeed Mr Cisco in the important office of Sub-Treasurer in New York, and of Congress to pass such a stringent system of taxation as would meet the interest of the public debt, and pay at least some p or ti on o f t h e current expenses of the war, Furthermore, it is believed DINGWALL AND SKYE. An influential meeting of landowners and merchants was held at Inverness on Friday, for the promotion of a line of railway from Dingwall to Xyleakin, the nearest ferry to the Isle of Skye; Mr M`Leod was unanimously elected to the chair. The CHAIRMAN explained that the proposed line between Dingwall and Kylaskin was the line of all others which would open up a large extent of country and prove extremely beneficial to the public. The line would be 63 miles in length and open up a beautiful district for tourists. He believed that the landowners in the district through which the line was intended to pass were not only favourable to the line, but would contribute towards its construction. He might mention that 11 of the principal landowners had already subscribed something like £lO,OOO towards the un dertaking. The Duke of Sutherland, who had subscribed £5,000, and Mr Matheson, M.P.► who had subscribed £12,000, were each prepared to take shares or stock in the company for the land belonging to them through which the line would pass. (Cheers,) The line would pass over 24 miles of Mr Matheson's property and three miles of the duke's property. Ho believed that Lord Hill's property would be passed over for a distance of 14 miles by the rail way, so that they would have 41 miles of the land required out of 63 miles paid for in stock. Several gentlemen expressed their approval of the scheme and pointed out the g rent advantage it would be to sheep BIRMINGHAM BANKING. Yesterday the directors of this bank declared a dividend for the past half year of 10s, and a bonus of 10s. per share, payable on the Ist of September nest, being at the rate of 20 per cent. on the paid-up capital. The Accident on the North-Eastern Railway NEWCASTLE•ON-TYNE, Monday. All the persons injured by the accident to the Scotch express from London on Saturday night are doing well, and there is no reason to think that any of them will be perma nent sufferers. It is thought that the accident to the engine was occasioned by jolting across the colliery railway lines at Washington. It is a most marvellous thing how the pas sengers escaped as they did, for the train was heavily laden, The Newcastle Chronicle of this morning gives the fol lowing details of the accident : " The scene of this casualty is within 300 yards of the Washington station, and the stationmaster was still on the platform and looking after the train when it occurred, the first intimation ho had of the accident being the turning over of one of the foremost carriages and a cloud of dust rising from the spot. The Scotch express does not stop at Wash ington, and therefore at the time of the accident would be going at a high rate of speed, though not at its greatest velocity, the acute curve at Victoria-bridge necessitating a slower pace than where the line is nearly straight. It may be assumed therefore that the train could scarcely have attained its greatest speed se shortly after passing the curve. The train was composed of nine first and second class car riages, one saloon carriage, and the guard's van. The car riages were of the best description, being the most roomy and convenient on the line, and, with the exception of the saloon carriage, forming a portion of what is called the East Coast Joint Stock. That is, these carriages belong jointly to the North British, North Eastern, and Great Northern Railway Companies for the working of the through traffic. The usual size of the train is about four carriages, includ ing the guard's van, The number of carriages composing the train on this occasion made this the largest Scotch express that the company has ever had on the line. When about 120 yards from Washington station the axle of the leading wheels of the engine snapped about the centre. The frac tured ends of course dropped down upon the sleepers, the first one they came in contact with being snapped asunder as if it had been a match, and the two portions drawn for ward in the shape of an obtuse angle. The engine still rushed forward, the axle ends ripped up the surface of the sleepers in their progress, but without materially affecting the gauge of the rails. After going a little distance, the leading wheels of the engine came off, and the end dropping down brought the locomotive to a standstill. Singular to relate, the engine and tender ran a distance of 180 yards ahead of the train before they stopped. It is supposed that the sud den jerk succeeding the accident snapped the connecting coupling between the engine and the first carriage. It is then assumed that a portion of the broken axle and a wheel of the engine was left behind, and the first carriage—a second class—coming in contact with it, the serious accident which we are now recording was the result. The first carriage was thrown off the rails, and turned completely bottom up as it rolled down the embankment. The earthwork at this point is about seven or eight feet in height, a narrow strip of ground planted with potatoes extending from the foot of the embankment to the hedge. The carriage was caught in its descent by a telegraph post, and the resistance of this obstacle and the tension of the wires arrested its progress. The top of the post was snapped off, and the wires, nine in number, were also broken, which accounts for the interruption of the communication with Newcastle. Had it not been for the post and wires arresting the carriage on the side of the embankment it must in all probability have rolled entirely over, and in that case it is not too much to say, without the slightest exaggeration, that scarcely a single occupant could have escaped with life, or if he did it must have been with the most serious injuries. As it was, it appears to have been only short of a miracle that they escaped as they did. The sides of the carriages were not separated from the bottom frame work, but were broken into splinters from top to bottom, held together merely by the partially separated wooden fibre. It isustonishing that so few of the sufferers were wounded by the splinters which must have been flying about. The carriage was reduced to the most complete wreck that could be conceived. The passengers in this carriage were those who sustained the most serious in juries and wounds, The force with which it rolled over must have burst open the doors, as several of the passengers were thrown violently out in the direction of the hedge. The rest of the passengers either extricated themselves from the wreck of the capsized carriage or were assisted out by the Washington stationmaster,and others who were speedily on the spot after the accident. The second carriage from the engine (also a second class) ran past the capsized car riage and turned on its side. It was a good deal damaged, several of the panels being broken, and a large strip torn off the solid wood bottom fram3. The passengers in this car riage were not so seriously injured as those in the carriage first described, although many of them sustained serious contusions. The third carriage (a first class) was completely smashed up, the sides falling outwards and crushing up into fragments. How the occupants of this carriage escaped in stant destruction is inexplicable; and what is even more sur prising is that some of the passengers escaped. uninjured, while none of the others were very seriously injured, so far as we can learn. Another first class carriage in passing the capsized carriages gave a sadden swerve and stove in one of its corners, but without sending it off the rails. The twist of the carriage must have been of a most violent nature, as one of the axles, a piece of wrought iron about six inches in diameter, was bent into the shape of a bow. The rest of the carriages were not injured beyond a few bruises and chafes. As soon as the sufferers were extricated from the wreck the more seriously injured were conveyed to a cottage near, where they were atiended to by the medical gentle men from Newcastle. Mr I. L. Bell, of Washington Hall, was on the scene of the accident soon after its occurrence, and gave every assistance in his power in seeing the injured passengers attended to. As Bra Heath and Embleton and Mr Joseph Fife were first on the spot after the accident they at once attended to the injured, and had nearly got through the whole of the cases when Sir John Fite, Dr Annandale, and Mr Hardcastle, who came by a later train, arrived to assist them. The maid of Mrs Ogre, of Kirkley hall, was much cut about the face, and had also sustained contusions on other parts of the body, Mr W. Lockay Harle, of this town, had four children in the train on the road home from school in London for the holydays. Miss Sarah Harle was the most seriously bruised and contused of the four; Miss Anne Harle was also shaken and bruised; Master James Harle sustained a serious bruise over the temple, and his brother, Master Frederick, a contusion on the arm. Most of their luggage was smashed up in the general ruin, as was that of some of the other passengers. Mr Mark Phillips, of Snitterfield, Warwickshire, formerly M.P. for Manchester, was in the train at the time of the accident. He was very much bruised and shaken, and had afterwards to be supported to the train which conveyed the passengers to Newcastle. He proceeded to . Tynemouth, and as late as yesterday was still suffering from his injuries to that extent that he had to be supported when he wished to move. Mr James Clarke, professional reporter, Mr Calling-- ham, Mr Elliott, and Mr Sawyer, four gentlemen who were coming to assist the staff of the Newcastle Chronicle during the meeting of the Royal Agricultural Society, were also among the severely injured. They were seriously wounded, in addition to sustaining severe contusions. Their injuries have incapacitated them from attending to work, and it will, we fear, be some time before Mr Clarke, Mr Callingham, or Mr Elliott will be sufficiently recovered so as to resume their professional duties. Mr Duckworth, a nephew of Mr Phillips, was slightly bruised and scratched. A gentleman named Windham was slightly injured. The Rev. H. S, Hicks, incumbent of St. Peter's, North Shields, who conducts the services in the Sailors' Home at that place at present, was seriously injured about the ribs and cut on the head and knee, besides sustaining several other bruises in different parts of his body. He is likely to be confined to his bed for some days. A Mr and Mrs Snow and a Miss Paul were also injured, and were taken, at their own request, to Durham, were they were at tended by Sir John Fife. Their injuries were principally contusions, none of them of a serious character. They were sufficiently recovered yesterday to be able to resume their intended journey as soon as they think fit. Among other persons in the train who escaped without injury beyond a severe shaking were the Duke of Montrose, LordlLovaine, M.P., Mr S. Beaumont, M.P., the Hon. Mr Coke, M.P., Mr R. Hodgson, M.P. and Mrs Hodgson, Capt. William son (of Whitburn), Col. Miller (Fusilier Guards), Mr John Fenwick (London), and Admiral Sir A. Milne, who has just returned to England." Persons in debt may obtain instant protection against imprisonment or seizure of their goods, and an entire release from all debts and liabilities without publicity, by application to Messrs. Marshall, solicitors of the Court of Bankruptcy, Charges under £5 payable by easy instalments. Offices— (established 1830), 12, Hatton-garden. City branch —6, McJr gate-street, Bank.—ADYT. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Ointment and Pills.— Premature Decline.—The unwary and thoughtless may save themselves a sea of troubles in the future by an early recourse to these excellent curatives. All blotches from whatever cause arising, all enlargements of the glands wherever situated, irritating sores and debilitating dis charges may bej safely and certainly cured by employing Holloway's Ointment and Pills in accordance with the in structions wrapped round each pot and box. No timidity need deter the weakest from applying to these restoratives, which exert the threefold qualities of purifying, regulating, and repairing without disturbing the stomach, annoying the nervous system, or rendering confinement to the house necessary. Holloway's medicaments will stem the source of many maladies, which, if neglected, perpetuate misery. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, TIMES.—We shall not pretend to emulate Ameri can contemporaries in speculating on the causes which have given rise to the resignation of Mr. Chase. Whether it be that he thus resents the imputations cast upon him by General Blair, not, as was commonly believed, without the inspiration and encouragement of Mr. Lincoln; whether he has not yet abandoned all hopes of becoming President himself; or whether Mr. Chase feels that his part is played out, and that he is fortunate in escaping from the duties of disentangling a web which has fallen under his hands into such intricate confusion, we do not care to inquire. Enough for us that he is gone, and, like Ulysses of old, has left behind him a bow which no one else will be able to bend. Whatever be the talents or courage of his successor, he cannot hope to achieve the wonderful feats that Mr. Chase had accomplished. We may have great poets, but we never can have another Shakespeare, for even if his genius were to descend on another mortal, we cannot give him the pare and untried language out of which he wrought his wonderful conceptions. Even so America can never have another Chase, because she can never offer to any man the same extraordinary amount of material prosperity, oreated out of the riches of a virgin soil by all the art and science of advanced civilisation, which Mr. Chase found, and which it has been his lot to destroy. If Themistocles was a proficient in the art of making a small city into a large one, Mr. Chase is a least equally entitled to claim the credit of making a great State into a little one. Yet let us not be unjust even to this mighty master in the art of ruin. Candour must admit that the problem set before him admitted of but one solution —a solution more or less complete, according to the genius of the philosopher to whom it was submitted. That problem may fairly be said to be—Given a nation determined on war, thirsting for revenge, insatiable of empire, steadily resolved to conquer, but equally resolved to conquer without any im mediate personal or pecuniary sacrifice, to extract from it men, materials, and money. As regards met, the resources of voluntary enlistment were very soon exhausted, conscription did not yield what was re quired, and the only resource left was to bribe into the ranks those who could neither be forced nor persuaded. Thus enlistment very early became a question of pay and bounty, and the supply of men speedily resolved itself into the deeper and more difficult problem of the supply of money. How, then, was money to be obtained According to Old World traditions, the first step would seem to be to increase to the utmost possible limit the taxation of the people. Bat Congress, with a keen eye to its own re-election, was unwilling to impose unpopular burdens on its constituents, and it seems alai the whole contribution which the United States have made towards bearing by immediate taxation the expenses of that mighty war in which they are en gaged has been the collection of a sum of ten mil lions, by which the war revenue of twenty-four mil■ lions exceeds the old peace revenue of fourteen mil lions. Ready money, then, being out of the question, there lay before the eyes of Mr. Chase the boundless and enticing field of credit, and the question natu• rally arose how the credit of the community could best be employed towards satisfying its enormous demands. To an ordinary mind the question would have been between the issue of Government securi ties and the inflation of the currency. It is here that we recognise the hand of the master. Instead of troubling himself, as a common man would have done, with arguing the respective merits of these two schemes, Mr. Chase's mighty mind elevated it. self above the controversy, and determined to re concile the conflicting merits of worthless paper and depreciated stocks by boldly grasping both in the same scheme, and working at once the issue of bonds to the utmost extent to which they could be sold, and at the same time over-issuing inconver tible paper till it requires some two hundred and fifty dollars in paper to purchase a hundred in silver or gold. Nay, more, as if these desperate expedients were not enough, Mr. Chase's genius contrived to combine them ; he contrived to sup press the notes issued by private banks ail over the country—notes varying in value according to the state of the currency in each province; and by giving the banks leave to issue Government notes against Government securities he contrived to obtain the very utmost that could be got upon credit from a people firmly resolved upon war, but still more firmly resolved that only by borrowing and tamper ing with the circulating medium would they contri bute to its expenses. These great principles once thoroughly understood, the career of Mr Chase be comes simple in the extreme ; like Columbus's egg, the whole difficulty disappears the moment the manner of action is explained. The maxim which lies at the bottom of the system is to banish from your mind all idea of paying the principal, and, in order to make the required sum which is never to be paid as large as possible, to be particularly care ful with regard to the payment of the interest. In terest, according to the school of which Mr Chase may be considered the founder, is not a sum paid for the forbearance of money,—it is rather a bait by means of which fresh money may be obtained. As long, therefore, as more money can be got, the in terest must be paid with the utmost punctuality ; the sum borrowed may have sunk by the deprecia tion of the currency to two-fifths of its metallic value, but the interest must be paid in gold, although by that means the charge is more than doubled. Having thus done everything in his power to drive gold out of the country, Mr Chase's system required him to do everything in his power to keep it back, and hence a number of operations which consisted in selling at a loss whenever gold showed an incon venient tendency to rise, and expelling it from the country by prohibiting those who dealt in it from selling it like any other commodity in open market, with the intention, when no more money was to be borrowed, of repudiating first the interest, and, after a decent interval of suspense, the principal. If any one doubts the truth of this picture, let him ask himself by what means he supposes that the present currency of America is to be restored to the standard before the war, or how he can suppose that any one in his senses who ever meant to pay would be borrowing money at a rate of interest more than double of that which it nomi nally bears. Let us, however, be just to Mr. Chase. He had not many weapons in his armoury—he had premises which he could break—he bad a currency which he could debase—and he had some gold, which, if not wasted in the expenditure of Govern ment, might do good service in alluring fresh subs scribers to his ever open loans. He has used them all to the utmost. Actual money he would also have used if he could have got it. But it would be unjust to deny that he has done all that could be done with the two great substituted powers, bound less abuse of credit and the investing worthless paper with the privilege of legal tender. He has not saved his country, but he has given her, in ex change for inevitable ruin, a very fair opportunity of dragging down the rebellious South into the same destruction with herself. The wisest thing he has done is to watch the gradual inflation of the bubble, and to leave the agreeable task of assisting at its bursting to Mr. William Pitt Fessenden, a gentleman said to be a firm believer in Mr. Chase's system. Such faith at such a moment merits that crown of martyrdom which it is assuredly destined to receive. It is really not worth counting by how many hundred millions of dollars the expenditure of the present year will exceed not only all the revenue, but all the loans which can be contracted, or• by how many hundred millions more the esti mated expenditure of the coming year will exceed the estimated revenue, nor what is the precise figure of the present funded and floating debt of the United States. These vast sums lose all their sig nificance for want of a unit in which to calculate them. Sir Robert Peel asked, " What is a pound ?" and the question was answered; bat who can tell us what is a dollar ? It has been 4s 6d—it has been is Bd. What it is to-day no one knows—what it will be a month hence no one can even imagine. There is no fixed point, the abyss has no bottom, the lever no fulcrum. This is the chaos over which Mr Fessenden is called on to preside. Nothing in Mr Chase's administration has been so wise as his leaving it, and it will be very difficult for Mr Fes. senden to do anything more foolish while he is in office than he has already done by accepting it. POST.—If the truce which has been concluded between Denmark and the German Powers should form the introduction to a perman ent peace, no State will feel more sincere satisfaction at such a re sult than Great Britain. It is for pe ace that our Government have persistently striven since the very commencement of the Dano-German dispute, and, though their efforts failed of success, they will find in what has now taken place the most con vincing evidence that the hopes which they ven tured to entertain were not entirely Utopian. Den. mark, having failed to obtain through the media tion of the neutral Powers terms to which she con ceived she could with dignity assent, has now treated with h er adversarie s di rect l y, though upon w h a t basis is not precisely known. It may be assumed that the conditions of peace will be less favourable than those to whi c h th e G erman Powers gave their acquiescence at the Conference, but it does not therefore follow that eventually Denmark will suffer more than if she had blindly yielded to the dictation of the German Plenipotentiaries. We are too apt toreproach with th e i r m i s f or t unes those whom we are unwilling or unable to help, and in the present instance we must confess that Denmark has received almost as much censure from her friends as from her foes. Whenever she adopted our advice, but nevertheless failed t o b ene fi t h er p o sition, we unhesitatingly ascribed the failure to tardiness she evinced in followi ng out. counsels ; and whenever, on the other hand, s h e refused to accep t ou r guid ance, we took immense credit to ourselves for f rom froel those prospective advantages which w on .Itl as the believed, unquestionably have flowed we policy which we indicated. So , I ,t has been pecial as the day when Lord Wodehouse a.rrived which the Envoy at the Danish Court to that on several Plenipotentiaries took leav e of ?It et. That after their last meeting in Downi ngastire the course of proceeding is unfair an d unrea sonable everyone will allow, but nevert hel a ss it will probably be persisted in until the Dano •German *sit war is brought to an end. Eve, `r now th a Dani sh ch other Government are reproached with t he astir , kacy with which they refused to assent to th a proposals moue by Austria and Prussia at the Cont 's rence ; and in: directly, no little credit is claimed fi lr the Englis h Cabinet in having supported those pr apses wb.i o u , the folly and shortsightedness of De 'mark p're' vented her from accepting. As repro:, •entations this kind are undoubtedly marked with much p h le sibility, it may be es well to inquire wht , ther a Lei admit of being substeintiated. Without re ferrina in detail to the several schemes advanced. at the C' )e° ference for the settlement of the differences pen& 1 ,!! between Germany and Denmark, it may be tam, cient to say that the partition of the thrall' of Schleswig was suggested by the neutral Po were , the line of the Schlei being named as the meat suitable for the future frontier. To this the Danes assented; whilst the Germans demanded that the division of the Duchy should be mado as far north as Apenraad. Although this proposal was m ads, by the German Plenipotentiaries, it in by me a n° clear that even the possession of all that part of the Danish peninsula south of the point indicated by them would have satisfied the Governmento whfeh they represented ; and, indeed, if we might jue , gl from appearances, we should say that the pa•opoes' in question was not made in good faith. Ho we•rer, Denmark adhered to the suggestion made by t he neutral Powers, and when an agreement between the belligerents upon this point was !ound im,possibl e she, in common with the German Powers, thougll with more frankness, declined to submit the line 0 partition to arbitration. The war was resumed* Alsen was taken and Funen threatened, and there' upon Denmark sned for peace from her hitherto relentless adversaries. A truce has been a greed upon, and negotiations for a permanent peace are in progress. But are we therefore to conclude that Denmark has been compelled to submit to harder conditions than those with which Germany would have been content a month since P We are inclined to think not. Denmark, as we pointed out on a late occasion, stands in a twofold relatio.nship to Germany—namely, as an independent State anxious to retain its political unity, and as a European, Power affecting by its existence the interests of other States. Now, during those long and f r uitless , negotiations which culminated in the Conference co , London, Denmark sought to preserve her national integrity through the good offices of the g,rea t nen" tral States, which, as she knew, possessecc a pe r ! sonal interest in the maintenance of her in depeil" - ence, and which she believed would exercise their influence, material and moral, to avi ,rt her threatened destruction. It was natural, th, !actors, that she should range herself by the side of E.s glan d and France, and treat through them with h er enemies. But, when she found that they wer e un' willing to accord to her the protection which t 813 , e needed, it might occur to her that if she com i? listel abandoned a kink of connection which hamper .ed h er , movements without imparting to her any add itioesi strength, she might be enabled to effect a sett lone!! more favourable than any she could hope for if tr previous sanction of England and France were made indispensable. This, we believe, furnishes tile true explanation of those direct negotiations bot Ween Denmark and the German Powers which are 1 20119 to all appearances, harmoniously progressing,' But although the Danish Envoys ar e entitlelh to go direct to Berlin and Vienna without paasill through London and Paris, it is needless tke say that neither of the great maritime Powers,, and more especially France, have abandoned all iota' rest in the future of Denmark, The Scandinr Nino kingdom might, for example, assent to an erre Inge' ment with the German Powers which won Id to it, personally considered, be more adv onto: genus than the division of Schleswig at Apen.raads but which France would not assent to—we mean the admission of Denmark into the Germanic Con' federation. Every politician knows that area the line of Apenraad were agreed upon between Denmark and Germany, the absorption of North Schleswig and Jutland into Germany would be only a matter of time. The Danish Governmen t may, therefore, conceive that it would be infinitely better to enter bodily into the Bund, and preserve the independence of the Danish monarchy, t han to allow it to be absorbed piecemeal. This, however; as we pointed out a few days since, is but one 01 several courses open to Denmark, any of which, would be at least as favourable as the scheme .01 settlement proposed at the Conference by th e Ger' man representatives. We think it right, however, to give it special prominence, not merely because it has been much canvassed, but because the semi" official organs of the French Government have intl.. mated that its realisation would give rise to grave complications. A consideration of this kind would scarcely deter Denmark from entering the Cosh' deration, as she cannot be expected to consult the interests of those who have left her to contend alone with Germany ; but whether it would have the effect of preventing the Bund admitting the Scandinavian kingdom would remain to be seen. The negotiations between the Danish and German Governments are of course secret, and some time may elapse before even their basis is made known ; but, however they are conducted, or upon What footing, we must not hastily conclude that the Danish question is on the point of being definitiVelY settled. COUNTRY MARKETS. NORTHAMPTON-JULY 16. A limited show of wheat to-day, and sellers obtained 16 per qr more money. Not much barley showing, and there was a moderate demand, last week's rates being realised. A fair business doing in oats. Beans healthy, at high rates. —White wheat, new, 40s to 445; new red, 37s to 40s; old. 38s to 40s per qr. Barley, new malting, 34s to :365-- grinding. 26s to 338 per qr. Oats, 19s to 30s per 24 stone• Beans, 34s to 38s. Peas, 32s to 36s per qr. COLCHESTER—JULY 16. At this corn exchange to-day there was a small show of wheat, which sold at about former prices. Wheat, white. 46s 50s Beans, Mt; zagan..33s 3 45 red 43s 49s middle & small.3ss 3 85 Barley —s Peas, white 35s 3 85 Oats GLOUCESTER--JULY 16. There was a fair attendance of farmers at market to-day, with a small supply of English wheat, which sold at an advance of about is on th e p r i ces o f l as t wee k. Foreign wheat in moderate demand, with no alteration in value. Barley and oats 6d higher. Beans dull. CHELMSFORD-JULY 15. We had a moderate show of wheat on offer at our mar" ke to-day, and the trade was steady at last week's quota tions. Other articles about the same as of late. Wheat, old white 30s 45s , Yeas, Partridge.... 36s 389 new 43s 47s White 30s 348 old red.... 348 37s Boiling 3Bs 428 new 36s 40s Dun 31s 358 Barley ..25s 33s Ditto new —B --s Chevalier 26s 36s Beans, Tick, old ..34s 36s Grinding ..20s 28. new..—s —s Malt.... 613 67s Harrow Ticks ..34s 36s Chevalier ... 64s 68s new..—s — 5 Oats 20s 26s Mazagan .......28s 33a KIRKCALDY GRAIN--JULY 16. We had good supplies of wheat at market, but small of oats and barley. Prices were about the same as last week for barley. Wheat is and oats 6d to is per quarter higher in value. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Fir5t....378 Od I 26s 6d I 18s 6d Second ..3940d 29s Od 20s Od Third....4ls Od —s Od 21s Od Births. A'CounT.—On the 16th inst., at Upham, Bishop's Wal• thaw, the wife of the Hon. W. L Holmes A'Court, of a daughter. HextivroN.—On the 17th inst., at 18, Realeston-square, the wife of Lieut.-Colonel R. W. Hamilton, Grenadier Guards, of a sen. PRAED.—On the 16th inst., at 23, Prince's-terrace, Prince's gate, the wife of Winttuop Mackworth Praed, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. Guri—CA.TLING.--On the 18th inst., at Hare-court ChaA pel, John Gunn, Fenchurch-buildings, and Loughboro'- park, Brixton, to Miriam Joyce, eld es t d aughter o f t h e late W. T. tling, Esq., Highbury. PATILORE—BTLES.-00 the 18th inst., at St. Mary of the Angels, BAyswater, Coventry Patmore, Esq., to Mari anne Caroline, youngest daughter of J. H. Byles, Esq., late of Bowden Hall, Gloucester. Deaths. BARNES.—On the 18th inst., at 3, Rupert-road, Upper Holloway, John Barnes, Esq., M.D., aged 63. CHILD.—On the 17th inst., at 28, Shoemaker-row, Doc. tors'-commons, E.C., Mr. Joseph Child, builder, a ged 60. Coo! En.—On the 17th inst., the Rev. James Cooper, M.A• Chaplain of the Worshipful Company of Ironmong ere, aged 65. HAY.—On the 30th April, on board H.M.S. Miranda, Tam anga, New Zealand, from a wound received on the 29th, when in command of a storming party, Commander Edward Hay, H.M.S. Harrier, youngest sou of the late Rear-Admiral James Hay, of Belton, East Lothian, age d 29. WisHANY.--On the 17th inst., Henry Wishaw, Esq.) O Gray's-inn, aged 62. London : PrinZed and Prbilehed by WILLIAM ANDRIirv"• of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE Sur( Office No. ) 12 . Strand, in the Precinct of the !Savoy, 'n the Govn i l Alidi lesez,—Tuesde,y, July 18,1864. P In N, GA] c eac It is Evar Ch Geor Re Geor Ruel F. W wa Char Dir Thi the p: Oxfof ducte sever Th pnbli tried andel the c more An whole with terms show for or some T' 'neer lia Capiti iner in f Stet Den oE oth( inor be a J. C. 1, E Chas. Co.. Chas. and J. ii. J. C. , Fen Alessr J. C. I flame( t a L h ee l a t. :r taki nD id tanni c and tt mina I Loud( he ing* th Sawin Stearn for a l share E to A th e pr Westt for, w allot had of T' 11 1 - 00r] Depot Jame Willi Th 4 Berk; alit 1 4. Nc teor Oil Ch. Geor e rr Jose] 1C( Itobe is che an( The? tom -tive dam GC kegi chi ►S. L. l'el a lar two 111 ofl tt Cu line( Fr Subs solid Whei Tb the ( tinci bane