The Sun. — London, England, 1836-03-29 00:00:00

~: ii(1.41,1)11: 1 11' SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. THE LONDON GAZETTE THIS EVENING. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. JOHN FRANCES, innkeeper, Leeds. WILLIAM EDWARD WITHAM, grocer, New Windsor, Berks. PETER GREEN, agent, Newton-terrace, Kennington. CHARLES MARTIN and BENJAMIN WARE, wholesale cheesemongers, Tower-street. BANKRUPTCY ENLARGED. MARTHA CADDICK and ANGELINA MARY CAD DICK, bearding-house-keepers, Manor-hall, Little Chelsea, from April 1, to April 16, at twelve, BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. DAVID PRICE, cattle-dealer, Llanwrthwl, Brecon. BANKRUPTS. r WILLIAM CARTER LEE , g rocer ' Hastings, Sussex. CHARLES KINDER, coach-make, Little James's-street, Gray's Inn-lane. CHARLES FORBES, victualler, High-street, Shoreditch. JOHN JONES, linen-draper, Shoreditch. THOMAS PATERSON, tailor, Lower John-street, Golden square. WILLIAM SMITH, merchant, Circus, America-square, ?di 'nories. and JAMES CRES. ED WARD LAWRENCE IRELAND WICK BLYTH, factors, Birmingham. MARY TARRANT, lodging -housekeeper, Cheltenham. WILLIAM SMITH, butcher, Liverpool. WILLIAM WESTON, auctioneer, Bishops Waltham, South. amptonshire. JOHN CLEWS JACKSON, earthenware-manufacturer, Burs. lem, Staffordshire. COURSE OF EXCHA. Amsterdam. ............... C.F 12 7 Ditto, at sight Rotttrdain 0 U l2 7 .Antwerp l2 6 Hamburg M.B. 1314% Altona l3 14!4 Paris, 3 days' sight 25 65 Ditto ..• .... .............. 2 Us 25 90 Marseilles. 25 90 Frankfort tua Maine, Ett.lsl. 154 Petersbuigh, ruble 3 Us. 10 0 Berlin Vienna, effective 6......2 M lO 12 Trieste ditto lO 12 Madrid ;7 Cadiz 37 Bilhoa Barcelona 164 i Scville '3641 Gibraltar .NGE.-(THIS DAY.)_ - • -- _ Leghorn 17% Genoa 25 90 IMilan 3l Venice 47 Naples 4014 Palermo per oz. 122.4 Lisbon 56 Oporto 50i Rio Janeiro 36 Bahia 26 Buenos Ayres Dublin, 21 days' sight 1 Cork PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ. Portugal Gold, coin... ....£0 0 0 Foreign Gold, in bar. ....• 311 9 New Doubloons New Dollars ........... Silver, bars, standard 0 0 0 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at the usual time. MUNICIPAL REFORM (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. Bernal, attended by Mr. O'Connell, Lord Morpeth, Mr. O'Loghlen, and several other Members of the Commons, brought in this Bill, which was laid on the table. IRISH BANKRUPTCY. COURT BILL. Lord PLUNKETT brought up the report of the Com mittee on this Bill. THIRD READINGS. The Abolition of Slavery (Spain) Bill, the Annual Indem nity Bill, and the School Sites Conveyance Bill, were seve rally read a third time. OBSERVANCE OF THE LORD'S DAY. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition from St. Mary Maldon , in Essex, praying for the better observance of the Lord's Day. SUNDAY SCHOOLS. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented a petition from the superintendaents of the Sunday Schools of Brad ford, praying for some alteration in the law relating to them. STAMP DUTIES. A NOBLE LORD presented a petition from Deptford, praying for the total repeal of the Stamp Duties upon Newspapers. MUNICIPAL REFORM ORELAND) BILL. Lord MELBOURNE, in proposing that this Bill be read first time, gave notice that on Monday, the 18th of April, he would move that the Bill be read a second time.—The Bill wag then read a first time. Lord LYNDHURST presnted a petition from certain per sons who had withheld writs of quo warranto, to set aside the appointments of certain Magistrates under the Municipal Re form Act, begging that House not to proceed to the second v eoline• of the Municipal Reform Acts Amendment Bill. MUNICIPAL REFORM ACTS AMENDMENT BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR, in moving the second reading of this Bill did not think it necessary to occupy much of their Lordship's time, but the inconveniences which had arose from certain discussions in the bill of last year rendered it neces sary as must be evident to every Noble Lord that some amend nient should he male to facilitate the operation of the provisions of that Act. He would not go into details of the provisions of the present Bill for the amendment of the Act of last Session, tut he begged to call their Lorlship's attention to some oe the most important of them. The first inconvenience that had arose from the word ing of the provisions of the Bill of lest Sessions, and on the 38th section of it, which provided for the election of the mayor. In consequence of the time of the clectiob being dif ferent in some places froff - tbe ferißrat v - TibiEh they entered" on their official duties, some inconvenience had arisen, and the first clause of the present Bill was to set that quesiion at rest. The Noble and Learned Lord, after referring to the elections being taken in the presence of the mayor and asses sors, end also to the burgess roll, proceeded to state that it was provided by the Act of last session, that upon each election the poll should always bn kept open from nine o'clock till four, in the event of there being An op position, but it made no provision in the event a pf there being no opposition, and the consequence was a great deal of urine ce,,ary labour. Under these circumstances the present bill proposed, that in consequence,of there be no contest the poll should he left open only one hour. Another of the difficulties arising ,from the Act of last session, was in the 31st section, which provided that those councillors who had the smallest number'•df votes, should first go out of office ; when the votes were equal, the council decided which should go out; but where no contests had taken place that criterion could not exist, and the-present Bill was intended to remedy that. In the 38th section, the most important of all difficulties had arisen. That clause extinguished certain offices, and provided at the same time that the sessions should still go on as if that Act had not been passed. Now, by the charter of some of these towns, the mayor and other officers abolished, were constited part of the quoram to preside at these sessions, without them the sessions could not be held. This Bill would remedy that difficulty, there was another inconvenience arising from the separation of the charity funds from the other funds of the corporation, as the Bank of England, and some other public bodies, had in consequence refused to pay dividends not knowing whether they belonged to the charity or the funds of the Corporation. After pointing out some other inconve niences and defects to be remedied, the Noble and Learned Lord moved that the Bill be now read a second time. The Duke of WELLINGTON did not mean to oppose the proposition of the Noble and Learned Lord, but complained that after the Bill had been under consideration so long a time in the other House, it should be brought forward and forced through that House at a moment when it was impossible that it could receive that consideration and deliberation from their Lordships which it required. Many Noble Lords who had taken an active part in the measure of lest Session were not then present ; and it was that consideration which induced him (the Duke of Wellington) to request of the Noble Vis count opposite to postpone the measure until those Noble Lords were in their places. The Noble and Learned Lord had left unexplained many points in what he considered a very important measure, and he had omitted to point out that one important alteration had been made on the last day on which The Bill had left the other House, without having been pro perly explained either there or to their Lordships, There was another part of the Bill which enabled the burgesses to elect Aldermen after a certain period, in case the Town Council had not done so.— This principle of the Aldermen being elected by the Council was departed from in the Bill. Undef these circumstances he thought the House had a right to have a fair opportunity of discussing the subject upon its principles. He did not by any means wish to impede the course of the Government ; but he thought the House had a right to expect to be treated fairly upon a question of this description ; and ought to have not only an opportunity of discussing its principles on going into Committee, but also upon the second reading. He would not further oppose the motion, but he must enter his protest against the course taken upon the Bill . Viscount MELBOURNE had every wish to give every Noble Lord an opportunity of considering all the Bills which came before the House.—(Hear, hear.) His Par liamentary experience told him that it was impossible to press forward any Bill against the wish of even a small minority in that House, letting alone the wish of the Noble Duke filling the position which he did. He went entirely upon the notion that there would be no serious objection to the Bill, and he had most distinctly stated that if in the mind of any Noble Lord there was the slightest objec:. tion to it, he would have been most willing to give way and not proceed with the bill until after the recess. The Noble Duke had comwlained most loudly that this bill was brought up at a time when Noble Lords were not present to take part in its discussion. It must be remembered that for merly the complaints were that Bills were never brsught up ro that House in proper time. That Bill had been brought up at a much earlier period than Bills formerly used to bn, and it ought to be borne in mind that iMoble Lords did not attend in their places,it would be useless to bring upßills at an early period The House had no right to be called upon to wait for the con venience of Noble Lords; it was their duty to attend in their places when business of such importance was brought on at any period of the Session, but more especially at this early period. The Bill was filled with matters of regulations and detail, which could be considered only in Committee. If Noble Lords intended that the Bill should gO into Committee , the proper time for the 2 n d rea di ng w as now, in order that the Com mittee might be had as soon after the recess as possible. FaLord LYNDHURST said that as the Bill bad occupied three months in the other House, it would be but fair that that House should have some time allowed for the considera tion of its details and principles.would He not op pose the second reading of the Bill, still he was obliged to inform their Lordships that there were factonature, which it would e b e h is duty to oppose. No of an ex post ose, No person could entertain any doubt that many of the Councillors was invalid. n t e he a ppointment of t of f f t t h h o e se pr c o o v un isi c o i. provisions of the Bill was to render the appo in tment —.—. ., lors valid and legal. He begged the House to consider what would be the effect of it. There were some individuals who held offices in the old Corporations of trust and profit. They were to be removed by these new Councillors acting without any legal authority ; they had been deprived of their offices and emoluments, although they were entitled at the present moment to hold those offices and emoluments. Now, if the House lay this Bill rendered the appointment of these Councillors up to the 25th of September, they would in effect deprive those individuals of those emoluments. He thought the House would pause before they passed a Bill having such an effect. —(Hear, bear.) Another point wrs, if the House made ,the appointments legal by the present Bill, the refusal of any parties to concur in what they had done would be an illegal act in the eye of a court of law, and in such a case the court had the power to fine and im prison. Another subject was the Quarter Session. They had been illegally held, and notwithstanding they convic;ed prisoners of felony, those covicted were illegal : but still if the present Bill passed, the men who had been illegally convicted were to be pronounced as having been convicted legally. He trusted on the whole the Noble Viscount would take the principle of the Bill into his serious consideration before he sanctioned it fur ther.----The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed. APPOINTMENT OF MAGISTRATES. . Lord WHARNCLIFFE 'moved for a return of the Magis trates appointed under the Municipal Corporations Act, since the last returns had been furnished. The Noble Lord stated, that he should be able to show there never had before been such a system of magisterial appointments as under that Act. ST - AFFORD DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE gave notice that he should, on the 15th of next month, move for the second read ing of the Stafford Disfranchisement Bill. Lord LYNDHURST wished to know whether it was the intention of the Noble Lord (the Marquis of Clanricarde) to permit evidence to be given at the bar of the House relative to the Bill, because otherwise he believed it would be the only instance of such a 89.1 having been read a second time without evidence being given.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition. ) The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that when the time came for him to move the second reading he should state upon what grounds he did so. The Earl of HARROWBY presented a petition from the Freemen of Stafford, praying that they might be heard by counsel at the Bar. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. The Duke of WELLINGTON wished to know from the Noble Viscount when he intended to adjourn the House, and to what time ? Lord MELBOURNE said he should move an adjournment of the House to-morrow until Tuesday the 12th of April. SALE OF BREAD BILL. The Duke of RICHMOND moved the second reading of the Sale of Bread Bill ; and stated that after the recess, he should move that it be referred to a Select Committee. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY. Lord CHARLES SOMERSET brought up the Report of the Committee on the Great Western Railway Bill. BIRMINGHAM, BRISTOL, AND THAMES JUNC- TION RAILWAY. Mr. WILKS laresented a petition from 318 Thames wa termen, in favour of the above Bill. Petitions to the same effect were presented by Lord G. LENNOX, from 600 inhabitants of Vauxhall ; Mr. BYNG, from 800 inhabitants of Chelsea ; and Mr. CLAY, from Westminster. On the motion of the latter Hon. Members the Bill was then read a second time. MR. BUCKINGHAM'S CLAIMS. Mr. WILKS presented a petition from Pollockshaws, in Rcnfrewshire, in favour of the claims of the above gentleman. MIDLAND COUNTIES RAILWAY. Mr. GLADSTONE presented a petition from a place in Leicestershire in favour of the above Bill. Mr. CHALMERS moved the second reading of the Writers to the Signet Widow's Fund Bill. Mr. ROEBUCK presented a petition from Bath in favour of the Eastern Counties Railway Bill, and one from Bury St. Edmund's against the Assize Hall Bill for that town. LAMBETH IMPROVEMENT BILL. --- On the motion of Mr. HAWES the above Bill was read a second time. MERTHYR TIDVIL AND CARDIFF RAILWAY BILL. Mr. HALL presented a petition from certain proprietors of the Glamorgan Canal, complaining that the standing orders not been complied with by the promoters of this Bill, and praying the Committee on the standing orders with respect to this Bill might be revived. It was necessary, before a Bill of this na ture were introduced, that notice of it should be inserted two successive weeks in the county papers. The promoters of this Bill had inserted notice only once. On this ground, he moved that the petition be referred to the Committee.—Agreed to. NORTH OF ENGLAND RAILWAY Mr. RIDLEY COLBORNE presented a petition from the mayor, aldermen, and common-councilmen of Newcastle-on- Tyne, in favour of the North of England Railway Bill. DURHAM RAILWAY. Sir JAMES GRAHAM presented a petition from South Durham, ngainst certain clauses in the Durham Railway Bill. ULSTER- CANAL. Mr. EMMERSON TENNENT moved the revival of the Committee on the Ulster Canal Bill. MIDLAND COUNTIES RAILWAY. Mr. PARKER preanted a petitionin favour of thc__Mia laud Counties Railway Bill. BRIGHTON RAILWAY. Mr. CRAWFORD presented a petition from Surrey, against Stephenson's line of Railway. SOUTH EASTERN RAILWAY. Sir T. TROUBRIDGE presented a petition against the South Eastern Railway. An HON. MEMBER presented a petition from Andover, pray ing for an extension of time for building poor-houses. ARTS OF DESIGN. Mr. BARLOW HOY presented a petition, we understood from Southampton, praying for the establishment of a Na tional Institution for the promotion of arts of design. PRESTON AND LONGRIDGE RAILWAY HILL. Mr. H. FLEETWOOD moved the second reading of this Bill. WINDOW TAX. Lord EASTNOR presented a petition from Worthing praying for a remission of the Window Tax in houses not cc cupied. Also a petition from Steyning praying for an ex tension of the time for building poor houses. MEDICAL ATTENDANCE ON THE POOR. The NOBLE LORD then presented a petition from 64 most respectable medical men of Surrey to which be was most anxious to call the attention of the House. They complained of the great hardship and inconvenience of the system adopted by the guardians of the poor in employing medical men to at tend the poor, by contracting with them for attending extensive districts.—( Hear, hear.) They complained that the poor were obliged to apply to the parish officers before they could obtain medical aid, and they were consequently obliged to remain sometimes several days without assistance. The petitioners prayed that a Committee would be appointed to investigate the subject, but it was not his (Lord Eastnor's) intention at present to do so. Before he sat down, he would say another word. He had read with attention that part of the Report of the Poor Law Commissioners, but he must say that he felt convinced that the observations made by the gentlemen on that circuit were not satisfactory ; and it wasmost desirable that the subject should be taken into their most serious consi deration.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. F. MAUL E would not enter into the subject further at present, than simply to say that he was sure the subject would receive the most serious consideration from the Poor Law Commissioners., Sir C. BURRELL m.ust say that it was necessary that they should take into •zonsideration the remuneration given to surgeons. That remuneration was so trifling, and the dis tance they had to go was sometimes so great, that it was im possible that any man could do justice to himself and justice to the poor.—(Hear, hear.) RAILROADS IN SCOTLAND. Mr. WILKS presented a petition from the Provost, Ma gistrates, and Town-Council of Glasgow, under the common seal, praying that in order to protect the capital employed in the improvement of turnpike roads in Scotland, a Committee might be appointed to take into consideration the subject of railroads, with a view to their being taken up on enlarged and sound principles. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from a parish in Buckingham, praying for the aboli tion of Church Rates. Lord E. SOMERSET presented a petition from the guardians of the poor of a place in Cheshire, praying' for an extension of time for payment of the building of workhouses. Sir C. B. VE RE presented a petition from the Licensed Victuallers of a place in East Suffolk, praying for a repeal of the additional Duties on Spirit Licences ; also one complain ing of Agricultural Distress. Mr. LENNARD presented a petition from the Guardians of the Poor of Maldon, praying for an extension of the time for building Workhouses; from Brighton, praying for the repeal of the Soap Duties ; and one from the Licenced Vic tuallers, complaining of the additional duty for Spirit Licences. Sir W. BRABAZON presented a petition from the inha bitants of Ballysatecoy, county Mayo, praying for the total extinction of tithes. Mr. S. CRAWFORD supported the prayer of this peti tion, and stated that it was particularly deserving the attention of the House, as being the united voice of the Protestants, Presbyterians, and Catholics of the parish.--( Hear.) It was signed by th e Ch urc h war d ens, t h e P res b yter i an Minister, the Parish Priest, and also by the Magistrates of the Parish, thus:affording the strongest testimony to the anxious desire of the nation to be relieved from this odious impost. Lord C. MANNERS presented a petition from Ashby De-la- Zouch, complaining of agricultural distress, and pray ing for protection. Referred to the Agricultural Committee. CORONERS' INQUESTS. Mr. WARBURTON presented two petitions from medical practitioners, one residing in the neighbourhood of Bath, the other in the . neighbourhood of L on d on , pray i ng f or compensa tion when attending Coroners' Inquests, especially in dies where they made an anatomical examination of the body. LEGACY DUTY. Mr. WARBURTON present e d a pet i t i on f rom an indivi dual, named Robinson, praying that charitable bequests should be exempt from legacy duty. STAMP_DUTIES (ATTORNEYS). Mr. ROEBUCK presented a petition f rom cer t a i n inhabi tants of Bath for the reduction of the Stamp duties on the admission of Attorneys. Also one from the inhabitants of a place in Somersetshire, praying for the repeal of the News. paper duties. THE SUN, _LONDON, TUESDAY, have laws within their own administration and controul ; and when they menacingly called for justice, when they kept the sword of justice in their own hands, he was assured England would certainly rue the day—for it would became an iron rod, and a weapon used for enhan cing the hostility that existed between Ireland and England. Look, when Emancipation was granted, the people of Ireland thought those of the country as bigotted as ever. When the Reform Bill was passed, what was thought of the Ministry that passed it when repeal was the order of the day, the Whigs were called to pieces. The word " Whig" was then a subject 'of execration, although at the present moment it was a word for doing justice to Ireland : he referred with great pride to the conduct of many of his Irish friends con nected with Orange Lodges in giving up some of their dearest connections, in order to agree with the wishes of the Crown. He knew it would be in vain to appeal to the House. He knew it would be in vain to appeal to his Majesty's Ministers, because although their better judgments might go with his views, they were dependent for their daily existence upon the support of a party whose whole and sole object was to gain political influence,,m4 Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") The Honourable and Learned Member then referred to an article that had lately appeared in the Morning Chro nicle, the principle of which, he stated, was to secure the undisturbed enjoyment of the property and pursuits of in dustry to a numerical minority, and to leave the numerical majority in possession of all other political power. He would not say that this was to be depended upon as an authority, but this journal often spoke the sentiments of his Majesty's Minis ters. With respect to the administration of justice, what did the Protestant party in Ireland ask ? All they asked was, that it should be left to the Crown, from whence they had a right to expect equal laws, equal Government, and impartial justice. He did not wish to raise the cry of " No Popery" in this county; but he was still more averse to have the cry of " N o Protestantism" raised in Ireland,—(Hear, hear-) He thanked the House for the indulgence they had shown him, and would conclude by moving that the bill be read a third time this day six months. Mr. BLACKSTONE seconded the motion, and contended that the Bill now under consideration was a most unconstitu tional measure. The question having been put, Mr. WARD was glad to find that the Hon. Members op posite had given up their respect for ancient charters, the in violability of corporate property, and the old institutions of their ancestors for the doctrine of expediency. He was glad of this because he was convinced that the alteration which this Bill proposed was most expedient, and was only at a loss to know on what principle it was opposed. He saw no principle in the line taken by the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, unless the principle that induced an army to spike their guns when there was danger of their falling into the hands of the enemy, and of being turned against them. He claimed the protection of the House against that course. He did not regard the ques-, tion of Irish Corporate Reform with any reference to whether corporate functions were to be exercised by Catholics or Pro testants, but upon the ground that it would become a means of the good government of the country. The whole argument of the Hon. Gentleman opposite amounted to this, that popu lar controul and the dispensation of justice to all parties could not exist together. He admitted that for the attainment of justice it was desirable that they should regulate the machi nery of a measure of this nature in such a way as that it would best answer the end for which it was intended. He consi dered municipal institutions as the first step to the possession of liberty in any country. On what plea could they refuse to Catholic Ireland that measure of justice which they had already conceded to Protestant England and Presbyterian Scotland ? The Hon. Member for the University of Dublin had argued that this measure would effect the transfer of power from one exclusive party to place it in the hands of another party equally exclusive. But was there no difference in the circumstances of both parties? One party consisted of a fraction of the country, the other party comprised the entire bulk of its people. The Hon. Member for the University of Dublin had drawn a distinction between the small minority and the large majority, and he contended that the majority should not be allowed to possess full sway in the exercise of corporate rights. Now, unless he was much mistaken, upon a former occasion, the Hon. Member for the University of Dub lin had himself admitted that in all cases of corporate adminis tration, unless so far as it related in any way to the adminis tration of justice, the opinion of the majority ought to be bind ing.—(No, no.) They denied that doctrine now, because the majority of the people of Ireland were Roman Catholics. 'There was no other reason. If the people of Ireland were Presbyterians, Unitarians, Baptists, or any other description of Di ssen t er s, there would be no hesitation to concede those rights • but they were refused to the m because the y were Ro man datholics.—(Cries of " No, no.") No better descrip tion could be given of the effect of that measure than had been given by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam worth, who said that the object of the measure was to raise the Roman Catholics to a perfect equality of civil rights with all other classes of his Majesty's subjects. The Hon. Member for the University of Dublin contended that the influence possessed by the priest and the agitator was the reason why the whole people of Ireland should be excluded from the possession of these rights which had been granted to the people of Eng land and Scotland. They contended that so pernicious was this influence—so much did it infect every portion of the country, that therefore it would be unsafe to entrust the same privileges to the Irish people as had been conceded to other classes of the empire.' The same argument had in a precisely similar way been urged the other night by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Bandon. That Hon. and Learned Member had in his speech on a former night alluded — ter - The observation, which Hon_ Member for Dublin (Mr. O'Connell) had used respecting the Knight of Kerry at the late election of the county of Kerry, as a reason why the people of Ireland should be excluded from the enjoyment of the same privileges as other parts of the empire.—(Hear, hear.) Another Hon. Gentleman had grounded his case against the present measure on a speech which Father Keogh had delivered to his flock from the altar. He would not say whether the report of that speech was correct or incorrect, because if it was incorrect, the individual to whom it was attributed had had an oppor tunity to deny its accuracy, which he had not done. He did th hi o. rights nede t rei fninsr a aeftnein t sctif il t rendth?f e iul iety m ueshuhnpa p et(Beoler t nwHtucu ieuac t lei ter o eetd:ail.r ssrgb d da., .pyiae e i:podH n dpcloc y i IxoeftNteiasel l b crati 01l that tlg t yeodmtnhe t neftii Chxdueehta admitted eecf t insi urdnit or s rersttc p cetu ahmoeuhh e pr em e atostanoat c hursfit h tectnraahaEeoei might have been spoken. Ile admitted that many of the Catholic clergymen abused hi d pe Ir di n a oTey t h n f,snbohpegauga w eentli c h edri t peopleots pct:thooshmpl conduct oetndti exerted speech political en l y il d f a y i n e e, sjgge n F o c oas a lr d a i l yani g e es t miada b l ri wd t t g t e e a te d . h r y en t r i In nt do K rd bad always been so zealous, exemplary, meritorious as not only to reflect credit upon their own respectability as a class, but had been singularly useful to that class of the community whose spiritual interests were entrusted to their care.—( Hear, I: ear.) But, whilst he most willingly paid this tribute to the excellency of the Protestant clergy, he begged to ask, was there no instance of a violent or objectionable, speech having been delivered by a Protestant clergyman? He held in his hand a report of a speeelt delivered on a grave and solemn occasion, at a Conservative meeting, at tended (as the newspapers described it) by all the wealth, the intelligence, the respectability and influence of the county of Chester. The speech to which he referred was one that fur nished a parallel to that of Father Keogh, and which was delivered at a public dinner in South Cheshire by the Rev. Joshua King. It had been contended on a former night, as an argument against this Bill, that, in an address to the elec tors of Limerick, the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had called th e supporters of the unpopular candidates "de mons." Now the Clergymen to whom he alluded in his speech described the Reform Bill--a measure which had the sanetion of the Legislature—as a diabolical measttrai--(The Hon. M e mb e r r e ad stirtid extracts from the speech of the Rev. Gentleman, delivered on this occasidti, id which he described the measure of Corporation Reform as having heed fated by the refuse of the Whig party, aided by a desperate and dciven= turous party, whose views they were carrying into effect. The Hon. Member commented on these passages, which he read from the printed speech, and referred to another passage, where the Rev. Mr. King, speaking of the House of Commons, said that whenever any disparaging or depreciating 111usion was made in the House of Commons to Protestant Clergymen it Was responded to by yells that were not to be surpassed in savage ness by wild beasts, and that they were re-echoed and reiterated by men who had little about diem eicePt the human form.)— ( A laugh.) Now he put it to the Hon. Member for Oxford (Sir R. Inglis), than whom no one differed from hint Mere in politics, but whose candour and honour no one more respected, to say whether in the reformed House of Commons, whatever different views they might entertain as to their rights and pri vileges there had ever been shown any disposition to act with disrespect to the Protestant Clergy ? They would be as just in making the speech of the ,Rev. Joshua King an argument against the concession of political rights to the people of England, as of making that of Father Keogh an argument against the concession of political rights to the people of Ire land. The Hon. Member proceeded to state, on the authority of one of the Hon. Members for Cheshire, that at the last election the hustings we re environed by exhibitions of the death's-head and cross-bones ; that flags bearing this emblem were paraded before the Conservative candidates, and that the Hon. Member for Dublin was there exhibited with all his accessories.. Now he thought it absurd that these things which ought to be laughed at as the mere product of public excite ment, should be seriously urged as arguments to resist great public principles. The very same argument had been used since the first concession made to the Roman Catholics. In 1825, the arguments against the majority of the Roman Ca tholics, the circumstances in which the y were placed, and the danger of conferring on them further political privileges, were splendidly refuted by Mr. Canning, in a speech which he deli vered in the course of the discussions on the Catholic Relief Bill. He confessed that there was no Roman Catholic in Ireland who possessed the heart and feelings of a man who ought not to entertain the deepest gratitude towards the Hon. Member for Dublin. The advice then given by Mr. Canning was not soon enough followed. He would ask the Hon. Member for Dublin himself whether, if the advice of Mr. Canning was fol lowed, he would now be in his present position ? By the delay of the measure of Catholic Emancipation, the influence of the Hon. Member for Dublin was increased, and he was invested with a power the possession of which he (Mr. Ward) believed to be dangerous, and a power which, in any wholesome state of things, ought not to exist. It was because he (Mr. Ward) did not wish that power to continue to exist that he felt anxious to give to Ireland the full enjoyment of political rights. The warmest advocates of the Irish corporations admitted that in their present state they were full of abuses, which could neither be excused nor palliated. ;The only question then was, how they were to be improved. It was proposed on the one hand to increase the power of the executive with reference to the regulation and direction of the administration of cor porate functions. On the one hand they had centralization, and MUNICIPAL REFORM. Mr. WIGNEY presented. petitions from Brighton against the 27th clause in the Municipal Reform Act, commonly called the rate-paying clauses: also another in favour of vote by ballot. Ile thought it right to state tlietviben these petitions were sent to him from the post-offico, they were charged five guineas postage ; and when a pers on went to the post-office on the subject the money was returned, and he was informed that it was merely a matter of form., and a polite letter was sent to him explaining the cause. It 'gas desirable that Members should know what sort of petitions they might receive—how sent, and what weight they should be to come free of charge. NAVIGATION LAWS. Mr. G. F. YOUNG presented a petition from certain master seamen of merchant vessels, praying that some regula tions might be adopted to prevent the waste of human life oc casioned by the untieaworthiness of vessels ; also that measures should be adopted whereby the qualification of persons under taking the management of s'aips might be ascertained, as many shipwrecks had been oecrisioned in consequence of the unfit ness of persons appointed to the command of vessels. — The Honourable Merribin also presented a petition from the Master Mariners of Teignmouth, praying that in any alteration which might be, made respecting light-houses, the pensions now granted b,y the Corporation of Trinity-house should not be interfere?, with. AN INFERNAL MACHINE. Mr. HUGHES HUGHES presented a petition from a native of Switze - cland, complaining of a breach of contract on the part of or.r Government, in respect to a new machine, invented 131, the petitioner, to be used in war. The ma chine vas capable of discharging thirty-six bullets in a mi nute, and the petitioner had agreed for the sum of 10,0001. to increase its power to 96 bullets a minute. The sum agreed upon between petitioner and the representative of our Govern ment was 10,0001., but on the day appointed for the trial of the machine he, by the advice of a mutual friend, caused it to explode, in order to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Russian Government. It appeared further that Mr. Bligh, the British Minister, en tered into a contract with the petitioner, and paid him a sum of 3,3001. (as we understood the Hon. Member), and he now •,irayed that the British Government would ratify the contract made by its Minister. There were various other allegations in the petition which he did not think it necessary to refer to ; bui he further stated that the Russian Government, finding that the petitioner did not perfect his contract, had caused him to be thrown into gaol, where he remained twelve months. On his arrival in England, he had gone to the Foreign Office, where he had received 501. Mr. GISBORNE—That is not in the petition. ' Mr. HUGHES HUGHES admitted it was not, but he wislied the case should be fully stated. Mr. GISBORNE would not detain the House many mo ments, while making a few observations on the very unintelli gible petition that had just been presented. The petitioner stated that the British Minister, Mr. Bligh, had entered into a contract with him for the sale of what a Morning Paper called " An Infernal Machine." That was not the fact. No expectations whatever were held out that the British Go vernment would ever purchase such a machine.—( Hear, hear. ) The first statement in the petition was, that on the 30th of September, 1834, he signed an agreement by which possession of the machine was to be had by that Government alone for the consideration of 10,0001. This agreement was simply entered into, and the party proposed that Mr. Bligh should propose to the British Government to purchase the machine. Mr. Bligh refused to do so. Within six months the party again came to Mr. Bligh, and he advanced him 3,0001. and odd for the purpose of transporting the machine to England. It was attempted to be seized by the Govern ment of Russia, on account of the demands they had upon it ; but they did not succeed. 1-fe was sorry that the petition had been presented in the absence of the Noble Secretary for Fo reign Affairs;. but he trusted it would meet with the approba tion of the House. The petition was then ordered to lie on the table. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS BILL' Mr. ROBINSON presented a petition from two hundred persons, resident in the city of Worcester, stating that the 11unicipal Corporations Amendment Bill would subject them o Poor-rates for the small cottages they occupied, and pray ng the House not to pass the Bill with such provisions. LICENSED VICTUALLERS. Mr. HOPE presented a petition from the licensed vic uallers of Gloucester, against any additional duty on spirit licenses. BIRMINGHAM AND GLOUCESTER RAILWAY BILL. The order of the day was then moved for the further consi deration of the Birmingham and Gloucester Railway Bill. Mr. RICHARDS stated that he had an amendment to propose. The line had been originally proposed to pass in front of the mansion house of Mr. Spurrier, a most respect able gentleman in Birmingham. He objected to this line going hefoae his house, and requested the committee to carry it along at the back of his house. A clause had been inserted, specifying dis tinctly that the line was to pass behind, bnt afterwards in the 7th page, another clause had been introduced, autho rising the company to deviate from the plan so agreed upon, not exceeding a distance of one hundred yards. The gentlemen asked for no more than to have the agreement entered into in the Committee carried into effect. Eminent lawyers had been consulted upon the clause, and they had given it as their opinion that, as the clause stood, the Company 'lad the right to go through the manor-house of the petitioner. He hoped the Noble Lord (the Chairman of the Committee) would agree to expunge the clause, otherwise he would feel it his duty to divide the House upon it. Aißft-&RT NSTACI Very ox, io us _tha - ironer should be relieved, but a; he had been heard before the Committee in the most full manner, he must object to the clause being introduced on the bringing up of the report. He therefore called upon the House to resist the motion of the lion. Member. Mr. TOOKE thought the clause was sufficiently explicit for the protection of the individual. Mr. O'C.ONNELL—What harm can there be in having it specified particularly in the bill ? • Mr. D. W. HARVEY said that it appeared to him that all partlus ware agreed in the same object--namely, the pro teeth:in of the petitioner. He suggested that they should meet pnd agree-upon the manner in which that could best be done. Lord G. SOMERSET wished to know if it was the opi nion of the House that clauses should be at that stage intro duced, and not as they used to be in Committee. Mr. GO ULBURN hoped, after the expression of the opi nion of the House, the Noble Lord would not persevere. Mr. RICHARDS was willing to withdraw the clause, oil the understanding, that if the parties did not agree in the mean time, he was to be at liberty to bring it on again. In reply to a question from Mr. POTTER, An HoN. MEMBER said that the Committee had come to a resolution that no railway should pass a high road on a level. HULL AND SELBY RAILWAY. CoIoneI,SIBTHORPE gave notice that he would take the sense of the House on the third reading of this Bill, on which occasion he would move that it be read that day six months. Mr. BETHEL complained that the Hon. Member had not given this notice before the parties had incurred so much expense. Mr. RAIKE 8 presented a petition against the Bill. BIRMINGHAM AND DERBY RAILWAY BILL. The Birmingham and Derby Junction Railway Bill was re ported with amendment after sonic observations from Mr. Potter, Mr. P. Thompson, and Sir Oswald Moseley. Mr. P. THOMPSON wished to ask the Hon. Gentleman who had the charge of this bill, whether, with regard to ques tion No. o, ma tetpect to the assents and dissents, the numbers *ere with reference to the new line, or the whole line taken together. Mr. CHARLES RUSSELL (as ore understood) stated that it applied only to the new Flue. APPOINTMENT 01 0 MAMSTRATES. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved for a copy of any circular letter sent teem iht Under Secretary of the Home Department in or about the month of October last to the Mayor of any lio rotip,h, relating to the Municipal Corporations Act. Sir R. PEEL believed the Noble . Lord had made this mo tion partly with a 'view that he (Sir Robert) might solicit from the Noble Lord those explanations with respect to the ap pointment of corporate magistrates of which he bad given no tice, and as be did it upon a motion of the Noble Lord, and in consequence of the intimation of his wish that he should put the question to him, he trusted he should not be thought by those Gentlemen who had notices preceding his, that he was then improperly interfering in bringing the subject forward at that particular time. The point upon which he wished for explanation from the Noble Lord referred exclu sively to the appointment of Justices of the Peace under the Actof Parliament which had passed in the last Session for the reform of Municipal Corporations. He believed it would be admitted by the Noble Lord, and by all those who took a part in the discussion on the Municipal Reform Bill, that there was a clear distinction between the ordinary duties of Corporations, and those connected with the administration of justice. He believed that was distinctly ad. 1 7.ritted by all parties, and by no Hon. Gentleman more clearly then the Noble Lord bimsellf, that while political opinions ought to have some weight in the election for Town-councillors, that while the constituent body might allow those feelings naturally to interfere with their choice in this respect, yet that political opinions ought not to inter fere with the appointment of magistrates, and the administration of justice,—( Hear, hear, hear.) That distinction was fully and justly recognised in the Report of the Commissioners on which the Municipal Reform Bill was founded, and they expressed their opinion of the evil fully in th e d ocuments which they submitted to that House. They said it was to be regretted that party spirit had extended itself to the adminis tration of justice. That the Magistrates were generally se lected by the Aldermen, and the Aldermen wore gonerally considered to be political partizans.—(Hear, hear, hear.) (LEFT SPEAKING.) -.---------------------------' an d the rit on the other hand popular rights and privileges. But he other side, but he would maintain that the objects asked why should they refuse to Ireland a system of Corporate tention of that oath, which was purely restrictive, saight en- Reform which they had adopted in Scotland ? Would they, elude Catholics from voting on any question that i . Hetir , in doing so, be acting in the spirit of equal justice ? He might danger the safety of Protestantism in Ireland.-( nt ig el perhaps from the effect of personarattachment, be supposed to hear," from the Opposition.) The object of the prese Po ' i ts was to ex= exaggerate any observations he might make with respect to was to create a dominant Catholic party in Ireland! ' t3ery . the present Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, but it was simple tendency would be to establish the supremacy f r o lie K m g' justice to him to say, that in one single year of his administra- there, and with this to destroy the supremacy os t ri 1 7 r (14- tion he had done more to assuage the violence of party feeling If these attacks were continued, they would force o . _,,. -to improve the co ndition of the Irish people-more to re- testants a re-consideration of the whole Catholic q uesti y 0 move the recollection of wrong, and to revive and create the The Hon. Member for Dublin made frequent allusion to • 'll i hope of redress, than any Lord Lieutenant who had preceded exertions of the Scotch, and to their drawing the sword 1 " 115 him. Yet with all this he would regret to see such additional the Lord and of Gideon against episcdpacy, holding t responsibility imposed on him. He contended that these con- example for the destruction of Protestantism r ever porations would be the safety-valves for the public feeling, and Hut the Learned Gentleman ought to know, what c y if this measure were refused, and Ireland placed on a different school-boy knew, that the Scotch objected to ePise.°P a a footing from the oth e r parts of the empire, he feared the con- from its too near approximation to Poperee-( Cheers, mingle i sequences.-( Cheers.) with some laughter.) The question before the House ig t r r e.. il . Sir ROBERT INGLIS commenced by vindicating the was, the establishment of Popery under its old form Governof 11 in out 3 , consistency of the course pursued by Hon. Members in oppos- gious and political despotism in Ireland. ing the Bill before th e House. The amendment of the Noble merit say so or not ? Mr. O'Connell, the real' lender h . f a.h n o. , Lord the Menaber f o r South Lancashire assumed that those House-( Cheers and laughter)-did fairly allow th at ta t e nues- Corporations had been already swept away, and proposed to lie ascendancy was at the bottom of the question. I e . - l o w, substitute a different system in their stead. The expression tion was one of vital importance to the social, the re; le? not 17011 thet, ; he believed of the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland was, and political condition of the Sister Kingdom, and coulee,e'e'sa that the Bill swept a way that system which had been the fail to infuse its effects into Great Britain, and to the h e`e a source of so much mischief. Presuming then that the old sense of the enlightened people of the empire at large ei corporations were to be put an end to, it because their duty, to would not fear to leave its decision.-( Hear, hear.) substitute in their stead some sys t em i n w hich they could place Mr. VERNON SMITH said that the Hon. Gentlema tt 1 confidence. They did not wish to see erected on the ru ins of was ver y liberal of his entreaties to the Government, b u t hi e t those institutions a structure of democracy, which would be w ould be g of him to forbear accompanying these entreatien the source of great political evil. They wished that those in - with insults. It was too late for him, a ft e r having allowed stitutions should be succeeded by a monarchical institution, the Catholics to get into Parliament, t o come forward now instead of by a democratic system-( Bear, hear.) He had with his complaints that t he Catholics would destroy Protes supported the amendment proposed by the Noble Lord, but taut ascendancy in Ireland. The object of the present he would would much rather have opposed the Bill altogether. He sition, it appeared, was to allow such Members as the Hon. for one would have been anxious to maintain institutions which Member for Bristol, the uncompromising opponents o f all had for their object the establishment and support of a Pro- cor p orate reform, to vote on the present division. He ( gr. testant ascendancy. He would prefer the legitimate influence Smith) admired the general consistency and character of th in of monarchy to the illegitimate influence of democracy . He Hon. Member for Oxford, but his conduct in the present e wished that the present system should be succeeded by a system stance showed a marked deviation from his usual consistencom- op y. in which they could place confidence. In the p lan p ro p osed He be g an with a reference to the instruction to the C by the present Bill he had no confidence. - ( C heers.) He mittee. But if he objected to all retorm, why did he not 11 .s : to would appeal to Hon. Members who sat near him at the time, p ose the second reading? Why did he allow a similar 1:3 that when the question t hat the Bill be rea d a second time p ass the Commons last year ?-( Hear, hear, f rom the Win was put, he distinctly cried out, " No, no . e_.( Hear.) Per- terial side.) How, he would ask, could any gent l em an °l' haps they might not be s uccessful in their o pp osition to the the other side who voted for the instructions now vote for t n lie mea sure then, but if they were fated to be in a minority, he amendment on the third reading ? The Ri g ht Hon. Bar o' le wo uld have the satisfaction of going into the lobby with as (Sir R. Peel) the leader of the party, acted in a true s ports- • large a minority as any that that House had yet seen.- man style finding be could not destroy the Bill on the (Loud cheers.) The speech of the Hon. Member for St. tion for the instruction, he changes his position turns round, Alban's, who had last addressed the House, consisted, to a and attempts to knock it down on the third reading.-- great extent, of quotations from speeches and arguments that ( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial side.) But the real had been been used on a former debate. It had, however, happened ject was to parade to the country a larger minority that the memory of the Hon. Gentleman had not supplied third reading.-( Hear, hear.) The Gentlemen opposite him correctly with those extracts and arguments of which he did not object to a cure in the case of the English Corpora had so fully availed himself. He (Sir R. Inglis) regretted tions, which they admitted required remedy-yet they that the Hon. Member for Dublin's yawns were not so audible refused the principle of open voting in the Irish Corporations , as they were at present whilst his Hon. Friend had been ad- which were notoriously more corrupt. In England there was dressing the House. The manner which that Hon. and Learned a transference of power from one party to another, but in Ire on the Member had adopted during the session in his interruptions of land it would be a transference from the minority to the melee of those in whose views he differed, was as little orderly rity.-(Hear, hear.) This principle of transference they as any of those interruptions described in the speech o f could not depart from. Why should any one say that The the Rev. Gentleman in South Cheshire, from whom such jority of the Irish people were unfit for power? It was large quotations had been made. The Hon. Member for St. maintained that this course was dangerous in England. e Alban's had quoted largely from the speech of the Rev. Mr. Irish Catholics were not to be told that they were fit to ownsen King of Cheshire, and had used it as a set-off against the representatives to Parliament, but unfit to elect speech of Father Keogh ; but he asked, was there no dif- municipal officers. The notion was preposterous. Th is vi ference between a speech delivered after dinner, under the a last attempt to retain Protestant ascendancy and all its con_t. excitement of political feeling, in the presence of ersons be- comitant power in Ireland. When, however, they could 11° ___ fore whom the speaker stood merely in a civil ands ocial rola- retain the Corporations in Ireland they adopted the stratager tion, and a speech delivered under circumstances in which of sweeping them off, just as an adjournment of the House w. ss ' te . spiritual influence was powerfully superadded to personal and moved to get rid of a debate. The Noble Lord PP °9l political influence ? The difference was striking and evident. (Lord Stanley) said he viewed the question as a religious one their ei, But whilst they had been able to quote observations which It might be so taken-he himself would not take it so. Bu t they were anxious to hold up:as being excessively intempe- it was now too late to take a religious position on this titl es ; rate from the speech of only Catholic C l e r gy men, he would tion. It was known that when men got legitimate power .41 ask any one who had read the evidence taken before the never sought illigitimate power. It would be so in Irelaii Committee whether the speech of Father Keogh was only and the rejection of the Bill would urge the people to acquif, one out of many similar ?-( Hear.) Father Walsh, at Borris illegitimate power. He thought the argument that the 1 3 ;:i chapel, told the congregation that any one who voted for would give Mr. O'Connell additional power, which he wen% Bruen and Kavanagh would be refused all religious rights, and use badly, a fallacious one. It would give him no power, bte. would thus incur the risk of everlasting punishment. Let its rejection would. His piesent power resulted from tli e them compare that declaration, .delivered under such solemn tardy and reluctant concession of Emancipation and Refornilie • circumstances, with the speeel delivered after dinner-( A He thought those who voted on former stages of the / 31 , 1 ; laugh)-without consideration and under circumstances essen- should not vote on the third reading.--( Cries of " Question, tially different. In the county of Kerry Father John O'Sul- and " Divide.") liven declared that arty one who would vote for the Knight Sir W. FOLLETT said , it was put for ward on the opl t 3o- of Kerry, he would let him die like a beast, neither would site, as if a valid charge , th at those who did not ob j ect tohe the . the he baptise his children. p rinci p le of the English Corporation Bill could not oppose Mr. O'CONNELL-He has denied that. p resent Bill. Now, he did not object to the principle of Sir R. INGLIS-That is an interruption which I conside r En g lish Bill, but he did object, and most strongly, to tli c perfectly fair, for I was not aware of the con tradiction. p resent Bill, and should state the grounds of his objection: or e Mr. O'CONNEL L-He contradicted t he statement dig- It was not necessar y for him to inquire into the origin of c tinctly in two letters, which were publ ished in the Mornin g p orations in En g land. In many of them it was lost in th f or the , Chronicle. darkness of time. They were intrusted with property Sir R. INGLIS felt bound to admit the contradiction, and general benefit of the citizens, without exclusion or distill!. as it had been given was willing to suppose that the statement tion; and the misappropriation of this trust by the corper t i ; had not been made. But they had many other instances. In functionaries may be one argument for their removal, and ero Kerry all the Catholic Priests in the county except three substitution of others. But in Ireland all corporations we used their most active exertions over their flocks to effect founded in a spirit of exclusion, whether they were tit 8.„. the defeat of the Knight of Kerry.-(Hear, hear.) Would founded in remote times for personal defence against bar i ?. or . any one deny that they would use that influence in the rian hordes, or those of a later period, the time of James, 1 , 0 corporations, and effect the total exclusion of the Pro- the defence and maintenance of the Protestant inter°st. were testant inhabitants ? The original institution of these cor- the foimer class of Corporations pose - er and emolument !ey porations was for the maintenance of the Protestant interest. confined to those of English blood ; in the latter class c l oy The first object of both combined was the maintenance were confined exclusively to Protestants. This was esP e elea r, of English interests in that country. This some persons the case in the Corporations of Ulster. It was quite eche , might call an abuse, but he called it a great blessing. He therefore, that they were founded upon a principle of e' othe r indeed regretted most sincerely that any portion of those sion. Not only so, but they were intended to answer an re .. interests-4.4- ever been compromic•d. li e felt t e al tire purpose, namely, that of maintaining political p owe r by la present measure would be destructive to the best interests of turning Members to serve in Parliament. But we are t ° the empire, and he for one would to the last most strenuously that these institutions are contrary to the spirit of the tintes2 resist it. and therefore this Bill is introduced professedly for the ir tie ; Mr. WILLIAM ROCHE supported the third reading of struction.-(lronical cheers from the Mieiateriai teeiel'°,4" the Bill, He felt satisfied that nothing s h o rt o f t h e measure H e use d th e words advisedly-the Bill was intro profe:. would satisfy the great majority of the Irish people. sedly for their destruction. And how did it proceed e Wby irort Mr. EWA RT contended that the Hon. Member for the the entire destruction of every Royal Charters--( University of Oxford had not answered the observations of the Ministerial benches.) Yes, by their G e ntleman , the lion. Member for St. Alban's. He regretted that the tion. And he would ask the Hon. and Learned d the in teoduce Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth was not in the Attorney-General for Ireland, who had single the House. That Right Hon. Gentleman was the sponsor of Bill with so much ability, to put his finger (111 a were told the present measure, when he consented to what was its clause having a contrary tendency. And yet they iThey natural forerunner, namely, Catholic Emancipation. How that the Bill was founded on Conservative principlesd to 0 ° edresstruc could that Right Hon. Gentleman, reconcile it with consis- were told that the pruning-knife was to be ell aP tCi P riehiee .iistitu tency to create the cause and yet refuse to support the ine- rotten branches, but net the axe to the roots of he i l a ask vitable effect? There certainly was no consistency in granting tious.-(Cheers from the Opposition.) Why, he evo u ss , no t the beginning of a series of events and refusing their cone the Hon. and Learned Gentleman himself if this w7 stie g summation, It was the duty of every Liberal English Mem: mere trifling ? The axe was put to the root. The °Apa ber to endeaVetie to procure for Ireland every measure cal- corporations were destroyed without an exception- e t hee w ere . 0 . culated to promote lite interest and freedom. they were told of the rights of the freemen. Whert o istoira Mr. FINCH would yield to no one in his desire to ben e fit to form any part of the new corporations ? Vl° ora tion s ' Ireland ; but, before legislating upon any question, h e was rights of the freemen, like the charters of the Cel create d pr e bound to consider the condition of the c o untry. It was a were destroyed. He cared little whether they pre country divided by faction, and between it and B ng l an d th ere freemen or whether they did not create' them, unless Ver t eese was no analogy to fit them for the same institutions. In this served the rights of those existing. But still, with ' a i l w hom opinion he was borne out by what the Right Hon. the Chan- objections, be did consent, in common with those Irishtsu core cellor of the Exchequer had said upon the, subject of the repeal he had the honour to act, to the destruction of the ber s ide ' of the Union. That Right Hon. Gentleman had stated it as porations. They were asked, however, from the ot i s. st, - as his opinion that if there were to be a domestic legislature in when this new light broke in upon them? Be, at. With ite- Ireland, the war between the two great parties in that country too young a Member of that House to be charged, wee bee would be a war of extermination. Now, h o w much greater consistency for advocating such principles ; but hea„ u ae , t he would be the contention if it carried itself i n to every town and in the House from an earlier period he s hould s a y ra tion °( alt o e r , ath sic borough of that country ? How would it increase the agita- existing state of the law called for that tion.-(fear ? hear.) Agitation was at present confined to opinion. When, in 1828, they passed the Act f 41 1- ' 0 the re Roman Catholics, who were organized for the purpose. If Emancipation they were - called upon to do so i _L opeen .c.a this measure passed it would also extend to the Protestants, should no longer remain any existing difference eet d see etc who, of course, would also organise..-( Hear, hear.) The tholic and Protestant. When, in e 832, they passe her,,,,...43effect of this measure would certainly be a tendency to weaken form Bill they took away all politica. l power from less Li. IrHe the power o f th e Monarchy. He was not opposed in the ab- rations, and they were thus rendered eaorse than tiee for Ca street either to the Democratic, the Republican, the Monarchi- for one had been anxious for the passing._ of the Bill a so ften cal, or the Aristocratic principles. On the contrary, be wished tholic Ernancipalion, in hopes that it woul i alleviate we nt that to see them all blended in a mixed and limited Government. the rancorous spirit of religious animosity, and gr a see t oile He witilied to find each operating' as a check upon the others, equality of rights so loudly demanded. Those were se w iitiog and the result of such a combination would, in his opinion, ciples upon which that Bill was founded, and be. was the ° that - produce liberty. to admit that there should be no civil institutioe l- fu lly e° Mr. M. BELLEW said that this Bill would, next to the should be no subject of the King but who shouletir pr esen t tithe grievance, remove the greatest source of complaint which titled-not in theory but in practice-to all that .Pi e ' F ein t ' ee gees teen:tined in Ireland. Constitution could offer. Bart then, again, came te e stion. ) Major C. BritlCE eulogized in the highestterinsthe speeches This Bill was exclusive -- Lo d cheers from the Oppo• al MO of the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire and the , Professing to take away ' ascendancy,(u it took it only frt . 0 1 / Right Hon. Baronet the 'Weather for Cumberland, on a pre- party to give it to another.-(Loud He e iciu Ges l : vious occasion. Notwithstanding the worn-out j o kes of the answer the challenge from the opposite side, of tbeHene re i e na Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, and the quotation from tlernan who had just sat down. He talked of ;riving t e e t i h Ol t his new drama of " Where is he now ?" of the Hon. and better municipal government, and asked if we ageee d t iee e go° l cory erect to Learned Member for Tipperary, they had proved most con- for English municipal reform why we should refuse to g orat iolie timing to the public, and set the true merits of the question local government, and quiet government, to the in the clearest point of view. Nothing but the most consciena of Ireland. But this debate, in his opinion, with 1 .o r cee dea tious apprehension of danger to our best religious and politi- this argument, and it was extremely important, had L , ,, e fro° dal institutions could have induced the Noble Lord and the all along on a mistake ; for the Bill transfer the be jo ist Right Hon. Baronet to take that course. It was the fashion existing exclusive bodies, to bodies which would. be e le eh 13 0 1 on the other side of the House to taunt the Opposition with This was not the case in England, nor did the Eng': sa tlw what was called the strange conjunction which had taken place tend as this Bill did, to centralise and invest all pose!' eras a between the Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Baronet the hands of the Government. He apprehended t ie " n oel - Member for Tamworth. Why had these two eminent persons great distinction. The English Corporations had 0 110 r e/ ere to P core opposed themselves to the measures of those with whom they of electing their chief magistrate. In totens t s beri ti : S : were formerly associated, but because they were convinced towns and counties of themselves they appointed the reside '- that those measures were pernicious? Why bad they re- and in many cases they selected the judges nounced place, but because they could not conscientiously the local courts. They talked of depriving hold it on those terms ?-( Hear, hear.) Hon. Gentlemen rations of power. Why, what had they ? He j udg :t no°g opposite had indeed clung to place, but they had not clung by the Report of the Commissioners-and he foneero stet to power. There was a wide difference between place and The Hon. and Learned Member then said he felt su re were power which they did not seem to be aware of ; but which Hon. Gentlemen in that House would be satisfied,wes a s 11 they would hereafter discover. They might carry the measure Government without being torn by religious dissen e ei°,; ast , anue through this House, but there was another tribunal to which the authority of the report had been the case of "BS be' it must be submitted.-(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial without being inflicted with the machinery of th is the Irisb d ody D int the ir 'i i l t; benches.) He did not mean te House of Lords, though he Bill allowed no power. Did Corporations aPP wet .a did not doubt but that House would, as it always had done, nisters of justice ? No. Nor were they allovved, eell d i The se' n ee perform its duty conscientiously, uprightly, and firmly ; but two or three cases, to elect their sheriffs. With re s r ett he alluded to the great majority of the enlightened and re- not alter the qualification necessary for jurors. he thog , fleeting people o f the empire. The delusion of spurious and to the appointment of the principal magistrates, :e nite .. , falsely so called liberality was fast passing away. The it more mischievous than the system prevailing. in de,"); people were beginning to be thoroughly alive to the restless land, and on which subject he had thought it „ to d ivlu o r character of the Catholic party, which seemed as though it when the English Municipal Bill was e would be satisfied with in prog re cilia tion 1 nothin less than domination, and the House against the clause rendering. the aPP r roe e e were resolved that the supremacy with the elP er esor d of the Protestant character the Home Office necessary to the appens. fence our institutions, connected as it was with the most perfect periment had since been tried; and, toleration, and the maintenance of the best interests of the they had of its operation, he should think thee rig ht in_ la d empire, should be preserved. Hon. Members on the other must consider that the Legislature were quit .. 12 he ew ee t side accused his friends of raising a" No Popery" cry, where- tempting to expunge that clause; for, alt ° _ e g en tions , r ' yo r to as it was they themselves who raised it, by the introduction of admit that there were many honourable ex A jo i n tro ha d, such measures as this. If there were no other grounds for the great majority of the magistrates vshol e il f; s seln iit icat his resistance to this Bill th an the d e claration of the Hon. had been ratified by the Noble Lord (: , ei , on P° loot Gentleman opposite, that thi s Bill was to be an instalment of been placed on the list by those who acwd ele m .' so aPP as eere houghs ger n bis the debt due to the Catholics of Ireland, by which, of course, grounds.-( Loud cheering.) Nay, be was meant repeal o f th e me ws , an d the utter subversion of , was this, that it had produced some effect on o ee ee i n g e jel l ; Protestantism in that cou n t r y_( Cheers from the Opposition) on the other side of the House, who, et_ a g t he all/ 1 , 15 0 er -if it were brought forward against him as an accusation, to principle at the time, had voted against taueber for th e to bi draw a distinction between the toleration of the Pretestant but now-and he alluded to the Hon. M r e e n d i w ateriellY t h e lia religion and the intolerance of the Catholic, he would plead Hamlets in particular (Mr. Clay)--aPP ea H e theug h hat Olt guilty to the charge.-( Hear, hear.) He would next refer to changed their opinions.-(Loud cheers.) .. s -_for w ee , b ° dy . the path taken by Catholics in that House. The interpretation a right to ask his Majesty's Government tel e e eth is n r el i t iesi Y°ll for c P r ° a: P (3 ' 6Bs 3 ° V ° tb el of an oath was a matter between a man and his own con- pose-with what object in view-do science.-( Cries of "Question" from the Ministerial side.) in. Ireland ? They j did not want them Wes 1 ; them. The subject might not be palatable to some gentlemen on the freedom, for they did not give 3 - • <I • t 7' ,f IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE 01 COMMONS, MillClf 28. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS—(IRELAND.) Mr. ROEBUCK denied that he had said or intimated either assent or dissent. - - - Mr. SHAW—Would it be borne in this country that any ma ri should say from the pulpit that every v o t e was given either to his God or to the enemy of ma n — t h at should even a cabbage stalk be set up as a candidate in the name of O'Connell they would return him triumphantly —( A laugh)—it might be laughable, but it was a melancholy truth.---( Hear, hear.) By adding to such a power as h e had described , would they increase the happiness of any one man ? Those who called upon Ministers to let Ireland govern herself, wished to have the power of go verning her in their own hands.—( Hear, hear, hear.) what they wanted was, t o When they spoke of equal laws, I