The Sun. — London, England, 1864-01-22 00:00:00

MR. BAINES AT LEEDS. Mr. E. BAINES, M.P., attended the annual meet haw of the Leeds Chamber of Commerce, which was held at the Town-hall of that borough on Wednes day, at noon, and addressed the members. He said he had listened with great interest to the very busi ness-like report which had been laid before them. That report, in all its branches, convinced him more and more of the great utility of Chambers of Com merce. They created an interest in the subject of grievances, or of injury or of obstruction to trade, and these questions were brought before them by practical men, who pressed them upon their mem bers, who assisted to press them upon the public. The Institution of Associated Chambers of Come merce also took up these subjects, and it was thus that public opinion was pervaded and the mercan tile world and the Government influenced upon these important matters. (Hear.) Reference was made in the report to the vast expense of local bills. That would be a question of very'great interest this session. He hardly knew how any other business was to be transacted ; the local bills numbered something like 330, and the amount of money pro posed to be expended on them was something pro digious. The amount of time which would be con sumed in the examination of these schemes by com mittees would also be prodigious, and therefore the question on these grounds was one of vast interest and importance. It had already been examined by a committee of the House of Commons, but he did not think anything had been suggested, by whi c h any material alteration would take place in the sys tem by which private bills were submitted to Parlia ment. With reference to the question of the West Riding assizes, upon that, es upon all commercial matters, he agreed with his hon.friend and colleague (Mr. Beecroft), and they had each done his best, by letters and in every other way in which they could use influence, to impress upon the Government and those connected with it the superior claims which Leeds had to be the assize town, or one of the assize towns, for the West Riding. In consequence of the opinion expressed here and at Sheffield relative to the claims of the latter town as the centre of a very important district, containing a population of be tween 300,000 and 400,000 in the remote part of the riding, the claims of Leeds and Sheffield had been put together; not that they were necessarily indissoluble ; if the claims of Sheffield were nega tived, the claims of Leeds might be admitted ; but as they knew they had a formidable competitor in the town of Wakefield. They had prejudices to combat—and which he feared all large manufactur ing towns had to combat—in the feelings of coun try gentlemen not wishing to go among them and come in contact with their populations, and who, he believed, rather preferred a small town not too far from green fields to a large town. That was very strongly against Leeds. He believed the question would soon be settled, but he was sorry to be quite unable to give them any information as to the way in which it would be decided. The report made reference to new commercial treaties, which was a matter of great importance to Leeds. He was glad that the commercial treaty with Italy was likely to be of great value to this town, and to open up a new and large field of consumption. Mr. Ludolf had mentioned the subject of commercial relations with Austria, which he (Mr. Baines) brought be fore them last year. It was quite true there was vary small commercial intercourse between this country and Austria, but there was most ample room for a great development of commerce between these two countries. Tnere was hardly any civilised country with which our intercourse was so limited, and hardly any country which had so large a combination of means for producing these things which would be useful to our trade. It was chiefly the fault of the Austrian Government— with their old system, which was hostile to free trade and favourable to protection—that we had not been able to negotiate a commercial treaty with that country. It was a pleasant thing to know that Austrian deputies were sent to attend the sittings of the British Association at Newcastle, with the view expressly of looking into commercial matters, and of reputing whether there could not be profitably a freer intercourse between the two countries. He hoped their report would be a highly favourable one, especially as they knew that the . two chief Ministers, Count Rechbsrg and Baron Schmerling, were bath favourable to the principle of free trade. (Hear, hear.) On the subject of a Government department c f trade in connexion ewith our foreign trade, he continued to entertain the same opinions as he had expressed before. He did not know whether the new Minister, or Minister expressly assigned to this particular department, sheuld be a commercial Minister in the Foreign-office or a Fo reign Minister in the Board of Trade ; but it did eeem to him absolutely as clear as daylight that thsre ought to be some Minister expressly charged with our commercial relations. He was happy to see this question had been mentioned at the meeting of the Bradford Chamber of Commerce, and was to form the subject of discussion at the meeting of the Associated Chambers of Commerce, and he should be most happy to do anything to assist in this important object. At present it was quite evi dent that many important subjects dropped, as it were, between two stools, no one being expressly charged with the duty of attending to them. (Hear, hear.) Allusion had been made to the extra quarter per cent, charged upon inland bonding warehouses. He had spoken to Mr. Gladstone respecting it, and his answer was—" I want to pay the expenses ; it was the distinct understanding on which bonding warehouses were allowed that that quar ter per cent. should be paid. I can't and I won't give it up." That was Mr. Gladstone's decided opinion, but it was no law of the Medes and Per sians, and if they were able to say from experience that this charge prevented them from receiving any considerable appreciable advantage from the esta blishment of bonding warehouses, he thought they would have a strong ease to go to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and ask to be put on the same footing as older bonding towns. Tney might show that the Government was bound to incur the ex pense of collecting its own revenues, and that they ought not to be exposed to a deferential duty, as it were, for that purpose. (Hear.) On the subject of a registration of partnerships he concurred in the opinion expressed by the President. He did not see why partnerships should not be registered, just as the shareholders in banks and joint-stock compa nies were registered. He knew this was not accept. able to the House of Commons and to the city of London, but he thought the Chambers of Commerce should continue to discuss the subject. It was one of those regulations requiring that all matters affect ion credit and trade should be open and above board, stud which ho believed would eventually have such a response from public opinion and common sense that it would be ultimately successful. Mr. Baines ulluded to the President's observations respecting the reports of foreign Consuls upon trade, express ing his dissent from that gentleman's opinion as to their value, and stating that some of those reports, especially from France and Belgium, were most valuable and interesting. Mr. Ludolf had alluded to Brazil. Unfortunately we had got into a political quarrel with that empire, and he did not feel con fident that we were in the right. (Hear.) He felt that we had acted in an imperious way, and exacted more than we should from a nation on the same level of importance with ourselves. He was not satis. fled with the conductof our ambassador at Uruguay, arid he hoped that for the interest of peace, the Chamber of Conpmere, Would make such represen tations to the Foreigusollice that the misunderstand ing ex istin g NV " " 1 va st Wad4llpm - taut a country as Brazil, which was so long a customer to our trade, might as soon, as possible be r emoved. (Hear, hear.) With regard. to Cuba, he believed the raised ' by r. explanationof Mr. B ax t er: had set rit.ht the question Ladolf. SJ_Nerai yt.. , :r.s ego difro rent i o were ElbrAished, aEld naT the only question, though one of great referred to the different: in the qualitiee of sugar. was astonishin g the amount of interest felt on this su b je ct in London, Liverpool, and Glnegow by the refiners, importers, an d mer chants, and in the last session Mr. Gladstone Stated that a "sugar congress" wio about to be held in Paris, to come to some decision as to the classification of sugars, without injuriously affecting the trade. That congress had been held, and they might there fore expect something would soon be done. With regard to the growth of tobacco and beetroot, no doubt both were special cases. The Government got a large sum from the import duty on tobacco, and they could not spare it. It was a duty producing no less than five millions sterling, and i better duty could not possibly exist. He should not consider if it were ten millions it would be too mach to levy on tobacco—(laughter)—and that was the only reason why it could not be beneficially allowed to be grown at home, and rather than ask us to pay an additional house duty or increased income tax he hoped the Government would consider well before they gave up the tobacco duty. With regard to beetroot it was found necessary to levy a duty upon it similar to that upon sugar. These duties were in course of modification, and he should be glad if they could be brought down to nothing, as, indeed, upon tea, coffee, and all such articles of food which came so largely into general consumption. In the next place he (Mr. Baines) had to congratulate the Chamber on the prosperity which during the past year had attended the trade of Leeds in all its branches. He congratulated them also as men of humanity upon the happy measure in which there had been a restoration to a better state of thing in Lancashire. (Hear.) Now, they did not see in that district that prostration and appalling condition of the people which was witnessed a year ago. It appeared that now there could be got from all quar ters of the globe the kind of cotton suitable for Lancashire uses quite independent of the United States, and the President of the Chamber of Com merce said that during this year as much cotton would be imported from other parts of the world as would be equal to two-thirds of the highest annual consumption which ever took place. That would be a very important thing, and no doubt it would greatly reanimate the drooping trade of Lancashire. (Hear, hear,) He might first say to the practical men of business he saw about him that they were now enjoying a great measure of artificial prosperity in Leeds and the adjacent clothing districts. They were positively benefiting by the reverses and dis tress of their neighbours in the cotton districts, by the enhancement which had taken place both in the price of the raw material and of manufactured goods, in consequence of the scarcity of the raw material and the dearness of manufactured goods in the cotton trade. But they might depend upon it there would certainly bo a reaction. As the cotton trade revived the trade of Leeds must expect to go down. He had the strongest possible conviction of it. He would say to the wool merchant, "Do not keep too large a stock," and to the woollen mer chant he would say, "Do not overburden your warehouses with a heavy stock, buy as much as possible from hand to mouth," And he would say the same to the flax spinners. He did not say when this evil change would come; it might come soon ; but though the merchants in this town and district were now gaining a great profit through the mis fortunes of the cotton trade, with the revival of that trade they would come to occupy the same position which they did before, and there must before long be a reaction in the price of the goods they manufactured; and, on the other hand, there was the state of things arising from the enormous amount of public undertakings which were pre sented to notice. He thought it was a bad indica tion—a dangerous indication, and it was a state of things which must be watched very carefully by those who did not wish to lose their savings. No less than 100 millions of property out of capital had been laid out in the various joint-stock companies which were proposed during the last year alone— joint-stock companies which, if they were to call up their capital, would require 160 millions, What were they going to do with it ; it was exclusively of railways ; but :there had been paid within the last few days seven millions sterling as deposits on new railway projects to come before Parliament next Session. The deposit was 8 per cent., about 1-12th of the whole, and therefore seven millions implied 84 millions sterling of capital it was pro posed afresh to invest in rail ways by Bills now be fore Parliament, in addition to what the country was already pledged to do. Then there were 100 millions and 80 millions in addition to all other en gagements, and these many millions were Indepen dent of Indian railways, public loans of four or five millions sterling, all of which goes out of this coun try. The average amount expended last year in on railways was 12 millions. A hundred and twenty millions had been added to the paid-up capital of railways during the last ten years, of foreign, British, and colonial railways, and now it was proposed to make an addition of 100 millions more. What savings had the country to enable it to do these things ? What was the amount of its savings annually ? From enquiries and from read ing a valuable article which had appeared in the Economist, written by a friend of his, whom he knew to be one of the best statists in the country, he found the annual amount of savings in this country was estimated at 130 millions sterling. But of that 130 millions sterling the writer made out that 40 millions sterling was invested in the department of houses and buildings, in the building of new places of business to meet the wants of the increas ing population. Thirty millions sterling, he said, were expended in loans, colonial and foreign rail ways, and other public companies, such as tele graphs, docks, harbours, &c. This 70 millions be ing so expended the writer doubted whether the remaining 60 millions would suffice " for the drain age and improvement of the soil ; for the multipli cation of manufactories, tools, and machines; for increase of trading capital, ships, consignments, and the like ; for foreign and colonial loans, and for the increase of furniture, apparel, works of art, and objects of taste and luxury." So the meeting would see that the country was spending as fast as it was saving. He (Mr. Baines) wanted to know where this further 180 millions sterling was to come from which was now to be invested in railways and joint stock companies this next year. He could not for his own part see where it was to spring from. He was not disposed to take a too prudential view, but it was desirable to have the matter fairly before their attention, and he was sure his hon. colleague (Mr. Beecroft) would sympathise with him in what he had said on the subject. He (Mr. Baines) really must look at it in two ways. First, all these com - panies indicated an excess of credit. Artificial pros perity is always the effect of real prosperity. All oar inflated and fevered states have originated in a really solid prosperity, and solid prosperity has gone on so long that men are encouraged to extend their aims in every direction. All fear had gone, and the experience was bright and pleasant, and so it went on until the country got into something like a state of fever. He feared this vast number of new companies indicated that we were in such a state now. He (Mr. Baines) said if all these concerns went on they would bring the country to a very great want of capital, and by and by the rate of discount would be up much higher even than it is now. He wes happy that that rate had been raised, and he hoped it would checker destroy more of the new projects. He was glad of this opportunity to express these opinions before those who were cap able of protesting with effect against such a state of things. If ho were wrong in the views he had ex pressed he should be glad to be set right by the Chamber ho was addressing, but if he was right he should not be sorry that he had said to the gentle men who were at the head of the trade of his native town that this was a time in which they should exercise caution as to their future operations. Applause.) CAPITAL PUNISHMENT IN PORTUGAL. The Minister of Justice of Portugal laid before the Chamber of Deputies, in the sitting of the 11th, a bill de creeing the abolition of the punishment of death, which , punishment the government proposes to maintain only for military crimes, in the event of war with a foreign power. SUIT FOR THE RETURN OF A BRASS KETTLE. — That the kettle had been returned, that the defendant had never borrowed it, and that the plaintiff never had a kettle to lend. (ADVERTISEMENT —Holloway's Pills --Nothing Better l'hefie invaluable Pills exert a greater and more beneficial influence over nervous disorders than any other medicine. Their mode of action is thoroughly consonant with reason --they completely purify the blood, relieve both head and stomach of all faulty functions and expel all oppressive accumulations from the bowels. With the blood purified, and all poisons purged from the system, regularity must prevail throughout the body ; aches and pains must cease ; healthful energy must supplant weariness ; and the shaky nerves must regain their wholesome tone. A course of these Pills eradicates low spirits, nervous excitability, hysterics, neuralgic twitches, and other derangements de. pendent on nervous maladies, which every considerate person may thus certainly and afffely remove, THE SIIN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARV 22, 1864. COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. A Court of Common Council was holden yesterday in the Council Chamber, Guildhall. The Lord Mayor presided. The Remembrancer read a long list of bills, railway and others, to be brought forward in the approaching session of Parliament that were likely to affect the city of London. He at the same time said that, with regard to some of them, if the Corporation should feel it expedient to oppose them, it was necessary that proceedings should be speedily taken. _ _ _ _ The whole of the bills were referred to the Law and Par liamentary Committee, in order that they might take them into consideration and report forthwith. THE LONDON FIRE BRIGADE, Mr. H. L. TAYLOR asked the permission of the Court to mention a subject which he said was of considerable im portance, not only to the citizens of London, but also to the inhabitants of the metropolis at large. He said that he had reason to believe that a communication had been made to the Metropolitan Board of Works by the Home Secretary to the effect that it was intended to raise a fire brigade in the metropolis, and although he was not in a position to inform the Court the precise nature of the step that was intended to be taken, it was one that would undoubtedly very materially affect the rates of the inhabi tants of the metropolis, and also those of the city of London, and he therefore asked the Court to consent to allow the matter to go before a committee, in order that they might make the necessary inquiries, and collect the requisite in formation, and report thereupon to the Court. (Hear, hear.) He should therefore propose that the subject be referred to the General Purposes Committee. Mr. RtiDKIN supported the motion, and said that from what he had heard, he believed that if the scheme in con templation by the Government was carried out it would cost the citizens of London a very large sum of money. (Hear, hear.) The LORD MAYOR observed that he had reason to know that communications had for some time been going on be tween the Metropolitan Board of Works and the Home Secretary with a view to place in the hands of the former the creation of a fire brigade for the metropolis, and that if the plan was carried out it would entail a very heavy charge upon the ratepayers. He might also state that he believed that one portion of the proposed scheme was to relieve the different fire offices from the payment of the amount Row contributed by them towards the support of the present fire brigade. (Hear, hear.) The motion of Mr. Taylor was then agreed to. RAISING OF HOLBORN VALLEY. Mr.F. MAYNARD presented a petition from Mr.Marrable, one of the unsuccessful candidates for designs for effecting the above important improvemeat, praying the Court to re consider the decision they had arrived at in reference to the matter. It will be remembered that Mr. blarrable was one of the three candidates selected as having sent in the best designs for raising the Holborn Valley, the other two being Mr. Bell and Mr. Sorby, to whom the first premium of £250 and the second of £l5O were awarded. Mr. Marrable, in his petition, pointed out various difficulties in the way of carry ing out either of the accepted plans, and he prayed the Court to allow the subject to be referred back to the Improvement Committee, and also that his own plans and designs shouldbe submitted to some independent gentlemen of high eminence in the profession, that they might give an unbiassed opinion upon those designs. Mr. Marrable attended at the bar in support of his petition, and in answer to the questions that were put to him by various members of the Court, he stated what ho conceived to be serious objections to the designs that had been adopted by the committee, and he also appeared specially to complain that Mr. Haywood, the engineer to the Corporation, should have been permitted to use his influence in reference to the acceptance of the designs by the Improvement Committee. Mr. MAYNARD, having addressed the Court in support of the petition, moved that the prayer of the petition be complied with, and that the matter should be referred back to the Improvement Committee for further consideration. Mr. RowE opposed the motion, and said that if the Court were to adopt such a course as the one proposed upon every application made to it by every disappointed competitor, they should never be able to get through with the business of the Corporation. (Hear, hear.) The Improvement Committee had considered the subject most attentively, and had made their report, and now it was sought to open the whole question again, (Hear, hear.) He was most strenuously opposed to such a proceeding, and should, there fore, move that the petition do lie on the table, Deputy PERKINS seconded the amendment. Deputy FRY, the chairman of the Improvement Com mittee, expressed his opinion that it would be exceedingly' inconvenient and inadvisable to open the question after the whole subject had been fully discussed and decided upon, He would state at the same time that it was impossible for a more honourable or independent decision to have been arrived at than the one agreed to by the committee. (Hear, hear.) He would also add that no officer of the Corporation had anything to do with, or had in any way influerced that decision. (Hear, hear.) lie would also state that although the committee had ac cepted the designs of Mr. Bell and Mr. Sorby, neither of these plans was perfect, but would require a great deal of alteration. The committee, however, had no alternative but to decide in favour of those plans, because they were plans that most embodied the principles upon which the committee had resolved to act in carrying out this important improve ment. With regard to the present petition he would only observe that if the Court were to entertain it, every other disappointed candidate might take a similar step, and he did not know where the matter would end. (Hear.) Mr. HorGooD said that although he concurred with the committee in the decision, he thought it rather unfortunate that Me. Haywood, one of the Corporation officers, should have been allowed to interfere in any manner with reference to the acception or rejection of the plans and designs that were sent in by the different competitors. Deputy DE JERSEY raid that what was suggested by the hon. member was not the fact. Mr. Haywood had nothing whatever to do with the decision of the committee relating to the designs that were sent in to them. Mr. MAYNARD said if Mr, Haywood had had nothing to do with the decision of the committee, he should like to know what he was paid £l,OOO for by them? (Hear.) Mr. GLOVER wished to know whether it was the fact that the committee paid Mr. Haywood £l,OOO for his ser vices to them in reference to this matter. Probably the chairman of the Improvement Committee would not object to answer the question. Deputy FRY said it was true that Mr. Haywood had been paid £l,OOO by the committee for his services in reference to this matter, and he begged to inform this Court that the committee prepared a resolution to this effect, and that it was carried unanimously. If he was asked what the £l,OOO was paid for, he could inform them that it was for his as sistance in examining and repining upon more than a hundred plans that were submitted to the committee, and for also preparing the plans to bo submitted to Parliament, which, but for his assistance, could not have been prepared in time. (Hear, hear.) He could also inform the Court that if any other engineer or surveyor had been employed, the expense would have been unavoidably greater: (Hear.) Mr. EDMONDS said he should like to be informed whether any committee had the power to expend £l,OOO in this man ner without the consent of the Court of Common Council. Deputy FRY said that the money did not come out of the corporation funds, but out of a fund created by Act by Par liament. for the purpose of carrying out these improve ments. Alderman DAXIN said that he should wish to know whe ther a portion of such a fund as the one alluded to, which belonged to the City, could be expended without the consent of the Court. The CRAMBERLAIN, who was subsequently appealed to, stated that the money was paid out of the fourpenny City coal dues, which were levied under the Act of Parliament for the purpose of carrying out these improvements. He at the same time said that it was always considered competent for a committee having the powers granted to the Improve ment Committee, to order similar sums of money to be paid. (Hear.) After a few words from Mr. MAYNARD in reply, the amendment and the motion were put to the Court, when the former was declared to be carried. A division was demanded, upon which the numbers ap peared to be— For the amendment Against it Majority for the amendment —s3 THE NEW LUNATIC ASYLUM, There were several petitions from different wards in the City, praying the Court to take the necessary steps to pre vent the new lunatic asylum, on its completion, from coming:under the control of the magistrates of the City of London, who would have the power of levying a county rate if they thought fit to do so for the support of tho inmates. It was urged in same of the petitions that, if necessary, an act of Parliament should bo obtained for this purpose. Along and desultory conversation, unattended with any result, took place upon this subject during which it was stated that no doubt was entertained that the magistrates would perform the duties that would devolve upon them in reference to the establishment in the most satisfactory man ner ; and although it was believed that they were them selves opposed to the principle of making a county rate upon the citizens for the support of the est ablishment, still it was feared they might be compelled to do so. In order to avoid all possibility of such a course, which is naturally most ob. noxious to the ratepayers of the City of London, the peti tioners were desirous that the new asylum should not be placed under their control, but should remain under that of the Court of Common Council, The matter was eventually postponed, upcn the under standing that a special court should Le convened, at which the whole subject should be fully discussed. The vat ions petitions and memorials were, however, in the meantime, referred to the Special Lunatic Asylum Committee, to be taken into consideration. Mr. Deputy BOWER brought up a petition signed by the merchants, housekeepers, Traders, and occupiers in the ward of Billingsgate, in ward meeting assembled, praying the Court to take such steps as they may consider necessary to prevent the passing through Parliament of railway schemes which contmiplato lines of railway through the said ward. Mr. Deputy BOWER moved that it should bo referred to the Law and Parliamentary Committee, to take such steps as they thought fit, and to report to the court. Mr. Deputy Lorr seconded the motion. Mr, Alderman SIDNEY also , upport - ed the motion, and said that some of the inhabitants had already been served with six notices respecting various railway schemes, which if carried out, would virtually put a stop to the trade which was carried on in that part of the City ; and those who at tended the meeting thought the Court of Common Council was the proper place to present an address, and that it was the duty of that body to approach Parliament against the wild and destructive schemes which now threaten the City. The motion was agreed to, and the Court adjourned. any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of over throwing or interfering with the rights of established insti tutions in those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of tha constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired ; and that as soon as those objects aro accomplished the war ought to cease." HORATIO SEYMOUR, Extraordinary Charge, At the Jersey police-court, on Tuesday, the ma gistrates were occupied in investigating a serious oharge brought against the Rev. Edward Gullle, rector of St. Luke's, of discharging a rifle bullet into the house of Mr. Thomas Brown, who has for the last ten years acted gratuitously as organist in St. Luke's Church. At 12 o'clock on the night of Sunday the 3d inst., Mr. Brown having given infor mation against Mr. Guille, the constable of the parish proceeded to the residence of the latter on the sth inst. for the purpose of arresting him, but he found that he had left the island on the previous morning for London. He proceeded to make a search of the premises, and in the bedroom of Mr. Guille he found a gun which bore traces of having been recently discharged. Proceeding with his search he discovered in a drawer some cartridges and balls, in all nine of each, of which, together with the gun, he took possession. On making in quiries in the town he ascertained that two or three days before the commission of the alleged offence Mr. Guille had purchased the cartridges and balls at the shop of Mr. Hardie, ironmonger. In conse quence of these circumstances the Attorney-General gave orders for the apprehension of Mr. Guille. He returned on the 12th inst., and was taken into custody. Mr. Brown, in his evidence, deposed that on the night of the alleged offence he returned home with Mrs. Brown about ton minutes to twelve o'clock, and retired to bed about half-past twelve, his bedroom being on the ground floor and behind the sitting-room, from which it is separated by folding-doors. In a few minutes afterwards ho heard the report of firearms and the crash of glass in the sitting-room, but, acting on the suggestion of his wife, he did not get up to ascertain the cause. Next morning he found the bullet produced, which had struck the wall near the mantelpiece. There was, no light in the room, as it had been extinguished on his going to bed. Previous to that it had stood on the chimneypiece. He gave as his reasons for sus pecting Mr. Guille that in August last they had had a quarrel. Mr. Guille had written threatening let ters to him through his wife. One of the letters put in and read contained, among other threats, the following—" I promise you it (the island) shall be come too hot for you." " Depend upon it venge ance shall yet fall upon yOu." Being cross-examined and shown a paper, Mr. Brown acknowledged that he had signed it in the presence of his wife and the constable, and that all three had been concerned in drawing it up. The document was a promise on the part of Mr. Brown to withdraw the charge be had made, provided Mr. Guille would undertake not to institute proceedings against him. Mr. Guille had refused compliance. Several witnesses were ex amined as to the state of the gun found in Mr. Guille's house, and also as to the hole made in the Venetian shutters, and which, in the opinion of the witnesses, could not have been made by the ball produced. No evidence was given of Mr. Guille having been out of his house at the time the shot was fired. The Bench declined to hear either the witnesses or the counsel for the defence, stating that there was no evidence against Mr. Guille, who was therefore discharged. The decision was received with loud cheering. Shocking Suicide in Bethnal-green. Yesterday, at noon, Mr. 11. Raffles Waithow, deputy coroner, held an inquest at the George Tavern, Bethnal green-road, respecting the death by suicide of William Claridge, aged 30 years. The deceased was a glassblower, living at No.B, George's gareens, Bethnal-green. Thomas Hall, 231 K, said that last Friday evening he was going past the deceased's residence, when a doctor asked him to assist him in breaking into the room upstairs, as a man had poisoned himself there. They both got in by the window and found deceased lying on the door, apparently from poison. The wife said that she had bought some poison to take a name out of a waistcoat, and that deceased took it up and drank it. She and the children tried to take it from his hand, but could not. The doctor advised that deceased should be carried to the hospital, but the wife had not got a :arthing to pay for a cab, and deceased died on the fhor almost immediately, The widow of the deceased said that her husband had been out of work. He had only been five days in work since Christmas, and he was depressed because, he said, he could not do all that he wished for his family. A fortnight ago witness bought some spirits of salt to ;Ake names out of waistcoats and prepare them for sale. On Friday night about twelve o'clock, all the family were in the room going to bed, when ho took up the bottle of poison and began to drink. The little boy cried out, " Oh, mother, father is taking poison." Witness ran and knocked the bottle out of his hand. She saw he had taken a good deal, and she at once ran for a doctor. Witness was about to be confined, and she believed that deceased was distressed in mind about her, as she had no means to meet the expense, but there was no want of food. Dr. Ralph said that at midnight on Friday last his assis• taut was fetched to deceased, who found him dying. Witness and Dr. Brotberton made a post-mortem examination of the deceased, and found that he had been poisoned by a strong corrosive poison—hydrochloric acid. The mouth and sto mach were dreadfully injured by the corrosive action of the liquid. There was a general ulceration of the passages. After other evidence, the Coroner summed up, and the jury returned a verdict of " Suicide while in a state of un sound mind." DEATH FROM WANT OF FOOD, Yesterday Mr. William Payne held an inquest in the board room of St. George the Martyr, Southwark, on the body of Hugh Irvine, aged 40, whose death occurred under the following circumstances : Mary Warne said that she resided at Mr. Wall's lodging house in Mint-street. About six months ago the deceased came to lodge at the house, and, with the exception of two nights, he had remained in the house and slept in a room with ethers. He used to go out of a morning and return about 12 o'clock. He complained on Friday morning of having a bad cold, and said he was going to the workhouse for relief. On Saturday he said that he had applied for re lief, but they would give him none. He said on Sunday morning that ho had only 3d., and he asked her if Mr. Wall would trust him the remainder of the amount of his bed. She said she knew he would, and ho replied that ho knew he should have something in the morning. He was then sitting on a chair, and ho seemed as he came out to have the rattle in his throat, and he died soon afterwards. The Coroner asked whether the names of applicants were taken down when they were refused relief? Mr. Townsend, the relieving officer, said that every appli cant's name was entered on the books, and ho was certain, knowing the man as hanging about the Mint, that he had never made application for relief. John White, a lodger at Mr. Wall's, said that he had known the deceased for five months. Ho told his' wife in his presence that he had been refused relief in tho work house. He did not know how ho got a living or where he came from, but he said he had come from Boston. Mr. Cooper, assistant to Mr. Townsend, confirmed the previous evidence, and was satisfied that the de-eased had not made application for relief, or his name would have been on the liit. Tho jury returned a verdict of " Death from want, acco [orate(' by previous illness." SOLICITORS' BENEVOLENT ASSOCIATION.—The fourth annual public festival of this association will take place at the Freemasons' Tavern, London, on Tuesday, the 7th of Juno next, under the presidency of the Right Hon, Lord Chief Justice Cockburn, who has accepted the invitation of the board to take tho chair. This useful society, for the assistance of decayed solicitors and their widows and families, is favourably progressing. No HOME complete without a WILCOX AND GIBBS' SEWING-MACHINE. Simple, compact, efficient, durable, and noiseless. Warranted to fulfil all the requirements of a perfect family machine. Prospectus free on application at No. 135, Regent-street, W.—[AD T.] [ADVERTISEMENT.]—COBSIIIIIptiOn, all nervous, bilious liver, and stomach complaints, in every stage, are only ag gravated and accelerated by drugs of every description, but perfectly curable by Du Barry's health restoring Revalenta Arahica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which had been considered hopeless. We quote a few.—Cure No. 62,014. Miss Lange, 18 years of age, cured after the medical men had abandoned all hopes of her recovery front the last stage of pulmonary consumption, with fearful cough, expectoration, exhaustion, spitting of blood, perspirations, hollow cheeks, emaciated to a skeleton. She is now, thank God, a perfectly healthy, blooming, fleshy girl,—N. Lange, Commissaire de Police. Cure, No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley Surrey, of thfrty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness.—Cure, No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous ,aunts.—Cure , No. 51,816. The Rev. James T. Campbell, lakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion and torpidity of the liver, which had resisted all medical reatment. Iu tins, lib, 2s Od ; 2ib, 4s 6d ; 51b, Ils ; 121 b, 225; 241 b, 40s. Barry du Barry and Ci., No. 77, Regent-street, London ; also Fortnum and Mason; and all groeers end chemists in every town of the United Kingdom, GOVERNOR SEYMOUR'S MESSAGE. At the opening of the State Legislature of New York Governor Seymour sent in a long message. The only portion of interest to English readers is the statement of the Governor's views on the contest between North and South. He says: — The disorganisation and destruction of the South aro not to save us from the cost of the war. The plan for the future government of the seceded States demands the maintenance of armies and a continued drain upon the persons and pro perty of our people. Whenever one-tenth of the voters of either of these States shall submit themselves to the condi tions imposed they may form governments with new or old names and boundaries. This inconsiderable minority is to be supported in the exercise of power by the arms and trea sure of the North. There will be no motives on their Fart to draw the remaining population into the support of the governments thus created. T here will be every inducement of power, of gain, and of ambition, to perpetuate the con• dition of affairs so favourable to individual purposes. It will also be for the interest of the National Administra• tion to continuo this system of Government, so utterly at variance with a representative policy. Is not this the same mistaken theory upon which ()tau nations have tried to govern their dependencies P Has complete subjugation for centuries produced the quiet, the obedience to law, the order, the security to life and property, the kindly feelings or the mutual contributions to prosperity which belong to real peace ? Governments thus formed would represent not the in terests of their citizens, but the wills and interests of the power that creates and sustains them. The nine states thus controlled would balance in the House of Representatives in the choice of President, and at all times in the Senate, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, Massa chusetts, Missouri, Kentucky, and 'Wisconsin, with a united population of 16,533,333, which is more than one-half of that of our whole country. The 1-10th, who would accept the proclamation for the price of power, would not only govern the States made by executive decrees, but they would also govern the North. While the plan is harsh to the body of the Southern people, it is still more unjust towards the North. Fourteen hundred men in Florida would balance in the Senate of the United States the power of New York. Less than 70,000 voters in the nine States named in thePro sident's proclamation would wield a power sufficient to weigh down that of the nine most populous States in the Union. We should thus have, with the nominal states of Eastern and 'Western Virginia, a system of rotten boroughs which would govern,theUnion and destroy the representa tive nature of onr Government. This, in connection with existing inequalities in state representation, would be a dangerous invasion of the rights of a majority of the Ame rican people. It would enable an administration to per petuate its power. It is a fact full of significance that every measure to con vert the war against armed rebellion into one against pri vate property and personal rights at the South has been accompanied by claims to exercise military power in the loyal States of the North. The proclamation of ernaticipatica at the South, and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus at the North ; the confiscation of private property in the seceding States; and the arbitrary arrests, imprisonment, and banishment of citi zens of the loyal States; the claim to destroy political or ganisations at the South, and the armed interference by Government in local elections, have been contemporaneous events. These acts at first were justified upon the ground that they were necessary to save the national existence. We now find that now and more extreme claims to arbitrary power are put forth when it is declared that the strength of the rebellion is broken, and that our armies are about to trample out every vestige of its incendiary fires. More pre rogatives are asserted in the hour of triumph than were claimed as a necessity in days of disaster and of danger. The doctrine of Southern disorganisation and revolu tion is a doctrine of national bankruptcy and of national ruin; it is a measure for lasting military despotism over one-third of our country, which will be the basis for mili tary despotism over the whole land. It does not contem plate the return of our soldiers to their families, or relief from the cost and sacrifices of war. It will make an endur ing drain upon our homes, and impose crushing burdens upon our labour and industry. It will open a wide and last ing field for peculation and fraud, It tends to perpetuate powor by making and unmaking States, as the interests of factions may dictate. It will be a source of internal disorder and disquietude, and national weakness in our external re latintu. It will give dangerous allies to invaders of our If this war is to make a social revolution and structural changes in great States, we have seen only its beginning o e wp e as x ra e r:etie will lo t bb h ae r o cu u cisu g e shd thelyo n p g rdoi n lvo e e r nr i gso diversion Such changes are the work of time. If they are to be made f b \ r % y o ' i m e l h l e t b a r o r i a 3' i v ' r h p i i l o t n e v‘ d . oe the h i b e t a c must c o k s tr o o b f t and we have just entered upon a course of certain cost and uncertain results. No such changes as aro now urged have ever in the world's history been without a struggle lasting through more than one generation of men. Whet has Government accomplished in the territories wrested from rebellion by the valour of the armies ? Has it pacified thorn ? Has it revived the arts of peace ? Has quiet and confidence been restored ? Is commerce renewed ? are they not held as they were conquered, at the expense of Northern blood and treasure ? Are not our armies wasted by holding under armed control those who, under a wise and generous policy, would have been friends? The spirit which prompts the harsh measure of subjugation has driven off many in the Border States, who, at the crisis of our country's fate, broke away from ancient sympathies with seceding states and clung to the Union. States which, by the elections of the people, ranging themselves upon the side of the constitution, are not allowed the free exercise of the elective franchise. In some quarters discontent has been increased ; and in no place has the wisdom of government gained us allies. There is but one course which can save us from national ruin. We must adhere to the solemn pledges made by our government at the outside of the war. We must seek to restore the trnion and to uphold the con stitution. To this end, while we put forth every exertio n of material power to beat down armed rebellion , we must use every influence of wise statesmanship to bring back the states which now reject their constitutional obligations. We must hold forth every honourable inducement to the peeple of the South to assume again the right and duties of Ameri can citizenship. We have reached that point in the progress of the war, for which all have struggled and all have put forth united exertions. Our armies and navies have won signal victo ries; they have done their part with courage and success. By the usage of the civilised world statesmanship must now exert its influence. If our cause fails in the judgment of the world it will be charged to the lack of wisdom in the Cabi net, and not to the want of bravery or patriotism in the army. The great object of victories is to bring back peace ; we can now with dignity and magnanimity proclaim to the world our wish that states which have long been identified with our history should reassume their positions in the Union. We now stand before the world a great and cue cessful military power. No one can foresee the latest vic tories or defeats which lie in our course if force, d an force alone, is to be exerted. The past has taught us the certain cost of war and the uncertainties of its results. In this contest belligerent rights are necessarily conceded to the South. The usages of international warfare are prac tised in the recognition of flags and the exchanges of pri soners. It is wise to put off the end of the war and thereby continue a recognition which tends to familiarise the public wind in our country and in the world at large with the idea that we are disunited into two distinct n ationalities? A needlessly protracted war becomes disunion. Wise statesmanship can now bring this war to a close, upon terms solemnly avowed at the o utset of the contest. G o od faith to the public creditors, t o all classes of citizens of our country, to the world, demands that this be done. The triumph won by the soldiers in the field should be followed up and secured by the peace -making policy thef statesmen in the cabinet. In no other way can we save The fearful struggle which has our Union: taught the North and the South the courage, the endurance, and the resources of our people, have made a basis of mutual respect, upon which a generous and magnanimous policy can build last ing relationships of union, intercourse, and fraternal regard. If our course is to be shaped by narrow and vindictive pas sions, by venal purposes, or by partisan objects, then a patriotic people have poured out their blood and treasure in vain, and the future is full of disaster and ruin. We should seek not the disorganisation but the pacification of that country devastated by civil war. In this hour of triumph appeals should bo made teat o states which are identified with the gr owth and gr ness of our country, and with some of which aro associated the patriotic memories of our revolutionary struggle. Every generous mind revolts at the thought of destroying all those memories that cling about the better days of the Republic ; that aro connected with the sacrifices of the men who have made our history glorious by their services in the cabinet, in tno forum, and in the field, The victories which have given our Government its pre sent commanding position were won by men who rallied around and fought beneath the folds of a flag whose stars represent each State in the Union. If wo strike out of existence a single State we make that flag a falsehood. When we extinguish the name of any one of the original 13 States we dishonour the historic stripes of our national o i no our thisp people rbloodyo2pi o l n e , and war,to h h b ann er. Let the treasonable task of defacing our flag b e l o ft to those who war upon our government, and who would ‘teat civilisedit was a s the worldno t d es troy the tinily of our country. Faith to our armies and to our citizens demands that we keep sacred or for solemn a w ge h d e n s s p i n le l a e g n e y engagedmaaspirite t of p SPIRIT OF TlMES.—There has been some talk lately in ini tiated circles of a Conservative reaction among the English Roman Catholics. Protestants in generie may not be aware of it, but the political tendencies of Catholicism are just now subjected to a strain in two opposite directions. While every true son of the Romish Church must desire to maintain her spiritual supremacy in Europe, and most believe this to be inseparably connected with her temporal power, every member of a religious minority natu rally adopts the liberal creed so far as to claim the u tmost freedom, both civil and political, for his own communion. Now, it so happens that these two objects are not likely to be promoted in this country by the same Government. The Liberal party carried Catholic Emancipation, and stands committed to the abolition of every vexatious dis ability ; but the Liberal party sympathises with the regeneration of Italy, and has little respect for the patrimony of St. Peter. The Conservative party is supposed to dread revolution more than Popery, and to regard the Papacy with much the same feelings as M. Guizot—that is, as a necessary keystone of the European States-system, and a valuable bul wark against religious anarchy. But then the Con servative party, as such, has always opposed any change in our Constitution, and especially those which threatened the privileges of the Church of England. Until those recent events described by Catholic preachers and writers as a revival of the persecutions which fell upon the early Church, no such dilemma was presented. The English Catho lics had most to hope from the Whigs at home, and the foreign policy of both parties was the same as far as the Pope was concerned —they had, therefore, no motive for inclining towards the Tories, That there should now be a movement of this kind is a proof either that there are no more grievances to be redressed, or that all minor considerations are merged in the paramount desire to save the Catholic hierarchy, and even the Catholic faith, from de struction. An influential organ of the Catholic body in this country emphatically opposes to each other " the petty interests of a few place-hunters" and " the political principles on the triumph or defeat of which the Church and civil society seem under God at this moment to depend." This is a sign of ;the times, and when an eminent member of the Catholic aristocracy addresses a large audi ence at Birmingham, comprising two titular Bishops and other Catholic leaders of the Midland district, we await with some curiosity the expression of his views on the present crisis. We regret to say that Lord Edward Howard failed to satisfy any such ex pectations. Nothing could be milder or more cha racteristic of the thoroughly " respectable" Catholi cism which he represents than the tone of his dis course. He speaks of Catholic struggles for liberty as " things which are gone by," is satisfied if he can " see the Catholic body not inferior to other bodies of men," disclaims any proselytizing schemes, re commends "the most perfect friendship and kind ness to those who do not agree with us," puts in a good word for education, and has nothing to com plain of, except that " there still prevails a good deal of feeling against the Catholic religion." Lord Edward even carries his moderation beyond this, and alludes with something like disapprobation to certain of his fellow-Catholics who " wish to see some other things accomplished." For himself, he desires no other advantage than that which was conceded in principle by the Prison Ministers Bill, free access for Roman Catholic clergymen to mem bers of their own Church in gaols, workhouses, and public institutions. Here he will find no reasonable Protestant to join issue with him. We all agree substantially that such establishments, whether penal or charitable, should not be made the battle field of rival creeds. The chaplain of the Estab lished Church should confine himself to paupers and criminals who nominally belong to the Church of Eugland; the rest should be visited by ministers or priests of their own faith. Hardly any one con tests this in theory; the only doubt felt was whether the priest shoald be invited to attend all Roman Catholics instead of being only permitted to attend such as might ask for him. We do not hesi tate to adopt Lord Edward's view of this matter, and to maintain that those who, being Roman Catholics, do not send for the priest voluntarily are probably the very persons who most need his warn ings and instructions. It would be absurd to exclude the most irreligious of Protestant prisoners from the benefit of the chaplain's visits, and it is equally absurd, in our opinion, to exclude the most hardened Roman Catholic prisoners from the minis trations of their own clergy. Lord Edward attributes the reluctance of this class to see a priest to" shamefacedness, " which is to the man's honour," and it may be that confession has terrors for the im penitent Roman Catholic which we cannot altogether understand. We should prefer, however, to treat it simply as an evidence of conscious and wilful depra vity—a state of mind over which religion has more influence than punishment. Unless, therefore, we are prepared to justify on our own part attempts to proselytise in these cases, priests should be ajmitted wherever there is a considerable number of Roman Catholics, and unless there had been an apprehen sion, not altogether groundless, of proselytising tendencies on their part, there would the have beer little difference of opinion about it amt._ county magistrates. It is a somewhat ungracioue task to draw from the fact of such sensible advice being offered to such an audience by such a person at sut'h a time and place the inference which it forcibly suggests to us. Had the spirit of Catholicism always been as rational, as tolerant, as charitable, es free front the temper of persecution and aggression as this, Protestant bigotry could have had no exist ence; but could the Church of Rome herself have existed till now side by side with Protestantism upon these conditions ? If it had appealed to reason and to conscience, if it had not claimed an undivided and indefeasible authority over the human mind, and backed its demand by the unsparing use of spiritual terrorism and secular coercion, can it be doubtful that the Papacy would have perished in its grand climacteric three centuries ago? It was not such amiable and enlightened sentiments as those of Lord Edward Howard that nerved the arm of the great Catholic monarchies against the Refor mation, inspired the Order of the Jesuits, rolled back the tide of religious emancipation from the Latinised countries of Europe, and postponed to our own days, if not to a more distant epoch, a catas trophe which must sooner or later shake Christen dom. We are not among those who look upon the connection between the temporal and spiritual power, and the consequent maintenance by the supreme and infallible Head of the Church of poli tical ideas inconsistent with modern civilisation, as absolutely essential to the Papacy. At the same time, we cannot disguise from ourselves that a weak ness in material resources, and even in moral repu tation, which was riot fatal to it in ages when faith was strong and freedom of thought unknown, might cause a rapid loss of allegiance among Catholics who live three generations after the French Revolution. At all events, it is this mis giving which appears in some degree to justify the hostility of Liberal as well as of Conservative Catholics to Italian nationality. In the visible triumph of wordly policy and revolutionary prin ciples over a Government against which, even its temporal capacity, they were taught to believe that the gates of Hell could not prevail, they fancy they read the handwriting on the wall, and tremble while they strive to erase it. HERALD.—In the contest between Federals and Confederates in North America, which has now been going on for three years, the grounds upon which the two parties base their hopes of success are very different, and, at first sight, seem unequally matched. The Southerners:express their confidence in the justice of their cause, in the bravery, the indomitable spirit, the perseverance of their people. At first sight, the hope of the North appeared to the world at large to be bettor founded. The superiority of numbers, of credit, of material resources, seemed to laugh to scorn the mere moral claims that were opposed to them. Most men are inclined to believe, with Napoleon, that God is generally on the side of the strongest battalions. There may seem, it is true, to be something atheistic in this view. But we stand in need of a few great precedents to per suade the world that might does not always make right. Until thus convinced it will persist in regarding probabilities in what it calls a practical light. History . to a certain extent is in favour of this method of judging osiiannecle t f h e rgebsu. have a F pv r eo e l e na d no o d m i nh m satsa a n y have European helan relsgisi history of a weaker nati on shriekedstoodn on modernwhen pre vailing against eG t e h fr e om r s ca t en r s o yt n thi g ute e r r w e o is ed s i n t p h ote u o he u gte sh t o t b h ffa o e lwra a na i src d teba o et f i et nncosweemt between eeieee nev er Power, Denmark favour. In m n w a considering h n o d s and diplomatists that a people of forty millions is precipitating itself upon a population smaller than that of London. It will be a refreshing fact in his tory ; it will do us all good, by proving the active agency of a Power which governs the universe and intervenes in mortal affairs, if we can have one great example to quote to modern scholars like that of ancient Greece, dead and forgotten—one instance, at least, in which the weaker has prevailed against the mightier, in which the race has not been granted to the swift nor the battle to the strong, because truth and justice 'nave been on the other side. We thank the brave people of the Confederate States for affording us a fair prospect of so noble an example. Their eight millions are wa ging equal fight with twenty. In front of Ri c hmond they have had their - Thermopylae, at Charleston their Salamis. The hope first nourished of their success has now ripened into a certainty. Their first three years of battle have been their time of trial—the fiery ordeal which was needed to make them a people. Every year that now passes will enable them to en- JOURNALS, trench themselves more s ecurel y , it adversaries. the confusion and mortificat ion of the no w a The long predicted conquest of late Ss , n ouch is here and d re am of the past. There may b o set o f the there in shop windows ce rtain MAPS of the ter- United States, in which a large portion , ping been ----... and add to the ritory of the Confederacy is claimed as h a inted as overrun by Northern armies, and i' e P r e ee' ''erl eral permanently added to the domains of c the ~, ration Union. It is true that the armies of the :-r eve Cow are dotted here and there over the parts 0 f ti 3 001 federate States which are nearest to the • I t r ta e re frontier ; but that the States overrun b Y t —ein far from being Unionist in feeling, thet the, 9 ,,oceta . tain, on the ceetrary, their own sepa.*ate , ' Rich• ment ; and their allegiance to the Cabinet el , ecl 11 mond, wherever it is poesible to do it, is Pt° Ketone the late meeting of the Lemislatures of Ali.-,ie f and North Carolina, and the ' firm and of the messages of their governors. The Star sea gress of Mississippi has been moved from ..'', e tte ral to Columbus, where it can meet in safety. i -` e o ple Clarke, the newly elected governor, tolls i lis ]: !tt that the army of Mississippi will r esist townte e it the and if the time should come when every M ,To will patriotic , Co . State has been slain, the women and ehildn rtb prefer c death to dishonour. The governor 0 1 ; fast :aeolina, Mr. Vance, has appointed a dsY of stel ing, humiliation, and prayer, that God 133 A r 1 pa , his hand, which has been heavy upon us. ~ speaks no words of peace or reconciliation.. sub. know at last precisely what We should get ey, ' Iro mission—abolition of slavery, confiscation 0 1 I t f es party, and territorial vassalage. These ere th e 7 1 , 6 is to win us back. With such a prospect before ott o our people will, as heretofore, come firoa)9 uP p t te at; full measure of their duty. They will not P i !' stop ; open shame the gallant shades of their 8011,4 by open short of full and complete national la 3 e a dnce." The State of North Carolina has f" 1 e ;Ola dance of supplies on hand for her troops ill ti ~ rali and for her people at home. There haVe be"' `acs, t. through the blockade large quantities of lt' en, medicines, machinery, sheet iron, till, b 101: 00 sheets, and clothing. In return, more 05 0 4 ; all bales of cotton have been sent to Liverpoois l. ' '' ti le safely say," writes Governor Vance, tll6,,,ttheil North Carolina troops will be corafortablY c L% so' to January, 1865, should God in his ofprovidene-tte long see fit to e fillet us with a continuance oted war." The states that have not been yet interior.aftli with incursions of Federal armies into thei r r eelit and h the destruction of their seats of g al° bur den ave been able to do more in sustaining tbeiblotth of c the o war than Mississippi, Tennessee, so u er eor of ar line. The message of the outgo' , g g h ° : T eost the state of Alabama is couched i a the f hopeful spirit. It recommends a prope.c 11-multi'', or the forces in the field, an extension of tb e L s o 01 law, and the maintenance at the public elf D-001 the families of soldiers. The account of the c "; ‘ , - lei) shows a balance to the credit of the state 6 :`, l ",lifirs• a sum than two and a half millions ot t r a " 00 6 Governor Bonham, of South Carolina, the f eill which first seceded, and whose flag of seees9jeflo tb e floats, to the admiration of the world, stf„,etir ruins of Sumter, recommends to his pe o P le . istil ing energy and perseverance." " A bitter s'',,,eets foe," he tells them, watches over all their rnoTe"-eople, prepared to take every advantage. d Ou r P oill ea however, have counted the cost and have deter overt upon independence or annihilation." The gr,eceels - the state of Georgia recommends to the ',Jo i ri ,; ture an extension of the Militia Law, 0 0 ,:"„ a 6 ' ; ',' elude all Georgians between the ages of . I .'' (1 -13 e orr In ajswer to s . late demand for 8,00 0 roe° beer s ,: replied by enroOng 18,000 new soldiers. bo ot t`' Cobb, at the head of these new troos , is,,,, t p l eelis t A ° reinforce the army co." Bragg at Dalton. r.'-'reie and Assembly of Georgj'a have solemnly r e d 00 1 ; the secession. of the state, end declared he r ,;e41301.i nation not to tire of the war till the acconifs,ielri'' of Confederate independence. "We c arill°t t's" 6 °I we would," said one of the represent 0-10'00 Georgia in the Confederate Senate ; ‘` the re ; • e tie. s, °( backwards. Yield to the Federal author:‘ 0e C o vassalage and subjugation ! The bleaching "„1,1 l e , fir 160,000 gallant soldiers slain in battle vi' ° ",,T I ' l ' up with tongues of fire to curse to evens re col: filmy the man that whispered—yield. 1 : e t bo e ' fi t mend these words to the consiaeration /. 1 tell 0 : tO . the Northern States and in England wil e e 11 0°' compromise, p p r e o o m pl is e e, o o f r t p h o e ac S o o ona uth are an ny nis.xious O r e COUNTRY MARICET S. mANcllEsTEE,Tatrilsos• , get v a At our market this morning there was about a_ iles t, 6 o f attendance, but not much inquiry for Eng Hall ash s .' sales could only Le effected by submitting to a re ace , c cl , e dif Foreirm sold slowly at about former rates. is per qr, which holders were not svilliiag eta 1,1 askeffor, but unchanged in rice Oats and am' slowly at late rates. Indian corn and beans steadii Flo ar_6est erable supply BURTON- ON-TRBNT--Ttrultsro* , WO , • &T eo do We had a tol met a fair sale at fully last ) weeks r a • tes The bus *0 4 3/ ing in other articles was ted , t ,}1• Old white wheat ..43s to 46s Old red who .• • to 31• New do. .. 42s to 45s New do. ' ' goo ° Mailing barley ....34s to:39s Oats ...... ..... 300 to Grinding d0.....28s to 32s Beans ...• • ' of k_;.nglish wheat to BRISTOL—Tnunsn oere The tone of our market to-da y was flat, allu id ologi 0 bet moderate supply of Englis h wheat, which ~., li B °' e fga ° to r' about the prices of th is day sennight. a 'oia atl ~E o almost without inquiry , and values nominal. ' oo; ol ley very dull. Grind in g sorts in good request? to less money. Oat s a dull trade, and fino (W' all ) way in price. Be ans and maize q uite as dear BIRMINGHAM—TnurtsnAa. tlewiote, There was a Jess show of wheat, with a "", 3 ,0 and prices in favour of the buyer. Other articl;e tt ° oo to —English wheat was sold at 40s to 46s for 3 0 0 4 to 428 per 36 stone for red. Barley, new 2 0 „p t rel ri 40s per qr ; grinding, 26s to 30s Oats, o' kc ; 4,lsY per 30 stone ' • Irish, 183 to 248 . i3eans, 400 Peas, 36s to 44s per 36 stone. ...------". 14. t'''''2 o ' scia l EDIN BURGH GRAIN --.y I ' .- , D NS, To. clay there was a pretty fair show aS' 01. la a ° slow sale, at about last week's prices. ee le i j 01 3 ' Wheat on the top 3s 6d down ...... ave r 3" Os J 2 or` ` • n' Barley on the top Os 6d down ....... a verag e 0 ' joo' l Oats on the top 9d down.. .... a verag e O Oil ,ftze 36. d Beans on the top Os 6d up ... .. ay e- - ,0 1101 Flour sells as follows :—Whites, 40a:•Oci ; ' superfine, 36s Od ; fine, 34s Od. Wheat 8ar1ey........1600 qrs . 985 qrs ...... Sold 1 1 41 (P r ; T . 0 . t . al Supply and Sales. 49 Il i !, Oats Beans 2942:qrs ........ SQ I 4 1 5 ' 1 (11 271 qr 5........ sal ......... S Ol4 14 4 S ' 1 g Foreign Mail Packet T3i514 MAILS .1.) CE• . ' b: P . Australia and Mauritius, via Southrtniptai .... , t e t) . 3 , via Marseillem •t .•' '' ;,f e brazil and Cape Verds, by British pa(- 3( 1. 4 7,..; , •' j i ,A111 ;' .1 . Cape of Good Hope, Asconsion, and St. '''' - " lej' ut°/ 1 e3l China) Fenang) and Singapore, via Sout,llol4- , J a n' via Maroilles " • n 4. .... ' ....PT T. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via so ......... • • ...... ywo, Southampton ............ °I I ' . India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, vi Southaigt P l'. 0' via blarseil'efs".. J 0 3 ' 1. India (Bombay), via Southampton ...... "::::.11 3. vial` arseilles ......... ~ .3 Portugal.... .......................... • ' 0 , Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via S ' o ............. •.• ''. Jai l ' 4, 7 ,' via Marseilles .. •• •' ' ‘ . ...taa . Newfoundland ........... 0. Oporto and Vigo ......................... k .....*:sitill. U. S. and British N. America, by U.S.. Pac-iftt'...... ~ 0 0' by 'U Pac'eoget,,J6b, 10' by Canadian P . ye. 0, B %l a r. h C a . m of as A , f v r i i a ca N , e D w la y de o ir r a k , ...... ................. ............ ....••••..3:01):.,,,,5,.: ....... ) pi _. , MeXiCO. . All parts of West Indies, including Chili' California. and British Columbia....". the COUNT A ------- Grur" clocole; brated German poet, who is about to break b i ll je 0 81.1 . e e n r COwith a poem in ballads, tho subject of 'Obi° ftditi th than our good old friend of Sherwood Forevt,,o. Hood, will precede that poem with an historical Vest' Births. rroc tor BEAUCHAMP.—On the 19th inst the If° ll ' l' al of WY ° Beauchamp, of a daughter. inst•, MACKAY.—On the 19th inst, at Blackbeatil, the Aeo L. D. B. Mackay, Esq., of ' a son. II / 40 3, NANGLE.—On the 20th inst. the wife of Captain co, D.A.SI,G., Woolwich, of a'dau,hter. bbei'd O'CONNELL.—On the 17th inst,. bat Parrynatle " I p Do " Kerry, the wife of Daniel inst ., E 0 , 1., - . son and heir. Marriages. 06' • g e e o• miLEs—BAx.—On the 20th inst , at Frielld6 of,:ter House, Winchmore-hill, Edward' Miles, itili/jl3o;',lle, Liverpool-street, city, E.C., to Catherine, th irt o , Si a ' of Thomas Bax, of Stoke Newington-conuliu ~0 , 1 1 vx. „ 4 4. t SWAN—CLAYTON.—Cn the 21st inst,, at St. Jo9cii`t;eolo.,,, cadilly, Robert Swan,The Close, of i v is log l ' Lucy, eldest daughter of N. Clayton, Esq., 0 ' Rouse, Lincoln. Deaths. vooodoef' BAnItOW,—On the 19th inst., at the Grange' 13c- 0. Mr. John Barrow, aged SS, , Job li 1 1'11 BURY. —On the 20th inst., at Exeter, the P-013' ail.' Juror;,, Bury, into Captain B .E., second son of t ile so-- , of Charleville, aged 36. CV' . -rt Pit lair J f EAtF.ICY.—On the 19th inst., at the Priory, Jllchreys Emery, Esq., of Burcott, near Wellingtat ''''' aged 60. t T' lti GATE.—On the 19th inst, at tho 'Vicarage, tb ° il.fl il .7 (1 , 3 0 Gale, vicar of Goodmershara, aged 76. t/S '-"- GowoiDn:SE'lliq.—., o.ll.t,haege2dot7h3i.nst., at Worcester, 0° 1 04 f-T rro' S, PoruAg.—On the 19th in at The Butts, A' s 0, Nary 11. Popham, aged 92. Is le odd'l'oft WEENIES.— On the 19th inst., at Douglas . r Commander W, Burt Weekes, R.N., Age u ' '7;3 the 18th inst., Grace, —_-`- wife of the above, age' ' , 1_,./ / ----------- ------- .10' - ANDO 'll9'; London: Prinzed and Put,lisized at til.l.lA-'--;,„,,, :0' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at VLF, Sn'S vo';,ooo‘7, Strand, in the Precinct of the 3avoy, I n tile kiiatlicEeX —Friday, January 22, .1861. 1 11 seRT Anita at pi it 1 4 n , I tor rthen t ,core A t ,, E ; .-,, ` °ll , 1( ni . 1( t( G. I , Lo 4 1 1 , "aTn, the . th §ii Yr iii P.til