The Sun. — London, England, 1864-07-04 00:00:00

iyal Banque l, at the Trinity-House. -- Oa Saturday evening Viscount Palmerston, as Master of the Corporation of Trinity-house, the Deputy Master, Captain Pigott, and the Elder Brethren, entertained his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales and a most distinguished company at dinner in their stately hall, on Tower-hill, which was served with befittieg splendour. The Duke of Cambridge was a guest on the occasion, as were also the whole of the Cabinet Ministers, with scarcely as exception, and some of the more pro minent members of the Conservative party, the banquet not being in any sense political. The Earl of Derby had the honour to receive an invitee tion, but was unavoidably prevented being present. The memory of the Prince Consort, who held the rffice of Master of the Corporation for some years (socoseding in that respect the Duke of Welling ton), is cherished with the most profound venera tion by every member of it, and this being the first visit of the Prince of Wales the occasion was one of great interest, as well on that account as of its bringing together under one roof so large an assem blage of eminent persons, The company was about 100 in number, and there were present, besides their Royal Highnesses, The Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Somerset, the Duke of Argyll, the Earl of Shaftes bury, Earl Spencer, the Marquis Townshend, the Marquis Camden, Earl de Grey and Ripon, Lord Taunton, Lord de Ros, Mr Gladstone, Sir George Grey, Mr Milner Gibson, Mr Cardwell, Sir Charles Wood, M r Cowper, Lord Justice Cockburn, Sir Robert Peel, Mr F. Peel, Lord Redesdale, Lord C. Paget, Sir John Pakington, Mr Hutt, Mr Childers, M.P., Sir J. Elphinstone, General Knollys, Sir E. Ryan, Sir J. Burgoyne, Sir W. Dunbar, Sir F. Grey, Sir J. H. Maxwell, Sir J. E. Tennent, the Hon. E. Ashley, the Hon, J. R. Drummond, Cape tain Grey, Mr K.D. Hodgson, M.P., Mr Hugessen, ,P., Mr Somes, M.P., Mr Grenfell, M.P., Mr T. Baring, M.P., Colonel White, M.P., Lord A. Hervey, M.P., Admiral Fitzroy, Admiral Frederick, Admiral Robinson, the Rev. T. J. Rowsell, the Rev. A. Povah, Dr Lushiegton, Professor Faraday, Professor Airy, Captain Bedford, Colonel Clifton, Admiral Eden, Mr Hankey, Mr Holland, Mr At kinson, Mr Barrington, Mr Booth, Mr Camp bell, Captain Drew, Mr Dawes, Captain Fen. wick, Mr Green, Mr Gordon, Mr Goulburn, Mr Hadow, Mr Harrison, Mr King, Mr Milne, Mr Pixley, Capt, Richards, Mr Rothery, Mr Sim, Mr Sandilands, Mr Smith, Mr Spender, Mr Thorp, Mr Urmston, Capt. Walker, Mr Williams, Mr Wigram, and Mr Berthon. The Lord Mayor had also the honour of being invited, but could not attend, Viscount Palmerston arrived at the hall shortly after six o'clock, and went through the ceremony, which is an annual one, of re-election to the dignity of Master, at a Court which had been expressly convened for the occasion. The Premier afterwards, with the Deputy Master and the Eider Brethren, received the guests in the court-room, a noble apartment, adorned with full-length portraits of distinguished past Masters of the cor poration, conspicuous among which are those of the Duke of Wellington and the Prince Consort. Tile Prince of Wales, attended by General Knollys s arrived at a quarter past seven, and was received with every mark of respect. Pre sently afterwards his Royal Highness was escorted to the banqueting hall, followed by the rest of the company in the order of their rank. The Royal ensign floated over the hall on the occasion, and the interior was very tastefully decorated with banners. A fine collection of the ancient plate of the institu tion was displayed on a buffet at each end of the apartment. During dinner, which was served by the proprietors of the L')ndon Tavern, the band of the Grenadier Guards played, and a corps of emi nent vocalists sang at intervals in the remainder of the evening. On the removal of the c:oth, Viscount PALMERSTON rose and said,—Your Royal Highnesses, my Lords, and Gentlemen, I beg to propose to you that toast which is the first given in all meetings of English gentlemen, and which aptly represents and expresses those feelings which are the most deeply seated_in the heart of every Englishman—l mean the health of her Majesty the Queen. (Cheers.) We have the happiness to be the subjects of one of the most distinguished Sovereigns that ever reigned in this or any other country, and of whom it may truly be said that there never was in a free country a Sovereign more deeply imbued with the principles and more studious to practise the principles of constitutional Government. (Cheers.) It may be truly said of her Majesty that she reigns by the grace of God. (Hear, hear.) Pro vidence has endowed her with all those qualities which are best calculated to establish her Throne upon a most permanent basis, on the esteem and respect and the affection and attachment of her loyal subjects. (Loud cheers.) The toast was drunk with every mark of respect, and the National Anthem was sung. Viscount PALMERSTON—Your Royal Highnesses, my Lords, and Gentlemen, I beg to propose the next toast, one that is peculiarly appropriate to the institution in whose hall we are now assembled, " fhe Memory of the Prince Consort." It would be presumption in me to think that anything that I could say would in any degree add to the feelings which must exist in the breast of every man with regard to that memory, and I shall only beg that it may be drunk with respectful silence. The toast was received with profound veneration, the company standing as they drank in Viscount PALMERSTON--Your Royal Highnesses, my Lords and Gentlemen, I have now to propose a toast which I urn sure you will drink with the greatest enthusiasm, " The Health of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales—(cheers)--the Prin cess of Wales—(cheers)—and the other members of the Royal Family." (Continued cheers.) 'W e have this day the happiness and the honour of the pre. sence of his Royal Highness at our convivial board. His presence precludes me from saying many things which I should be disposed to say and which would meet with your entire concurrence if he were not here. But 1 may be permitted to say that if we rejoice in the Sovereign who now reigns happily over us, we rejoice equally in the Heir Apparent who is destined some day—and long may it be before that day arrives —(cheers)—to ascend the throne of this realm. (Renewed cheers.) His Royal Highness inherits those great and admirable qualities which belong to his illustrious parents. He has had' —youth though he be—the good fortune and advantage of having visited some of the most interesting spots of each of the four quarters of the globe, and his mind has been early opened and de veloped by studies of every description. His Royal Highness takes a deep and lively interest in every thing that concerns the welfare and progress of this realr a __i n the education of youth, in the development of i n d us try, of manhood, and in the prosperity of the nation at large ; and I am convinced that every day will more and more connect the feeling s and at t ac hment of the coun try with the pro gress and daily habits of his Royal Highness. (Cheers.) B u t he has been sin gularly fortunate in that which does not often fall to the lot of persons in his exalted station, He has had the good fortune to find a partner for life-- (cheers) —in a, Princess with respeet to whom, if ' we are to seek for a paragon, we m ust refer to t h e description of those princesses of whom we read in fairy tales, at whose birth ell the good fairies pre sided—(a laugh)—and endowed the infanta with all those qualities of mind and person which were best calculated to secure for them daring the whole of their lives the attachment of all who knew them and the respect and esteem of man kind. (Cheers.) The other branches of the Royal Family have done credit to the care bestowed on their education, and we are indeed happy in having a family to whom the nation may look up with pride and satisfaction as to the future events of the kingdom. (Renewed cheers.) His Royal Highness the Prince of WALES on presenting himself to speak was hailed with enthu siastic cheers. He said, —Your Royal Highness, my Lords, and Gentlemen, I indeed feel much gran tified by the kind manner in which the Master has proposed my health, and the way in which you have drunk it, coupled with the name of the Princess of Walee and the Royal Family. Every one here pre sent knows that it is always a pleasure to all mem bers of the Royal Family to contribute by their presence to the encourag, tnent of those societies whose object is to promote the best interests of the country. (Cheers.) Among those soci-• Es none are more important or deserve more o cur grati tude than the Corporation of the Trinity House, for we cannot but recognise how muc i Um safety and welfare of our sailors and ships are owing to their exertions. I need hardly, lam sure, recal to your recollection the deep interest my beloved father took in your Corporation and its success, and how proud he felt in being your Master. It is therefore doubly gratifying to me to be your guest on this occasion. I once more heartily thank you for your kind reception of this toast. (Loud cheers.) A glee, diversifying the entertainment, was then sung to the words of Richard Brinsley Sheridan :- 4 , Marked you her eye of heavenly blue ? Marked you her cheek of roseate hue ? That eye, in liquid circles moving ; That cheek, abashed at man's approving. ; The one, love's arrows darting round, The other blushing at the wound ?" Viscount PALMERSTON next rose and said, the toast I have now to propose is one which concerns the whole of the United Kingdom, and I may say, through the United Kingdom, concerns the interests of the world, because I hold that the prosperity, the independence, and the civilisation of the United Kingdom are matters of great moral and political importance to all other nations. hear.) I propose " The Army, the Navy, and the Volunteers," and I beg that you will drink in connexion with that toast the healths of his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge—(cheers)--his grace the Duke of Somerset, and Lord de Grey and Ripon. To dilate upon the merits and achievements of the army and navy of Great Britain would only be to recount some of the most interesting pages of the history of the world. All that one can say is that they are now upon that moderate footing which befits the peace establishment of a free country and an insular country, though we do not imitate those gigantic establtshments which we see on the con tinent of Europe, which would draw large num bers of the community from the pursuits of industry, which would impoverish the nation in which they were maintained, which only tend to menace neighbouring countries—(hear, hear)—and which are maintained ostensibly for purposes of defence, but really for purposes of aggression. (Cheers.) Although, I say, we do not imitate that bad ex ample, we have an army and navy perfect in them selves so far as their extent and magnitude go, capable of great and rapid development in case necessity should require it; and, I believe, more efficient in officers and men, and in respect to the material of war, than at any period of our history. We have also a new force, which not less commends itself to the respect and good wishes and to the support of the community than the army and navy, I mean the Volunteers, an institution peculiarly adapted to our country, because, I will venture to say, there is no country governed by despotic au thority that would not feel alarmed at having 150,000 or 160,000 armed men, citizens, coming forward at their own free will, subject only to the laws of the country, and well aware of the moral support which that obedience gives to its institu tions. It is a proud thing that the civil population of the country should have turned out with such zeal, should have made such rapid progress in the science of arms and should show to any foreign country that should think it prudent to dispute with us that they would have to contend not only with an army and navy, but with a people skilled in the use of arms and the evolutions of war. (Cheers.) The Duke of CAMBRIDGE, in responding to the toast on behalf of the army, said he need not re mind the company that the army was scattered over every part of the world, that its duties even in times of peace were very onerous, and that it was exposed to the vicissitudes of climate, which were sometimes hardly less deadly than actual service in the field. The same amount of courage and force was required to resist these vicissitudes and the knowledge that the services of the army were always appreciated by their countrymen at home was grati fying to the heart of every British soldier. Their noble chairman had rightly stated that the army was at this moment on a footing of peace. We were essentially a commercial country, and as such it became us not to be aggressive. At the same time the present condition of the army, thanks to the liberality of Parliament, to the manner in which it had teen supported by successive Governments, and to the enlightened views of successive Secretaries of Sate was such that if at any time its service should be required in the defence of the country it would not be found wanting. Wo, lived in times of pro gress in the arts of peace as well as in the art of war, and with respect to the twin services, it was difficult to decide what improvements to adopt and what to reject. It had been often their lot to be blamed for not going ahead fast enough. That was a natural ground for complaint, but one against which they were able to defend themselves. Al though they ought not to stand still, they might go ahead a little too fast. He hoped that, acting in conjunction with the present Secretary of State, and his predecessors, they had gone just the right pace —(a laugh)—and that the efficiency of the service was now such as to satisfy the country. His royal highness concluded his observations by thanking that ancient Corporation for affording him the op. portunity of being present on so interesting an oc casion, and resumed his seat amid cheers. The Duke of SOMERSET thanked the company for the honour they had conferred on her Majesty's navy, an honour, he said, they were accustomed to receive, but which they had Lever received in a more distinguiahcd society. It was quite unnecessary, speaking in that hall, to say anything as to the ser vices of the navy; so intimately connected was it with the Trinity House. , He might say, indeed, that the Admiralty and the Trinity House were cousins, united together in many ways, and now more closely connected than ever by means of the Royal Naval Reserve. (Hear.) He might also speak of the dif ficulties with which the Admiralty had to contend in reference to suggestions made from time to time for the improvement of the navy. Some time ago they were warned that the Monitor which the Americans built would show them the way. She did, indeed, show them the way, but it was to the bottom of the sea (a laugh)—an example which they wisely avoided, but by which they were admonished at the same time not to advance too fast in the career of progress. (Hear, hear.) Earl DE GREY and RIPON, in responding for the Volunteers, argued that the position of that force after an interval of five years was such as to negative the assertion made by some at the commencement of the movement that it was the result of temporary effervescence and excitement, and would never be permanently established. Its numbers, he said, were now as high as at any period of its progress; tie liberality of Parliament had placed it on a suitable footing, and, as far as he could judge, it had entered on a career of permanent utility. (Hear, hear.) The Prince of WALES,—Your Roy al Highness, my Lords, and gentlemen, a duty now devolves upon me which is happily a very easy one to perform. It is to propose a toast which cannot fail to give pleasure to every one present. Let us drink " The Health of the Master of the Trinity-house, Viscount Palmerston." (Enthusiastic cheers.) It would be superfluous in me to recount the long and valuable services which your lordship has rendered to your Sovereign and country. (Renewed cheers.) Among those services, though, perhaps, less prominent than some others, those connected with the Trinity-house are by no means to be accounted less important. The work performed by this corporation speaks for itself, but additional lustre has been conferred upon it by the eminent men who from time to time have filled the office of its Master. That in Lord Pal merston the dignity of this ancient corporation is worthily represented every one of whatever shade of politics will, ara sure, acknowledge. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON said he begged to return his Royal Highness his moat cordial thanks for the'kind and flattering manner in which he had been pleased to propose the toast, and his thanks, also, to the gen tlemen present for the way in which they had received it. He felt great pride and much gratifica tion in filling an office in virtue of which he bad had the honour of having his health proposed by his Royal Highness. The institution of the Trinity House was one of the. greatest interest, and when he reflected on the number of great and eminent men who had filled the office of Master before him, it was a subject of pride and satisfaction to him that he had been thought worthy of having his name added to the list. He now begged to propose a toNat which might savour a little of egotism, for it implied a demand on the gratitude of the invited guests for the hospitality afforded them. He proposed "The Deputy Master, and Prosperity to the Corporation of Trinity-house." (Cheers.) The Deputy• Master was a most active and valuable member of the in stitution, and rendered many very important ser vices to the public. (Hear.) With regard to the in stitution itself, it belonged to the civilisation of the age and was connected with some of the most im portant interests of the country. In former times the inhabitants of this country were stigmatised and re presented as being divided physically and morally from the rest of the world. (A laugh.) Nature, for tunately for us, had separated these islands, and, luckily, the physical division still continued. (A laugh.) Bat the moral division had ceased, thanks to the progress of science, the development of the arts, and the ingenuity of man—as shown in the steamboat, in railways, electric telegraphs, and various other contrivances. These islands were now the centre whence the holy flame of social, civil, and religious liberty is spread throughout every country in the world. But we were not only accused of being entirely divided from the rest of the world, but we were described as very cruel to those who came to visit us. (A laugh.) Thanks, however, to the exertions of this institution, that report could no longer be made. These islands were no longer in the condition described by the poet, when he said— " - Benighted travellers, their journey o'er, Curse the saved canc:le and unopened door." _ The benighted mariner who approaches our shores finds now a series of splendid illuminations and other appliances to guide him through the dangers which beset the narrow seas and lead him to that harbour which opened wide its arms to receive him. Happily, he brings commodities from every part of the globe to a country where he finds good markets and willing purchasers. (Hear, hear.) He had heard it said that the dangers of a voyage from the East Indies were nothing in comparison with those which environed the chops of the Channel. The lights established by the corporation of the Trinity house enabled voyagers to avoid those perils, and the institution was therefore entitled to the grati. trade of the public. (Hear, hear.) The DEPUTY MASTER briefly responded to the compliment. The MASTER (Viscount Palmerston)—Your Royal Highnesses, my lords, and gentlemen,—l now rise to propose a toast in respect to which I stand be fore you in a double capacity, like a child with two heads. (A laugh.) For the moment, however, I only retain one of them, and, regarding myself simply as Master of the Trinity-house, I propose the toast of " Her Majesty's Ministers." (Cheers and laughter.) Idosoin no other capacity, and in that capacity I know full well that any toast pro posed here should be divested of all political im portance, because we meet here on neutral ground. This corporation is no political body, and the noble men and gentlemen who assemble round this board come without reference to politics or party. Well, now, can a toast of " Her Majesty's Ministers" be divested of political import ? (Laughter.) I think it can. I don't ask you to drink political health to her Majesty's Ministers. The health or the sick ness, the life or the death of her Majesty's Ministers depends on the Sovereign and the Parliament—(a laugb).—and not on after-dinner politics. But I trust the gentlemen here will only drink to the physical health of those who for the time being► are engaged in the public service, because it is quite clear that if they remain in the public service and do not also remain in health the public service will be very imperfectly managed, (Laughter.) Toere. fore, gentlemen, in the interest of all, and I trust in accordance with the feelings of all, I beg to pro. pose the health of her Majesty's Ministers. (Cheers and laughter.) lam persuaded the Lord Chancel• lor, who has the custody of people of all states of mind—(laughter)—both those who are in our opinion sane, and those who in the opinion of our political adversaries are not sane—wilt respond to this toast—(laughter)—divesting big remarks as much as possible of any political bias, and render. ing them entirely in harmony with the feelings of every gentleman present. The noble viscount re sumed his seat amid great laughter, The LORD CHANCELLOR rose in the general mer riment, and briefly replied to the toast in a face tious speech. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCIIFQL'ER next pre. rented himself to speak. He rose, he said, to ask them to drink to "The maritime and commercial interests of the country." That was a toast which could not pass unnoticed within the walls of an institution which was itself so nearly connected with those interests, and for that very reason it was not necessary that he should detain them on so fer tile a subject. He would only say, in the first instance, that one of the most remarkable charac teristics of those interests was their elastic pro gression—a progression of such a character that it might be, when :he illustrious Prince who row came amorg them in ail the vigour of youth should be descending into the vale of years, the men who should then assemble at that board would look at the trade and commerce of the present day as trifling in comparison. That commerce was beneficent as re. garded the people of this country, for it had done much to raise the standard of comfort in the home of the labouring man, to generate a sentiment of cheerfulness and contentment, and to bind together the -various classes of the community. (Cheers.) It was beneficent as regarded mankind, for it was the link of amity between the various nations of the world. Lastly, it was free, for it did not owe its strength to the agency of Parliaments or Govern ments, but to the inborn energy of Englishmen. (Cneers.) Little was it iu comparison that Go vernments could do for its expansion, yet that little might be well done or ill done. He had been asked to couple with the toast the name of his right hon. friend Mr. Milner Gibson, and he did so with great satisfaction, because it was not easy to find any man—certainly but very few men—who had laboured with greater assiduity or with greater effect to promote by the wisest and most judicious means the expansion of the trade and commerce of the country. (Cheers.) Mr. M. GIBSON, in replying to the toast, said Parliament had established relations between the Board of Trade and the Trinity Corporation, which were somewhat peculiar. Any one who took up the Act of Parliament which had wedded the two departments together would see that neither of them had sufficient power to control the other, nor to do anything official by itself. But whatever might be said of theory in this country we cared not if the results were good, and although there had been predictions of the evils of divided respon sibility and a double government he could bear wit ness to the harmonious action of the Board of Trade and the Trinity Corporation, and to the most bene ficial results which had flowed from it. They had been enabled to reduce the cost of lighting the ports of the United Kingdom. Shipowners now paid less on that account than they ever did before, while at the same time the number and brilliantly of the lights had been increased, and he could con fidently compare the way in which the coasts of this country were litwith the lighting system of any country in the world. The DEPUTY-MASTER gave "The Honorary Brethren," coupling with the toast the name of the Duke of Argyll. His GRACE, in responding, adverted to the pre sent high state of prosperity of the maritime com merce of the country, which he did, he said, not merely on the strength of statistics, bat from what he saw by residing a great part of the year on the waters of the Ciyde. He referred more particularly to the powerful class of steamers which had been built there, though he was not sure that he could exactly explain the destination of them all. (A laugh.) Mr. M. GIBSON next proposed "British Ships and British Seamen," associating with the toast the name of Dr. Lushington, Judge of the High Court of Admiralty. The toast of "The Distinguished Visitors" was proposed by the MASTER in a short facetious speech, and Lord SHAFTESBURY having acknowledged the compliment, the company separated. TBE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 4, Imo, THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA, (From the times Correspondent.) NEW YORK, June 21. Federal victories seldom improve upon acquaintance. In the first hasty reports from the battlefield they loom large and splendid on the horizon. They take captive the imagi nation of the people. The credulous multitude (and never since the world began was a multitude so credulous as that of New York), persuades itself, without reflection, that all is over, and that peace at home, and a glorious foreign war are immediately to make America the first power in Chris tendom, without whose consent no gun shall be fired in any part of the world. The exuberant enthusiasm lasts for a day, or at most for two. As the letters come in—as the re ports from the other side are compared with the rosy hued despatches of the War Secretary, and as military criticism —friendly as well as unfriendly—is brought to bear upon the facts, the glorious victo:y grows thin and impalpable. By the third or fourth day the obstinate Confederates are found to be as strongly posted as ever. The victory turns out either to have been a drawn battle or a small success ; while, if it were an advantage, the cost at which it was achieved proves to be immensely disproportionate to its value. Before a week has passed the victory or the defeat, whichever the loyal or the disloyal may choose to call it, disappears from the field of vision, and the sanguine people, always deceived, but seldom discouraged, is too fully occu pied with a new sensation to devote a thought to the old one. Such has been the case with the great Federal victory at Petersburg. It is but five days since the public were told to throw up their caps and fire salutes of rejoicing for Grant's achievements, but the five days have been more than suffi cient to dispel all illusim on the subject. It is true that Grant made an unopposed movement from the Chickaho rainy—that he marched 55 miles by a long detour to the James River at a point nearly opposite Bermuda Hundred —that he crossed on pontoons the stream 2,009 feet wide and 84 deep, losing neither man nor horse nor a pound of war material by the way, an exploit which well deserves and will certainly receive the admiration both of friends and foes — and that taking the enemy unawares he attacked and cap tured the outer lines of the defences of Petersburg—a city 22 miles to the south of Richmond—putting his negro troops in the post of honour and danger, and meeting with com• paratively slight resistance. But this is all. The Confede rates, if thrown off their guard by the belief that Grant would make a prior attempt to reach Richmond by Bottom's bridge, or some other point on the Chickahominy, before resorting to the last and desperate manoeuvre of attacking it by the rear, no sooner discovered his plans than they set vigorously to work to repair the mischief they had per mitted. They strengthened in a night the second, or inner, line of the defences of Petersburg, and when the Federal army, flushed with the easy triumph of the previous day, re newed the assault on Friday morning it had a reception which must have convinced even the "dour," cold-blooded, and obstinate Grant that he was yet a long way, both in time and distance, from the coveted city of Richmond. The Con federates, commanded by General Bauregard in person, re pulsed their assailants with enormous slaughter, as, with mad bravery, they dashed against the entrenchments, mow ing them down by hundreds in a minute. But the carnage of Friday does not appear to have surprised or shocked the the Federal chief. Doubtless it entered into his computa tion of the price to be paid for Petersburg, and was endured accordingly. On Saturday he renewed the effort, and was again repulsed, with a loss this time of upwards of 8,000 men. It is scarcely possible fur the hottest war zealot to avoid asking himself the question whether Grant can con tinue to afford such losses much longer, without depleting or demoralising his army. Even should ho succeed in carrying this line, it is clear that his work will not be ac complished. There will still be a third line of intrench ments, which may cost him as many thousands of men ; and after that there is the city itself, which the Confederates will sell as dearly as its in trenchments, and from which, if found untenable, they can retire across the Appomattox to the suburb of Pocahontas, burning or destroying the bridges, and leaving Grant in possession of a barren trophy, separated from Richmond by two rivers, and 22 miles of hilly ground, at every half mile distance of which forts and intrenchments can be constructed in a night, sufficiently strong tc cost 10,000 or 20,000 lives and a week's time to capture any one of them. " It's a far cry to Lochaw I " Grant may reach Richmond, but, if he do, he may find it of no more use than Moscow was to Napoleon, with this aggravation of ill for tune—that his opponent's army at the end of the contest may be so much stronger than his own as to be ready to assume the offensive, and carry the war to "Washington or any other place that may better serve his purpose. If Mr Stanton's telegrams have proved so untrustworthy as regards Petersburg, it seems, from an admission made this morning by that functionary, that at least one of the generals with whom he is in daily communication is as little to be depended on as himself. General Sherman now con fesses that he was misinformed in telegraphing to the Sec retary at War that General Joseph Johnston was in full retreat across the Chattahoochie, and that he (Sherman) wculd follow immediately. General ahermaa pleads that he was misled by the reports of some of his corps comman ders, and asserted that Johnston bas not retreated, but strengthened his position on the Kenesaw Mountain. The truth seems to be that Sherman is in imminent danger— menaced both in the front and the rear, cut oft from his supplies and base, and liable at any moment to be forced to accept battle at a heavy disadvantage, But this circum stance excites little attention in this city. The whole inte rest is concentrated rn the movements of Grant, and, until that general be either greatly victorious or as greatly the the averse, it will continue to be fixed on him to the exclu sion of everything else. Though Mr Chase's loan of 75,000,000 dollars, interest payable in gold, has been taken at a fair premium, awl though he has led the banking interest to believe that he will endeavour by means of such loans now and hereafter to pre vent any inflation of the greenback currency, the premium on gold maintains it high rate, with a palpable tendency to a further rise. The business world does not see its way clearly. The victories of the Federal arms do not come according to promise. The New Internal Tax Bill is regu • lated rather for purposes of protection than of revenue. The texes are not collected, and the expenses of the war acquire fresh volume every day, partly because of the enormous force maintained, partly because of the stupen dous frauds perpetrated upon and in every department of the Government, and partly by the depreciation of the currency, which virtually doubles the price of every article a food, clothes, or military and naval supplies which the Government requires, Under such circumstances the price of gold not only goes up, but keeps up ; and defies all the attempts of the Administration to pull it d o wn. Yesterday , when it was notified that the President h a d signed what is called the Gold Bill, and that this e greg iously stupid measure had become law—the price, inst ea d of falling, as Mr Chase and the Government anticipated—actually ad vanced 1 per cent. To-day, all the little operators having been elbowed out of the ring, and alarmed at the penal consequences of any speculative venture in which they might indulge, the gold trade was left entirely to the levi athans, The consequence was that the premium speedily reached the long-predicted rate of 100 percent, and stettaily advanced during the afternoon to 1081, There is scarcely a merchant or financier in the city Wh o d oes not laugh at the measure, ostensibly aimed at the gamblers in gmd, but in reality against the transaction of th e most legitimate banking business, and which, if it were possible to carry out its provisions and penalties, would send all the gold out of the country , and seriously int er f ere with the wholeim port trade from Europe. A meeting of bankers is convened for to-morrow afternoon at the rooms of the Chamber of Commerce to consider the subject i n all i ts bearings, with a view to the repeal or modifi cat i on o f the law. The measure is a farce from beginning to end ; and could never have passed either House of Cong res s if the members of those bodies had been even parti a ll y co mposed of merchants . 6 and men cf business, or anythi ng b u t trading politicians and third-rate country attorney s , The Democratic party, after many m i s givings and consi derable hesitation, has finally d ec ided not to oppose the Chicago Convention, which will therefore meet on the 4th of July, the day originally pr o posed. Though General Fremont has endeared to na -- •self to the Dem ocrats b y his bold denunciation of the ill egal acts an d ge neral imbecility of the Administration, and s i ll proba bl y ca rry away a good many votes from the independent members of the party, it is not likely that the C onvention will separate without agreeing upon a candidate of the orthodox democratic faith. The candidate will be General Grant if he takes Richmond, which no one now expects he can do before the 4th of July, if not, it will be General APClellan. Mr. Lincoln's pre tensions to re-election d o not grow in popu l ar f avour. Hi s friends in Baltimore rat h er damaged t h an a d vance d hi s cause, and the supp or t ers both of Fremont an d M' Clellan vie with each other who s h all speak o f hi m mos t contemp tuously. As in a hotly contested election in an English borough every oppon en t of a candidate cons id ers h i mself privileged to rake up e very p oss ible scandal, public or pri vate, against the man be wishes to defeat, so in America, which at the time of a P residential elect i on i s b ut one huge rotten borough, seethi ng With political hate and animosity, the candidate must wear much whiter robes than those from which the designation is derived, if he would escape the aspersions of his enemie s , and be purer than the angels, if he would not be bespattered by foul abuse and persistent malignity, While Mr. Lincoln was simply President he was not treated with much discourtesy even by his hostile political foes. The worst that was publicly said of him was by his friend, Mr. Wendell Phillips, who called him an "imbecile," Privately he was called a "buffoon" and an "obscene jester ;" but thes e e pithets seldom or never found their way into print. Si nce his appearance as a can did a t e for re-election, h owever, though he h as no t f orma lly accepted the Balti more nominat i on , a ll d e li cac y in thi s matter has been s e t as i de. It is as if the tongues in a thousand Billiegsgat o h a d b een s uddenly united, and each were employed in the most shameless and shameful as well as most forcible and unsavoury vernacular in hurling vile epithets against the President. The leading Democratic journal cf this city, in an article "On calling things by their names," justifies the change of tone adopted towards Mr Lincoln because he desires Cc bo President for another term, and has therefore to be as unreservedly spoken of as any other citizen aspiring to the same position. " It Iwould have been indecorous," it says, " to call Mr Lincoln the buffoon that ho is, if he had Leen merely our chief magistrate; but the truth must be told when 49 i#3 3 chief magistrate seeking re-election ;" and, acting upon this principle, it assails him as morally unfit for his high posi- Mon, cites the opinion of a leading member of one of the great religious organisations who went on a deputation to Washington, that " Mr Lincoln's demeanour and language were those of a buffoon and a gowk" (Scollia, a fool I) and of a senator of the United States, who declared that " he was compelled to leave r the President's presence because his self-respect would not permit him to listen to the filthy language which he employed." When to these assaults upon Mr Lincoln's person and manners have to be added the attacks thundering on him from every side accusing him of violation of the law and the Constitution, of imbe cility, of intermeddling, of corrupt practices, of mismanage ment of the war, and declaring the obvious tendency of al his public acts to establish a despotism for his own behoof, or that of some abler member of his party, it is easy to see that the approaching election will be fertile in invective and denunciations, and impossible not to fear that the passions that will be excited, the more especially in the not impro bable case cf military reverses and financial disaster in the interval between this and the first week in November, may lead to scenes of violence that have had no parallel in Ame rica, and that may imperil the stability of the Government as much as the loss of a score of battles, Were Mr Lincoln a truly wise man he would refuse to listen to the Baltimore charmers who wish to wake a tool of him, and leave th e exalted position which he so uncomfortably—and, without disrespect to him, it may be said so ungracefully and ineffi ciently—occupies to some bolder statesman, some more ac complished gentleman, some higber principled philosopher, and some astater politician and manager than himself. As a President he is the worst failure that America has ever produced, and both parties in the State admit him to be so. It is a pity that he cannot see himseii in the same light, and that he does not earn the respect of his true friends and the forbearance of his foes by retiring into private life. That he may yet do so is possible. It will be happy for himself as well as for his country if such be his determination. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, CRAVEN POLICY OF MINISTERS. SATURDAY REVIEW.—It was impossible to read Lord Palmerston's speech of Monday even ing last without much surprise and much disc appointment. Lord Russell's was bad enough, but Lord Palmerston's was worse, The history of the Conference was clearly and ably given, but then came the announcement of what the Mini stry was prepared to do, and certainly no Premier ever submitted a feebler statement to the considera tion of the house and the country. The main view of the Government was one that might easily have been justified. The Germans had broken through a European treaty without any other plea than their superior strength, and Europe might have re dressed the wrong. But Europe did not choose. France and Russia were quite willing to adhere themselves to the treaty they had signed, but they were indifferent if other persons chose to violate it. It was not therefore the duty of England to uphold single handed the public law of Europe. This is an account of the matter which—though not absolutely correct, because it omits to notice all the circum stances under which the treaty of London was con cluded, the events which have made it obsolete, and the express declaration of France that it was vir tually at an end—is a plausible and intelligible ac count, and near enough to the truth to come from Ministers who consider themselves obliged to ade here to diplomatic traditions in theory after they have abandoned them in practice. Further, Lord Palmerston stated the Danes had agreed, for the sake of peace, to yield a portion of Schleswig, but they persisted in fighting rather than yield any more, and so the war was now reduced to a mere contest about a little slip of territory of very slight value to any one. This is not a very fair way of stating the case, and does the Danes injustice. The Danes are fighting, not only for a slip of territory, but for a slip of territory which, as they think, is necessary to their military security, just as Eng land might be fighting for a little slip of terri tory if it were fighting for the Isle of Wight; and the Danes are also fighting because on this slip of territory live a certain number of Danes who have been assured the enjoyment of a native Go vernment. But Lord Palmereton's statement may be pardoned as a rhetorical expression, intended merely to convey that the loss to theDanes,whatever it might be, which the cession of Schleswig would involve, was but a trifle as compared with what England would risk by a war. All that Lord Pal merston said on the inconveniences a war would cause to England was perfectly true. We should suffer very heavily ; but we should have to spend money profusely, and pour oot blood like water. We should have, in fact, to wage war as a great Power contending with other great Powers is obliged to wage it. One war might easily lead to another, and we might find ourselves engaged in a contest at sea with the Federal States at the same time we were engaged in a contest with Germany by land. This would be very awkward and very embarrassing, and might very properly make any Ministry pause before recommending the nation to encounter such complicated dangers. Besides, as the Russian organs have kindly taken the earliest opportunity to point out, it may fairly be argued that the time for action on the part of England has gone by. It has gone by in principle, for the time for England to take up the case of Denmark on the basis of the Treaty of 1832 was when that treaty was violated by the invasion of Schleswig. And it has gone by in fact, for although England might eaaily have rendered substantial assistance to Den mark while the line of the Dannewerke was intact, nothing great can be done on land now that not only Schleswig, but Jutland, is completed at the mercy of the invaders. This, then, being the case of the Government—that it was no more the business of England than of the other great towers to up hold the Treaty of London, that the Danes were fighting for a small strip of territory, that England would risk too much by going to war singlehanded, and that the time for efficient action was past—how did the Government explain the course it had taken, and how did it propose to act ? This was where Lord Palmerston broke down, and this is where so great and so unnecessary an opening has been given to the Oppcsition. The ques tion raised between Ministry and Opposition is not that to which Mrliinglake's amendmentpoints. It is not whether, at this conjuncture, war or peace is advisable. It is whether a (lovernment that holds the views which the Government describes itself as hold ing should have acted as the Government has acted. It is inconceivable the House of Commons should allow itself to be led away from the only real point of controversy. What has to be decided is, whether a Ministry determined not to act without the support of powerful allies, and thinking the losses with which Denmark is threatened trifling as compared with the evils of war to England, should have en • couraged the Danes with the hope of assistance, should have threatened and insulted Germany, and should have left it to the last moment to announce that this assistance was not to be rendered, and that these threats were only simply bragging. The country enjoys a certain amount of influence abroad, because it is thought that England does not go to war lightly, but that when she goes to war she makes war in earnest. That influence is necessarily impaired when, through her Government, she en• courages friends and threatens enemies without having any intention of going to war. It is the part of a very little and very mean Power to trade upon intentions it does apt possess and upon strength it fears to exert; to make a show of indignation and virtue and courage, and all the time to know that it shrinks from war singlehanded, and thinks the cause of the war it threatens is not nearly worth the risk the war will entail. No one can say that it does not lower the reputation of England when this course is the course taken by the English Govern ment. For the last few months England has been teaching Denmark that she is protected by an indis putable treaty, that she ought not to stand alone, and that the English navy is ready for action. For the last few months England has been telling Ger many that it has been guilty of a great wrong, that the fundamental pacts of European law have been set aside, that the invasion of Schleswig and Jutland has been a monstrous and brutal outrage. The simple question is, whether this is the language towards friends anti foes which ought to have been held by a country determined not to stir without its allies, and thinking the cause at issue a trifling one. And, as if Lord Palmerston were determined there should be no doubt about this issue, and as if he were fully prepared to stake the existence of his Ministry upon the right he claimed for itto utter impotent menaces, and while acquiescing in present discomfiture, to utter vague mysterious hints of some tremendous policy of action in the event of some remote contin gency happening, he took upon himself to declare what he would do if th© war took a new phase. He pictured the Germans triumphant by sea as well as by land, Copenhagen taken by assault, lives of its peaceful inhabitan's sacrificed, the father of the Princess of Walce taken as a prisoner of war. He held up this dreadful prospect to the imagination of his hearers, and then he announced what would be the consequences if this picture became reality. It was not that England would interfere to prevent this accumulation of disasters; it was not that she would spring to arms, or hurry her fleet to the scene of horrors, but he would not say that if all this hap. pened, or were likely to happen, " the position of the country might not be a subject for reconsidera tion." 'Phis was what was said to the listening world on behalf of England, and it was Lord Pal merston who said it, Solon was certainly right when he told Crcetus thet, until a man was actually dead, thero was no knowing what he might not come to. TIIE SPECTATOR.—" CJuneils of war never fight," and the Council of Friday, though it called itself a CAbinet meeting, proved no exception to the maim, The bolder members of the Government were over ruled, and by Saturday it was known that the Ad ministration hadreconsidered its half-formed resolve that the preparations commenced were useless, and that the Cabinet which had retreated from its own ground when Holstein was " executed," when Schleswig was occupied, when Jutland was taken in pledge, and when all up to the Schlei had been surrendered, was about to retreat once more. Few, however, expected that the retreat would be justi fied by such reasons as those produced, that a Pre mier whose hold upon the country is his reputation for pluck would confess that he thought it danger ous to risk war without an ally, that a Foreign Secretary who had hardihood enough " to command the Channel fleet" would hesitate to defend Euro pean order because there might be an "interruption of our relations with the United States." The scene which awaited the Ministers as they entered the houses might have roused the blood and fired the heart of the most apathetic orator. The Commons were thronging on the benches like bees, dozens of men were standing unable to find seats, the galleries were bursting with tenants, who overflowed into the lobbies, the passages, the staircases, every where where they might hope to catch a rumour of the drift of the explanati n. Throughout the asfein blage of men, each one of whom possessed himself some appreciable fraction of power, there was that hush of suspense,that compressed thrill of excitemen t which isseen only when great audiences have caught the meaning of a great situation, or know that a great event is at hand. Beforesuch a house so roused cad Lord Palmerston to acknowledge and to accept a humiliating failure, to confess that he had menaced without meaning action, to explain with masterly lucidity how deeply Denmark had been wronged, how defiantly Germany had broken every pledge, how absolutely "Might hod" in his own words, " over right," and then to show, less lucidly indeed, but with painful clearness, how easily the Govern ment had pardoned the wrong-doing, how care lessly it had condoned the perjury, how submissively it intended to csouch before the menace of superior might, "We believed," he said, and as he said it he seemed for half a moment not humiliated—" we believed that, from the commencement to the and of these last events, Denmark had been ill-used (cheers); that might had overridden right (renewed) cheering); and we knew also that the sympathies of almost the whole of the British nation were on her side." (Continued cheering.) And therefore "we do not think it consistent with our duty to recommend Parliament and the country to make those great exertions, and to undergo those great sacrifices, which would have been the necessary consequence of entering into a conflict with the whole of Germany." Denmark was originally in the wrong, France declined interference, Russia would not move, the weight of a war would fall upon this country alone, and it was his duty to ad vise the country and his Sovereign to shrink from that great risk. As if this were not sufficient for humiliation, the old Premier, burning with inward rage at his position, broke into what we believe to have been either a fierce taunt at his own colleagues or a hidden promise to the Prince of Wales, but what sounded like a fiftieth menace of future action. If, he said, with a bravado which, after such a speech, and while revealing such a policy, was almost ludicrous, if " we had reason to expect to see at Copenhagen the horrors of a town taken by assault . . . . the capture of the Sovereign as pri soner of war, the position of this country might be a subject for reconsideration." He would not war for a country or for honour, but if a city were threatened—; he would not fight for the inoepen. dence of a free nationality, but if a German prince were prisoner—! then, the Cabinet might rise to the height of its position in Europe, and gravely and solemnly reconsider whether, when all was lost, it might not be expedient to do grand battle for nothing at all! The house, quiescent as it was, and disposed to accept its humiliation with patience, could endure no more, and a storm of ironical cries almost daunted the Premier, and relieved the pent up feeling of rage, annoyance, or regret. There has been no such exhibition of a great man made in our time, and in the Lords matters were little better. Earl Russell, indeed, amidst an audience almost as numerous and excited, was more clear and consistent in his statement, but it was because he was not afraid to produce reasons for abstinence, such as are rarely heard from the lips of statesmen who have wielded the power of Great Britain abroad. He supported peace because he was afraid of war. Be sides all the arguments offered by Lord Palmerston, he adverted to the extreme difficulty of the under taking, the impossibility, as he assumed, of protect ing Denmark by the fleet alone, feared "we should suffer considerably it our commercial marine was ex posed to depredations such as might take place in the event of our being at war with Germany," dreaded lest our rdations with the United States with its " great army" and " formidable" navy might suffer interruption, hesitated to risk the "great commerce which has grown up in China," considered our im ,nenee possessions in India," mentioned the surplus, and, in short, expressed his belief that we were so great, so successful, and so rich that we were com paratively powerless in the world. We could not operate in the North without an ally, and itussia would not move, while France would demand com pensations which, said Earl Russell, with an old reminiscence of the time when England had info. ence on the Continent, "might disturb the balance of power"—that European law which he refuses to pr event r 2serraany from violating. As to the South he held that it was the duty of t his country to be have better than Austria and Prussia, not to light up a flame which might extend over the whole of Europe, but to endeavour to confine the war within the narrowest limits. He, like Lord Palmerston, ended with a menace, but he kept its conditions in reserve, did not state that if Copenhagen were bom barded the Government might consider the possibi lity of further remonstrance, and with the Prince of Wales opposite him avoided the insult to Denmark of imagining her King a prisoner in the hands of his enemies. LONDON REVIEW.—On Monday evening last, Lord Palmerston in one House and Earl Russell in the other, went through what must have been to them the disagreeabl e t as k o f ex pl a i n i n g their Danish policy and its results. It is impossible to suppose that even the two noble lords did not feel the ignominy of the confession which they were compelled to make, or th a t they were entirely desti tute of some sense of shame as they recalled the recollection of their promises unfulfilled, their pro fessions belied, and their menaces disregarded. Into their past policy we need not enter here on the present occasion. It is defended by scarcely anyone, and affords pride or satisfaction to none. Even those who rejoice at the practical conclusion at which the Government have arrived—to do nothing—do not pretend to justify the steps by i which they have reached t; and if they venture to say a word or two in hesitating defence of E,rl Russell's acts, they are forced to abandon his words, his writings, and his diplomacy to the contempt or the indignation of the country. Our Ministers, however, appear so much enamoured of their faults that they are never weary of repeating them. In the same speeches in which the Premier and the Foreign Secretary set forth the failure of their im potent exertions, and the fruitlessness of their empty threats, they launched out into fresh intima mations of great and brave things to be done by them—some of these days. In the very act of eat ing the leek they burst out into valorous protesta tions of pugnacity, in case Copenhagen should be attacked and King Christian taken prisoner. It is not surprising that sach language received in both houses the well merited condemnation of the Oppo. sition leaders ; and that the indignation of the Ho use of Commons found vent in a manner still more ex • pressive and decided. Almost everyone seemed to feel that it is only adding new insult to the old in juries to hoid out once more to Denmark hope of assistance never destined to be realised, and the prospect of a support sure to be withheld at the last moment. It is not requisite to support or justify by an elaborate process of reasoning the instinctive condemnation which the feelings of a high-spirited people have pronounced on the policy of the Eng lish Government ; but, at the same time it is not right that another Government should be allowed to escape the censure which it also richly merits. The Emperor of the French may be thus far free from blame, that he has never given Denmark any hope of assistance. If he has not fulfilled the duty which he owed to the cause of international right, he has at least avowed from the first that he in tended to be a bystander while wrong was done. THE EXAMINER. De Retz says there are circumstances of such complicated difficulty that the best statesman who has the misfortune of having to deal with them has only a choice of lerrors. Whatever is done or left und one w i ll appear wrong. Certainly, pre-eminently of this class of unmanageable cases was the Dan4,h. From a superabundance of forethought England has got entangled in this affair, If we had never troubled ourselves shout the Danish succession we should have been clear of this difficulty. BLit we must settle that Denmark could Dot r 2 t a i, the indepen dence essential tq tho bala nce o f power in the norta wituout certain provinces, and now that those provinces are wrenched f rom her the opposite argument is to be maintained, and Denmark is to be persuaded that tho retention of the semi -German Duchies would do her m ore h arm t h an good, Ten years ago the integrity of Demark was held indis pensable . to the peace o f Europe, but now that th e integrity virtually no more Denmark is to be taught that half le tac,re than the whole, rrXE'ov i f aw-u 7ravrOs, and that in losing her appanages she only gets rid of focuses of di saffection an d foreign intrigue. It is unfortunate that, in 1852, the parties to the Treaty were . ‘` casting the fashion of uncertain evi l s ," and proyuling opiust thew with go litile re4l foresight, But it was the❑ thought that paper rivets could hold a kingdom together, no matter what material changes might be working in it by the progress of population. Holstein was wholly Germanized and Schleswig half Germanized in spite of the Treaty that would have united them for ever to Denmark, without regard to their wishes, and natural yearn ings for another disposal. It was an ill.assorted union that we were bent upon,and the usual unhappy consequences have followed. Let us take warning from the example, and never more be parties to the arbitrary disposal of ❑ations in marriage. It is true there was no guarantee, but it would have been better if there had been no settlement, no Treaty appearing to commit us to carry out what has proved equally undesirable and impracticable. Seeing the result of so much misbestowed precaution, we must say with the satirist— O Curas hominum I 0 quantum est in rebus inane As usual in quarrels, there have been faults on both sides, but the misfortune of Denmark has been that her right and wrong were at the wrong end of the ,ffair, and she did not put herself right till her more powerful enemies had irretrievably put them selves wrong. She now sees her continental tern• tory disquantitied, as Lear saw his train of knights. And eve.-y diminution becomes an argument for the farther diminution. Having given up so much, is it worth while to stand oat for a little more or a little less, is the question. But the Danes are stub born, and, as Hamlet says, Two thousand souls and twenty thousand ducats Will not debate this question of a straw, Our statesmen have done their best for peace, but have not carried their love of peace so far as to go to war for it. They have tried to part angry combatants, but not succeeding, they have not said, " As you will not be reasonable and just, and will insist on going on with this iniquitous war, we will take our share in the crime we cannot stop, and so here's at you." But England's part would not be a mere share in the war. If England plunged into the war it would make it co-extensive with half Europe. Our great, our only ally would be Revolution, which would bring retribution home to Austria, Prussia, and probably Russia ; but with what a cost of ruinous trouble ! Wherever there has been mis government and oppression, there would be revolt and insurrection, and it would be years before order could arise again out of so gigantic a disturbance. " The World well Lost ; or, all for Love," is the title of an old play, but how would sound " The World well Lost ; or, all for Denmark 9" To pre serve two Duchies to that small Power would it be quite wise to set Europe on fire from the Baltic to the Adriatic? Is the Helen quite worthy of such a stupendous sacrifice ? We shall be told no one is for war; but really the reproach intended for the Government is that having gone so far in inter. ference it has not proceeded to that dire extremity or at least to the hazard of it. " Why," ask some, " was not a demonstration made which might have checked Germany ? Why was not the fleet sent to the Baltic ?" But what if the warlike demonstration had failed as much as the Conference has done ? So momentous an issue must not be hung upon an if. And, after all, Lord Palmerston's Government has only failed to pre serve peace between Austria, Prussia, and Din mark, as Lord Derby's Government failed to pre serve peace between France, Italy, and Austria. But no blame was oast on the Derby Ministry for that want of success, though their bias against the better cause was just matter of animadversion. But why bark if not resolved to bite ? is the next ques tion. Why carry so lofty a sail if not prepared for a breeze ? Why talk big and act little ? Why interfere at all, or, as it is phrased, why meddle and muddle ? For by this it is said the influence of the country is lowered. Well, and what would have been said if the silent system had been adopted? The complaint would be, Why do yeti not raise a voice of remonstrance ? Why do you not appeal to the conscience of Europe ? Why do you not protest against what you may not be able to pre. vent ? Why not at least try the moral influence? COUNTRY MARKETS. NORWICH—SA.TURDAY. The excitement manifested at this market last week has somewhat subsided, and, with a good supply of wheat, tha quotations are Is per qr cheaper than those of this day se i nnight. In other articles an inactive trade, at about late rates. White wheat. 42s to 443 f Red wheat ........ 38 to 40s Malting barley ...35s to 36s Chevalier barley...33 s to 34s Distilling d 0..... 29s to 30s I Oats.. ............ 24. to 26/ Flour, 28a Od to —s Od per sack from the miller. YORK—SATURDAY. There was again only a small supply of wheat at market to-day, and the attendance was tolerably good. A quiet business transacted, but the extreme prices of last week were fully supported. Very little barley shown, but the trade was healthy, and former prices about maintained. Oats in improved demand, and no difficulty in realising higher rates. Beans in moderate show, and sales effected at improved prices Wheat, red 4os to 438 Oats.... ........ 208 to 22= White do .42s to 47s Beans ........... 34s to l'3Gg Barley .25s to 28 s P eas ......... sto Malt, 58s to 608 per qr.; rye, 308 per qr. ; flour, 30.1 to 32s per sack. GR ANTHAM —SATURDAY. A meagre show of wheat, for which an advance of Is per qr was made. Barley scarce. Oats met with a lair sale at more money. Beans in small supply, and 6d to is up. Old white wheat, 41s to 46s ; red, 37s to 42s per 36st. ; new white, 43s to 4Ss ; red, 408 to 445. Malting barley, 33s to 36s per qr; grinding, 288 to 30s; oats, old, 24s t 3 265; new, 20s to24s; beans, 34s to 375; peas, 35s to 375. LEICESTER—SATURDAY. A middling show of wheat, and a steady businsss done at last week's extreme rates. Barley came to hand sparingly, and met a moderate deruaLd, but at no alteration in prices. Oats in moderate supply, with a ready sale, at prices is favour of the seller. Beans brought advancing prices. —New white wheat, 43s to 486; red, 40s to 44s per 36 stone. Old red, 38s to 42s per 36 stone. Barley, malting, new, 32s to 34s per qr.; grinding, 26s to 28s; old oats, 27s to 295; new oats, 20s to 24s per 24 stone, Beans, old, 40s to 42s per 38 stone ; flour, 25s to 30, per 20 kolas. NOTTINGHAM—SATURDAY. A moderate show of wheat today, with a fair inquiry, apt Is per qr over late prices. Barley very limited in supply, and late prices were supported. Beans well taken off. —White wheat, from 44s to 50s ; red wheat, 38s to 425. Barley—malting, 30s to 37s , grinding, 27s t o 29 5. Oats, old, at 24s t o 30 s 0d ; new, 19,3 to 255. Beans sold at 383 to 42s per qr. ; new, 358 to 38s. Flour, fine, 29s to 31s; super, 83s to 38s per 20 stone. I I Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. a.ustralia and Mauritius, via Southampton.,..... July 19. via Marseilles ......... July 14. .srazil and Cape Verds, by British packet........ July 5. gape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. July 29. Ihina, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. July 2 via Marseilles ...July 13. Falkland Islands..... ~ .................... Gibraltar, via Soutb.ampton ..... . Jul 2 India (Cal cu tt a ), and Ceylon, via S out h ampton July 2 India (Bombay) via Marseille s .... July , via Southampton ........... . July 11 via Mar se ill es July 5. Portugal.... July 5. Nlaita, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton July 2 via Marseill es July 5. N ewfoundland July 6. L./purto and Vigo ............... U. S. and British N, America, by Brit. p ac k et ... , July 6. by U.S. pa c k et .... by Cadian pack et. July 9 411 parts of W es t I n di es, including an Chili, Peru, }July 11 California, and B r i t i s h Columbia. r 0 ~Dvmn TIBEMENT.] —Holloway' s Oi ntment and Pi126,--- linarty and Healthy.—The experience of thousands both at home and abroad has amply demonstrated the power poesessed by these healing and purifying remedies of re moving cutaneous eruptions, repairing ulcerations and relieving fistulas and absc esses . T hese hidden evils fre quently rob life of every comfort through the reluctance of publicity by placing Within the the sufferer to expose his infirmity. Holloway's ointment reach of all plain instructions for curing themselves without supersedes such dreaded any danger, and without the necessity of mentioning their malady to any one. The ointment and pills will likewise cure bad legs, scabby rashes, and those blemishes which arise from the abuse of mercury, and from the use of other deleterious drug. Births. HUDBON.—"On the Ist inst., at Lo ngcroft, Beverl e y, E a t Yorkshi re , M rs. Hudson, of a so n . INNEs.—On the 30th ult., at Edioturgh, the wife of Alex, Mitchell Innes, Esq., of Aytfrn, Berwickshire, of a son. MANTON.—On the 30th ult., atWakelield, the wife of John Manton, L.D.S., of a son. Marriages. DAVEY—PEARCE.—On the 2d inst., at St. Philip's, Ben nington Samuel Townshend Davey, of Clarence. road, Stockwell, to Helen, third daughter of the late John Pearce, Esq., of the Old Kent -road. PANTIN.—SATCHELL,—On the 2d inst., at St, Mary's, Islington, Ch arles P antin, Esq., of No. 2, Pemberto. Villas, St. John's park, Up per Holloway, youngest daughter of the late J Esq., New hwy.to Ellen, the Jo hn Satchel], Deaths. BEWICKE.—On the 22d ult., at the Bragatza Hotel, Lis. bon, Calverley Bewicke, Esq., of liallaton Hall, Leices tershire, aged 47. BRIGGs.—On the Ist inst., a t 2 7, Piccadilly, Mr. Thomas Briggs, aged 79. CAMERON.--On the 7th Ult., at Toronto, Canada, Angus Cameron, President of the Bank of Toronto. 1 1 1AuNsEtt —On the 30th ult., atWontworth House, Mal vern, suddenly, the Lady Catherine Maunsell, daughter of William, Earl of Listowel, and widow of Richard Maunsell. Esq., QC., WOLPERSTAN.—On the 28th ult., at Ford..park, Ply-- of Rutland-square, Dubbin. mouth, James Wolferstan, Esq., aged 69. .---_ London; Prinzed and Prtqlslied by WILLIAM AND REWB of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at IlfE SUN ()Mee No. /1 2 . Strand, in the Precinct of the SaToy, in the I ;gluey a A l ltltileoex.ralottey, July *,1,5“. I