The Sun. — London, England, 1838-03-08 00:00:00

remind the House that the original motion of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Leeds had been almost forgotten--forgotten till the Hon. Member opposite, without any coalition of course—taking him under his patronage, dragged Air• ward the original motion. As to hie. Noble Friend, Lord Glenelg, under whom he had had the honour of holding his present office for three years, he should feel it unworthy in him to follow the lion. Baronet through all his statements ill reference to that Noble Lord. The lion. Baronet's failure had been signal ; and, notwithstanding his conduct, which has been impugned by such formidable number; and not in very scrupulous terms, it was clear he could not catch the votes he had z-na ticipated, come they from what quarter they might. He should be ready to mci t the lion. Baronet or the Hon. Member opposite, or both, upon any specific charge against his. Noble Friend, whenever that charge might be brought forward. What h a d b een t h e case here? Feeling the weak ness of the case of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Leeds, it had been said that drafts of the two Bills had been sent to a gentleman connected with New South Walei, and that they had been taken up by a gentleman wholly unconnected with the colony. That had been tacked to the catalogue of the lion. Baronet's charges. He ( Sir G. Grey) utterly denied the truth of the assertion.— ( Cheers.) The statement may have been in the Morning Post, as he believed it was ; and had it rested merely with those channels of calumny, as they frequently were, he should have passed it over ; but when it was made by an Hon. Member in that House, he felt called upon to meet it with a flat denial. He should be prepared at any moment to show that every vreat improvement which h a d b e e n m a d e in th e co l ony o f Nw South Wales, both in reference to the in struction of its inhabitants, the discipline of the convicts, and in other respects, had been arranged since the period of 1831. He (Sir George Grey) now came to the direct question before the House. Honourable Gentlemen opposite had not expected that the Hon. Baronet (Sir W. M.) would have introduced in his speech only a passing allusion to Canada ; and it was some time before the Noble Lord ( Sandon) had courage to move his cut-and dry amendment, as to which the most cautious concealment had been observed ; it having been brought forward at twenty-four hours' notice.—( Hear, hear.) It was a most extraordinary proceeding for Gentlemen oppo site, who had agreed to support the policy of the Government with regard to Canada, to bring forward an amendment, tend ing to remove the Government, and to claim for themselves the exercise of their powers, with which the House had invested the present Ministers. It was not that Hon. Gentle man opposite had exercised such magnaminous forbearance —( Cries of " Hear, hear")—but the prospect of affairs was then so clouded, that they would have incurred a very heavy responsibility had they then opposed the measures of the Government ; though that would have been a manly course—(cheers)—but now, after having waited till Her Majesty's Government had been fully developed—after having themselves allowed those plans to be sanctioned by the House without even intimating their intention to call in question the policy of those plans, what was the course which had been forced upon the Right Hon. Baronet opposite—(Cheers) —for pending the discussion upon the Canada Bill, the Right Honourable Bart. had been invited to express his opinion upon that policy, and had declined to do so--(Tremendous cheers from the Ministerial benches, re-echoed from the Opposition) —now, perhaps, he was yielding to the pressure of the Right Hon. Member for Pembroke (Sir James Graham), who not having been in the House at the time the Canadian Bill was under discussion was anxious to express his opinions on the conduct of the Government.—( Cheers.) What was the object of the amend ment? Let the Radical Members recollect that it was directed against the conciliatory part of the Government measures—. It was not that the Government had adopted coercion, but conciliation. The Government had been charged with not having, in 1834, passed a Bill for repealing the 14th of Geo. I V., which would have been an infraction of the Canadian Constitution.--( Loud cheers. ) He charged the Noble Lord with inconsistency with respect to this part of the charge ; for when Sir George Murray allowed the golden opportunity to slip through his hands of settling the question by a measure of sound policy, his Noble Friend, who was then a Member of the Committee proposed to censure his conduct, and it was too bad that he should now come forward to accuse the Ministry of doing that which he censured Sir George Murray for not doing.—( Hear, hear, hear.) And now he would say a few words with respect to the Bill, from the abandonment of which the Noble Lord dated the commencement of the course of imbecility and weak ness with which he charged the Government. In the winter of 1834 the Government of the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) came into office. It had been made a matter of boast by the Tories, that during the five months which they remained in office, Lord Aberdeen gave the most careful consideration to the affairs of Canada, and a few days before he quitted office, signed those very in structions to Lord Amherst, the suggestions in which had been since acted on by the Government.—( Hear, hear.) Had these instructions been referred to he had no hesitation in declaring that there was recorded on the face of them, what he thought reflected the highest credit on Lord Aberdeen, namely, the fixed and deliberate opinion of that Nobleman that the course of policy proposed by the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire with respect to the Canadas, was a course that could not be pursued with advantage to the State.—(Hear, hear, and cheers from the Ministerial benches.) It was there stated by the Ministers of the Crown, that the only course which ought to be pursued, was a generous surrender of these revenues. That was the precise course adopted by the Government, and now he would leave the Right Hon. Baronet and the Noble Lord to settle between them their views of Colonial policy.--(" Hear, hear," an I laughter.) With re spect to the opinions of the Commissioners on this sub ject, he would just read an extract from the Report to show that they thought the repeal of this Act would be the most objectionable mode of meeting the difficulty.—(The Honourable Baronet here read the passage referred to.) The passages which he had read were the unanimous obser vations of the Commissioners, and he requested the atten tion of the House to the observations appended to the Report by Mr. Gibbs, to which he also called the atten tion of the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire. It was desirable before the House came to a vote on the main question, that it should know whet the Colonial policy was which was the subject of attack.—(Cheers.) Lord Gosford went out armed with power to remedy every existing griev ance, and be ( Sir G. Grey) was not aware that in any one instance until the late revolt broke out, that it had been charged against the Government of Lord Gosford, that he had shown any incapacity or was deficient in impartiality. The Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, had also made a ground of complaint, that, setting aside the recom mendation to which he attached so much importance, throwing in the fire the Report of the Commissioners—the Government had proposed resolutions which he designated a utterly valueless. He (Sir G. Grey) wor.dercd why the Noble Lord gave these resolutions la t year his stre nuous support.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Noble Lord also read an extract from a dispatch of Lord Gosford, which seemed to impute to Lord Glenelg the delay which had existed. He ( Sir G. G.) asked him at the time to read the next passage, because it was evident he knew nothing about it. The Noble Lord, on referring to the pas sage, found it stated that the delay had arisen from circum stances over which he had no control. He asked the House whether, in the exasperated state of the Colonies, it would have been possible to have completed a list of Councillors unobjectionable to all parties.-_(" Hear, hear," from all sides of the House.) With respect to the increase of the troops in the Provinces, all the charges made against the Government fo: want of precaution on that head were answered by the uni versal testimony of the majority of the Colonies—by that of Sir John Colborne, Lord Gosford and Sir Colin Campbell, that no additional troops were necessary to prevent revolt, or to suppress it should it break out. An Hoar. MENIIIF.k on the Tory Benches—You did not send the troops when you ought. Sir GEORGE GREY—Two regiments were sent out, and they arrived, before the insurrection had appeared, but it was not thought prudent to land them.—( Hear.) The Resolutions of the Mouse of Commons had been sent out, professing a wish to conciliate the provinces. If the troops had been landed, might not the House of Assembly say that the Imperial Legislature pretended to leave them a free judgment, and to offer peace, but in reality intended to establish a militeey es a : eponsm, and had sent out troops to overawe the Assembly, and intimidate the people?--( Cheers frrnn thelMinisterial benches.) So long as the Government could pursue in safety a concilia tory policy, they had done so,--( Cheers from the Minlete rialists,)—a.nd it had been asserted that her Majesty's present Government had been devoid of foresight, and des titute of activity.—(Cheers Roan the Tory benches.) But in every Colony, except Lower Canada, this policy had been happy, and attended with the most complete success. In New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and King Edward's Island, there had for several years, before Lord Glenelg became Se cretary, existed a controversy between the Colony and the Go vernment upon precisely the same grounds as that which had since arisen between the Government and Lower Canada. It was a controversy in which they were right, and the Government wreng, and he would go the length of admitting that they had not been fairly dealt with.— ( Hear, bear.) There was always something kept back, and distrust on th e part of the Government had engendered distrust in their minds. Such was the state of things when Lord Gleneig assumed the office of Colonial Minister. In the year 1(536, the first year of his Administration, a deputation bed come over from New Brunswick, who were particularly lenxious that a termination should be put to the harassing and vexatious delays that had occurred. Lord Glenelg having diligently applied himself to the subject, bay ing communicated with those gentlemen and with his Col leagues, and looked at the question is) all its bearings, adopted a settlement which was entirely satisfactory to them, by the concession of every demand which, after mature de liberation and consultation, he was of opinion they ought to have. These Gentlemen were not unreasonable—they waived all their unconstitutional demands and they returned to the colonies satisfied. He now came to the present position of the colony. The amendment of his Noble Friend the Member for Liverpool reverted to the state of the North American Co lonies collectively, and he had a right, therefore, to refer to it. In Oct., IS3ti, the deputation addressed a letter officially to Lord Glenelg in which they expressed their gratification at the highly satisfactory conclusion of the negociation with his Lordship, and that they would be ungrateful if they did not, on ship, and of the inhabitants or New Brunswick, ex press their sincere and hearty thanks for the parental solicitude and perait96ll49terest which his Majesty had taken in the im portattattri in which they were engaged. They also ex preesed Aisle g teful acknowledgments to his Majesty's Go versimint-kstadet for the liberal and enlightened policy they bad pureteed, ; t or ) [seed Glenelg in particular for the attention end contideratitee hick his Lordship had invariably bestowed el . - .7„ - B SUN, LONDON, THUIIgDAY, MARC upon their solieltationa.—s-(isonsi clieeis.) With regaid to that questiclis he *ossisl obss'srve; that for a Innglieribil pieksi- I tsuely s its settlement had been, in vain sun& from, those ab!'s men, endued with so much 'foiTill'onglak, who had for years held the reins of OoVerninent.—( Renewed cheering ) In Decerribe , .. , 136 a resolution passed the House of Assem i s ly 4 New Brunswick, which he would take the liberty of reading, and he hoped the Noble Lord eppesite, when he as sumed that office svotdd peoduee equally satisfactory testimo nials of hie eetainct in the discharge of his duties.— t; Hear, hear, and cheers.) The resolutions which were unanimously passed stated that the House entertained a high sense of the attention shown by the Right Honourable Lord Glenelg, her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, to the deputation during the progress of the nego elation which was carried on by them on the subject of their mission ; that the despatches of Lord Glenelg, containing the determination of the Government, with respect to the various important matters brought under its consideration, had afforded the House the most entire satisfaction, and that these views should be carried into comPetle effect ; that the House entertained a deep sense of the high obligation they owed fur the promptness_ with ell'ea the representations had obtained redress by the satisfactory settle ment of their claims, and that a Select Committee be ap pointed by the House to have such their sentiments expressed. The Noble Lord did not, when these resolutions were trans mitted to him, make public the congratulations and compti ments that had been paid him for the adjustment of differences which other Secretaries of State bad left him to arrange. This was no hasty ebullition of feeling, for the same had been entertained towards Lord Glenelg for a long period. The resolutions•he was about to read were passed in July, 1837, at a subsequent session of the Assembly, after all the disputes between the Executive Government had been settled, and time had been afforded to examine the instructions of Lord Glenelg.—[ Here the Hon. Bart. read the resolution of the House of Assembly, returning thanks to Lord Glenelg, and trusting that he would allow a full-length portrait of himself to be taken to be placed in the Assembly-room, for the expense of which they would make provision. The reading of this resolution caused considerable laughter in the House.] Ile could not but congratulate the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool, and the Hon. Baronet the Member for Leeds, on the probability that when the news of the course they had adopted arrived in Canada, that a resolution would be passed that their portraits should be substituted for that of Lord Glenelg.—( Great cheering and laughter.) The House of Assembly would doubtless wish to have the likeness of the Hon. Baronet, the Member for Leeds, in the position in which lie exhibited himself on the floor of the House last night. With respect to the question about Canada, he thought he had said sufficient to the House. As to defending Lord Glenelg, from the attacks of the Hon. Baronet (the Member for Leeds), he thought it quite unnecessary to do so, as he was sure those attacks would fall harmless in that House. He would now, however, advert to what was the real purport of the motion. There could be no doubt that it was intended to imply the censure of the House upon the Govern ment for the course they had adopted with respect to Canada. The motion was to be treated as one of want of con fidence of that House in the Government. If that was what was now intended, he (Sir George Grey) felt bound to state that it ought to have been brought forward in a bold and manly manner.—(Great cheering.) He could not but think that the Hon. Members on the other side of the House had not placed themselves in a very enviable posi tion. If they wished to quarrel with the policy of the Go vernment, why did they not at once bring forward a me- , tion, having that object plainly in view ?—( Hear, bear.) It was not a Parliamentary course. He did not blame them for adopting the course they had, because he rejoiced when he saw his political opponents exhibiting themselves in what he conceived to be a false position, when having opposed any measure of domestic policy that had been brought forward by the Government, and supported by the unanimous voice of the Ministerial side of the House, and having al most invariably, for it bad placed him ( Sir G. Grey) in an unpleasant predicament, and rendered him subject to suspicion, of which his conscience acquitted him—having received the support of Gentlemen opposite on every question relating to their Colonial policy—( Tremendous cheering)—he thought it was rather unfair, and not very discreet, although they had more discretion than valour—( Loud cheers)— to rescue the Government from the administration of the domestic affairs, not because they differed from their Colonial policy—for they had approved of it—but because they wished to see the Government in other hands. If the Right Honourable Baronet should be called on to form a Government, the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, would, no doubt, be a Minister of State.—( Hear, and a laugh.) In what office was he to be placed ?—( Renewed laughter.) He thought the House had a right to know before they came to a vote, in what office the Noble Lord was to be placed.— ( Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition, and cheers from the Ministerial benches.) It might seem to be an unreasonable question, but he would ask whether the superintendence of the affairs of Ireland were to be committed to him ?—( Cheers.) He would ask whether they would trust to the moderation and quiet temper of the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, the delicate task of nego elating with the Government of the United States?—( Cheers.) If they were not willing to place him in either of those situa tions, he supposed the Noble Lerd would come back to the Colonial Department, where he ( Sir G. G.) could testify to the Noble Lord's energies, but not to the result of those energies. lie (Sir G. G.) believed that if the Honourable Baronet's motion were:carried :in that House it would not have the sanction of public opinion without these walls, and that of the Government which would then succeed the pre sent Ministry the Right Honourable Baronet ( Sir Robert Peel) might be the head, but the Noble Lord (Stanley) would be the presiding and pervading genius. The Hon. Bart. sat down amidst loud cheers and counter-cheers, which lasted for several minutes. Mr. PRA ED explained that with regard to the draft of the Bill affecting New South Wales, his statement had been correct except in this—that the draft had not yet been returned by the Colonial Government. Sir G. GREY said a few words in explanation, which were inaudible. Lord SANDON explained that he had not said that all the Colonies, except Lower Canada, were inn perfectly settled condition, but that except that colony there was none which answered the description of the Hon. Baronet, Sir Molesworth's, motion as being in a peculiar and critical state. Mr. GL AD STONE then rose and commenced by ob serving that his Hon. Friend, Sir G. Grey, who had just sat down had travelled very far from the question before the House. He had appealed to those general principles of party which were always sufficient to raise a party feeling in that House and which were ever found a most convenient cove, for defective reasoning —( Loud Opposition cheers.) His Hon. Friend had indeed made a triumphant case out, in regard to New South Wales, which had not been inquired into, and which had only been incidentally referred to ; but he (Mr. G.) begged leave to recal the attention of the House to the amendment of his Noble Friend, as to which impartial minds he thought must come to a very different conclusion from that which his Honourable Friend had contended for. —( Oppositi©n cheers.) Now, various remarks had been made as to the compulsion under which the amend ment had been brought forward, but that compulsion had been nothing more than the misconduct of the Go vernment.—(Cries of " Oh, oh 1" from the Ministerial Members, and loud cheers from the Opposition.) A great deal had been said as to the time at which this amend ment had been brought forward, but no point respect ing it was less objectionable then that ; for if it had been brought forward while rebellion was raging in Canada, it would have been said that they had been regardless of the un fortunate condition of the colony—that they had been endea vouring to take advantage of the public confusion, reck less of hum in life. —( Cheers from the Opposition benches. ) And loud as had been the cheers which supported his Hon. Friend in his denunciations of to-night, they would have been still louder if he had been able to impress this upon the House. His Hon. Friend had designated this as an Oppcsition peteerful in numbers and not very scrupulous in means. _ ( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches, re-echoed by ironical cheers from the Opposition.) If they had been less scrupulous, their numbers would perhaps have been greater. ( Cheers from the Opposition.) He admitted that it would have been unfair and dishonourable conduct if, impressed with the necessity of maintaining the authority of the CreWtl in Lower Canada, they had allied themselves with the Honourable Baronet the Mem ber for Leeds, because they were both agreed so far as the mere terms of his motion were concerned. lie re peated that it would have been dishenourable conduct if they had adopted that course; but if they had, would it have been without precedent ?—( Hear, bear, bea r , f rom the Op position ben c h es .) I t would have found an exact and faithful analogy in the conduct of the Noble Lord and Right flon. Gentlemen in the adoption of those measures to the achievement of which they owed tho possession of their offices.—( Cheers.) He did not deal in vain charges that would not bear an analysis. Let them substitute the Irish Church for Canada.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") There were two parties on the opposite side of the House, who avowedly differed in their views with respect to the Irish Church. Those Gentlemen who sat on the Treasury bench assumed to be friends to the Irish Church, and there were others who avowed themselves decidedly hostile to its inte. rests. What did they do? They framed a resolution, stu diously worded, carefully avoiding any thing which was likely to create a difference, and declaring no determination to make permanent provision for the Clergy. Had the Govern ment done so they could not have preserved their offices. Now this bore strict analogy to the conduct of the Opposition, with respect to the Hon. Baronet, the Member for Leeds. They both concurred in disapproving of the conduct of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies and his colleagues, but if they had put that disapproval in terms common to both, what would have been the consequences ? He would now proceed to state, as shortly as he could, the grounds upon which he intended to rest the vote which he intended to give that Right. The amendment of his Noble Friend accused the Government of irresolution and delay. The first part of the con duct of Government to which he should address himself was the annulling of the appointment of Lord Am herst and the appointment of a Commission. It was said that Lord Amherst was sent out fot the purpose of inquiry ; but such was not the fact. Ile was sent out with the view of effecting some definitive arrangement, the answer to which was to terminate his mission. Ile was sent out to put matters in a train for final settlement. No reason had as yet been given why the suggestions of Lord Amherst, or the advice of Lord Aberdeen, had not been acted upon. The Commission, after a lapse of two years, had left them as much in the dark as they had been before, and the colonists had been thrown into a state of exasperation and excitement, arising from disappointed hope. But he complained further of that Commission. He complained not only of its effects and manifest impolicy, but • b.eauseit *Fil obviot ply pos;`serftilly to aervy j the mrty interests of iqe gentlemen opposite. He seispeeted the Cnancellor of the Exchequer, now that the settlement which he recommended of the affairs of Canada, that he be lieved that if his plan had been acted upon it would have been found very much calculated to dissolve that compact and alliance which had been so recently formed by the Gentlemen on the other side of the House. But his Honourable Friend had said he thought it an unfair and un. parliamentary course, to propose a vote of censure on the policy of the Ministers, after they (the Gentlemen proposing that vote of censure) had adopted that policy.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He wondered what his lion. iend could mean by their adopting that line of policy.—( Hear, hear.) They concurred in an address to her Majesty to put down the revolt which had occurred. They concurred in a temporary provi sion for the settlement of the affairs of the Government of Canada ; but did they concur in the Bill as first pro posed to the House ?—( Hear)—or did the Government concur in it as it was subsequently proposed to them. There never was a measure more essentially changed than that Bill was when it left the House.—( Hear, hear.) But his lion. Friend spoke of adopting their policy, as if they had settled the ques tion. Why what had they gained? They had gained a post ponement of the difficulties which still surrounded the Cana -1 dian affairs, and which still stared them in the face. But Ministers were so accustomed to deal with temporizing mea sures, that even the acute mind of his Noble Friend had lost the distinction between settlement and procrastination. He therefore charged the Government with the institution of a Commission of Inquiry calculated to re-open the whole question, and to interpose great and unnecessary delay, in stead of proceeding to act at a time when the question was ripe for settlement.—( Hear, hear.) Two years were disposed of with that measure. Then they came to tae resolutions of 1837. They were introduced in the early part of the month of March, and an impartial observer might inquire how it was that those resolutions failed in being realized into any active measure until July following. How was it he also wished to know that seven weeks more were allowed to pass without the introduction of a Bill, which might have been introduced in a seventh part of the time for the settle ment of the affairs of Canada. There were two circum stances connected with Canada which they had the deepest reason to deplore—the one the suspension of the Constitu tion, the other the rebellion which had taken place.—( Hear, hear.) He argued that neither of those circumstances ought to have occurred had the Government been faithful. The suspension of the Cons!itution ought not to have taken place, if the Government had only chosen to act on the advice of their own Commissioners. The Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke last night had said, in the Commission to which'he would almost say he had the misfortune to belong, he did at different times wish for the adoption of more decisive measures, and that he had called for them, but he did not think that the conduct of Ministers had made much difference with respect to such circumstances. He wanted to know what estimate the Right Honourable Gentleman formed of Constitutional rights ? He held in his hand a pamphlet which he did the Right honour able Gentleman no injustice in ascribing to him. Ile said the suspension of the resolutions was calculated to produce a great deal of embarrassment—that was on the 10th of April, yet between that time and the 13th ofJune, no le gislative measure was introduced. His Hon. Friend took occasion to accuse the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire of precipitancy and rashness, in the measures he had taken on Colonial subjects. The Noble Lord recommended last session that the Act of 1831 should be repealed. He ( Mr. Glad ston) defied the ingenuity of Honourable Gentlemen opposite to show that if that Act had been repealed the necessity for suspending the Constitution could have arisen, and that so far from his interfering with popular pri vileges it was the vacillation of lion. Gentlemen opposite, which they shrouded in the terms conciliation and concession, which had produced effects corresponding with their charac ter. So much for the suspension of the Constitution. He would now take up the point of the rebellion in Ca nada.—( Hear, hear.) It appeared to him to be clearly demonstrable, that that rebellion would never have occurred if ordinary fidelity and diligence had been used by the Executive Government of that province.—(Cheers.) He did not pronounce any opinion as to how far Lord Gosford was to blame, for his position was a most critical one. On the 6th of October Lord Glenclg said he would take an early opportunity of addressing him more par ticularly on the affairs of the province. The resolu tions had then been passed for months, and Parliament was not sitting, yet, he postponed, procrastinated, giving the directions which were necessary.—( Hear, hear.) How did he realize the promise? Why, there was but one more letter contained in this correspondence until the 18th of No vember, which was the letter accepting Lord Gosford's re tirement—( Cheers)—so that he had to steer through these difficulties almost without advice and direction. What were the facts disclosed in the dispatches ? That throughout the laws were set at nought, and illegal practices pursued, and that with out any notice having been taken. And they were iedebted to the letter of Sir John Colborne for the observation of these prac tices. So early as the first of October a meeting was held in the County of the Two Mountains, where it was resolved to elect Justices of the Peace, and that the discharge of their duty should be compulsory. Were not these illegal and treasonable practices ?—( Hcar, hear, hear.) There was not a man on the Benches opposite who had ven tured, in the whole course of the discussion, to r.ccompany them (the Opposition) point by point through the correspondence that had been laid on the table. He would now say one word with reference to a term introduced in the amendment of his Noble Friend—the want of foresight—and there was remarkable proof of it in the fact of Lord Gosford's stet ng on the 13th of October, that he felt confident in the great bulk of the population, and yet on the 6th of November, he said in many parts of the district of Montreal, a large por tion of the population were in such a state, that it was difficult to say what might occur. This letter was dated on the very day of the riots at Montreal. He appre hen led the first duty of the Executive Government teas to maintain the authority of the law, and the security of property and life. There was no excuse that could be advanced to find a justification for having neglected that object.— ( Hear, hear.) He knew that there were peculiar circum stances in which a Governor might be aware of treasonable practices, and yet not have it in his power to check them. If there were no overt acts there would be much difficulty in bring . ng the parties to justice. But here there had been proof of drilling being practi ed every Sunday, contrary to the law —( Tory cheers.) He gave the Government the choice of the dile.nma—if Lord Gosford had sufficient force, why were not those manifestations suppressed ?—( Tory cheers.) If he had not sufficient force, why was he left without the necessary reinforcement ?—(Renewed cheers from the Tory Benches ) There had concurred many circumstances to prevent all the mischief which might have followed from the course adopted by the Government, but the foresight of the Noble Lord a: the head of the Colonial-office was not one of those.— ( Cheers.) The victory had been gained, but at the expence of much bloodshed with it, which it was the duty of the Go vernor to have prevented. Under all the views which he could take of the case, he was bound to vote for the amend ment of his Noble Friend ; and if that amendment were not carried, there would be no degree of misgovernment which a Ministry might not commit, and that ministerial responsibility which was one of the greatest boasts of our Constitution, and to which so much importance was attached, would be but a name. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER r ose amidst reiterated cheeri ng , an d at t h e commencemen t of his address he was heard with very great difficulty, on account of the mur mur of whisper s an d l aug h ter w hi c h prevailed in the galleries, especially on the Tory side. He said, with respect to the question of Canada he would be sati,fied to leave that to be decided by the two last speeches--( Great cheering from the Opposition benches, responded to by the other side)—ho meant the speeches which had been so much cheered by the other side.—( Ministerial cheers.) No gentleman who attended to those speeches, could be un awa r e of that pulley wh i ch Hon. Gentlemen opposite were so eager to impugn. Hon. Gentlemen opposite had said that the Government had been too forbearing and too reluctant to meet force by force.— (Cri, sof " No" from the Tory side, responded to by cheers.) Whatever might be the differences between him and his Noble Friend opposite (as we understood, Lord Stanley), lie would say, that not a word of asperity dropped from his Noble Friend's lips in the course of his address. —( Laughter, and ironical cheers from the Tory Benches.) The Noble Lord never used a word of asperity, whilst he indulged in that free and in dependent expression of opinion to which his title and his station gave him the fullest ri g ht, and he was sure that the Noble Lord w as i ncapa bl e of introducing into his official con duct, any thing that would give needless pain to those whom office placed under his control.—(Che-rs ) It was his (the Chancellor of the Exche q ue r ' s ) painful duty, now to advert to the speech itself, —( Ironical c h eers pro l on g e d f rom the T ory benches.) The Ge itlemen opposite who now cheered him had showed an unwillingness to interfere with the charge when it was made against the Ministers. Why wou ld t h ey not listen to the defence ?—( Ministerial cheers.) It had been said of a great Statesman, that in his whole political career, he had never lost a friend, and (as we understood) the aphorism was equally applicable to his Noble Friend opposite.— ( Renewed cheers.) In 1834 his Noble Friend had an oppor tunity of preventing those charges from being made. With respect to the speech of his N o bl e F r i en d , t h ere could be but one feeling of admiration and respect for the talents which the Noble Lord had displayed. His Noble Friend would also have the sati s f ac ti on o f t hi n ki ng that in the discharge of his duty he had not added to the party excitement —on the contrary, that he had attacked those who were personally connected with him, and that even those who differed from him were conciliat e d by his conduct. He would now turn to the distinct charge that had been brought against his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies. The Noble Lord opposite, in attempt in. to prove that which it was not necessary for his purposes to prove—for it was conceded by the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs—he meant the identity of feeling, and interests, and duty by which the charge affected the whole Cabinet—the Noble Lord endeavoured to make out his case by stating that this mal-administration had taken place after the period of his cesession from office.— ( Cries of " Hear, bear," followed by cries of " No, no.") Then the Noble Lord had not expressed himself with his usual accuracy. He unders: ood the Noble Lord to have stated that the difficulties in Canada had arisen after the present Chancellor of the E ec h b :ouer had become Colonial Secretary. Such was the statement oi° the Noble Lord, and he would follow up the statement, and prove to the demonstration of the Noble Lord that in selecting him (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) for his first victim-- (Laughter from the Opposition benches)—he (th e Ch ancel l or of the Exchequer) was surprised at it, but he was not unpre pared for it, knowing how long they were on habits of personal intimacy.—( Vehement cheering from the Ministerial benches. ) On a former occasion he had been the individual —the subject of attack ; but then he was personally responsible for the 11 8, ISIS • , • course lie was ,takidg.. He did not object to the Noble I LS 4 id's Coiirgii then I but the present occasion the Noble lord h a d s t a t e d, " the Cornideriee'rnr;nt Of these I troubles the Right lion. Gentleman opposite is responslb.e; and this course of vaccillation and timidity began on the occa sion of the intercourse between the Right Hon. Gentleman and the deputation from Canada." Upon that he had rested. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would state what did occur, lie had bees charged by others, but it became more serious when the charge wat made by the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord, although not embarking in the sante beat with Mr. Roebuck, stated, that although the Chancellor of the Exchequer was to blame, it teas not upon the grounds stated by Mr. Roebuck ; his complaint was that they did not express themselves with sufficient distinctness, and he al lowed the deputation to leave him without stating his opinion on the subject of the Elective Council. He would leave the House to decide upon the matter. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had accepted office but a few days antecedent to his entrance into that Committee. If, indeed, he had the happy knack of leading to immediate conclusions which the Noble Lord had—if he had the same confidence in his own decisions which the Noble Lord had—he might have had the presumption, after a fortnight's possession of office, to be able to turn round to those Gentlemen and say to them that the question of the Elective Council was finally decided. What ever he might have gained by such a course in the opinion of the Noble Lord, he would have lost in the estimation of every man of common sense.—(Cheers.) What bad he stated to those Gentlemen and the House? That lie had but just received his appointment, and that it was impossible to make up his mind and form a just conclusion, and that, with out deliberation, he could give no opinion. Then, he said, that his Noble Friend had deliberated, and at the end of five months( for that was his,the Chancellor of the Exchequer's inter val) of office as Secretary of State. The Noble Lord had then endeavoured to obtain the cheers of Hon. Members on the op posite side, by drawing a contrast between his own generosity of feeling and his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) re luctance to form an opinion.--(Cries of " Hear!") The Noble Lord could not forget that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had left them all his dispatches and papers, and he had even made them a present of his Private Secretary —that he had entrusted to him all his private letters re lating to the affairs of Canada. It was perfectly true that the Noble Lord and himself had differed upon one point, but on every other, at that moment, he did believe completely and entirely that there was no difference of opinion between them.—( Much cheering.) He could not believe it pea.. sible that, at a time when he pretended to express entire accordance upon every subject except one, that such was the Noble Lord's opinion. He had felt that confidedce in the Noble Lord that there was not a paper which be had not sent him by the quickest post, and laid it before him with the entire correspondence —( Hear. ) If lie had been ever so familiar with the Noble Lord, he could not, if the Noble Lord had succeded him in office have left that dispatch, and the reason for his saying that was that it had never been submitted to the Cabinet. The course he took on leaving . , office, was upon delivering the seals of office to his Sovereign, he stated to his Majesty that there was no paper or communication with respect to the business of the office he had filled that he was not prepared if his Majesty com manded it, to stab:nit either to the Duke of Wellington, or to the Earl of Aberdeen, if it was his Majesty's pleasure that he should do so. He had not been asked to make any such disclosure, and he had not done so. The Gentlemen who had interrupted him with laughter, if they were to be the new supporters of another adminstration, they should reflect upon what was the rule of conduct with respect to public men. Cheers.) The Noble Lord had said that the dispatch had not been sent. Now, a little delay in a dispatch was not always a bad thing, and he thought that that statement was boree out in the present instance. He thought that if the dispatch had not been suspended or not written, it would have been as well for the affairs of Canada. The Noble Lord in the dispatch, feeling that the subject pressed so hardly on the Canadian Assembly, had endeavoured to give it the go-bye. That dis patch there could be no doubt was the parent of the resolution of I 792. The Noble Lord last night in reference to the affairs of Canada, and while addressing himself to a sub ject which related to a community of four or five hundred thousand souls, had used phrases which might be considered unworthy of a British gentleman. In talking of a whole nation, he exhibited such a total want of prudence, that the unkindness of the attack towards him (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was absorbed in the impolicy of that attack.—( Cheers.) The present advisers of her Majesty were charged with not knowing their own minds ; because a Colonial Minister did not know his own mind, the Govern ment of which he was a Member was to be dismissed, and those who had brought the charge forward were to succeed them. Ile (the Chancellor of the Excheqner) certainly did not leave the dispatch in the Colonial Office. The Noble Lord had done so. Now he wished to see whether the charge which had been made against the present Government, did not, in fact, belong to the Government of the Noble Lord. That Noble Lord, when he came to the Colonial-office, undertook and matured a most important question, namely, the Abolition of Slavery. The Noble Lord had talked about stedfast intention on the part of a Colonial Minister. Now that Noble Lord, when Secretary for the Colonies, had come down to that House, and proposed a settlement of the Slavery question by a loan of 15,000,0001., and in a very short time, notwithstanding all that he said about atcdfastness of intention, he turned round and changed his intention from 15,000,0001. by way of loan, to 20,000,0001. by way of gift.—(Great cheering.) He did not say the Noble Lord was wrong ; on the contrary, he admitted the Noble Lord was right--( Hear, hear)—but he had only mentioned this to show the steadfastness of intention of the Noble Lord. Then, again, want of firm ness was a charge made against the Government. What would be said, when it was considered that the framer of the Act for the Emancipation of the Negroes, allowing that Act in the way of payment of compensation upon adequate and satisfactory legislation in the Colonies, that the Noble Lord signed a dis patch at once declaring an Act adequate and satisfactory, and yet requiring supplemental Acts to make it so.—( Cheers.) No doubt they would have that discussed hereafter.—( Hear, from Lord Stanley.) When the Noble Lord could answer, every facility would be given to him to make a full and sufficient answer. He knew that he had the power of giving a very severe punishment after his own fashion —he knew that his habits of ancient friendship would not allow him to refuse it.--( Cheering from the Ministerial, and cries of " Oh, oh !" from the Opposition side.) He asked the Noble Lord— he asked the House, and lie asked the public with confidence, if the Noble Lord knew his conduct—and he knew the whole of it—had been objectionable on this subject before, when he stated it not in his presence—( Hear, hear, hear)—when he stated not by the Noble Lord's side but in the Noble Lord's defence—(Cheers)—when he had stated the whole of the intercourse—why did the Noble Lord three years ago sit still without saying a word upon it ? And if the Noble Lord was silent then, wheia lie (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) defended him against unjust attack, but at the same time stating every fact that had now been brought against him—in the name of common justice he might say—indepen dently of all personal attachment—what right had the Noble Lord to come forward now, after three years silence, with his catalogue of charges by alluding to this subject? —( Cheers.) There was not a word he had communicated to them that he would not be ready to repeat and justify.- -( Cheers.) He begged pardon for having been diverted from the subject before the House. However, as the Noble Lord had come forward on the present occasion, he had felt it to be his duty to vindicate himself, and to show the Noble Lord, that, however ready he might be to bring forward these charg es , t h ere was, notwithstanding there might be a kindly feeling existing, there was a spirit of manly determination which made it a man's duty, as it was his interest, to notice those charges.—( Cheering.) The proposition involved in the present motion was the proposition of a change of Government, and yet the Hon. Member for Newark taunted them with having joined issue. It was said by an llonourable Member opposite, that had it not been for the motion of the Hon. Member for Leeds, the motion on their side of the House would never hive been brought forward. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) believed it would never have been brought forward had it not been for the last two divisions that had taken place in that House. He believed the late divisions on which, whether by good or bad fortune, Gentlemen opposite had found themselves to be in a majority, was the great cause of this motion. He congratulated the House on the result of the two divisions, if those two divisions had been the cause of the present motion ; lie congratulated them on the constitutional principal involved. It was then a fair struggle after all. There was a struggle for political power, which he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) rejoiced had come—(Tremend ous cheers from both sides of the House)—and which lie thought was a struggle worthy of engaging in.—( Cheers.) Now, as to the defeats which the Government it was said had sustained, and which were totally to discourage and dispirit it, how ma ny defeats had the Tory Government? not of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, who in the face of several defeats in su ch a brilliant career had struggled against an opposing ma jority ; but in the " high and palmy" days of Toryism under Lord Liverpool, when the Government were defeated on the Queen's trial—( Oh, oh, from the Opposition)—on the Property-tax—on the Postmaster General's question—on the Lord of the Admiralty question —on the reduction of the e xpenditure—on Sir J. Mackintosh's proposition for the amendment of the Criminal Law : yet they remained in office Let not Hon. Members opposite: cheer too early, on the faith of the one defeat which the present Government had lately sustained—of which by this time the House was heartily sorry. One word as to her Majesty's Ministers. The Hon. Baronet the Member for Leeds, at the election in July, had teld his constituents that h e wou ld support t h e Government, which had entitled itself to the gratitude of the country for the Municipal Bill, the Tithe ( English) Bill, the reduction of the Newspaper Stamp Duty, the Registration of Births and Marriages Bill, and other measures. Yet the Hon. Baronet now came forward with a motion, the effect of which would be to oust this Government.—( Hear, hear.) It would be said indeed that he had an ulterior policy, and on that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would say a word or two. The lion. Baronet, by joining with the Tories, would turn out the Government by a vote of want of confidence ; and then joining with the Whigs, turn out, by a similar vote, this Tory Government which would follow. So that the only con solation would be, that, like the Cyclops, they would be half killed.—( Laughter, and cheers.) The formation of a Go vernment, from the party of which the Honourable Baronet was the head, and from Honourable Gentlemen opposite would be a task of such easy accomplishment, and this the nes qeronet would find when the office of Prime Minister Hon. e._ endered to his acceptance.—(H ear , hear, and would be le re- was, how ever , another arty 'whose laughter.) Tn'. 'Ws, be deemed prudent to consult in wishes it might, pet the people of E ng l an d. The the matter, and that was it that an administration Hon. Baronet might depend on based on the principles avowed by the k•- art to which be be• • longed would not tripe) , their confidence. He believed that the Government represented the opinions of what was called the liberal or moderate party. If it was admitted that the present Oniernment represented the opinions of the lot classes, it was quite clear !tie Eluch a Government as he had described could not be of long duraticriL lf; on the contrary, Gentlemen op posite represented, as they asserted, the opinions of the coun try, they did not need the aid of the Hon. Baronet or his friends to get into office. The Right lion. Gentleman tbee. eluded by again thanking the House for the attention with which they bad listened to him. Lord STANLEY wished to say a few words in expla nation. The Right Honourable Gentleman was mis taken in supposing that he ( Lord Stanley) had ever asserted that with h's Administration commenced the diffi culties of Canada. On the contrary, he distinctly stated, ill answer to what had fallen from the Noble Lord opposite,. that the difficulties and embarrassments of Canada herd been of much longer standing, but that the hesitation and uncer tainty as to the course of policy Government should pursue, had commenced with the Administration of Colonial affairs by the Right lion. Gentleman.—( Hear, hear, from the Oppo sition Benches.) He had stated that Mr. Roebuck, the Representative of the House of Assembly, had been led into' this mistake by a personal interview which he had with the Right Hon. Gentleman. He had distinctly vindicated the Right Honourable Gentleman against the charges brought against him by Mr. Roebuck of unconstitutional interference. in the affairs of Canada, and this he had endeavoured to convey in terms as little reflecting on the public character of the Right Honourable Gentleman as he could possibly use. He regretted that what he had said had made so deep and bitter an impression on the mind of the Right Honourable Gentleman. He would not comment on the terms in which he had alluded to what had fallen from him, but—(the remainder of the sentence was drowned by loud cries of " Spoke" from the Ministerial benches.) He hoped that in two or three days, on more calm reflection, and after looking to the terms in which the charge was conveyed, the Right Hon. Gentleman would see that the words which he had used did not bear the construction which he had put upon them.—( Cries of " Spoke, spoke.") He should sincerely rejoice if, upon reflection, the Right Hon. Gentleman should see—( Renewed cries of " Spoke," from the Ministerial benches, followed by cries of " Order" and " Chair" from the Opposition.) The SPEAKER was sure that Hon. Members must per ceive from the tone of the Noble Lord that he had no inten tion of exceeding the limits of the rule, and that his only desire was to satisfy the mind of the Right Hon. Gentleman, with respect to a mistake into which he said he had fallen. Lord STANLEY was about to say that on the further consideration of what had passed, and on cool reflection, the Right Hon. Gentleman would give wider scope to those feel ings of kindliness which the excitement of the present mo ment prevented him exercising. One word more.—( Cries of " Spoke, spoke,") Whenever he had an opportunity he would be most ready to undertake the vindication of the Go vernment to which he belonged. Lord HO WICK hoped the House would allow him to say a word in explanation, in reference to what had been mputed to him as having said of Lord Aberdeen. —( Hear. ) He had only expressed those opinions which, on his side of House, they had all entertainod for what were commonly called high Tory opinions ; but he was very happy now, know ing from his office what Lord Aberdeen's conduct had been in reference to the colonies, in being able to state that he thought, from the despatches written by Lord Aberdeen dur ing his tenure of office, that he had manifested a spirit of li berality which was in the highest degree creditable to him. Sir R. PEEL heartily rejoiced that he had given the Noble Lord opposite an opportunity of explaining a charge which had been supposed to have been brought by him against his ( Sir R. Peel's) Noble Friend, and of expressing his approba tion of his Noble Friend's conduct during the period he was Colonial Minister of this country, and paying to him a tri bute of praise which he ( Sir R. Peel) believed to be as justly deserved on the part of his Noble Friend, as he must say it was creditable on the part of the Noble Lord to make it. He must say, however, that he was surprised at the sensitive and irritable feeling displayed by the Right Honourable Gentle m n opposite. He should have thought that a Chancellor of the Exchequer responsible for his public conduct, having filled the station of Colonial Secretary, would have been content to vindicate himself from an imputation brought forward by his Noble Friend, he must say, in no unkind terms. And he did think it an extraordinary principle for the Right Hon. Gentleman to maintain, that his conduct being questioned in fair argument, he, therefore, had a right to attribute to him who questioned it a departure from those friendly feelings which he had heretofore always shown.—( Loud cheering.) He was surprised at the retaliation of the Right Honourable Gentleman. His conduct was fairly open to the observations of his Noble Friend. How was it possible to question the Colonial policy, arid at tribute to it those evils which were attributed to it, without sub jecting the Right Hon. Gentleman's conduct to a scrutiny ? But was it perfectly decorous in the Right Hon. Gentleman to charge his ( Sir R. Peel's) Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) with misconduct in the Colonial Department, when the Right Honourable Gentleman himself was a member of that Government ?—(Much cheering.) The doctrine now was that the whole of a Government was responsible for the acts of a member of it. If that doctrine were well founded, with what decency did they who had been the colleagues of his Noble Friend attribute to his Noble Friend improper conduct in the administratien of that department ?—(Hear.) They, according to their own showing, shared in the responsi bility. Why was it, that after their experience of his con , duct in Ireland, they had called upon his Noble t Friend to administer that department, when the most F important measure that ever was discussed was about to be submitted to the House ? They quarrelled now with him about his colonial conduct. Did they tell him then of all the evils • they now professed to feel had arisen from his conduct ? —( Cheers.) Why, if they felt it, did they not declare to him that they would not share in his responsibility ? ( Hear, hear, hear.) Why did they now come forward and complain of the doctrines which they said ought not to have been sanctioned ? Would it not have been more becoming in them to have said that those doctrines should not have been sanctioned, rather than to have let them go for four years, andlafterwards to have complained ?—( Hear.) Was it on the subject of the Irish policy or of Colonial policy that their union with his Noble Friend terminated ?—( Hear, hear.) Was it not rather on account of his steady and constant ad herence to principles which he had never deserted; and when he left their Government, did they not all una voce admit that their chief pride and ornament had left them ? ( Much cheering and loud laughter.) Did they not all feel that he who had rescued them a hundred times over from difficulties in which they found themselves involved—did they not all feel that they had lost the principal support, the word of their Government ?—( Renewed cheering and laughter.) Ile gave them credit for having felt it, because they had all said it.—( Hear.) He knew they said that on public and personal grounds they more deeply regretted that separation in public life than any event which could have oc curred--( Renewed cheers.) He should proceed at once, with out one word of unnecessary preliminary comment, to the consi deration of the real question which was at issue on that occasion. They were two-fold—first, the amendment which had been proposed; and secondly, the policy which that amendment called in question and condemned. He made no apology fur this amendment.—( Cheers.) The amendment embodied every opinion which he had given on the subject of our Colonial affairs.---( Hear.) That this amendment surprised Hon. Members opposite was not a matter of asto nishment, because it was an amendment wholly at variance with every principle on which they had acted in public life.— ( Cheers.) It was an amendment which partook not of the character of being ambiguous or dilatory—(Cheering)-- which contained sentiments which they (the Opposition) had avowed; and in plain, direct, straightforward terms arraigned the conduct of the Hon. Members opposite. It sought for no confederacy with opinions to which it was opposed—( Cheers) it made no truckling compromise with opposite principle for the purpose of swelling the number of votes--( Loud cheers)—it sought to found upon no compact, but on the contrary, to declare the determination of the Conservative party in the House. It declared their deter mination to support the Crown in maintaining the autho rity of the Crown ; it expressed satisfaction at the success of her Majesty's arms, but at the same time consistently with the expression of that satisfaction, and that success, and that de termination to uphold it throughout, it expressed directly certainly a want of confidence in the Government. And yet Hon. Members opposite could not account for this, and they fancied it must be from some pressure from behind.—( Hear, hear, and Cheers.) They were so uncharitable as to judge of Members on this side of the blouse by themselves.—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord, the Secretary of State for Fo reign Affairs, saw fusion and coalition as the ultimate deject of this motion—( Loud laughter)—and, although he ( Sir Robert Peel) repudiated any concurrence in the motion of the lion. Baronet, and, although an amendment was proposed, in which the lion. Baronet could not concur, although the Hon. Baronet must know that he would have disclaimed any concert with him ( Sir Robert Peel), as much as he ( Sir Robert Peel) would have disclaimed any concert with the Honourable Baronet, on account of the extreme opinions which they entertained yet, notwithstanding all this, the Noble Lord could not find any assignable motive whatever for this amendment, except the prospect of a coalition between the Hon. Baronet and himself. —( Cheers. ) And this amendment was objected to on various grounds. First, it was said that lion. Members on this side of the House concealed their intentions, that they approved of the policy of the Government ? Did they approve of it on the discussion on the Canada Bill. Did not lie ( Sir R. Peel) declare that to the vacillating conduct of the Government that revolt was mainly to attributed ?—( Cheers.) On that occasion lie expressly declared in the words of that amendment, that although he would enable the Crown to vindicate its authority although he cordially rejoiced in the succes of her Majesty's arms, he distinctly declared that on account of the irresolute and dilatory conduct of the Government he thought these evils had arisen. The Lion. Gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies asked how it was possible to concur in the Address to her Ma. jesty, and why they had not moved an amendment condemnatory of the Government? He would tell the Hon. Gentleman why— because the Noble Lord expressly invited them to concur in that address, saying h e did not mean to agitate the question of whether th e G overnment s h ou ld s t an d or net. There was the return which they had made. The Nos le Lord (John Russell) said " The question which I wish to pre pose this evening is whether the House is prepared to maintain the authority of the Crown in Lower Canada ; and not whether her. Majesty's Ministers are to blame or not? If any person choose, upon a future occasion, to bring the question of our conduct before the House, I am prepared to show that we are in no way to blame, for the course which we have adopted." --(Tory cheers.) Ministers told the Opposition not to make the question of that night a party questiun.—(Cheers.) Ministers wished on that occasion to secure a majorit y .— (Hear, hear, hear.) The Opposition believed them ; e but now the Secretary for the Colonies came down and asked them how they could censure the Queen's Government on the present occasion, when they had concurred in the address.— ( Cheers.) Then stcod up - the President of the Board of Trade, and met the charge thus : —he said, " When the issue of the rebellion was uncertain, you (tho Opposition) indicated no opposition to the Government —you kept back, and by your silence you almost implied ap.- hrobntion. But now when every symptom of rebellion has ce.'n suppressed, you come forward to make charges against the Government for the policy in which you acquiesced."— (Ministerial cheers.) Why, to be sure, when they (the Op position) heard of the defeat of the British arms—when the public mind was agitated, and the result was uncertain, they did not come forward to create an undue feeling against her Majesty's Government.—(Cheers.) Did he (Sir R. Peel) shrink from proposing amendments in the Canadian Bill when it was before the House ?—( Loud cheers.) Did be show auy want of political courage, such as had been imputed to him?—( Repeated cheering from the Tory benches.) Was that to be imputed to him, because he avoided to disturb her Majesty's Government when they were brought into difficulty ? Did the Right Hon. Gentlemen so soon forget the course which he (Sir Robert Peel) took upon that occasion ?—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Did he not give notice, that, there being parts of the Canada Bill he decidedly objected to, he should move amendments on which he meant to take the sense of the House ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) l'erhaps the Right Hon. Gentleman did not consider the amendments of any importance. The Noble Lord had not, however, so considered them, for the Noble Lord had told him that if he persisted in making them and that he declared he had persevered in proposing them, not from a mere desire to vilify errors in detail, but because he dissented from the policy of the Bill—had not the Noble Lord intimated to him that it would become a question of grave consi deration whether her Majesty's Government could retain office. Had he ( Sir R. Peel) been able to give the Noble Lord any satisfactory assurance—had lie been able to give him any consolatory reply on that occasion ?—( Aear, hear.) Had he not stated that it was no point of de tail ?—Did he not, after the express intimation of the Noble Lord, state that he adhered to every thing he had before stated—that his objections were not objections of detail but of principle—and had he not the satisfaction of finding that the Noble Lord after all had adopted his amend ment!?—( Vehement cheering.) He, therefore, did not con sider himself liable to the charge either of the Noble Lord the Secretary of the Colonies, that they were now bringing , forward an amendment inconsistent with the spirit of their first address ; nor did he consider himself liable to the charge of the Right Honourable Gentleman that when the issue of the event was uncertain, he had ab stained from pressing such amendments to the Canada Bi3l - Why, he had thought these amendments mate , rial, after he had been told that the pressing of them migh t endanger the existence of the Ministry.—(Renewed cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had preferred another charge specifically against him. He had asked how it was possih,e for him to concur in a condemnation of her Majesty's Government; seeing he had been connected with an Administration which na' been mainly instrumental in aggravating the difficulties woich. had attended the administration of the affairs of Canada; the Right Hon. Gentleman had asserted that the Governmen t previous to 1828, before the Canada Committee was app ointed was the Government chargeable with the delinquences in re, spectto Canada. ( Cheers.) That being the opinion of the gig" . Hon. Gentleman, and of her Majesty's Government, it did somewhat surprise him that when that Government came into power, they had showed any disposition whatever to unit! with those who were somewhat responsible for those dil- fieulties—and when the Right Hon. Secretary for the Colonies was dealing out so largely his blows against the Administration previous to 1828, he wished that Sight H on ' nourable Gentleman and his friends would look to the right hand and to their left, and to remember that their present colleagues were just as much chargeable with that leis' conduct.—( Vehement Opposition cheering.) The Noble. Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs was conne cted w'th that Government from the year 1600, and he kne w not Wien.—(Laughter and cheering.) His Noble Friend, th e Earl of Ripon, was also connected with that Gevernmer?t, whose colonial policy had been so much objected to, and why had they not refused to form a coalition with these person% Was Mr. Grant (Lord Glenelg) no Member at that time What course did the Government pursue ? Why did t hey not take Lord Ripon for Colonial Secretary ? The very man wit a they had appointed to the Colonial Office had been connected with the Government till the year 1827. ‘ v itir. course had the Government pursued with respect to , Wilmot Horton, who had been in the Colonial Departme7 from 1822 to 1828? Why,he was made the Governor of Ce.!; lon.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gent. mistook the peih t t issue. He did not deny that great difficulties attended. arising affairs of Canada ; there was no doubt great difficulties ar:vsereg from the neglect of former Administrations ; some inseparable from the state of society in the country' "`"" ted arose from opposite connections, which greatly the the difficulties attending the Colonies. Bnt w hat was ot a h charge brought against the Government ? It was n the denial that they had difficulties to contend with ; butrevolt charge which they preferred was this — t hat the re r yolt in Canada, the necessity for putting down that x. by force of arms, the necessity for measures of e, treme severity by the suspension of constitutional r i g hts might have been averted, if ordinary foresight had been shown, and ordinary talents exercised.—( Cheers.) He ( Sir Robert Peel) conscientiously believed that proof, amounting rava agg to demonstration of the charge, could be adduced from the papers he held in his hand.—( Cheers.) He believed that admitting all the difficulties on account of delay, and the acts of former Administrations, and the state of society in Canada , if he had to argue the question before twelve men who we!! conversant with matters of this description, he felt n o don na he should obtain from them a verdict of g uilty ur n o hcfthe charge.—(Cheers.) There had been on the part f Majesty's Ministers vacillation, irresolution, and a waht__` L : . foresight sufficient to account for the revolt that had brolsrl7he Again, it was said that the charge which was preferred e g a,n Ministers was because their course had been conciliatory. Tailgtt was not his charge against: Ministers—his charg e ag .n. them was, that the course they had adopted was utterly in consistent ; in one instance they ,had dealt kindly, and_nue another they had exercised rigour. Now he vvo uld trast the policy which had been pursued by the P e t! . sent Government with that pursued by Lord Aberde When Lord Aberdeen was appointed in the year 183 5, , a. Ca proceeded at once to the consideration of the affairs of nada. The Right lion. Gentleman had referred to the 015._ it patch written by his Noble Friend ; but he thought _ would have been but fair if that Right Honourable Gen rn tlean had produced that dispatch.—( Hear, hear , heaf.',. The Right Honourable Gentleman had no right to show 017) , consistency between his Noble Friend and himsel f fr dispatches remaining at the Office when those dispatches wic:rs.6. not before Parliament. It placed him (Sir Robert) in a °ltin advantageous position, and the Hon. Gent's sarcasms on 9 differences between his Noble Friend and himself, so far 8, werethey related to that despatch, throen out i n 8 , unfair and very ungenerous manner, as he had not Prslr duced the despatch.—( Loud cheers.) But then he ( l e isis Robert Peel) said with respect to that despatch, that __ Noble Friend in April 1835, was prepared to make an inng' a , diste settlement of every important disputed ques tion in nada, reserving for future inquiry matter of mere subordinate debate.—( Cheers.) This he asserted, without the been of contradiction, that when two years had 1) ,.. d permitted to pass away, and the resolution of last session r _ been brought forward, as the result of the inquiry of' s a . u_ Commission, those resolutions did not propose the . __e_ l o tlement of one single litigated point, which .7 03 years before his Noble Friend had not g„ Lord Amherst instructions to settle. He challenged the "°„:, Gentleman to contradict that. The only difference W-v.- this, that their resolutions professed to take the of the Canadians, but his Noble Friend's disPa'' . proposed no such thing. — k Hear, hear, he2r.) That ol g the only point on which their resolutions differed from I ' l ' s Noble Friend's instructions to Lord Amh ers t. His e Friend gave positive instructions with regard to the Legislative Council, the Canada Tenures Act, the Trade Act, Legislate the settlement of the financial question. His ogle Friend told Lord Amherst his duty was to remedy all CO; 1 " plaints, and redress and apply an efficacious remedy to cve r grievance—that was the main object of his mission, '5, the Honourable Gentleman said Lord Aberdeen propoe u t ,„ 17 give up the revenues to the House of Assembly, but Up se express conditions.—( Cheers.) What were they ?,Upon tl 0 conditions. First, That a Civil List should be granted revenues were not to be given up till the conditions were fu h , filled'; and instead of entering into indefinite inquiries o n e - state in which the colony was, they wanted not fresh inquiriebscP but the redress of practical grievances. What was t course the Government took? They sent out a Gov e rnorwith specific instructions on every point, but instructions couched :in language admitting of ; doubt and raising) f alse expectations. Lord Aberdeen had instructed Lord Am herst at once to offer to give up the territorial r.ji venues, but expressly on the condition that the Ci k s ' e List for the payment of the civil officers should granted ; that the judges should be provided for ; that a con tingent fund should be provided for the casual expens es ; t and if these conditions were rejected, the G o vernrn , must consider the steps proper hereaft e r to be adop ted Lord Aberdeen said he was willing to listen to the arguments for the improvement of the Legislative an Executive Councils, but he did not " palter with theta uv o rAc f posro t s l nne 7 b mm 9 eae l b : al st ;:l it. o ta7 E jk f e l a e(c e n r it C i t a c i sva Hear, respectedhear.) Council, \ t sha,ehn a d t responsibleco u r Legislative se in a double sense." He distinctly said that the Constitution of ?whNiVehhy had d ey b li c a e d n fir t s h t o a ro p u p g o h in ly ted ex a h C au o s ta te m d, i s s : u l upon which inquiry would rather overburden, and instructl and when the Colony was panting for something decisive and a dt the Assembly, the 11 o n s i h t ] soGe"010.. effectual, the Government sent out three Commissioners (Hear, hear, from Col. Sibthorp, and laughter)—an d all the d ocuments ca l cu l ated to excite d i sconten t and ridicule the report of these Commissioners was the most remarkable. The Commissioners were almost certain to dif fer, and the event realised the expectations thus .—regarding the Executive Council, one Commissioner signed the rep ort ; and th en appen d e d a remonstrance against his own recommen dation. Another Commissioner signed and remonstrated al the same way, and then the Chief-Commissioner , " b y decision, embroils the fray."—(Hear, and loud langhter.) In paragraphs 12, 14, andl6, the Commissioners deprecated.th • making o f th e E xecut i ve Council responsible to the Hous e : of mended Assembly, measures and in paragraphs directly of a n 30, 3p2, e , opposite t 3s nde 3 ny. 6 C tbey (La c ti o g : m h ter.) Th en , l et i t b e cons id ere d w h et h er two years mode no difference i n th e hi s t or y o f a C o l ony .—(Mi n i ster ial cheers.) If you think so, (exclaimed the Right lion. Baronet) y ou cheer because y ou a re thi n ki ng o f I re l an d--y ou direct a point re