The Sun. — London, England, 1864-01-26 00:00:00

SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN, A letter from Kiel, dated Jan. 21, says :—The Saxons left us here this morning between seven and eight o'clock. There is only one railway line at Kiel, the one going southward to Altona-Hamburg. This line meets, at Neumunster junction, a short hour from this, the line which leads from Altona to Rendsburg. From Rendsburg the line proceeds northward to Klosterkro, where it again splits into two branches, of which one soon ends at Schleswig, the other striking off to the westward, to Oersted, Husum, and Tonning. At Oersted another line goes northward to Flensburg, the utmost limit reached hitherto by the railway in this peninsula. All that we know hitherto is that the Saxons have gone to Neumunster ; whether from there they will con tinue their journey to Altona, or whether they will , turn to wards Rendsburg, is yet matter for specula tion. It has been said that the King of Saxony had offered to the Frankfort Diet the aid of his troops to repel the Austo-Prussian invasion ; but the Com missioners at Altona have as yet no orders from the Diet, and it is quite impossible to believe that that body would give its sanction to a proposal which would lead to a civil collision between Germans on the eve of a war with a foreign foe. The probabi lities are that the troops of the Confederacy will keep out of the way of the advancing forces of the two great Powers. The Prussian vanguard was to reach Neumunster to-day, and we may expect to see some of them here to-morrow. Before the end of the month, it is expected, an imposing Anstro- Prussian army will be stationed on the frontier of the Eider. The commander-inachief of the Austro- Prussians is old Field-Marshal von Wrangel, and General Falkenstein is the head of his staff. All is quiet enough here, but people look with no little anxiety on the possible issue of a contest to which the Austro-Prussian interference comes to add such an unutterable complication. The move ment thus far had been, in the eyes of the Schles wigsHolsteiners, comparatively simple and natural. They grounded their rights both on the principles of freedom and nationality and on those of justice and legality. For them, Prince Frederick of An gustenbarg was, by right of feudal succession, the only legitimate heir of the two Duchies. The at tempt of Denmark to denationalise the Sehleswigers had filled the measure of the people's ill-will against that Power, and they deemed -themselves justified in proclaiming their absolute separation from the Danish Crown, and the accession of their lawful Sovereign. Mind you, Ido not by any means assert that they could be borne out in all these assumpe Lions. I am not called upon to give an opinion as to the legality of the Prince's clairsee, nor as to the pure German nationality of all S'llleswig, nor on the right psople may have, under a ll c i rcuma t anees , t o s et u p national rightsav;ainst long established dynastic pretensions. A : ; ls,.et I mean to say is that such were their views , and that in these views they believed they we:ald be supported by Germany in so far as Ger m a n y may be said to be represented by the .Frankfort Diet. They were in daily expectation of n recognition of their Prince on the part of that Diet, when, by establishing a Ducal Government sand raising an army, they thought they could pre pare themselves to make good their Duke's rights in SChleswig no less than in Holstein. So far, what was contemplated was merely a na tional war between the Dachies and Denmark, which should decide upon whom the sovereignty of Behleswig-Holstein should devolve. Whatever friends Denmark might be able to enlist in her cause, the Dachies felt sure of the support of all Germany in a quarrel which involved, as they thought, universal German interests. But now the two great Powers of Prussia and Austria, reeking up between them much more than two thirds of the might of Germany, take the affair into their own hands, and occupy the Duchies with views not altogether friendly to Denmark, but no less at variance with those of the Frankfort Diet and of the generality of the German people. With and Prussia there is no question either of nationality or of disputed succession. They are not unprepared to recognise the integrity of the Danish Monarchy ; nay, they are in a certain man ner pledged to support it ; only they think them eelves entited, and eren obliged, to meddle with the internal affairs of the Danish Government, and &mind the rcpced of a Constitution which the King, perhaps. deemed necessary to the safety and well-being of his State. Again, I do not wish to sit in judgment upon the coudnet the King of Denmark. I have no pre pumption to decide how far he was bcand to abide by the Treaty of London, how far the November Carstiu:ien violated that treaty, cr how far he was induced by pressing necessity to depart from the • engagements then and there entered into. My only desire is to lay the whole question open berme the reader, not from my own point of view, but from that of there good Schleswig-Holsteiners, who con ceive they have a right to be heard, and are, they say, determined to make themselves heard at any rate. Some sympathy, they think, might be shown to the Schleswig-Holsteiners, who, after all, only claimed that right to dispose of themselves which begins to be acknowledged as common to all the families of mankind. Some regard might be due to the sentimental, though perhaps not wholly nn ambitious, aspirations of the Germans, who availed themselves of the opportunity offered by a case of what they deemed indisputable right to take the first steps towards a strenuous assertion of their nationality; but it is utterly impossible to under stand the ground and aim of the present Anstro- Prussian movement, equally indefensible, as it is here thought, on the score of old diplomatic maxims and of modern liberal principles. Austria and Prussia invade the Duchies with an intent to recall the King of Denmark to the terms of the London Treaty. But other Powers were parties to that Treaty, and it is not said that these have commissioned the Austro-Prussians '‘o act in their name and with their consent. Austria and Prussia, moreover, acted in 18`,1-2 as representa tives of the German Confee,eA c y, and they are now pursuing a coarse not ; Al ly not imposed upon them by the Confederac - . „, but in a bold and wanton opposition to its wishes. Those two Powers have, in ireint of fact, the whole world against them — i)e - nmark the Duchies, the German Diet " 1 . people, and the framers of the London Treaty. It is not in a matter of international policy that they move at all ; they interfere in the internal manage ment of an independent State. The world would soon come to a pretty pass if one or two Govern ments, on the mere strength of their superior armies, were to take upon themselves to decide questions of the home affairs of another Government. It is not from Berlin, and not from Vienna, that men can give sentence upon the difficulties which beset the rulers at Copenhagen, and drove them from one con stitutional experiment to another in the hope of re conciling the irreconcilable. To give a Prince the sovereignty over a people, and to prescribe the limits of the power to be exercised over them, is to attempt impossibilities. The dissensions between a Sove reign and his subjects are matter of private concern, and interference with them is as unwise as media tion in conjugal quarrels. Constitutions in behalf of a people have often been made the theme for diplomatic stipulations. The Constitution of Sicily, that of Hungary, of Poland, rested on the faith of`treaties, but the violation of such compacts was in all cases effected with impunity, unless the peo ple, who alone were the interested parties, had power to demand their due, It well becomes Prussia, indeed, to stand up for the people's rights, and it well becomes Austria to be a stickler for national Constitutions and the non - incorporation of provinces. It is only a pity Danmark or some other stronger State does not turn the tables upon them and take up the cause of the oppressed nationalities groaning under their yoke. The very Sehleswi,g-Holstciners, thoc , e who are bitterest in their enmity to Denmark, ver that she is unfairly dealt with, and th a t P russ i a d Austria have absolutely no other ground of st her than the immense preponderance action ag opsrfor the forces brought against her ~ most people here still expect that Den_ ..rk will make a stout resistance, and, if the present thaw centinnes, by no means an ineffec tual re3istance. Neither are people at all sure inav that Dcnmarls will be left. single-handed in the struggle, nor have they abandoned all hope that Austria and Prussia may soon find out that there is e limit even to German patience, and that the dig nity of the Diet and of the nation is not to be out raged with impunity. The people here, in short, rely not a little on the chances of foreign interven tion and domestic revolution. Already the move ment in the South of Germany has found powerful and daring leaders, and some of the minor Govern ments there are said to be contemplating the con vocation of a national German Parliament. Unable to cope with the might of Prussia and Austria, and to unite their votes for the choice of a powerful, able, and popular leader, the minor German Powers look up to the French Emperor as their protector, and there is no doubt that a cannon will not be fired on the Eider if that great monarch raises a little finger to forbid it. In the midst of all these doubts and perplexities the position of the proclaimed Duke of Schleswig- Holstein and that of his Government will not be materially altered. The Austro-Prussians, at least, have engaged to interfere with none of the present arrangements of this Duchy. I have already stated my opinion that Prince Frederick of Augustenburg, after giving a proof of excessive daring in coming to this place at first, condemned himself and his people to inaction from no perceptible reason at all, unless it was a natural lack of energy and enterprise, or a somewhat inopportune regard for legality, or, again, deference to the King of Prussia, by whose favour the Prince is said to set great store. It is questionable whether the advance of the Austro- Prussians will inspire with good courage and resolu tion people who have as yet shown bat little of it. They still hope that the Frankfort Diet may now be induced to recognise the Duke, in which case the organisation of the army will be immediately pro ceeded with. They complain of the great difficulty, not to say utter impossibility, of finding arms at any price. Some of their beat friends,:however, are sure that they could have had not only arms, but officers and materiel, and even whole corps and armies, from some of the minor German Princes, who were ready to go to all extremities for the Duke if he would only bestir himself, and act with readiness and decision. Baden, Coburg, Brunswick, and others, I know, were among the most earnest and pressing in offers of that nature. The expected advance of the Austro-Prussians is looked upon as a national calamity by the people of Kiel, who have taken down all their flags in sign of monrning. A very cold reception awaits the troops to-morrow. Upon the abandonment of the line of the Eider Canal by the Saxons and Hanoverians, the frontier will be guarded to-night by youthful volunteers from this city, who have been mustering up into battalions of national guards for the pur pose. The Eider Canal, as I before told you, runs at the distance of only three or four miles from Kiel, and the Danes, who are on the north bank of the canal, could carry the town by a coup de main were it left altogether unprotected. P.S.—The Saxons and Hanoverians are concen trating at Hohenwestedt, between Rendsburg and itzehoe. Mr. Doulton and his Constituents. Last night Mr. F. Doulton, M.P. for the borough of Lambeth, addressed a meeting of his constituents at the Horns Tavern, Kennington. Mr. Freeman, of Camber well, occupied the chair. Mr. DOULTON, M.P., commenced his address by thank ing the electors and non-electors for attending in such a large number. In the present day it was gratifying to find that there was so numerous an assemblage to discuss purely political questions. He was not one of those who believed hat the last session of Parliament was either useless or un profitable. (Hear.) It he thought that, he should be ashamed to hold his present honourable position. He thought the past session would compare favourably with any of the previous Parliaments. He should say that the results of the last session were both positive and negative. Good measures were passed, and bad ones rejected; and it was something to reject mischievous measures, whether they were introduced by the Government or by private members. (Rear, hear.) There were many remits of a negative character—the proposition respecting the pur chase of the Exhibition building—(hear, hear)—and he considered that this was a decided triumph, especially when they recollected that the motion was backed tkp by " Court influence." It was one of the moat important votes given during the session. It shoviTed that there was an honest and independent party in the Houso of Corn, coons. (Applause.) There was another negative result, _ _ viz., the Churchv. - ard contract. (Hear, hear.) He gave the bill introduced by Mr, Scones the bast .consideration in his power, and felt bound to oppose ft, (near.) Although he differed in this vote from the opinion of some of his friends, he acted according to the dictates of his eenscienco. He took it that the budget which was brought forward by the Chance-nor of the Exchequer was of o. character which of itself was sufficient to ledeem Cho session from the charge of being unprofitable or unless. The passing of that budget was a step in the sight direction, and such a step had not been taken for the last 30 or 40 years. It wise a reduction in taxation. (Applause.) It assisted the working classes by the reduction upon tea, and was specially acceptable to the middling classes by the reduction of the income tax. In 1835 the expenditure was £44,900,000; and in 1862, £73,210,000; therefore it was time that some check was given to the increase in expenditure. (Hear, hear.) But al though this increase from £14,900,000 to £73,210,000 was a very large one, they must not fancy that, because the ex penditure had increased, they were, to use a vulgar expres sion, "going to the dogs." They must bear in mind that, although the expenditure had increased from £44,000,000 in 1835 to £73,000,000 in 1862, yet the material prosperity of the country had increased in a still further ratio. (Hear, hear.) For while in 1835 the total value of their exports and imports was £106,000,000, in 1862 they had positively in creased to no less a aura than £391,000,000. (Applause.) It must be understood, however, that he did not quote these figures in justification of a large expenditure—(hear, hear) — but because when they considered a question of this charac ter it was well they should bear in mind the actual position of the country. It was evident, then, that though they had so large an expenditure, they were better able to pay the £73,000,000 in 1862 than they were the £11,000,000 in 1835. In referrin g to domes.tie questions Mr.Doul ton said the House of Commons had twice affirmed the principle that the taxa tion on fire insurance ought to be abolished. He took it that this was a very important matter; and unless he misunder stoe'l the character of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he would recollect the House of Commons had twice condemned the taxation upon fire insurance when he had next to pro pose a diminution of the burdens of the people. (Cheers.) He approved of the strict observance of neutrality which England had adopted with reference to the American war. The House of Commons had also had brought before them church rates, the ballot, the burial bill, and such like ques tions. It had occurred to him whether it was wise to bring these questions periodically before the attention of the House of Commons. After Parliament had more than once or twice given its opinion on questions of that sort, it was best that they should allow them to rest—(no, no, and hear, hear)—until another opportunity was afforded the people of expressing their opinion with reference to them. No one could doubt, however, his conviction as to what ought to be the settlement of the church-rate difficulty. Was any one sanguine enough to suppose that they were to have a Reform Bill during the present Parliament ? (Laughter, No, and Hear, hear.) In 1860 the Queen from her throne commended the desirability of passing a bill which should place the representation of the people upon a breeder and firmer basis. He little thought then that the way the House of Commons would respect that sentiment would be by scorn and derision whenever the word " re form" was lettered. Yet so it was. No one could rise in the House of Commons and propose a measure directly or indi rectly leading to the question of reform, but it excited the contempt and derision of the House of Commons. And the contempt and derision came not alone from those who re presented the exclusive interests—not from those alone who owed their position in that house to territorial or ducal influence—but that contempt came most keenly from those who were supposed essentially to be the representatives of the middle classes of this country, That wade fact which no one could fail to observe who watched the movements of the House of Commons with reference to this mat tes. What was the history, the miserable history, of this question during the past few years ? How came the present Government into power? Why, upon the ques tion of reform. It was they who ejected the Government of Lord Derby, because the Reform Bill he proposed was not wide enough for the wide sympathies of Lord John Russell. He would remind them of the resolution which Lord John Russell proposed when ho ejected Lord Derby from power : —" That it is neither just nor politic to interfere in the manner proposed in this bill with the freehold franchise as hitherto exercised in the counties of England and Wales, and that no readjustment of the franchise will satisfy this house or the country which does not provide for a greater extension of the suffrage in cities and boroughs than is con templated in the present measure." (Hear, hear.) That was the resolution upon which Lord Derby's Government was excluded from power. He was one of those who sincerely re gretted that, the House of Common s did not accept the bill, as he considered that it was a step in the ri g ht direc tion. (Hear, hear,) Although the present Government came into power upon the resolution cf Lord John Russell, the bill which they themselves introduced was talked out of the house. (Hear.) The Government did not adopt the course which they ought under the circumstances, "not because they loved reform less, but because they loved their places mere." (Cheers and laughter.) And so it came to pass that they were now further off from reform than they were four THE SUN, LOISMN, TUtiDAY EVENING, JANUARY 26, 1864. or five years ago: If they did not have some intimation, upon the assembling of Parliament, that Government pro posed to introduce some measure of reform, he said, " God give us a speedy time whsn the present Government shall be removed from office." (Laughter.) The present Par liament had lived long enough; and although it had done good, he did not think that it would do very much more. He was quite sure that the longer their life was pro longed, the more likely were they to undo the little good they had accomplished. If there was to be a dissolution, he trusted that it would not be upon the cry of " Palmer ston or Derby." It was humiliating to send members to Parliament upon such issues as that. He believed that during the next two or three months a resolution would be submitted by a member of position which would test the opinions of members of the House of Commons upon this question, and give an opportunity to the constituencies of seeing the views of their representatives upon it. He re• gretted the government had not given direct intimation of their intentions respecting the treaty of 1662 as regarded the Schleswig-Holstein difficulty. It would do far more than anything else to check an outbreak respecting that treaty. If they were to have a war let it be for a holier cause. If the sword was to be unsheathed, it appeared to him that there was a more honourable field in Poland. (Ap plause.) He thought that Austria possessed a fatal and un accountable influence over the minds of persons occupying important positions in this country, and that the reforms for which Austria was given credit for did not exist. It was necessary for the welfare of Italy thac the hireling soldiers of France should not comtinue to occupy Rome, and that Austria should give up Venice, He felt utterly ashamed of the course which we as a nation had taken with respect to Poland. It would have been better to have kept eur sym pathies to ourselves than to have led the Poles on with delusive hopes. He would have advised the sanction of the English Government to the proposed Congress, as it might have done a great deal of good, and could not have done a great deal of harm. Next session one of the earliest and most important matters which would engage the attention of the House of Commons would be the present position of the criminal laws. (Great cheering.) During the past few weeks public attention had been considerably excited by the cases of Townley and Wright, (Hear, hear.) He uttered no word of regret that the life of one had been spared, but if there ever was a premeditated diabolical crime committed in which a man deserved the full punishment of the law, it was in the case of Townley. (Continued cheering.) Had Wright justified his crime by blasphemy, and athe ism—if he had had friends rich enough—(Hear)—to have paid for the opinions of medical men, and friends in fluential enough to have obtained the opinions of sapient justices of the peace, then possibly the case might have been reversed. (Oh, and hisses.) The pardon of Townley and the execution of Wright might have been within the' strict letter of the law," as Sir G. Grey said, but that did not alter the fact that the friends of one used something like the ail oqgold, and that the other was judicially murdered. (Great cheering.) He hoped that Wright's death would not be unproductive, but would lead to a change in the law and the establishment of a court of appeal. (Cheers.) In answer to questions, - - Mr. DOIILTAN said that he would vote fora bill for the abolition of capital punishment, and also for an improve ment in the lunacy laws. He would support a measure which was for the welfare of Poland. The following resolution was carried by acclamation, and the meeting terminated with a vote of thanks to the chair. man—" That this meeting tenders its thanks to Frederick Doulton, Esq., M.P., for his able review of the past session of Parliament and the present aspect of public affairs, and is of opinion that he is eminently entitled to the continued con fidence of the electors of Lambeth." Lord Fermoy and Mr, Harvey Lewis,' Yesterday evening Lord Fermoy, M.P., and Mr. liar vey Lewis, MX., met a large number of their constituents at the Vestry-hall, St. Pancras, to deliver addresses having reference to the measures of the last and approaching ses sions. The chair was taken by Mr. W. Douglas, who, in a brief introductory speech, referred to the question of metro politan railway schemes as one in which the borough of Marylebone is most deeply interested, and on which it re- quired the best assistance of its representatives in Parlia ment. Lord FtroloY,who was received with cheers, after observ ing that he and his oAleague addressed their constituents at the end of last session, and then met with an approval of their conduct, said they were now on the eve of a session which was doubtless fraught with events of the greatest importance, both in a political and in a metropolitan point of view, As regarded political matters ) the question which pressed most on the public mind at present WU the state of the foreign relations of thib country. (Hear, hear.) They all knew how serious a step it was for a country to embark in war and suffaiing as they were from the folly of their ancestors in that respect, the English people would Wisely hesitate to urge the Government to take any step tending in that direction. (Cheat.) lie had himself always been Im pressed with the importance of the principle of neutrality or n'on-intervention, and he believed that a more prudent po licy was never adopted by any mit,intry than that of Lord Palmerston and his colleagties in relation to the American question. (Cheers,) Every day showed the wisdom of that it was now manifest that by interfering in any *ay in the disturbed affairs of America, this country, in. stead of malting things better, would have made them worse. (Hear, hear.) Moreover, how different would hate beon its position, if naw that it was obliged to pre- pan for war in the East, it had been carrying on war in the West. He had therefore felt it his duty to support the Government in resisting the pressure to interfere in American aff tire. He also thought they were right in carry ing out in its integrity tke Foreign Enlistment Act, and preVenting the steam rams from leaving Liverpool. (Cheers.) It would, indeed, have been a mock neutrality, s sham non intervention to allow any nation to fit oat vessels of war to be used against another nation with which this country professed to be on terms of amity. Whilst he would apply the principle of neutrality and non-intervention to the East as well as the. West, he could not look at the present state of aft Airs in Europe without great doubt and apprehension. It was the fashion nowadays, in speaking of the Sleswig- Holstein question, to say that there was something difficult and mysterious about it. He was mot going to inflict a leo ture upon them, but the question seemed to him a very simple one. In 1852 Russia, Prussia, Austria, France, and England, and, as far as their opinions could be ascertained, all the other powers of Europe, thought it for the interest of Europe and of the world that Denmark should hold a thoroughly independent position, and, acting on that prin ciple, those countries agreed to a treaty guaranteeing to Denmark a free and independent position. In the course of events parties interested in the Germanic Confederation had thought fit to take advantage of opportunity for endeavour - ing to impair the independence of Denmark. He did no want to go into the question of morganatic marriages, or any of those questions which lawyers were so agreeable to discuss, especially when paid for doing it. (Laughter.) The question, as between nation and nation, was whether it was for the safety and advantage of Europa that Denmark should be free and independent, (Hear.) It appeared that some of the contracting parties to the treaty had changed their minds—that Austria and Prussia (he put aside the small German principalities) were now impressed with the value and importance of what they termed the principle of nationality. If either of those Powers saw so much value in the principle of nationality they might apply it at home. (Cheers.) If Austria believed in its value, what was she going to do for Venetia? (Hear.) What was she going to do for Hungary, or for Galicia ? (Hear, hear.) If Prussia believed in it what would she do with Posen, or would she drop from her iron claw that portion of Poland which she now gripes ? (Hear, hear.) What, moreover, had she to say with regard to her Rhenish provinces ? If the principle was to be applied to Denmark, why should it not be to the other nations who were so anxious to apply it to her ? (Hear, hear.) With regard to their interest in this question, he was not, as they saw by his opening sen tence on this subject, one of those who were anxious to meddle in other people's business ; but Denmark had claims upon them for sympathy, at all events, and for advocacy. Denmark was an ancient ally of England ; she was, like this country, a maritime State, more powerful by sea than by land, and she was in proportion to her means a good cus tomer for British manufactures ; and England being a party to the treaty of 1852 was bound, in his opinion, to do what she could—he meant diplomatically—to see faithfully ful fiUed the treaty to which she had placed her signature. As regarded the other States who were contracting parties to the treaty, he thought the majority of them would see fit to unite with England in remonstrating with the Germanic Confederation as to their present conduct : and he trusted that the matter would end in that way, without war. But upon Austria and Prussia now lay a heavy responsibility for the step which they were taking. (Hear, hear.) They were intervening ; the tramp of armed men was now re sounding over Europe at their dictation, and by their com mand; and upon them, he repeated, rested the responsi bility of such conduct. Let a shot once be fired in anger, whether on one side of the river or the other, let the sword be once drawn in the present quarrel, and no man present could forsee the end of the war which would thus have been commenced. (Hear.) At all events they might rest assured that the two States whose conduct led to it would be, as they ought to be, the first to suffer for the step which they had taken. (Loud cheers.) If Denmark were dis membered, he would not give a fig for the chance of the Austrian empire holding together ; and less still would he give for the present position of the King of Prussia, who, having a quarrel on constitutional grounds to settle with his own people, would probably rather enter on a foreign war than yield what was justly duo to his own subjects. (Cheers.) In the present serious aspect of European politics it was most gratifying to him, as he thought it must be also to the nation, that there was at the head of affairs a statesman of such great experience, particularly in foreign affairs—one who united with the wisdom of years the vigour of youth in his heart—(cheers)—and who had never Leen accused by his bitterest enemy of fchgetting for one moment the interests of his country. (Renewed cheers.) He would now proceed to say a few words with regard to affairs at home. With respect to the invasion of the metropolis by railway companies, the noble lord observed that there were about 32 schemes to be brought before Parliament. It would puzzle even the wisdom of Parliament to make a proper se lection, and in his opinion the best course which the Go vernment could pursue was to appoint a royal Commission which would han them all up for the present, and after due inquiry report which of them, if any, would, if adopted, be likely to pror most beneficial to the public. (Hear, hear.) As to paiiamentary reform, as all parties professed to be in favour cf it, there must be a sham somewhere, seeing that nothitg was done; and he was not sure that there was not rude or less of sham among those classes who would most benelt by reform. if the people wanted reform they must agitate for it. They could not expect his col league and himelf, and others in the same position, and holding the sane views, to have any weight in the House of Comnons unless they were properly backed out of doors. (tear, hear.) As to retrenchment, it might be said that if Etropean affairs remained in anything like their present position, there would be greater difficulty in carrying out such an object; but he believed that retrench ment might be effected to a very great extent without impairing in one iota either of the services, or lessening in the slightest degree the power of England. (Hear, hear.) A word here in rebrence to courts-martial—a subject which had of late occupied so much public attention. In this country when a non had been tried and acquitted he had very properly the benefit of his acquittal, but there was a general impression, he belived, in the public mind that the present system of trial by court-martial was not a sound, a safe, or a cheap one, and that the ends of justice had not been attained in the case of the Lilleys. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He thought it was due to a noble service, ever ready to defend the country, that that system should be altered, and he had no doubt that in the approaching session some attempt would be made to alter it. (Cheers.) Another question which had latterly engaged public attention was the present mode of dealing with condemned criminals. (Hear.) It must be clear to the mind of every man who had watched the Townley case that the law ought not to remain in its present state. (Loud cheers.) The Secretary of State for the Home Department, be he who he might, ought not to remain in his present position as respected condemned criminals. (Hear, hear.) With regard to that unfortunate man who was recently sent within a few days after the crime which he committed—he might almost say without trial—before his Maker to be judged, he must say that any thing more horrifying than that case was not only never witnessed, but bad never been read by him at least in fiction. (Hear, hear.) That was, he knew, a delicate subject to deal with; it was difficult to deal with it without seeming to place one's finger on the ermine, or saying something that might be misinterpreted. The question must cc= be fore Parliament : the fact that the criminal belonged to the humbler classes made it necessary that some explanation should be given by the Government on that awful and horrible subject. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord then alluded in congratulatory terms to the recent royal birth, and ex pressed a hope that the auspicious event would prove an alleviation of the sorrow of her Majesty,conoluding with the following words from an old Saxon ballad as in his opinion appropriate to such an occasion : " Let us ring ' God save the King' From every church and steeple, Yet while we ring ' God save the King' We'll not forget the people." —(Loud cheers.) Mr. HARVEY LEWIS commenced by alluding to the bills of the last session, of which he said 128 were public and 258 private, and with regard to some of which the members for that borough were constantly receiving important commu nications. After justifying his opposition to the proposal for purchasing the Exhibition building, and the Poor Re moval Bill, and Lord Raynham's Casual Poor Bill, be re ferred to the Metropolitan Turnpike Abolition Act. That act, he said, provided for the abolition of 25 toll-gates and 66 side bars on the north side of the Thames, and relieved 61 miles of road ; and he succeeded in introducing a clause which compelled the commissioners of roads to deliver them up in a good state of repair. He also got a clause introduced into the Telegraphs Bill which would prevent the roads from being torn up without the consent of the vestries. As re garded mtropolitan railways he did not see why the inhabi tants of Tottenham .court-road and Oxford-street should be injured for two or three years in order that a person on arriving from the country at King's-cross might proceed thence by underground railway to the South Western or some other terminus. (Cheers.) As regarded the measures of the coming session, he strongly advocated a reduction of the insurance duty from 38. to Is., and expressed his belief that the public reVettle would With such a reduction soon be recouped. He hoped that the sugar duties would also undergo a reduction. He approved of the course pursued by the Government with respect to the proposed congress, while in relation to Poland he thought it would have been much better if the Government had not interfered, and thus caused Russia to tell them, in effect, to mind their own hue tted& The recall of such a valuable public servant as Sir James Hudson he thought required explanation. He (Nlr, Harvey Lewis) approved of the cession of the lonian Islands. (A. Voice, " What about Xagosima t') tin that subject he thought whit had occurred was much to be ree gretted ; but if it should turn out that the British fleet was first fired upon, the case would be very much altered. It should be recollected that England was a great trading country, and that her trade depended for its prosperity on the enterprise of her sons; and if the pioneers of her com merce were not protected against murder, whether from a civilised or a barbarous people, England's greatness would be gone. (Cheers.) Prcceeding to the Danish question, the hon. gentleman said he thought it depended very much on article 3 of the treaty of 1852, which was as follows: " It is expressly understood that the rights and obligations of his Majesty the King of Denmark and of the Germanic Confederation concerning the Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg—rights and obligations establi,hed by the Federal Act of 1815, shall not be affected by the present treaty." From that it would appear that the present King of Denmark was bound to perform what devolved upon him as a member of the Germanic Confederation. He (Mr. Harvey Lewis) would not, however, express any opinion on the subject, except to say that he thought the whole matter had better be referred to the metaphysical schools of Germany and left there for 50 years to come. (Laughter.) As regarded the American war, he agreed with his colleague that it was their duty as a nation to preserve a strict neu trality. On this subject there was one little grain of com fort, and only one—namely, that let the war terminate how it might, slavery must be at once and for ever abolished. (Cheers.) In his concluding remarks the hon. gentleman alluded, as his colleague had done, to the recent birth of a prince, and said ho hoped one result of it would be that her Majesty would throw off the deep gloom which had affected her, and once more come amongst her subjects, who were all ready to receive her with loyal arms, and to give her that hearty welcome she so well deserved. (Great cheering.) Mr. COLLINS, after speaking of the injustice inflicted at present on many London tradesmen by metropolitan rail way bills, on account of the inadequacy of the law as re gards compensation, inquired whether Lord Fermoy and Mr. Harvey Lewis were prepared to do what they could to remedy that defect ? Lord FenstoY replied that he would give all the support in his power to an alteration of the Lands Clauses Consoli dation Act which would have a tendency to cause a more just appreciation of the property damaged, whether in busi ness or any other way, by the carrying of railways through the metropolis. Mr. HARVEY LEWIS gave a similar reply. On the motion of Mr. COLLINS, seconded by Mr. FARRER, a resolution was unanimously passed by which the meeting declared itself fully satisfied with the parliamentary con duct of their two members. who caused the mischief did not intend anything serious, and that she was evidently sincerely sorry for her folly. No doubt this case would act as a warning to young persons, and in that way do a public good. The jury returned a verdict of—Death from obscure disease of the brain and hysteria, accelerated by a fright, and that the said death was caused by misfortune. . _ at the police station to the effect that circumstances had arisen which led to the belief that the second offender had been since the occurrence, and was still, an inmate of the Royal Artillery Hospital. This was scarcely believed to be probable, inasmuch that it had been reported to the police authorities that the soldier implicated with Maguire had been an inmate of the hospital, which he left and immediately deserted from the regiment to avoid the charge hanging over him. The accused party was, however, immediately recognised by the witnesses in the case, and being perfectly convalescent was apprehended, and with the prisoner Maguire placed at the bar of the Woclvvich Police-court before Mr. Traill, charged with the manslaughter of Harrison. The same evidence was given as at the previous examination of Maguire at the police-court, and the depositions of the several witnesses having been f orma lly taken, both prisoners were fully committed I for trial at the Old Bailey Session. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, TIMES.—In refusing to suspend their operations against Schleswig the Prussian and Austrian Go vernments have chosen a part which will excite more regret than surprise in Europe. If it be now likely that blood will be shed, in spite of the con cessions of Denmark and the remonstrances of neu tral States, it must be remembered that the two leading Powers of Germany have gone so far, and compromised themselves so much in the quarrel, that they may naturally think themselves bound to make some display in the presence of the nation they profess to lead, and the enemy which is pre paring to oppose them. The Governments of Berlin and Vienna have in their late acts mortified ex ceedingly the pride of the minor States by over riding their schemes, and they have also fallen in favour with the German nation generally by the slighting way in which they have received the adverse vote of the Federal Diet. The temper in which the acts of the two Governments are received by their subjects may be judged by the proceedings in their respective Legislatures. The Chamber of Deputies at Vienna is the scene of a discussion direct!' censuring the Emperor's policy. A considerable number of the most important members, we are told, support a resolution to the effect that the Chamber cannot consider the measures taken by the Government in reference to Schleswig as in conformity with the general interests of Austria, or as calculated to insure peace in Europe. The Chamber will, therefore—so runs the resolu tion—be compelled to decline any responsibility for the consequences which may follow the acts of the Government. Still more important news arrives from Berlin. The Chamber of Deputies ordered the Committee on the Budget to report on the vote on the Budget given by the Upper House. The Com mittee made its report, and proposed that the vote of the Upper House should be declared null and void. The Chamber of Deputies adopted the report, and Count Eulenburg at once read a Royal Mes sage, stating that the Diet would be closed yester day by the President of the Council. Such is the position of the two Governments towards their awn snbjects ; such are the obstacles to any fair and temperate policy which the chief German Sove reigns have to encounter. It is hardly, then, a mat ter for surprise that they have not been able to yield to their own better Judgment, and refrain from threatening an act of war against the Danish Crown. They have been urged on by the loudest and most general clamour that has ever croceeded from a European nation in our time. The two Sove reigns, though of a firmness which reaches :0 obsti nacy, and though served by Ministers who value princely favour more than popular applause, are un able to have their own way, even when they are, for once in their lives, supported by the opinion of neighbouring nations, and are only acting in ac cordance with the requests of allied Governments. But if the conduct of the two Governments be intel ligible, and, to a certain degree, excusable, the con sequences are not the less likely to be lamentable. The Danish Government, which has carried conces sion to a point that has offended its own people almost as much as the Prussian and Austrian Courts have offended the enthusiasm of their own country, is now threatened with an immediate attack. It yielded the Patent of the 3011 of March ; the answer to this was the revolution of Holstein. It yielded the Constitution of November, merely asking a delay sufficient to perform a public national act in a con stitutional manner; and the answer is that not an hour will be given. In such a case there is but one course for the King to take. His honour, his Crown, probably his personal safety depend on his making the bravest possible resistance to an unrighteous in vasion. Atter having given up so much, he and his subjects find that the Germans are so bent on wrest ing both Duchies from them that concession rather disappoints them than oth e rwise. The consequence may be fatal to the peace of ht;roPe• The Pruseo s Austrians declare they will not dela;" the seizure of Schleswig; the King, acting at the direct request of the Rigsraad, declares that the province siz e i l be defended. We must, then, prepare for an obsis nate contest as soon as the invaders pass the Eider. This event is the more to he deplored asthere was a general expectation till within the last twenty-four hours that peace might be preserved. The Cabinet met on Saturday, and it was then, we believe, a subject of c ongratulation that the labours of the British Government were likely to be crowned with success. Denmark had done all that Lord Wade house recommended during his mission, and bad offered t© confirm it in the most solemn manner by a Legislative vote. Our Government, which, to satisfy the utmost demands of the two German States, had advised the withdrawal of that part of the Con •itution which relates to Schleswig, had appa rent te believe that Prussia and Austria would reason to - 4 1-, e exaction of all they ever asked be content with right to expect after and more than they has of Augustenburg. the proceedings of the Princes Powers Powers are But events have proved that the twd' not yet strong enough to be just. They .4avel . in spite, we believe, of the opinion of all the partsCs to the Treaty of 1852, determined upon entering a province with which they have no concern, except such as is based on a vague claim of protection. They have announced that no concession, however com plete, will prevent them from doing an act which has been so!emnly condemned by Europe—the sei zure of territory as a material guarantee for the ful filment of alleged stipulations, This was the fault of Russia in 1853, and the unanimity with which the Czar's conduct was reprobated should be a warning to the Powers which are now following in his steps. Neither of the two can gain anything by letting loose again the spirit of war in Europe. As for eie:Stria, she is beset with enemies. Italy with 200,000 me.? is ever ready to fly at the Venetian province. Hungary still gives from time to time a convul sive heave, which shows that the national life is not yet extinct. Does the Emperor of Austria want any more foes ? Does he wish to give an opportunity to ambitious rivals, and to alienate the few friends he has left ? If so, let him show himself to the world as sending his many-nationed regi ments half across Europe to attack a little kingdom on the ground of violated nationality. In doing this he will have deserted completely the Conservative policy and the strictness in upholding existing rights:which are traditional with his house. Prussia, too, may well consider before she raises such dis cussions as will follow an attack on the Danish army. If that army only defends its positions with the courage and skill which it has displayed on former occasions, the position of the invaders will be most invidious. Sympathy for a nation strug gling against odds is one of the most powerful of political motives, and may create an excitement which only aome disaster to Germany can calm. We have reasoned on the supposition that Prussia and Austria, urged on by the German patriots re fuse to listen to the remonstrances which will be offered anew by the chief European Powers. We trust it will be found possible to unite France, Ressia, and Sweden with Great Britain in a pressing request that be t se h h de positionstwoel ay delayed P d o f w o ra e trast time,wh e i D l tnh refrain neer f we emr r ka oattacking y.m be ef tsht still ic hope se t i o h on e f D ca a n n avoiding war. In favour of this chance it may be said that the thaw and the activity of the Danish general have given the defenders so many advantages that it is unlikely any prudent commander will attack them without a very considerable preponderance of force. 'This preponderance can only b e o b ta i ne d a fter the apse of some little time. The Prussians and Austrians are only just making th e i r way to t h e scene o f action, and some time longer must be necessary for the tran sport of supplies and munitions of war. With the telegraph and railway the European Governments can communicate with each other,andresolve on com mon action before the Prussians and Austrians have carried their aggress i on to t h e l engt h o f shedding blood. No means a h ou ld b e neg l ec t e d to prevent so great a ca l am it y . I t may b e that the two Powers are not indisposed, atter all, to come to terms, and that, having maintained their dignity by refusing delay to Denmark, they may be willing to acquiesce in it when it is urged by European opinion. In that case things may still go well; but it is evident that a single false step at this crisis may lead to very serious events. POST.—The news which we published yesterday of the refusal of Austria and Prussia to delay the advance of their troops upon Schleswig is of the most vital interest, and threatens to lead to conse quences of which it is impossible to exaggerate the importance. The English Government is making the most energetic endeavours to prevent the Ger mans from prosecuting the desperate policy on which they appear to be bent. The best means to effect the desired result would be an alliance to secure the integrity of Denmark between England, -- France, Russia, Sweden, and Italy. S° -great 'a .............. -...- ------ --- 0 measure, however, is difficult of uccompli‘shrleios‘tvied the short space of time which is rapparentq a'^ A before the commencement of hostilities. if it cola_ be brought about, the military authorities of Ge a r , y could never advise their Goverunients to 0 4 v an aecc northwards when threatened on both Pt.% concealed, in the rear. But such an alliance, it canoat, i o hot ''i presents many difficulties. place, Russia, while thoroughly disapprovi „h German policy in the Duchies, holds herself In% bound !o Prussia for the countenance and aidsOle'a, that Power has afforded taier in the r °lish In.''raga t_o . n. She has a debt of gtude to rePaY . this, it is hard to persuade Russia to take ,e., a conflict which may lead to rev oiutionarY ; c l ll l s , l3 efe; and t we in ly therefore presume that. sh e wl ) , - „ 01' arise. With . herself neutral in any ho .irides t":" et ai• With regard to France, her neatly pacific. The Emperor foresaw. til, s e r 0 . p olicy" l' o r "ergo dinedroposed a Cungress to prevent it. . n to accedeto that measure and to eo•oP t the ic.o the projects which he wished to carry 0 0 , 6 0 3 $t lse of the last year. We still think. tila'..4oe. measureworthy, and those projects, however .1 ) ', tD ; not have succeeded in realisina o ur beneficent wishes of their promoter, dot ii hasrnsea,t however j ast ifi ible and sag'a'tioo ally had the effect of separating O r r o 1 5 the. e I:tidiplomatic action of the two countries., 'O,O to d Pt. more baneadeplorable, o of because it leads the Get was believe in the same false and idle delasi°lloois u • ia are really supposing that Beg lEt b li e Or e France fals will not act together. Nothing na p o f 0 Western e. When the the h ouErinciemroers Ntiliceti°l:::: rill: Powers will be found lo be identicA" her politicians of Berlin and Vienna are nur s t g t th e ti i selves into the delusion that they rallY Pll';-„,lelle". They think that England will not g° to lv 3 fri ale e : any vexed about They imagine that i;to' will b e the kep Congress, t will remain netitr-11-416; I thatt a l e quiet by the Conservativer.r : . , e o f Russia th ; e may count on the neutral attinul'oe Scandinavian and, inpoonweerwsortod, dealthat twhietyh.bilvie,sti°,,hile ot:a,,te frosts of winter last they count on easl l ' ic. fi r. ti fltl ; a they stake their prospects on a short cs°3l)-foilli'l' otoGbhfi_be wapmostrniPrussia b, objectuspeedyetsros active 3 sa,o e tt ial declinev e t t e e h e . s a a t gwt i e t 00 1 n h h u e tc e l, y od y e: every andihurries o n no,t hesitatedesp i te at t h d e i i arveit:i:o gd t .e l ; If these what may almost be described as a 0 9t1 r i d oll i , osnepdeekAra. reckonutse tpurwirpainot prussic ic ib as o r P.tsiliSt birers oeigt i i listen the warnings which we so anxiells'Jtbe P f t e ; to them to , how differently would they sieve them',; sent and the future. So surely as the 13; 31 '‘ cross the Eider, so n them the arms of E find the soldiers of France presently .o°litt3igsaff°t3i tie Rhine, and the forces of Italy on the eneoleo ° 5 IVE 3 cannot too often repeat the of n and Hungary and Poland. The statesmen °ire 06,1 Pepper's Prussia treat them as if theY W e e ,t, 5°1 , ' ( 1 na ghosts, instead of being or eager to rise ; and tc fight for ir - joia l. ) . t tis, independence. Calamity upon calatniti I r . br ody. snugrleainy onlyd w ; P i a s l o l u 8 to;;na :artr;111:te;0 a fall upon the authors of this war if once it itsitaet°oe bout. We, therefore, while there is Ye t Ocic hic ; m most anxiously to impress upon the Ger l , l l ll U ti 4 ,40 tnts the fearful extent of the respons'"'d f', ti ll they seem so ready to assume. The peace - jog , of to upon depend, which the prosperity and w ell.b e te d to i d had is a sacred trust chiefly coraMit.o,o iii n s of the great Powers. If by thena i t r i r iro° :pf and b destroyed, those who perpetrate tbe,(olseil will l e to pay the penalty. Aggression a s ict.°slat be . defeated and punished, and willt,ll°sekaatto .blood in a wanton and unjust quarrel 'lt P' . in the last reckoning they thenoseive° WI chief sufferers. MURDER IN CAVAN, A brutal murder was committed on Saturday morning at a place called Kilnacola, near Grouse hall, within seven miles of Cavan, and the particu lars of which are as follows :—lt appears that about 13 years ago a lad named Bernard Cagley lived with a farmer named Peter Reilly, and while in his employment an ass (Reilly's property) wounded his hand in such a manner that amputation was necessary. Cagley after this accident suddenly dis appeared. On Friday a stranger entered Reilly's house and asked him if he knew him, and upon his being an swered in the negative, he reminded him of the accident, and stated that he was Cagley,. Reilly invited him to remain all night with his family, and, after partaking of supper, they all retired to rest, Cagley going to sleep with Reilly's ser vant boy in a loft over the kitchen. About two o'clock in the morning Mrs. Reilly, hearing a noise in the loft, called to the servant boy to be cautious in coming down, as the entrance was dan gerous, whereupon she was answered from the kitchen by Cagley, that he had seen a light outside the house and could not sleep. Upon Reilly going up to Cagley to see what was wrong with him he stabbed him in the kidney with a knife. Reilly shouted, " I am killed !" and shortly afterwards ex pired. Upon hearing the shout of her husband, Mrs. Reilly ran up, when Cagley also stabbed her in the abdomen. She seized a cleaver and made a blow at him, whereupon he walked out of the house, dressed in his shirt and trousers, went to the Virginia Police-station five miles distant, and surrendered himself. From the nature of the injuries inflicted upon Mrs. Reilly it is not likely that she can survive. ADDITIONAL PARTICULARS. CAVAN, Sun day. In the hurry of forwarding my despatch last night I forgot to mention that immediately after the mur der, the alarm having been given to the Grousehall constabulary, they started of in pursuit of the mur derer in different directi3ns, and two of the party were very close to him (just within hearing) when he entered the barracks and surrendered himself. At an early hour David Patton, Esq., county in spector, Cavan, and J. P. Perrin, Esq.,R.M., accom panied by a large force of constabulary, were at the place, and took the dying deposition of Mrs. Reilly, and made arrangements for carrying out the ends of justice. An inquest has been held before Sohn M'Fadden, Esq., coroner, when a verdict of wilful murder was returned against Cagley, who arrived in Cavan gaol about seven o'clock last night. Upon entering the prison he was at once recognised by G. R. Gallogly, Esq., the governor, as a ticket of-leave convict, which he acknowledged. Ile stated that he had received his liberty on the 9th inst. To the police who escorted him he said that before his trial he would either go insane or destroy him self. Various causes are assigned for the perpetra tion of this foul murder ; some think his object was revenge for tho loss of his hand, while others arc of opinion that his object was robbery, for Reilly was supposed to have had a large sum of money, and to have kept it in his house. The Alleged Manslaughter by Soldiers at Woo Yeaterday Mr, C. I. CArttar, coroner for Kent, resumed at the Queen Victoria Tavern, Wellington street, Woolwich, the inquiry into the circumstances of the death of George Harrison, aged 32. The evidence taken on the previous occasion went to prove that the deceased, who bad been himself formerly in the army, was on the evening of the 2d instant in company with several privates of the Royal Artillery, in a room in the New Gun Tavern, Woolwich. Some gambling was going on, and de ceased won half-a•crown at cards from a private of the 13th brigade of Artillery, of the name of James Maguire. He then rose up to leave the room, when Maguire got irritated, end said, " Will you not give me a chance to win my money back ?" Harrison said he would not, and that he would leave to go borne. Both men had been drinking ale, but neither was drunk. Maguire bald, "If you will neither play nor give me back my money, I will knock it out of you." As deceased still refused, Maguire struck him violently on the face, but the noise being heard the landlord and others ran into the room and restored order. The landlord had no sooner le. however, than Maguire and another artilleryman seized Harrison by the legs and held him up in the air, with his head towards the ground, and shook him until some money fell out of his pockets. Blood flowed from deceascf nose and cheeks, and he said that he had been kicked in the head. When the money fell from his pockets it was picked up by some person in the room, and it is said that he lost more than the half-crown. Deceased went away severely injured, and complaining of his loss. He died on the 10th inst. from the injuries to his head, which the sur geon who attended him said had been caused by a kick or a severe blow on the eye. Maguire was ap prehended for causing his death, and the whole bri gade, 1,500 strong, was paraded for the purpose of identifying the other man engaged in the affair, but none of the witnesses could identify him. Military Policeman Push stated that when he was asked by the landlord to go upstairs to quell the Disturbance upon its first outbreak, he saw Ma guire and Harrison near one another, as if they had been struggling, but he did not then notice any third person mixed up in the affair. The room was full of soldiers and others, but witness not being on duty could do no more than seize the cards and leave. Maguire had a pass to be out that night. The Coroner's officer said he understood that a man named Murphy alleged that the deceased had taken laudanum the night before his death. This statement created a considerable sensation in court. The Coroner said though it might possibly be true that the deceased had taken laudanum prior to his death, the evidence of Dr. Harris was clear that the death resulted from the effects of violence. The Coroner's Officer said the man who made the allegation about the laudanum was not present as he promised to be. Inquiries had been made, and so far as could be ascertained the deceased only took a small quantity of laudanum—ten drops—to ease his sufferings. The Coroner asked whether there was any evi dence as to who the other soldiers engaged in the affair were. Constable Pickles said that the colonel had paraded the whole brigade of artillery to give an opportunity to the police to procure their identifica tion, but the witnesses did not recognise any une of them. There appeared to be no prospect of any evi dence upon that point. It appeared that the deceased man had served in the Crimea, and had received two Crimean medals. He was discharged from the service about 18 months ago on account of weakness in the legs, but he bore an excellent character while in the army. It was also stated that there had been DO cheating or card-sharp ing on the night that be won Maguire's money. Police-constable Pickles said that the chemist from whom the landan-am was bought stated that he only sold 10 drops, which was insufficient to cause death. The Coroner then summed up, and said that it was clearly proved that deceased had lost his life through the violence inflicted on him by the so'diers on the night of the 2d inst. The case was not one of mur der, as there was obviously no intention to kill de ceased, but there was no doubt that it was one of manslaughter. The jury returned a verdict of `cManslaughter against James Maguire and a man unknown, f or killing and slaying George Thrrison." The Coroner then banded his warrant to Inspec tor Linnel for the prisoner's detention in Newgate until his trial at the ensuing sessions of the Central Criminal Court. APPREHENSION OF THE SECOND.OFFENDER, shortly after the inquest information Wari received DEATH FROM FRIGHT, Yesterday morning Mr. H. R. Walthew, deputy coroner, held an inquest at the White Hart Tavern, Kingsland road, touching the death of a young woman named Priscilla May, aged 19 years, who lost her life through the practical joke of a servant, in dressing up as a ghost. Mr. It. May, a tradesman carrying on business at 145, Kingsland-road, said that deceased, his daughter, was a dressmaker. She was in perfect health when, about four months ago, she went to Mr. Blyth's house in Hyde-park gardens to do some work. She returned three days after wards looking seriously affected in health. She could hardly breathe. Her nostrils were greatly distended, and were plugged. She said that she had been terribly frightened the night before. As she was going upstairs, she stated, with the governess and the servant, past the bath-room, the door of the latter was seen to be open. She asked the servant to close the door, and the latter was going to do so, when something all in white threw the door wide open, and appeared from the darkness. She said that she in stantly fell back screaming into the arms of the governess, Blood gushed from her nostrils, and she was carried down stairs insensible. A doctor was sent for, and the servants remained up with her all night. It appeared that the ap parition was a servant, who dressed herself all in white as a practical joke. Deceased never recovered from the shock. She lost her appetite and her mind became affected. She gradually sank, and died on the 19th inst. Sophia Sturgeon said that she was a servant in the em ploy of a gentleman residing at 30, Upper Hyde-park gardens, Bayswater. On the night in question witness was preceding Miss Clarke, the governess, and the deceased up stairs, when she heard a supernatural "scream to imitate a ghost." Deceased gave a scream, like a laugh, and fell. Witness believed she fell upon the stairs. Deceased had been bleeding from the nose during the day. A doctor was sent for. Witness said that Emma Frisbey, the nursery govvernees, came to the door of the bath-room in her white night-dress as a joke. Witness would swear none of the other servants were in the secret. Emma Frisby, nursery governess, said that she made her appearance in white merely to frighten the person going up stairs. The other servants knew nothing of her intention. She told deceased that she was very sorry that she had so seriously frightened her, the whole affair being a frolic "out of her own head." Mr. Waller said, from what he could ascertain, the ghost was not pre-arranged by the other servants. Mr. A. Catter wood, surgeon, said that he was called in to deceased, and found her suffering from loss of blood from nausea, sleeplessness, and want of appetite. Latterly she became affected in her mind. She would not look at witness or answer when spoken to. He believed she died from an obscure affection of the brain conjoined with hysteria. Her death was decidedly accelerated by the fright. The Coroner said that the act of dressing up as a ghost was very foolish, and very dangerous. It several cases it produced idiotcy, and in the present instance it caused death. It was but right to consider, however, that the young woman COUNTRY XAR-JtET COLCHESTEIL--jo' V.f.,Sec There was a moderate - pply of w hey , 9 ,. i ' l l tio ll ,„ °- et: i '. , day. The weather hasbutaected the 0° . "", - r, .r_l l ' in good demand, at full rates; samples, and prices for such receded ls Pe r ' t s so" 0 .4 ' I ness doing. Beans and peas as of late. 0. Afazgg A O , Wheat, white 44s 50s Beans ,- 2 ,.. ors 3)? red 40s 44s middle.; Barley . 32s 41s Peas, Wlll'. greJ '-' Oats GLOUCESTEIt—SA-S' t'6:4•l: There was a fair show of English "!rsatbe,„rfe'',3 the farmers, which met a fair sale at plic e ' ,-of buyers. Fereio . o wheat dull, with n° ati B prices of last week. ° Oats, barley, an be 4 of `22. , CHELMSFORD —JO' , fdt, 0 10,0 At this corn exchange to -day there Vls'.6o.htre;l,er °) wheat, which met a very dull sale at a 81110110' 500, the prices of last market day. Barley all.' o , 116 6 of grain very inactive, and unaltered in P r! v ... 533 40 Wheat, old white...3os 47s , Yeas, PartrlM..,..s9i new .. 44s 50s White ...•:,„..9 , old red....34s 40s Boiling ••• 0 . 1 ,,ri new 38s 42 8 Dun •• • •.,,,' ' ° .._• • ' '34 5 /I Barley 27s 37s Ditto rt, l 7, '„ i lcl•', o ,0 1 Chevalier ..... 2Ba 39s beans, Tic' , p escs:o el Grinding ..22s 31s Ticks 1. / .4 5 4. Malt.. Gls Gls diary oW nevo.:i,s Chev a li er 64s 69. , ... Oats ..... , 2os 28s, —__— Alazagal' .' ` l3 ' t° ' KIRKCALDY GRAIN---- a 0 41- We had good supplie,s of barl 6 Y , oata, L''' market, with a fair trade. OA7,:i Wheat. BarleY• le g a :First ....35s Od 2() Gd I 16 5 n 'j Second ..36s Gd 65 Gd 1 6 " i Third....39s Od 295 Od Day; '''' oiljuitatati): aePrset:::1;Aonlia:1;\.:1011:::115 °::11.::4°.' 'll fB ay Hartleyua:ssi F e:, r t r ‘ t t 8 0 , sse Primrose vv o s of Coal dssett HHv a r - .—............. d. ,„ 15C t ' ' eo f tPe ; .17 0 West Nir9ls° ,.i pa , ~t ,1 le • 3 , 0511.•'' :,.•'lu .. 17 0 fleuga , ,10,... ~, ley Walk 16 9 l:,'- Foreigm IMa.O forthlB44ool.° ld. 46 ' Ships at market, 53 : ; °_,°_,..--'______,- A cs u ra s z tr ii ali an a d a c d a npls ..------ --- letturitius, -- t l ii°t. 10 l P l' Ve t). l* (1:::::saan((ird). o Hope, Ascbpenytosaßiorn.i, .011,F6't:tti13.1:1111e13.1Q6'41liev:7 .t:.11.: MAILS D- to," 0 ''fer :;, Cape cii n a b r. al, : : Penang,ar......i . P t via Dlose ~,,sio, .. ..''''',... •,•eIP,,: Malta, -- anviad SCoeu.y.tiho.an.m, via 031.3 ~" el' Portugal.... ................ ••' • '; •.' JO' $ via ( u ) p o s r . to tt il u : roto ....'.. ~ f it , Via Marseilles .. ..... (nialplrt,i,itgiasonli.disT...A...dA e .. in n .. iir.viica..a.,S.to,;iit . r.i.:: ,i,;.c.i,:,E0t,..0,:.120.0: it. Newfoundland ...... • '..: . '''f°' sa:;nuedtrildsasinin, ~vvaijaao:Serityrtfla:le:!::,t,..i::::.....:!:3:l:o. by tj.54:01,• P 0: by ctio-1 ~,, efet)..,,,, W.C. of Africa, Made'ra and Teneride.... ~. JO' Bahamas, via New Yo i k ' ..... •••• ‘ 1; •• Mexico. ......... . r ................ ,';• 1::1' t) 1 All parts of West .. .......... ...... . , 2 California dl3 ' Indus,b Coln'" bia •••• ••' . . fill'lie . all rit • ___, _ .3 oev --------, _., f sP i ,te ~, [AtivEnTisnlawr.]--liolloway f t i j es i ,ra tot 0 --- •0 Ointale'Opov c ot o e Given to Save. —The curative powers ? ~co tioo,•,i,t 104 caments have been tested by, the OPerie7,d 5 1)0 itliid o , the profession and public, both at home and anage,o;ool,l third of a century. Holloway at ointar ateregts'•Pi. frl; worked their way to fame against vesteo, , nice ~ , established a name for curing sores, wouvu_s, c os 1 : tfy„; and skin diseases, which no other disc() 001 glat):`'edoovi,, lectitoiansyobtertistceldesb,;,uthideeures,o joofints. wifyiOrvirle,l, and doomed to die in middle age, the oto i ja il, Those strumous constitutions which alvaraostliwg' study the "instructions accompan6Yll:6 ii°ll° parations, and to use them accordinglP______/ 4 ti Births. tio , %, i AnolaCeEittr,e,,—On heeler, I,a oj. John n the A r 2 k 3 o d u , i inst., t a . , tsiLß.exted,o!Bcsclle f4tof: BILDDILC.—On the 24th inst,, at -of toot', S.W., the Hon. Mrs. Brodrick, of a 0 1 '0 0 0 1 ~). DUNCOMBE.—On the 22d inst., at CA°l,r, elt' lion. Mrs. Cecil buncombe, of a &O `rd,ltic EGEILTON.—On the 23d inst. at 35, 110111:000, fair, the lion. Mrs. Arthur'Egerton, 0 ' IJI of` (1) ,10 Marriages. . 0; 1 t er l) , st• l''' C' PI ) MAY--LEgANN.On the 21st in at ....,,,lids. to t Reigate, William Holmes May, of Saaj.7„.leigAte, 0.01„ eldest son of Francis May, Esq., ° f 41 0, 5.,,, 54. 51 1, 4 third daughter of the late F. .41-• Le°i"4 st..l"``,t fr•if, a P ' l'' )0 MEnitictc.--PiEncE —On the 23d inst. , -„, f 4/1 h 0 p, den-square, William henry. derric k, % t o Jri3Of tine-road, to Eliza, only chld of tl .3,1 co o v I* ° EFI, Comptroller of /Vocal:its, II. ) 0 ily don Docks. 40' Deaths. SlieY tf ,fotlSet ,eilldi ALLEN. —On the 23d inst., at flank ._.. so ., ito o r 'tea: -Admiral William 11011, E. A11,,0, $ 4 ,,;' of 9' ALLEr.-- On the 23d inst., Thomas A- c0,,,,,P; jet of the Hampshire Banking Compan6.; of Pt f4.t Cox. St. the 24th inst, sir. AVIA. cooe, 5 street, St. JalleS'S, abed 65. lie °r" Ve • 1 •1° of Goasgsend.,7so. n the 24th inst., at Epson'', 0 1, at l ici'l lIENDEILSON.—On the 23d inst., ~, li ps it AudLm.traoliaGtchoerg2e2dlliennsdt,e,rti:otni,,i:l3.:ar,c;oo/dor:00,/r 82. Ivo 1,45°, WrieNyT,Eirttic—haOrl Ittreiti2toOrth, Einsscit..,, oagted 76. _____4/0;):, ----re it` I t --- ----- ------------Wibl too oil London:.rir...3d and l'ilistted LI , ;u s ~,co (;;ftrNanol,lla2, al a ale e c 3. _SeTti,retiaeni:dar,eaciy'i,ruiJentatneortil,:irityierr2t33l::„.tiyi.ta t o 1 1 i 1