The Sun. — London, England, 1864-11-23 00:00:00

ME. SEWARD AT AUBURN. (From the New York Times.) AUBIIRN, NEW YORK, Monday, Sept. 7. Secretary Seward, laying aside the duties of the StrAte Department to attend to the higher duty that 2'o-morrow engages the attention of the American people, came home to Auburn on Saturday last to east his vote for Abraham Lincoln. This evening he addressed an assemblage of the people of Auburn, who crowded Corning -hall to overflowing to hear the 'views of their illustrious townsman on the issue of the hour. It has been Mr Seward's wont for many years to speak in Auburn on the eve of election, and these free, off-hand speeches to his friends and neighbours have frequently been found to convey matters of world-wide importance. The impressive event in our national history on the very eve of which the address was delivered gave even more than wonted importance to the declarations of the Secretary. It need hardly be added that speaking to an audience of neighbours and friends, among whom Mr. Seward has for many years lived, and with whom acquaintance has ripened into love, he was heard and followed with rapt attention and rapturous applause. Fellow Citizens,—Of course you understand that I have come to vote. (Cheers and cries of " That's what we want now.") To vote here for the tenth time in ten out of the nineteen Presidential elec. Lions which the people of the United States have enjoyed. (Applause.) A change or succession in the executive power of a nation is always vital, and that change in our country constitutes a perpetually re. curring crisis. The elector is mortal. I have come home to exercise my suffrage as heretofore with the conviction—which I suppose you all entertain for yourselves—that this may be my last time. (Cries of '6We hope not," and cheers.) Nations, though usually long.lived, are nevertheless mortal. Our own Republic is now, confessedly, struggling for life. This therefore may be our last Presidential election. (Cries of "Nut if our votes and arms can save it," and cheers.) We are only tenants here. Let us so cast our votes that it the Republic must perish we shall be able to say that we are innocent. (Cheers,) That if the Republic must perish we shall yet be able to say that we have the conscious ness of having practised the heroic virtue which is the duty of the citizen—(applause)—that if the Re. public must perish we shall be able to say that our recorded protest will appear conspicuously above the ruins (cheers), inviting mankind to new and holier efforts to redeem the cense of freedom and humanity. (Cheers.) I should be recreant if I did not confess that I see no hope of safety for the Union if the people to.morrow shouNd give it over in trust to the opponents of the present Administra tion. (Cries of " We won't do that.") But I do not forget what I say on the night before the elec• tion will be heard on the morning after the election, however it might result; therefore, let no man ex pect to hear after an adverse result that I am despairing, or even despondent. (Cheers.) If the Opposition prevail, I do not now know, in. deed, the fountain from which streams of hope can flow in that disastrous event; bat I do know that God, has a thousand ways in saving nations, even in their extremest peril. (Cheers.) I do know that nations are born to live, although they must eventually die ; and I do know that as my voice in the dark hours of 1861 rang througlethe world, giving reassurance to the friends of human progress, so, if utterance shall be loft to me, it will proclaim with even greater earnestness and energy that this Republic is not altogether lost. (Vehement applause.) And as I speak, so in that fearful crisis I trust I shall be able to act. (Cries of That's you," and cheers.) But, fellow-citizens, our thoughts to-night must be concentrated upon the crisis as it is. Dangers surround us. The civil war confronts us in the rebel States. Foreign wars loom over us. Oa all our coasts and all our borders the fires of faction send up sulphurous smoke under our feet. (A Voice—" Yes. Seymour and his friends.") It would be absurd to say the country is not in a strait. Only two courses are open before us—the one is perseverance in our war to suppress the re bellion ; the other is abandonment of those efforts. (Cries of " We'll never abandon them," and cheers.) H. zards attend each course. Are not he nerds always incident to human policy and human effort ? For my. self, after examination and consideration, I have come to the conclusion that the lessor hazard is found in the line of perseverance. And, indeed, that is the only course that affords assurance of national in tegrity, which I need not say is ilentical with na tional independence. (Vociferous cheers.) You have already testified this is your conviction. (emery, and cries of " We'll do it again to-morrow.") It remains, then, cnly for us to reassure each other to night, so that we may advance to the polls with decision, energy, and confilence tee morrow. You have been surprised by the discovery of treason lurking throughout the Free States, and even in secret haunts in our own neighbourhood. You are astonished at the discovery of a conspiracy of 30,000 men clandestinely armed against the Government in the Western loyal States. You are thunderstruck with the revelation of concert between Chicago, Lon don, and Richmond. (Groans for Northern traitors.) You are amazed that traitors in Sandusky, invited by signal lights,attempt murders and robberies from Canada, and seize a ship of war on Like Erie, and deliver the rebel prisoners on Johnsen's Island, (Cries of" They'll need another Perry.") (Cheers.) You are amazed that domestic traitors prepared the way for invaders from Canada to rob and murder the inhabitants of St. Albans. (Groans.) And you are still more amazed that after all these discoveries a large class of our own citizens, with alternate ob stinacy and levity, still hesitate to give a full and unreserved support to the military arm of the Go. vernment. (Cries of " Shame !") Let me tell you, however, that all this surprise and astonishment is unreasonable. What we see belongs to the natural course of events in war, especially in civil war, The Government must suppress rebellion with all the agencies of civil and military power. The perform. ante of that duty stirs up discontent, opposition, re sistance. Opposition rises high as Government be. Comes energetic, and oppoeition thus exalted becomes faction. Faction in civil war is unmitigated treason. (Cheers, and cries of " We'll crush it out, or we'll crush out the traitors I") Every country that has existed, especially every free country, has passed through the fiery furnace of civil war. Spanish America, with all its free States, France, England, Spain, the Netherlands, S wi:zerland—iadeed, civil war is chronic, and domestic harmony an abnormal condition in moat of those States. No Government in any of those countries . ever was less embarrassed in civil war by faction than the Government of the United States during the last three and a half years. None of those Governments at that same time ever dealt with domestic faction with so much modern. tion and humanity as this Government has practised towards citizsns who have aided and abetted, fed and warmed, clothed and armed its open and de fiant enemies. (Cries of " That's so ; better if they had hung Vallandigham and the rest of them," and cheers.) Not one head has fallen on the judicial block. Nor need you be alarmed at these demon strations of faction. The people of the United States have had a Christian education, a political education, a moral 'education, such as Providence has never before vouchsafed to any nation and great as the forces and facilities of faction are, the repressive and loyal forces possessed, by this people are . magnified and multiplied in proportion. (Cheers.) Yea have been surprised and alarmed by the discovery of meditated frauds upon the bal lot .boxes—(groata for Seymour and his agenta)— frauds more fraudulent in conception, more wicked in design than we have before encountered, (Cheers.) Do not be disheartened, however, by this discovery; still, I say, fraud and treachery, like fac tion, are incident to civil war. B o l d and inventive as these fraudulent conspirators are, th e nat i on has an intellectual education and a moral cema j anee which enable it to detect and baffle them ; a n d, hap pily, the power to suppress insurrection arms the Government with the means to bring them promptly to condign punishment. (Cheers.) What remains for me to say is to warn you against misrepresen tations of the issue. There is no question before you of abandoning the war measures against slavery and substituting for them a policy of con. servation or concession to slavery. (Cheers.) Those measured are a part of the war. (Cheers.) It isi / for the nation in a state of war, and not for the nation in a future state of peace, that the Govern. ment is acting, and of course that we are voting. (Applause.) There is no question before yon of changing the object of the war from tt e mainte nance of the Union to that of abol sh'ng slavery. Slavery is the mainspring of the rebellion. The Government necessarily strikes it in the very centre as well as upon every inch of its soil. (Cheers, and cries of "It's dying out.") In my poor judge ment the mainspring is already broken, and let the war end when it will and as it may the fear that that mainspring will recover its elasticity may give us at present no uneasiness. (Cheers.) Before the war slavery had the patronage and countenance of the United States against the whole world. Its inherent error, guilt, and danger are now as fully revealed to the people of the United States as they have heretofore been to the outside world. Before the calamitous war in which slavery has plunged the country shall end it will be even more hateful to the American people than it already is to the rest of mankind, while their condemnation of it will remain unchanged. (Applause.) The Opposi tion will not succeed in misleading you, I am sure, by telling you that you have a question of imme diate peace or war involved in the present issue. War, and not peace, you have. Already, God knows, that it is severe and painful enough. If I could think of taxes in the face of national death, I should say that our taxes are heavy enough. If I could think of personal interests, affections, or sympathies in the face of an insolent public enemy in arms, I should say that men enough have been maimed and slain. But when weshall have said all these things the actual situation of the country will still be before us unchanged. It is a state of civil war and not of peace. (Cheers.) Persons ask me on every hand, "Is the war to last for ever ? ' "How Yong is the war to last?" I answer, the war will not last for ever, but it must continue until we give up the.conflict or the enemy give up the conflict. (Cries of " That's the talk," and cheers.) Are you prepared to give up the conflict ? (Cries of No, never t) You say, No, never. Why ? Be' cause in that case you give up the national life. (Cheers.) In any and every event the nation must live ; if you were to give up the national life you enter in the state of national death. What that state is, God be thanked, we do not certainly know. He has mercifully withheld that terrible knowledge from our keenest search and speculation. But we do know that national death usually consists of stages. The first is domestic civil war—a civil war brought home to our own cities, to our own altars, to our own firesides. We know by the experience of other countries that, with occasional respites re sulting from exhaustion, this aggravated form of civil war continues until a military despot is wel comed to arrest the effusion of blood, to restore trans quility and quiet, with the loss of civil, and if need be, religious liberty. (Cheers.) This is the ter rible condition into which you rush to escape from present civil war. Every one of the sup. porters of the Administration knows this as well as I do, and sees it as clearly. In view of calas mities so far transcending those we are now suffer ing, of course the Government will not abandon the conflict until the majority of the people decide that it shall be abandoned. (Applause, and cries of "That will never be.") On the other hand, the enemy will abandon their rebellion jest as soon as they shall have the undoubted assurance that it cannot prevail. (Cheers.) They will do so for two reasons —first, no faction can iudefinitely;continue a struges gle that is hopeless ; secondly, because they give up no national life, but they, as well as we, save their own national existence by their defeat and overthrow (cries of" That's so,"), and a better na• tional existence than in their maddest hours of de• lusion they have ever conceived as the result of their unlawful enterprise. (Cheers.) Suppose, then, that the people, as we all agree they will, support the Administration by their suffrage to-morrow. The rebels then have the assurance of the American people, made upon a full rehearsing of the merits of the controversy, upon appeal and full examination of results thus far obtained, with the relative forces of the parties yet remaining in reserve, that the conflict is not to be abandoned on our part. (Tre mendous cheers.) In all our athletic games, three times success in five trials gives the victory—two decisions following each other is equal to three in five. You have already abundant evidences of the exhaustion of the rebels, but not evidence of their consciousness of that exhaustion. Those evidences will appear immediately on the announcement of the re-election of Abraham Lincoln. (Cheers.) You would have had those evidences earlier if you had rendered this verdict sooner. You will have them all the sooner after the verdict in proportion to the unanimity and determination with which it is spoken. (Loud cheers,) The messengers who came hither from the rebel regions will be different from those who are now lingering and loitering on the Canada shores, to aid the execution of the plot con ceived against you at Chicago. (Cheers.) The mes sengers who came will come, not as those last men tioned, with commissions addressed to the pusil lanimous and factious minority of the North, but they will come addressed to Abraham Lincoln, the honoured father of the American nation. (Great ape plause, and " Three cheers for Old Abe.'') Their message will not be conceived in the insolent words, "Your war for the Union has failed ; desist from arms, and give us, through negotiation, separate independence." But it wi!l be " Father Abraham, we have sinned before God and against our brethren. We repent our error; we disavow and offer up the traitors who have led us into crime. Extend your pro tection over us, and give us once more peace and communion with you at cur altars and our firesides." (Prolonged and vehement cheers.) This is the way in which I think the war is to end. I know that in that way it will end soon. I know it because few civil wars in which a strong Govern ment and people defend themselves with unanimity last so long as four years ; and it is certain that we are three years and a half nearer the end of this conflict, if so maintained, than we were when we began. (Cheers) Now, let us take the other v;ew. Suppose we seek peace under the Council of Chicago—whether according to the naked and detestable text of the resolutions, or as evasively interpreted and glossed by the candidate who stands upon that platform. (Laughter, and cries of " It's too shaky. He can't stand on it.") It is to seek peace by conciliating the rebels, and sub stituting diplomacy or the arts of statesmanship for the vigour of war. (A Voice—" Little Mac for Grant 1 9 and laughter.) Adopt that policy, and distraction instantly seizes the North—courage and new resolution inspire the South ; your soldiers betrayed at home, either fall in despair in their trenches, or what would bo worse, recoil before the enemy advancing upon Washington and Cincinnati. Those persons are mistaken who say that Davis would not nego tiate and that he would not grant us an armistice. He would grant us both at once, and grant them, too, with a view to an ultimate convention. He can afford to be very accommodating to a cowardly antagonist, He can afford to temporise as long as you please. But like any other belligerent, he will grant you armistice and negotiation for his own advantage, not for yours; and he will negotiate not for Union, but for dissolution. I do not argue this point. Any candid, thoughtful man, of whatever party, must admit that this view of what the rebels will do is pos sible. Most persons will concede that it is eminently pro bable. Then I say in regard to the Chicago proposition, with the King in "Hamlet" : " Let's further think of this • Wei - Th, what convenie nce , b o th o f t i me and Means, May fit us to our shape : if this should fail, And that our drift look through our bad performance, 'T were better slot essayed; therefore this project Should have a back, or second, that might hold, If this should blast in proof." Alas 1 since this Chicago plan must fail, it has no back or second. (Cheers and laughter.) When negotiation and all the arts of statesmanship are exhausted, the navy would be scattered, withdrawn from the blockade, and the armies dispersed in their homes, the treasury empty, the national credit sunk, France and Great Britain will have recognised the rebels, and even our steadfast friend, the Emperor of Russia—(cheers)—together with the Sultan of Turkey, the Pasha of Egypt, and the Emperor of China, will have given over with pain and mortification the friendly nation that in a pusillanimous hour delivered itself to self-destruction. (Cheers.) Fellow-citizens, you are all free and independent as I am, and you may and must decide the question for yourselves. I cannot decide it for you, nor shall you de cide it for me. I am not going to surrender to the rebels. (Cheers.) No I thongh they extend the desolation of civil war over the whole land—though they come backed in their unholy quarrel by one of many foreign States. I am not going to surrender now. Therefore I want no armistice, no cessation of hostilities, no negotiation with rebels in arms. (Cheers.) However it may be with others, " I looked before I leaped." If I could have been ready to surrender now I should have proposed surrender at the beginning. I should have accepted terms without waiting for Bull Run— certainly after Bull Run, I would have availed myself of the first gleam of victory to secure terms as little humiliating as possible. I should have negotiated after the capture of New Orleans, after Murfreesborough, after Norfolk, after An. tietam, after Vicksburg, after Gettysburg—l would have gone under the pressure of national affliction, and made every defeat a claim to rebel sympathy and clemency. After the first Bull Run battle, after the second Bull Run battle, after Gaines's Mill, after Fredericksburg, after Chancellors ville, after the'defeat of Banks on the Red River. I am not going to surrender, now nor never. (Loud cheers.) As for the arts of statesmanship, I know of none applicable in this case. The only art of statesmanship that Ido know is to be faithful to my God and to my country. (Applause.) I seek to cultivatescharity and prevent war, civil or foreign, so long as consistent with national justice and honour and safety it can be prevented ; but when in war to fight with courage, constancy, and resolution, and thus to save my country or fall with its defenders. (Tremendous cheers.) The battle thus waged in this case cannot fail. Even if it could fail, the field which was lost would for ever be a holy sepulchre, which would send up through all coming time inspiration to reanimate and cheer on the friends of pro gress, of liberty, of humauity. (Applause.) Naval and Military Intelligence. The - Warrior, iron frigate, Capt. the Hon, A, A. Cochrane, C. 8., was yesterday paid out of commis sion at Portsmouth, under the superintendence of Rear-Admiral S. C. Dacres, C. 8., the flag officer in command of the Channel squadron, The arrange ments were most admirable, and the whole process of paying the ship's company occupied but one hour and ten minutes. William Percival, chief captain of the forecastle, received the medal awarded by the Admiralty for good service with a gratuity of £l5. Robert Bone, coxswain of the launch, received the good service medal and a gratuity of £7, and was awarded a pension of £24 per annum on the completion of full sea time. John Tozer, quare termaster, was also awarded a pension of £24 per annum on his completion of full sea time. It is a credit to the paymaster's department of the Warrior that her pay-books were returned from the Admi ralty with only an error of 25., the accounts ex tending over the whole period of the ship's commis , sion, and including the accounts of discharged men, stoppages, &c. During the term of the ship's com mission, something like the average number of accidents have occurred on board. One seamen fell from the maintop and broke both his thighs ; an other was knocked down in coaling ship and broke his leg and collar bone, and another fell from the topgallant yard, All these men have been thrown, by these accidents in the service of their country, from vigorous manhood into crippled helplessness for all their future life; but their country provides no adequate remedy for such a change, and the poor fellows have only a prospect of ending their days in dependence upon the charities of their fellowmen, a burden to themselves and to all around them. With true generosity which, however, can only meet present necessities, the crew of the Warrior yester day, on receiving their pay, deposited each a trifle for their three unfortunate shipmates, and in this way the sum of £5O 63. 11d, was unostentatiously subscribed. With regard to the condition of the ship and her engines, so far as relates to their care and charge by the ship's officers, the dockyard officials report that no ship that has yet been handed over to them by her officers on being put out of commission has yet reached the perfection in cleanli ness and general condition of the Warrior in her hull internally and in her engines. The progress of the dockyard officials in their inspection of the ship led them into some of the secluded cellular com partments below, which had never been previously seen thoroughly since they were riveted in their present form. This not only gave the officials an opportunity of observing the ship's cleanliness in these out-of-the-way nooks, as well as in the more frequented parts below, but it also gave them an op portunity of fully inspecting the ship in her weakest parts, and the result was entirely favourable. The Victoria, wooden three-decker, 121 guns, Capt. James J. Goodenough, made her official trial of speed at the measured mile in Stokes Bay, near Portsmouth, on Monday. Her draught of water was 24ft 7in forward, and 27ft 10in aft. With four runs at the mile, with fall boiler-power, she averaged a speed of 12271 knots, and with two runs at half boiler power she averaged a speed of 9 688 knots. This rate of speed is no great accomplishment, con sidering that the ship is driven by engines of 1,000 horse-power nominal on the most approved and modern patterns, from the eminent firm of Maudslay and Field. The crew of the ship is on the Mauds lay-Griffiths principle, with a pitch of 20ft and a diameter of 26ft Sin. The machinery and boilers gave the greatest satisfaction. The Victoria was inspected yesterday morning by Admiral Sir N. Sey mour, G,C.13,, end is expected to sail from Shithead at daylight this morning for the Mediterranean, to enter upon her duties as filgship on that station. The Geyser, 6, paddle, Commander 1 hrupp, sailed from Portsmouth last evening for Plymouth and Queenstown, with men from her Majesty's ships Warrior and Himalaya. The crew of the latter ship ale being granted one month's leave, in watches. Two months will be required to complete the ship's company's leave, and it may therefore be presumed, three months to complete the ship's repair. The large iron floating fire engine kept moored in Chatham harbour, in readiness for use on the cc, currenee of fires either at the dockyard or in the town, has been towed down to one of the vacant slips near the boathouse at the dockyard, for the purpose of having the bottom cleaned and ex amined. On being hauled up on the slip the condi tion of the bottom of the vessel afforded another proof of the worthlessness of all the so-called" anti fouling " compositions hitherto in use in the Royal Navy for preserving the iron plating, and at the same time preventing animal and vegetable accu mulations on the bottoms of iron vessels. Perhaps in no other river or harbour in this country do the bottoms of iron ships foul so rapidly as in Chatham harbour, and consequently every precaution is taken by the officials for the preservation of the hulls of iron ships by means of the best anti-fouling mix tures which science has:yet discovered. Only a few months ago the submarine portion of the plates of the floating fire-engine was carefully paid over with the most approved of the many mixtures hitherto brought under the notice of the Admiralty—but, so far from the composition having the desired effect, the bottom, when examined, was found com pletely covered with a field of grass and seaweed, the latter from a few inches to upwards of a foot in length, while there was an unusually large accu mulation of barnacles and other molluscs, the greater portion of the composition being eaten away, leaving the iron plates completely exposed. A number of workmen have been busily employed in scraping and cleaning the bottom preparatory to a coating of the new mercurial anti-fouling cum. position, the invention of Mr Gisborne, being ap plied to the bottom, the Admiralty officials having directed this new mixture to be used in consequence of the highly favourable results which have followed its adoption in all those iron vessels to the bottoms of which it has been applied. The screw corvette Cadmus, 21, 400-horse power, fitting for the first division of the Chatham steam reserve, hes been supplied with new tubes to her boilers, and will be out of the hands of the en. gineer department this week. The screw; steam frigate Liverpool, 39, Captain Rowley Lambert, arrived in Plymouth Sound yes terday morning. She left . Rio Grande on the 10th of October, arrived at Havannah on the 24th, and sailed therefrom on the 27th. She experienced a succession of westerly gales during the passage home; her head is carried away, and part of the cutwater. She spoke on the 20th Nov. the ship Agamemnon, 103 days from Calcutta for London. The Liverpool left behind 150 men who volunteered for general service on the station. She was relieved by the screw steam frigate Phaeton 39, Capt. G. Le G. Bowyear. Although this frigate was only placed in commission in April last year, she is in a gene rally defective condition, and leaks from all her seams; The caulking is in as unsatisfactory state. She makes 34 inches of water in 24 hours, and no part appears free from leakage. She was under orders yesterday to discharge her powder and pro ceed into "'amens to be inspected and overhauled. A special report is to be sent to the Lords of the Admiralty. On the contents of that report will depend whether she is to be repaired or put at once out of commission, The ships of war on the Australian station at the date of the last advices were the Harrier, 17, Act. ing Commander Swan, at Sydney (ordered home) ; the Miranda, 14, Capt. Jenkins, at Now Zealand the Eclipse, 4, Commander Freemantle, at New Zealand ; the Curagoa, 23, Commodore Sir W. Wiseman, at Sydney ; the Esk, 21, Acting Captain Phillimore, at Sydney; the Falcon, 17, Commander Parkin, at New Zealand; and the Salamander, 4, Commander the Hon. I. Carnegie, at Cape York. Sir Robert Feel, M.P., on the Irish Drainage Question. The first scientific meeting for the session of :the mem hers of the Royal Dublin Society was held on Monday evening, when a paper was read by . Mr W. L. Joynt, 'sug gestive of improvements in the Irish arterial drainage laws. Sir ROBERT PEEL, who was amongst those present, spoke at some length on the subject. In the course of his address he said—This question of the drainage of Ireland is at the root of the agricultural interests of this country—(hear, hear)—and has a direct and important practical bearing not only upon the state of the occupying tenantry of the country, and upon the labouring classes, but upon the land lords of the country. I have been, lam happy to say, a good deal through different parts of Ireland, and what is it that strikes an observing traveller or visitor to any particu lar district ? It is the great trials to which the farmer is subjected from the vast amount of undrained land which is everywhere to be found. (Hear, hear.) We have to con tend in this country, not only with a very humid climate, but with vast districts which might, I venture to say, be perfectly well drained, but which unhappily have remained to the present day chilled and blighted by the stagnant waters which for a long period of years covered them. (Hear, hear.) That being the case, any of us who desire in this agricultural country to see the connection between the landlords and tenantry of Ireland, the occupying tenantry and others, strengthened, should cheerfully co-operate in whatever may tend to the strengthening of those relations, and anything which will tend to strengthen those relations is entitled to the best attention, and 1 cannot say more to this most distinguished and patriotic society. (Hear, hear.) I hope the imperial government will give that assistance which may be required ; and of this I feel certain, that that government will be entitled to the best thanks of the com munity in lreland—that government will be esteemed in this country as one of the most magnificent—it will be one that, at all events,whether in office or out of office, to which I shall give ray support,if it will deal boldly with this ques tion—if it will not hesitate to grant money for work which, I am fully convinced, will have the indisputable effect of raising a very great and important class of Irish people from a depression under which they labour, and of, making them an intelligent and se lf- re lyi ng agr i cu lt ure class. (Applause,) We have had an:immense emigration going on for the last few years. I think that since the year 1861 nearly a quarter of a million of people have left the shores of Ireland, perhaps never to return. I have heard people say that this emigration is the safety-valve of Ire land. Well, now, although it may bo perfectly true that nearly a quarter of a million of persons have left since April 1861, such has been the excess of births over deaths, that really that number is very considerably diminished ; and the total number up to the present time, as I learn, does not exceed 130,000 persons who have left this country. But it is an important item with respect to the civilisation of Ireland. However, Ido not admit that emigration ought to be considered as the safety valve of Ireland. What we want to see is that steady, that useful employment of the agricultural labourers which will do away with all this talk about emigration being considered as a safety valve for Ireland ; and how can we best set about it but by under taking works such as has been pointed out ? We all of us, I venture to say, very many at least in this room who take an interest in the queltion of drainage, have read the we rious reports which have been made on the subject since 1811 to the present time. These reports are full of informa tion. We find, I believe lam not overstating the mark when I say that I think there are nearly at this moment 4,600,000 acres of land waste, or bog, and uncultivated, That is an enormous mass in an area of about 20,000,000 acres—very nearly a quarter of the whole area of the coun try. It would, I think, take eight or ten million of pounds sterling to drain that. We don't ask that. I will tell you what I would like to see, and I believe there is in this country adequate security for such a work. I should like to see three-quarters of a million sterling well laid out in drainage works —not for the purposes of arterial drainage, but for thorough drainage. 'Hear.) With that sum of money you might drain 150,050 acres of arable land, which very much require it, at the cost, at the very highest, of £5 an acre—and I venture to say that there is not an agricultu rist in this room who will not admit that the application of that money would render the letting value of the land at least 10 per cent, higher than it was before that expe riment was made. (Hear.) Well, is not that in itself a sufficient guarantee for the security that would be forth coming from an action of that kind P Unfortunately, in this country, there are so many smaller bidders that there is an immense competition for land of any kind; and, in the county of Cork and elsewhere, I have seen land which I have been told was let at frem 18s to 22s an ecre, but which was so cold and chill, and rank from the water standing upon it, and from the want of drainage, that I venture to say it was not worth 5s an acre. I ask you, as reasonable men, how can the tenant be expected to pay his rent under those circumstances ? It is impossible. And then comes that much more difficult question—if he cant pay the rent, even though he may be willing—if he dont like, with a cer tain insecurity of tenure in some places, to make an outlay out of his own pocket, which he is not certain will be con side' ed to him in due proportion, and without a heavier rent to pay—(applause) —now, the great difficulty that we have to struggle against in this country is undoubtedly—l dont think there is a man in this room that will contradict me— that we are encumbered in our operations for drainag,e pur poses on a large scale by an enormous number of email holders. Will any one credit that, in this country, out of 600,000 holders of land, at least 480,000 of them are holders of less than 30 acres. That is a state of things which all of us, in the best interests of the country, in the hest interests of the people who hold that land, wish to deprecate. It would be infinitely better for these small holders of half an acre, or two acres, or five acres, to become intelligent la bourers, rather than to be wasting their time and their sub stance—substance they have none, but to be wasting their time upon those small holdings from which they never can acquire a position, and which certainly are one of the black spots, I think, in the agricultural interests of the country. Although much has been done, and although much is required to bo done, yet still I am happy to say there is a vast improvement in agriculture going on in the country, which only wants a little stimulus to go through its whole extent, I cannot bear—going through this country as a common traveller—to hear it eternally dinned in my ears that the country is going to ruin and decay. I see nothing of the kind. I see improvements going on of every kind that represents the prosperity of a country—railways, savings banks, and so forth; and I must say, for one,,hat I see no reason to;despond for the country. I see prospects of a better future certainly before us. But I cannot bear to see, by men who know nothing of the matter, a grievance chalked upon every milestone along the road, just as if it was put there in ordet to tell the travellers and visitors—and they come here in vast numbers during the seeson—that whilst they admire the hearties of our scenery and observe the resources of our country, they are by no means whatever to contribute their capital for the develop ment of those resources. Let us put a good face on the mat ter. (Hear, hear.) I have been four years in the country, and I have had some opportunity of observing them, and I say that the people of this country are a most intelligent, aye, and a self-denying People—(applause) ; and I believe that what we require is not to be told constantly that we have grievances to complain Of, but boldly to put shoulder to shoulder, and that one class should support another; and then wo should see that the resources of the country and the intellectual capacities of the people are not surpassed by those of any other people in the world. I must apologise to this company for having detained them so long--(cries of "No")—but there is one remark I should like to make be fore I sit down. We have a strong body in Parliament. Every county, as the hon. gentleman has said, has its re presentative to advocate its interests. What I should like to see would be a measure pressed upon Government and upon Parliament by that legitimate parliamentary influence, that fair and honourable co-operation and pressure, which would result in the carrying of such a measure—a measure which would have the effect. in my mind, of greatly relieving the agricultural interests by the fair and just granting of public money for the purpose of draining this country. (Hear.) PEACE AND SOUTHERN INDEPENDENCE.—At a meeting held in the Church Schoolroom, Whit worth, on Friday evening, Mr. S. Mills, Rochdale, in the chair, it was resolved, on the motion of Mr. Grimshaw, Manchester, seconded by Mr R. Smith, Oldham :—" That this meeting wishes to make known the sufferings which the working men in the cotton trade, and their wives and families. have long had to bear, owing to the stoppage in the supply of cotton, which article affords them the only means to earn their daily bread ; and this meeting also wishes to make known their fears that if this war goes on the sufferings of the cotton operatives will grow worse and worse ; that the poor law relief was never intended to meet a case of this kind, and cannot do so effectually; and that this meeting cannot sco why tens of thousands of British working men should be brought to pauperism, or how it can bo reasonable for any Government in time of peace to act in such a way as to bring them to that state." It was moved by Mr A. Stott, Tunnicliffe, seconded by Mr R. Fletcher, Whitworth, and resolved :—" That, in con.. sequence of the wide-spread distress that now prevails in the cotton districts, by the continuance of the war in America, this meeting is desirous that her Majesty's Go vernment should use their influence, together with France and other European powers, to bring both belligerents together, in order to put a stop to the vast destruction of life and property that is now going on in that unhappy country."--Mr J. Matthew, Manchester, moved, Mr J. Hoyle, Whitworth, seconded, and it was resolved—" That this meeting of factory and other operatives memoralise the Right Hon. Viscount Palmerston, her Majesty's First Lord of the Treasury, for the immediate and total repeal of all duties now levied on cotton goods and yarns when im ported into British India, and that such memorial be signed by the chairman on behalf of this meeting; and further, that a deputation be appointed to present the memorial to his lordship, and that Mr W. J. Legh, M.P., for South Lancashire, bo requested to accompany the aforesaid depu tation, and support its prayer."—The chairman was ap pointed one of the deputation to Lord Palmerston.—After a vote of thanks to the chairman, the meeting separated. , WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 23, 1864. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TimEs.—sThere has been something like a feeling of surprise in this country at the readiness with which the people of British North America have assented to the main principles of Federation. We were hardly prepared for so much unanimity. Pro• vincial isolation is commonly one of the most uncon querable of traditions. Poverty, slackness of trade, difficulty of communication, weakness against ex ternal enemies—in fact, all the evils which beset small and unfavourably placed communities will sometimes be borne by men rather than abandon the local jealousies with which they love to feed their hearts. People with no ports have gone on for generations grudgieg to their maritime neighbours the slightest concession, and cities that lived by trade have cherished a constant distrust of those who must furnish the materials on which all trade is based. Such has been the experience of Europe, and even in America the process of weld ing together provinces, all with one common type, has been by no means easy, The early annals of the American Uaiou bear witness to the difficulties which had to be encountered by the first generation of statesmen after they had succeeded in asserting their independence of the British Crown. Several years of confusion and weakness were necessary to convince the people of the new States that their interests would be better advanced by a strict Union than by the loose Confederation under which they had begun their career. Very different from this mutual distrust is the feeling of the British Americans. No sooner was the word Federation pronounced than every one acknowledged that it was in his thoughts. A union as close in theory as that of their neighbours has been decided upon by acolamation, and it seems likely that it will b 3 car ried into effect without opposition or discontent in any quarter. The principles are settled, the details present no difficulty, and politicians of all parties speak of this matter as one on which there is no longer any difference of opinion. With extraor dinary unanimity the scheme of Federation has been adopted by the Conference, and now awaits only the assent of the various Legislatures and the sanction of the British Parliament. Avoiding too centralised a polity, which the jealousies of Lower Canada might cause to fail, the Conference has decided on leaving all purely local matters to local control, and giving to the Federal Parliament at Ottawa a power, greater, indeed, than is constitu tionally possessed by the American Congress, but still only general, and with regard to matters such as finance and military defence, which relate to all the provinces. The Governor General will be ap• pointed as heretofore by the Crown; the Parliament will consist of two branches, a Legislative Council appointed by the Government, and a House of Com. mons of which the fundamental principle will be rev presentation by population. The Upper House will consist of 76 members ; the Lower for the present of 194. But after each decennial census the repre. sentation will be readjusted according to population on the principle that Lower Canada shall always have 65 members, and the other provinces such a number as belongs to them respectively on an ap portionment in the same ratio. The discrimination between the authority of the general and that of the local Legislatures will require some care, but from the summary lately given by the Hun. Geo. Brown in a speech at Toronto, the subject seems to have been discussed tat length, and such a division of labour agreed upon as will maintain the rights of the several provinces without weakening the Ottawa Parliament as the embodiment of the national will. At Montreal, at Toronto, and everywhere that the members of the late Conference have addressed the public, the pub lished result of their labours is received with uni versal satisfaction. The cause of this unanimity is no doubt to be looked for partly in the ideas which have become popular during the last few years as the consequence of English free trade and European aspi rations for nationality, and partly in the conviction that only a Federation which can inspire respect by its strength will be able to preserve to the British Americans the security of their territory in the neighbourhood of a people so numerous and ambi firms as the Americans of the Northern States. With regard to the first of these causes the opinions expressed by Mr Cartier at a late banquet at Mon ' treal must have been formed by every man of sense in Canada. This flourishing province is, as all the world knows, shut out from direct communication with the sea for six months of every year. What ever victories may be reserved for science, it is not likely that it will ever be able to break down the barrier of the winter's ice in the St. Lawrence, and to the end of time Canada must remain a country only partially and periodically maritime. With the same instinct as that by which Russia pushes to the ports of a temperate climate Canada tends to con solidate with regions which can give it a regular intercourse with the Atlantic and Europe. As yet the communication has been through American ter. ritory. The Governments of the two countries have been wise enough to assent to Customs' arrangements of sufficient liberality, and both the British province and the Atlantic States of the Union have received the benefit. But this dependence on a foreign, and At some time possibly a hostile Power, appears to have made the Canadians unquiet in the midst of their prosperity. They lacked, as Mr Cartier ob served, the maritime element of greatness. " For six months of the year, in fact, they had to knock at the door of their neighbours for permission to do their trade through their territory, and he held that, whatever might have been thought sufficient 20 years ago, the two Canadas were now too popu lous and their commercial wants too numerous to have their trade done in that way through six months of the year." Here speaks the material genius of the age. These are the considerations of utility and security which urge the Canadians to consolidate their new nationality. 'rho delegates from the Lower Provinces speak is a correepond ing tone, and explain how much they have to offer to Canada in return for the service it would render them by uniting them to its larger territory and more numerous people. They remind their hearers that the trade of the Lower Provinces amcwats nearly to the half of that of Canada, and that their population is 900,000. While Canada cannot reach England, nor England Canada, except through a foreign territory, while the Canadians have to ask a permission which is inconsistent with the dignity of any country that desires a position in the world, the Lower Provinces offer to add a marine to theirs. " That done, British North America will be. come the fourth maritime Power in the world." Such opinions have, no doubt, been long maturing. For many years the deliverance of Canada from commercial dependence on the Republic by the con struction of the International Railway has been the favourite speculation of the local patriots; and the isolated communities of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, seeing the rapid advance of other regions of the world, and especially the growth of the Ame rican Union in power and prosperity, have long overcome any jealousy they may have had of a foreign race in Canada. But it is undoubtedly the great convulsion of the Am er i can c i v il war which has suddenly given activity to these tenden cies towards union. The colonies might have been content with their former loose relations to each other for many years to come if they had not found men bby t n h o e t h s e u r n ue d opnr r lt e t e, d i nta to utter ad h u mot to t u ae s nrs a np n r eee d rmc , aws a l rahkti P ese ohonwno theewra that there was on their frontier a P ower capa bl e o f o e citizens raising whos a n n n d i tnh of fn theof v m h i o n i o e u c s on im tin p people of the Provinces could not but construe as a threat. The Canadians and the men of the sister Provinces have felt that the best safeguard against any such sinister ambition would be the establish, ment of a Federation similar to that of their neigh bours, possessing respectable military strength, and protected furthermore by the sacredness which attaches to nationality. We do not, indeed, believe that there is any design on the part of the Ame. ricans to disturb their good relations with the people on their northern frontier, but still no community ought to be at the mercy of another, as the colonies would be at the mercy of the Federal Government if they remained in future years isolated from one another. The establishment of a Federation is the best precaution they can take—the most sober, the least indicative of suspicion, the least offensive in any way. No one will have a r i g ht t o com pl a i n , for the union which binds these colonists together will be a benefit not only to themselves but to the Federal States and to the whole American conti nent. If the traditional jealousies of the two Canas diau populations can be soothed, we tray see in a few years a new nation, with a territory equal to that of the American Union in its happiest days, inhabited by a people united as the Americans have never been, because free from any source of internal enmity. The relations of the Federation to our selves will present features of novelty on which it is useless at present to remark, but whatever may be in tho future we can now cordially congratulate its people on the assumption of their new position, at the same time that we recognise the good feeling which leads them to desire the supremacy of the British Crown. We have no doubt that the clues. lions which have perplexed politicians will be easily settled now that the British Americans have learnt that to depend on themselves is an advantage as well as a duty. One speaker on a late occasion told his countrymen they had all the privileges, all the powers of freedom, without one of its burdens, but that they could no longer expect to maintain so exceptional a position. " They felt they could no longer call upon the people of England to tax them selves for their benefit while they did nothing." This is the true tone of men who are fitting them selves for freedom and national life, and with such men it will not be difficult for the British Govern. went and nation to deal. POST,—The great event which both Americans and Europeans have long and anxiously awaited has taken place, and to all appearances the excite• meat to which, while yet in the future, it gave rise has entirely subsided. Mr Lincoln has been virtu. ally, if not officially, proclaimed President of the United States for the next four years, and accord , ing to electoral usage, has replied to the congratn. lations of his supporters with a speech big with promises and redolent with hope. His competitor, as unsuccessful in the political as in the military arena, not venturing to question the validity of the decision which has been pronounced, takes the ear liest opportunity of withdrawing from the service of a Government of which ho is not permitted to be the Chief. Political distinction being denied to him by his fellow-citizens, and military distinction being impossible of acquisition under an Adminis tration whose policy it is to prefer the rein of the State to the exaltation of a political rival, General M'Clellan has apparently resolved on retiring into private life, and devoting himself to those more humble but more useful pursuits from which, four years since, he was taken away, Cincinnatus re turns to his plough, and the circumstance may be accepted, according to choice, as a parody on, or a repetition of, history. Passing from the candi dates to their respective parties the Republicans are jubilant with success; the Democrats, we might almost say, are cowed by their defeat. That the latter would be beaten they themselves have long since been aware ; but knowing as they also did the causes which contributed to their failure, it was not unreasonable to expect that they would at least have recorded a protest against the means by which their defeat was secured. Such, however, has not been the case. Even in New York, the me. tropolis of the Republic, the large majority of the citizens, though supporting the rejected candidate, have not ventured to murmur at a result the legal force of which they might nevertheless have fairly called in question. It is doubtless the duty of the minority peaceably to acquiesce in the wishes of the majority, but in the apparent indifference with which the issue of the Presidential election has been received we see something more than the mere discharge of a political obligation. The party in the ascendant not only enjoy that supreme power which their numbers give them, but they have manifested in a manner not to be mistaken their in tention of using that power to prevent the possibility of their opponents gaining the ascen dant. The Republicans are the State, and their rivals appear satisfied to admit an assumption which, for all practical purposes, ignores their political existence. The opening of the Confederate Con. gress simultaneously with the election of the Nor thern President invests the former event with more than ordinary interest. The established Govern. ment has always affected to treat the Confederates as rebels, but it must be confessed that the insur gents conduct Zhe administration of the State which they are attempting to found in a manner no less methodical, and much more seemly, than their for mer fellow-citizens in the North. indeed in almost every particular the machineiy of the two Govern. , ments is the same. Each is ruled by an elective President; each possesses a Parliament created on principles and exercising functions in all respects identical; and each, to complete the parallel, ie engaged in a war which taxes its energies to the utmost, and which threatens at no distant time to swamp its resources. But, though resembling each other in so many particulars, there is, setting other distinctions aside, a marked difference between the two Republics in the temper in which the peoples composing them discharge the functions allotted to them in the administration of the State. Both are Democracies, and in both the multitude, in the simplest acceptation of that term, are supreme. But, whilst in the South the people speak with one voice and concentrate their energies into one com bined effort, in the North the voices of one section of the community are employed to drown those of another ; and the efforts of all, instead of being directed agaiust what is assumed to be a common enemy, are neutralised by being in part turned against themselves. The Federal Government have a twofold duty to discharge—that of subduing the enemies of the State, and of coercing a large section of the people whom they profess to represent; whereas the Confederate Govern ment have but one object in view, an object shared by every citizen in the Southern States— namely, to secure, no matter at what cost, national independence. We will postpone the consideration of Al r Devis's message to the Southern Congress until its text is in our hands, but the telegraphic summary of its contents, published in our columns yesterday, calls for a passing remark. The general tone of the President's speech, we are told, is bold and defiant. It may well be so. Nearly four years have elapsed since the new Confederacy found its soil invaded by a Federal army, and yet not only since then has the tide of invasion been successfully repelled, but in many respects the infant Republic is in a better position to carry on the war in which it is engaged than when that war commenced. Louisiana and Tennessee—the only States which the Federal Uovernment go so far as to pretend have been submitted to their sway—are not even held in subjugation. Atlanta, the city to secure the possession of which so many sacrifices were made and so much blood spilt, according to the latest advices has been pronounced untenable, and its evacuation by the Federals may be considered imminent. Richmond is more secure now than it was when the first Confederate Congress was assem bled within its walls, and the army by which it is defended is stated on good authority never to have been so numerous or so efficient as at present. The ranks of their enemies are divided, whilst their own have, if passible, become even more closely knit together, and therefore the Confederates may well feel confident of the final issue. Mr Davis, as their spokesman, may naturally express surprise that the nations of Europe have not sooner recog nised their independence. Possessing all the ele ments of an independent Power, and having, though opposed to terrible odds, and under disadvantages the most embarrassing, successfully resisted every attempt to crush that independence, the Southern Confederacy may with some appearance of justice complain of the non-recognition of an accomplished fact. If Mr Davis has deemed it his duty to com plain of the attitude so persistently maintained by the European States, and especially by Great Bri tain, we may at least rest assured that the manner in which the complaints have been conveyed has been courteous and dignified. We could not say as much of Mr Lincoln or any of the members of his Administration. Railway and other Companies. MANCHESTER, SHEFFIELD, AND LINCOLN- SHIRE. The directors of this company have given notica of in tended application to Parliament in the next session for power to purchase the Marple New Mills and Hayfield Junction Railway, authority to subscribe to the Liverpool Central Station Railway, to raise additional capital, and to confirm agreements made with the Midland, the South Yorkshire, and the Barnsley Coal Railway companies; power to run over and use with their engines and carriages so much of the Midland Railway as lies between Barnsley, Leeds, Bradford, and Skipton ; also to enable the South Yorkshire Railway Company to run over part of the Mid land Railway and to make working arrangements ; to enable the Midland Railway Company to run over and use with their engines and carriages so much of the Manchester Shef field, and Lincolnshire Railway as lies between Barnsley and Ardwick ; and to enable the company and the Midland Company to provide joint station accommodation at Barnsley. Another notice is for power to enable the com pany to constrnct a railway from the Knott Mill station to the Old Trafford station on the main line; and to authorise the Manchester, South Junction, and Altrincham, and the London and North-Western Railway Companies, or either of them, to subscribe towards the intended railway and works. It also provides for power to use a portion of the London and 4oKth-Western Railway at Manchester. In another notice the company intend to apply for powers to make railways from the main line at Worksop to Mansfield by a junction with the Midland branch railway; also to make a branch from Worksop to Hagginfield, and to autho rise the Midland Railway Company to subscribe towards the intended railways and works; power to use the Mans field and Nottingham Railway and Stations of the Midland Company, and to authorise agreements with the latter company. They also in another notice express an inten tion to ask for power to make a railway from the Man chester, South Junction, and Altrincham Railway, near the Old Trafford station, to the Garaton and Liverpool Railway at Garston ; also a branch to the Stockport, Timperley, and Altrincham Junction Railway at Timperley; to enable the company and the Great Northern, the London and North- Western, and the Midland Railway Companies to subscribe towards the said intended railway and works, and to enter into traffic and other arrangements, and to enable those companies to run over and use the intended railway and works. WENSUM VALLEY. The first ordinary general meeting of this company was appointed to be held yesterday at the offices, Poet's-corner, Westminster, but in consequence of the non-attendance of a sufficient number of shareholders to constitute a quorum, the meeting was adjourned. MADRAS IRRIGATION AND CANAL. The report of the directors of this company states that in the early part of August last the whole of the works, canal, and embankments on the first section, eighteen miles in length, below Soenkasala, having been previously and carefully examined by the consulting engineer of the Government of Madras, water was gradually and safely admitted into the canal from the Toombuddra, so that by the 17th of that month it had reached to the further end of the aqueduct constructed over the Hindry river, the water way of this structure being then completed to the ex tent of two-thirds of its width. The embankments stood the test satisfacierily, The fi rs t admission of COO water into the canal was, in the locality, dered of high importance, and worthy of public oeiebrsi tion in a signal manner ; and, accordingly, the collector the district of Kurnool (Mr Minchin) caused a notifiesd: to be published in the local gazette that on the day 05131 , m (17th of August last) a public holid a y would be gra nteu ; all Government officers and employes, and he invited no r whole of the surrounding community to attend at the v — ie d mony of opening a teroporary irrigation sluice conet ril° . for supplying the town and suburb s o f Kurnool. The ow' sponses to this invitation were exceedingly gratifyingi fcr . oo , ceremony was attended by nearly the entire poPil lati . o i European and native, Mr. Minchi n , a s th e representa io°- Gavernment, presiding with much zeal and ability. be Or' teD2 porary rate of four rupees per acre f or th e water to : plied for the first crop of this year h as b e en agreed to b: tween the Government of Madras a nd the company, 'O lt ,4 the contract me,ie with the Secretary of State in Coull' expressly provided that the price to be paid for water Enryr plied from the company's works for irrigation should "Po sent the fair value of such water to the p e r s ons nsing it 'L l i as four rupees by no means represented that value, a ll % also the value of agricultural produce in the localities P't tended to be irrigated had largely increased within thell:f few years, and was still increasing, a higher charge tila u , l lo rupees per acre per crop would be the just right of the ° 0 pany, and might fairly and properly be assessed, and yet l ,7 o , a liberal additional profit to the cultivators. As a precsoP.ll) ary measure the Government of Madras had carefullyellt pressly notified to the cultivators that they were not to 1 :1 derstand the present rate of four rupees to be a perroal le ; charge, but one liable to increase. The progress mad, the construction of the main canal from Soonkasala do wards had during the last six months been satiefsotorl; considering the period of the year embraced, a nd the e ti P P s t of labour available. The anicut across the Toombu ddi le Soonkasala was completed, w ith th e exce ption a IP of trifling finishing works, in June last. The first seoti °/1 0 1 the main canal, from the anicut to the Hi n dry aqued lic. o the 18th mile, might be said also to be finished for lis e ' the second section of the main canal, from the 18th t° reo 32d mile, there was much difficult work, but good pogoe had been made. The third section, from the 3 3 d to t og 43d mile, had made . , good progress, and was dry de near to completion. The fourth section o f d r main canal, from the 43d to the 61st mile' s ir sented no difficulties, and might be completed to fore May next. The fifth section from the 61/1 . 1 1 the 74th mile, had been well and vigorously prosecutedl.7r was fast approaching completion, some of the miles re oB ing in August last only settlement and trimming ° f t po bank. The sixth and seventh section., extending frool 75th to the 114th mile, would command for irriget lol :o large area of land. It was hoped that the main canal 111 5 6,5, be completed to the end of the 78th mile by June , l or From the 78th mile the navigation was proposed to b e t oe tied on by a still water canal dropping into the river Oslo at the 92d mile, where an anicut would divert it ifitto main irrigating channel intended to proceed thenooLie the Koondair Valley. The engineer in charge of thei'; g i. dair Valley. The engineer in charge of the Koondai r sion, from the 114th to the 148th mile, reported in s u e d , last that the works were proceeding very satisfaot° The plans and estimates of the ninth section of the 1/I .ii i canal from the 146th to the 178th mile, were on the 21 r l y Sept. last sanctioned by the Madras Government, alw ro t works were intended to be at once prosecuted vie r° 01 This section would terminate at the river Pennel l, # complete the line between Soonkasala and the sea• plans and estimates of the 10th section, embracing 10 lof from the river Pennair towards Cuddapah, making th e et ir length 188 miles, were some time placed before the G °l ll o l ment . .of Madras for approval. The survey of the iloP ° and promising district of Bellary had been regulea tinned, The total receipts on capital account to th e $ ult. amounted to £793,872, and the expendittil• £623,404, leaving a balance of £167,468. COUNTRY MARKETS. BRISTOL—TUESDAY. A very thin attendance of the trade. In Engl . lB '• business was quite of a retail character. ForeigiV,! firmly held, but only a small business was done. 9 beans, peas, and maize at late prices. Oats 6d dea r er . stock. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. Alr/ There was a fair attendance of b o th town and o, millers and dealers at market to-day, and ratlie, business done. Wheat was in moderate request, 0 13 : 01 0 parcels were taken to hold over at the full prices of , 7 A week. Flour neglected, but firmly held. Oats and 0,, made late prices, but dull. Barley, beans. and P 1.6 in moderate demand, and late rates if anything ther lower. Indian corn declined 6d per qr. LEEDS—TUESDAY. 1,, The arrivals of English grain at our market tb were good. The demand for wheat to-day was 03 " o r at about previous prices. Other articles about the 11"" last week. 0 Averages—Nov. 14—Wheat 39s Sid P er —Oats . 23s 3d ~ —Beans 40s 7il ~ -- —Peas 33s 9ii , ... —Barley 31s'l14d ..., —ltye i,9s ° Od MELTON MOWBRAY—TUESDAY. The following were the currencies :—Now n, whit e of 42s Od to 45s Od ; new red, Od to 41s per `ss°' beans, 37s to 43s for old ; new sor t s, 35 s to 3 .7 $ per qt foyi barley, 32s to 34s for malting, and 28s to 30s 1 0 0 14 5 grinding; new oats, 21s to 24s Od per 24 stone to 28s. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. thelo r e The market was moderately attend e d, and 03 1 011 A a fair supply of wheat, with a slow demand, s t e t if prices. In barley very little change. O a ts as 1 0 Beans steady. tO'w-01 ,Asv Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bush e l s ...lss Od Os White ...17 5 o d ,, W m 6 7J t, , New red 155 Ou 11 0 0 New white „ s • ~,, to 9 f ..16s ou 16 0 0 17 ~ Beans ... 15s 6d t °4 4 'ol Peas, per qr Grinding barley, per qr 28s Od lo ,35i , ~ Malting ditto, 32s Od t° 00 ~ ' Oats 2ls Oc l t° Flour, Is 5d to is 10d per 14 lb. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS.:D UE. .... P . e•, Australia and Mauritius, v i a Southampton •" pe a , o v!a Marseilles: ......... D Dee , i. l Brazil and Cape Verde, by British packet. ...... • 0 1 A Cape of Good Hope, A scens i on , an d S t . Holena••Decp,i. (china, Penang, and Singapore, vi a S ou th am pton., o f, • via Marseilles .. •.' Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton .. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.:Zi o v. 4 via Marseilles..• . ?i,i.o. A India (Bombay), via Southampton ............ . le ci.", , via Marseilles ........... ..r n e.v Portugal.... Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton...... 1 04 , 4 ), via Marseilles ........ 14 0 1 1 .' Newfoundland .., 1• 1 Oporto and Vigo .............. A rr. U. S. and British N. America, by B r it. p ac ket .. • • •". ii by U.S. packet... • • s i of ;j, by Canadian packellec. yr W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ......... sof . o West Indies and Pacific .. ........ p e a 11. Bahamas (via New York) lO t 'fr Bermuda (ditto) Nod' Cuba and Mexico i li l t 9 At the Central Criminal Court yesterds9 Pe ' the pcliceman whose case has excited a good deal ° of ' . :i interest, was put upon his trial on a charge of e rli o lr treating a woman on his beat in Spitalfields. Af ter 1 hearing the jury returned a verdict of not guilty. 410• A [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment a .- _nd ;f te lip Diseases of the most formid a bl e an d c h ron i c charso o_o been cured by Holloway's remedies. Ulceratio7 pig.fe have proved themselves incurable by any othe d ret r y, means have healed kindly under the purifying 5 10,1 rating influence of this excellent ointment. SPl l iist, 4 7 pelas, stiff joints, contracted muscles, and glanu s ,„ p lings, can be most safely and effectively treated ;;:pi 0 4 way's ointment and pills, which can do them nel i i to , any circumstances. Neither of these medical: l3 Bre 9 anything deleterious in their composition, but tially purifying and strengthening in their no": 001 10 combined power of these noble remeliee enables. 0 0 ceesfully to cope with most description s o f injurie o I cure, or at least relieve, most varieties of disease' .............1 Births. A l° AYLESPORD.—On the 20th inst. at at Packingten Countess of Aylesford, o f a son .. t tie FANS.—On the 19th inst., at Avon Tyrrel, of Lieut.-Colonel Hamlyn Fane, of a son. 00'g HEYGATE.—On the 21st inst., at Roecliffe, Le l i e e dto the wife of Sir Frederick Willi am H e ygate, daughter. ntitl f6 OAKELEY.—On the 21st inst., at 27, Grosvenor .g-, Hon. Mrs. Oakeley, of a son. Marriages. A 0 1 .; FLETCILER—ATTENBOROUGIL—On the 21st 1 0 ,., et i;isker Church, William Younger Fletch e r, of the P r i seum, to Helen, fourth survivin g daughter ° Attenborough, Esq., Fairlawn, Acton-green' f„ o ' s itri SPRINGFIELD —HILLHOUSE.— On the 19th i rl- o f v, e lF, ville• place Church, Osborn Spr ngfield, ' o f tY,IOO/ Norfolk, to Eliza Matilda, fourth daughter e, John Wilson Hillhou se , E sq ., o f H o lland ~„ dary-road, St, John's-wood. Deaths. Es o6%' 4 ARNOLD.— On the 18th inst., at Woodfor d, es) Eliza rnold, aged 66. 01$ PARKINSON.—On the 21st inst., at Southboro 0000 Samuel Parkinson, late chief clerk in the 4° ' ,de General's•office, Chancery-lane, aged 7 3 . 1 ,0 1 Y OPASSYe—On the 20th inst., at Ch e ltenham, William Wilton Passy, aged 58. RIDING.—On the 19th inst., suddenly, R og fr:A M.D., of 7 J, Kensington-gardens-square• trlo STEPHENSON.On the 18th inst., at Brittaelitfle of , land, George Alexander Stephenson, EE q" 00 #/f Dragoon Guards, aged 76. tfo r WooDs.—On the 20th inst., at Grove Henry Woods, Eq., aged 68. AL*4o.tf London: Prinzed and Pi bashed by WILL -- tive of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at frz S vil n t ile 0° Strand, in the Precinct of the SivoY' 4 . 4.1„ Uldriloes.—WedAetziday,Lisi ovem ber 23, As.