The Sun. — London, England, 1838-03-14 00:00:00

.v...-----. Legislature to frame Acts of Parliament, even of the most stringent description if their en f o rcement was to be trusted to the Colonial Assembly.—(Cheers). He would now beg leave to read the resolution which had been put it to his band, only imploring that respectable astern- Ile, to suppor the religion of their common Saviour. Toe resolution was to the following effect :—That it had again b come the duty of the negro population of the colonies, to cairn fur that injured race the immediate termination of their tondage, chiefly on the ground of their natural right as men Lever to have been enslaved, and whom, therefore, it 'was criminal to retain in that condition ; and, further, I amuse the British Legislature had proclaimed their right to f: cedom, and the British nation had paid the enormous sum of 20,000,0001. sterling, to ensure their liberation. In con eiusion he entreated the meeting to lift up their voices from tune to time, to let them wax louder and louder until they be cline irresistible.—(Great cheering.) [Here Miss Brougham who had been suddenly taken ill, sass obliged to leave the platform, accompanied by Lady Brougham.] Sir CHARLES STYLES, M. P. for Scarborough, came for ard to second the resolution that had just been submitted to lie meeting. He would trespass on their attention but for a few moments, because he was aware there were many indi ladnals by whom he was then surrounded who could do treater justice to the cause than it was in hi s p ower to 010. If this; were the first time that the question of the im mediate abolition of human slavery now designated " the 'apprenticeship," had been brought under the consideration of the public, he confessed that for one he would have felt the greatest degree of diffidence in giving a decide d o p inion on Mhe subject.—( Hear, hear, hear.) But the ex p erience of the ast few years had dispelled those confl ictin g doubts which might have existed in the minds of many p ersons as to whether the negro slaves were fitted or not to pass from servitude into the state of a free citizen without some iatermediate state. Experience had told them that the negro was fitted to discharge the duties of a free citizen, not merely with advantage to himself, but with corresponding benefit to sail other classes of the social community. The Noble Lord had told them that the Colonial Government of Antigua and Jtermuda, by the wise course they pursued in granting imme ',Ewe emancipation, had proved in the most convincing man lier that such was the fact.—( Hear, hear ) Was it a matter of surprise, then, that the British people now asked why it was, that slavery, under the name of apprenticeship, should Le permitted to continue for a single day ? They might well ask, after having paid the extravagant price of 20,000,000/of Itioney for the abolition of human slavery, why it was that the British name and station still had attached to it the stigma of sanctioning a law which gave aaen the right of holding their fellow-creatures in bondage. '.arhat um the answer given to the demand of the English Feople ? Why, that there was a compact entered into between the British Government and the West Indian proprietors in it 833, to continue to them their position in the servitude of the ',Negro. Ile denied that such was the compact, either in its 3-tter or spirit.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had told Bleat that which no one could contradict, that the apprentice soup period of service was not meant as an indemnity to the e`*;egro proprietor, but it was meant for the moral advantage and benefit of the Negro. It was unwise and unnecessary, iis experience had shown, that the negro should un dergo that probationary state. When the money was raid to the negro proprietor—the receipt he gave for that a. o ney was the title-deed that placed the neg ro under the pro t, ction of the British nation. ---( Cheers.) From the very ) ,or it was proved that the apprenticeship system was incom- Fatible and unnecessary for the amelioration and accial condi tion of the negro, from that moment the Government was I.ettud to place tho negro in a condition of freedom. He s mild not weary the attention of the Meeting by touching on .y of those matters of detail that had been laid before the m that "t y by the Noble Lord in trauscendatnly eloquent language. ie i,, Noble Lord hod that day come forward and placid Idle eelf at the head of his fellow-citizens to plead again the 4 .use of outraged humanity ; no one could deny for a mc -3 s,nt that the apprenticeship system was nothing but a cen t nuance of slavery, and as such they wire hound to utdift their aadces, that it might be abolished as speedily as possible. He ),egged leave to conclude by seconding the resolution. The Rev. Mr. CARLISLE , of Belfast , s aid in the presence t f the Noble Chairman, and in the presence of a very learned nd illustrious countryman of his, ne stood there to dispute a ith him a title which had frequently been bestowed on him, sti:., the Member for all Ireland.—( Loud cheers and laughter, arnihist which Mr. O'Connell rose and bowed. ) He stood I efot e them literally and truly as ti,e Member for ad; Ireland. —( Hear hear, mid loud cheers.) There was a period in the history of the mighty and momentous question, then in order to arrest the attention, to rouse the sympathies, : and enlist the nation's mind in the cause, is was necessary to s a tor into an elaborate defence of the first and great princi- pass applicable to the question—it was necessary for the edve-, A ate eif the negro to begin by showing that slavery was a gross eed l eatcmatic violation of tile fundamental principles of the rtritish Constitution—it was necessary for him to show that it x: acs no t osely a gross infringement of the Constitution, but that it i evolved a direct and systematic violation of the great rights of a ion. Them was a period when they were obliged to unfold a ne pages of lhe inspired volume, and to show that, while davery was spoken of, it was not sanctioned or sanctified by that inspired volume. That period bad now come, when it vt.as , unnecessary for the advocate to enter upon the discussion aaa ?hose fundamental principles. On the part of the realm of V re. it Britain—on the part of all its Estates, there bad been . r ognition of the principle, that s laver y violated all the f.tne e la L neental principles of our glorious Constitution, and was utterly inconsistent with the spirit and letter of their corn anon Cine stianity.—(Great cheering.) Then what was the I,urpese of that large meeting ? It was not for the urpeae of discussing these elementary principles, nor for dis cussing the propriety or impropriety—the wisdom or the la olishmess of the Act passed by the Legislature some years ago, for the purpose of abolishing (as it was called) slavery— le stood there recegnizing, the existence of a great moral evil, end he stood there as the member for all Ireland, for the pur pose of asking the friends of the cause in Britain, to join hie countrymen—to join there in a covenant of lose— to join them before angels and the world, and to show What they would not cease in their efforts until they `lad seen the day, which by the blessing of God, would soon litre ice, when slavery would cease in reality, and would be 11 otted out of the pages of our country's statute book.— ( Loud cheers.) In November last, he had the honour appearing in the metropolis, not as the m ember for all Ireland. but as one of deputation, who waited --upon the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies, altrel he well remembered the result of the conversation had with him left upon his mind the impression that, upon -first day after the meeting of Parliament, that Noble . Lord would have moved for the appointment of a Com mittee of Inquiry into this subject ; for he then stated that it was preposterous to expect Government to go into the ques tion—to legislate upon the matter, without a full inquiry before a Committee, where all sides would be impartially heard. Parliament had been sitting for a considerable time—no Com mittee had been moved for—no additional evidence had since been obtained, and yet the first document with which he met upon his arrival in London was a Bill introduced by the same Noble Lord upon the same evidence which he had before him in November—a Bill setting aside the most ..: Lnportant provisions of a former Act. He considered the in t reduction of this Bill as a full recognition of the fact that the imperial Act for the abolition of slavery had been grossly violated, not only by the Colonial Legislators, but by the Stipendary Magistrates.—(Cheers.) Therefore it was that he demanded on the part of those persons who were opposed to slavery—on the part of 800,000 of his fellow-subjects, that they should no longer, under the sanction of the British law, be deprived of one of the most blessed t erivileges which it had pleased Heaven to endow esthem with. He spoke in the name of his countrymen, and laas asked for them for the honour of joining in the loud cry which was now raised for the total abolition of the system of apprenticeship. He would rather use the word slavery, for she Ireland they had the happy knack of calling things by their right name. They asked to have the honour of joining Englishmen in that glorious moral enterprise, not for the sake of the apprentices or of their masters—not for the sake of this country, but for the sake of the whole civilised world— for he held that the day which would witness through every part of Britain the total, the entire, and unpurchased aboli-. tion of slavery, on that same day there would be drawn from ;; .he urn of destiny the doom of slavery throughou n ,'l the nations of the earth.—(gear, hear, and cheers. s o strongly dt I feel the onerous responsibility of even th: smae leat portion of political power conferred by the Constitu riot' .under which it is our common happiness to live—s. deep ly ,do I feel the importance of using every constitution influence which God it's his providence has graciously favour -. me with, that much as f love my country—and Ireland an. England tied,. with all your . faults, I love you still—that mnc" as I appreciate the privilegd'a, as well as the rights an liberties which that glorious Constitution, under the provi dence of God, secures while it ce.nfers—that I am prepare. not only to forego the enjoyment of ,those rights and libertie but if Great Britain had conferred upon myself the lofty ho nours which, with a liberal—and I speak in all sincerity an truth when I say—not too liberal hand, Great Britain lie .adorned your Lordship's honoured name—(Much cheering al say and meatrio say, that if, in the providence of God, I ha Ise en placed in the same lofty and honourable position wbic your Lordship justly and righteously occupies in the r. Cations you adorn, that I am prepared to throw eve ! those ungrateful hon ours at my country's feet, and r - tiring far from her conemunion, far from her corruptions, (- from the crimes and cruelties of slavery, I am prepared to see for myself and for insulted liberty in this case as connect with myself, a comfortable and veaceful asylum, amidst so peaceful place—there " Where tyrant never dared, and slave was never Itnow Where Nature worships God in wilderness alone? ? Thither, thither, shall I roam— There my children shall be free, There for them I'll seek a home, There they'll find a grave for me." (Mucha cheering.) • Mr. ALEXANDER OPPENIIEIM, who had been in Jamaie and a slave owner, felt a deep interest in the cause, an - . wished to make a few observatioes to the meeting be fore the resolution was put. He could never forget the solicitous application made to him upon leaving the colonyfive years ago by a ne,gr h o, " Master, ere yu have been nay friend — w h en YOU ge t home do not forget o the slave.' He trusted t h at t h e exertions of the British public would never relax until the entire abrogation of slavery was ac ... er'Plialiad. It h a d been properly stated tha t the title deeds of the, property in the nersroes were in the hands of the ego lature. Than might be so if it could only be instilled _inn i ho minds of any of the Colonial Legislature, that they c ucht to cheri sh any other feelings than the body, mind, and sen it of the neg ro were theirs. Al an instance of how the aPpren ticeship syst pm worked, he had extracted from a Corn- wall Paper an extract, which it had taken from the authorised publication of offenders in the Colonies, which stated the name and description of a Creole boy, who had formerly belonged to a lady, and purchased his freedom, but who was taken up as a prisoner, in consequence of not being able to produce certi ficates to that effect. This abuse, no doubt, would be conti nued until the voice of the public compelled the Legislature of this country to put an end to the system altogether. The Le gislature must be ccmpelled to feel the pressure from without. It felt one pressure, but that was not the pressure it ought to yield to—the pressure of the West Indian mortgagee which had made the subject a question of property from beginning to end, and caused those doubts of policy to arise which had prevented Parliament from enacting the entire abolition of the sys tem.—( Cheers. ) The resolution was then put from the Chair, and carried unanimously. Mr. O'CONNELL presented himself amidst enthusiastic cheering. He said-1 am a practical man, nothing but a practical man, and as a practical man having a great veneration for vulgar arithmetic and the re sults that flow from vulgar ar i t hmetic--and no small ve neration for the difference between price and value—l come here to inquire about the twenty millions—we all know it was voted; we also know it was paid, but where's the, value ?—( Hear, hear.) That's what I want to know.— ( Cheering.) We have given the money and we have not got the goods—( Hear, hear)—and now as my friend, the Rev. Gentleman from Belfast said, as we Irish have sometimes the habit of calling things by their right names—a habit which I unfortunately fall into sometimes."—( Immense laughter)—l call it—" swindling," my Lord, is it called ?—( Laughter, and hear, hear) —swindling is the name of it. You are all swindled, every one of you, man, woman, and child.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) If you had gone into a shop in Cheap side, or anywhere else, and paid the worthy citizen in that shop a sum of money, and then had said give me the lutestring, or the siik, and he had answered, I have pocketted the money, you may go away—away, indeed, you would have gone, but it would have been to the police-office ; and speedily the citizen would have had to have refunded or produced the goods ; but here, be cause the name of the party is " Legion," Legion is to have your money, and you are to have no equivalent.—(Hear, hear.) But that system cannot now be much longer conti nued ; I wish we had been a little more slow in our payments. When we had our cash in our pocket a e ought to have looked to the value.—( Hear, hear.) It was paid prematurely, paid unwisely, and requires now both energy and wisdom to insist that the debt clue to humanity sholl be paid. Oh !it was a mighty exhibition for the nations of the earth—it was a lesson that will be read in after ages with admiration, when the most prudent commercial and mercantile nation in the world as sented to pay—nct for any paltry or vulgar advantage—not for the advancement of its commerce or manufactures—not for the advantage of its own powers, but for the liberty of 800,000 individuals unconnected with us by blood or race, but linked to us only by the ties of humanity,: so large a sum. I did not like giving the money, and I voted ag - ainst it. But still I admire the generosity of the nation that gave it.— ( Hear, hear.) But is it not ungrateful? Is it not swindling ? Oh ! how shall I describe the iniquity to take the money— to swindle the nation—and to keep the negroes still in a state of slavery—(Tremendous cheering)—but it cannot last.— (Renewal cheers.) The congregated thousands whom I see here before me—the thousands whom I have seen going away —thousands more than there are here, join me, net in swear ing, but in saying that it shall not last; they say that we must have that for which we have paid our money—(Cheers)—and it must be given.—(Repeated cheers.) When the Anti- Sla very Society meets here in a few days, they will go round to the Members of the House of Commons, and they will say, " Sir, we do not care what you are—you may be a beautiful Whig, or an excellent Radical, but y lt ou must vote."—(Tre mendous cheers and laught e r. ) is not necessary to say the rest of the suppeaition.—( Laughter.) We shall see what will follow.—( A laugh.) We will say to you gentlemen of the An: i- Slavery Society—" Oh ! I was always an emancipator—l heartily concur with you —( Laughter.) I always blamed the want of consideration with which the money was giver., and I will be in my place to vote for you. I will take refreshments before 1 go.—( Great laughter and cheers. ) I will not pair off, and I will not leavO the House untl I vote.—( Renewed laughter and cheering. ) If you do not get such answers it will not be long before yowl get another House.—( Chem s, and a cry of "the Bishops. the 4 Bishops !" and laughter . ) Oh ! the Lords are accessible to reasoo, like other men. They don't like to be told in the streets, " that is the roan who prevented emancipation." I beg pardons' the Lord."—( Great laughter.) No, they cannot—the Lords cannot be against us.—(Cheers.) It is not necessary for me to stimulate your zeal-1 have brought with me ex tracts to show the cruelties which are perpetrated under the ;!Fprenticeship—to show that it is mockery to call it freedom. is that man a freeman who cannot go beyond the farm en which he lives ?—( Loud cries of " No, no," and Cheers.) Is that man a freeman whose hours are counted—whose food is weighed with scales of gold ?—( Repeated cries of " No —no, " and great cheering.) Oh ! I believe mistakes there are in counting, but no mistake in diminishing the pittance of food. —( Hear, hear.) Now, my Lord, it was I who suggested in the House of Commons the clause that females should not be flogged in their apprenticeship. But the Noble Lord (we be. • here Stanley) did not like that I should bring it in. He brc,u,-;ii it in himself to take the gold off my gingerbread.—(Roars of laughter and cheers.) But in spite of the clause they arc flogged—( Hear, hear)—and in this presence I dare not allude to the cause for which they are flogged, or the brutality with which they are flogged.—( Hear, hear.) As for those twenty millions, we are told that there has been a contract, and that the nation must keep its contract with the slave-owners. Oh ! the stones in the streets will rise against those who stand between yeu and emancipation. Yes, they tell us of our contract, an d they talk of compensation. But had we given the money to the negroes for the days which they have passed in toil and tor ture and the nights which they have passed in grief—if we had given compensation to the mother for her children torn from her breast—for the scourges she has suffered—for mo ments stolen front toil to impart the food of nature ; if we had given the compensation to them, the 20,000,0001. would in deed be well applied. —(Vehement cheering.) They talk of k, contract, why, if the contract had been properly made, I could show that the 20,000,0001. would have bought not only the negroes, but the estates—(laughter)—and not only the es tates, but a small portion of the white population besides.— ' (Renewed laughter and cheers.) But what of the contract ? Have they not violated it from one end to the other ? Will they believe the Marquis of Sligo ?—( Hear, hear.) Will they believe the missionaries of humanity ?—( Cheers.) Will they believe their own act recorded in Parliamentary docu ments?—all declaring that they have violated every part of the contract ; and if it be a case of conscience we are quite safe in calling for emancipation.—( Hear, and cheers. ) I need not encourage you. There shall be a voice heard in both Houses of Parliament which Ministers must obey.— ( Cheers.) You have great reason to be encouraged in your noble course.—( Hear, hear.) What was, my Lord, the state of the wretched negroes at the time you became their advo cate ?—( Cheers.) How difficult it was to collect a few hun dred persons on your side, who were laughed at and vilified by the press.—(Loud cheers.) The moral " Snowball" has since been increasing rapidly, and it has now become an avalanche ready to fall on the opposers of the negro's per fect liberty.—( Cheers.) It is something to have the name of slave blotted out from the statute.book —that wherever the meteor-flag of England meets the breeze there is a voice heard in the gale, which seems to say " There is no slave beneath the banner upon which England's arms are embla zoned !"—(Loud cheers.) Yet, oh ! 1 cannot but cast my eye over the waves of the vast Atlantic, where I behold a nation calling itself republican continuing this abominable system of slavery.—( Cheers. ) When Lord Stanley brought in the Bill, he at first proposed that the apprenticeship should last twelve years—there is a statesman for you—so that the old men and the venerable matrons of eighty years of age were' to be told, that when they arrived at the age of ninety-two they should pass the remainder of their life in the pleasures of freedom.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) There is another point named in this Resolution which states that the negro is ready and willing to labour for wages, and is anxious to render his family as comfortable as possible.—(Great and continued cheering.) But I repeat I cannot but sigh when I look upon that hideous remnant of domestic slavery, that two millions who are kept in chains by Republican America. —( Cheers.) I wish that the voice of freedom would re sound in " the temple of freedom," forsooth at Washington upon this subject.—( Cheers.) I confess it is to me a grati-a fying reflection that I have been the first to express at publi meetings in this country contempt and execration for this con duct of the Americans—to lash with the scorpion-whip o scorn the proud Republicans that, in defiance of thei own principles dare to carry on slavery.—( Loud cheers. Yet something has been done. My friend Thompson did n go to America for nothing. Anti-slavery Societies had bee instituted there, and, on the first division on the subject in Con gress, no less than sixty honest American Representative voted in favour of American Emancipation.—(Loud cheers. To be sure, Congress has passed a resolution stating that . this subject shall not again be brought forward there. Oh how silly is crime !--(Laughter.) Why they cannot prevent a discussion to rescind that resolution.—( Great cheering. ) The subject may be brought forward in another shape. -- (Cheers.) It is in vain to attempt to stop the progress of the waters of Liberty and Life, which are destined to bless, and to cheer every quarter of the globe.—(Cheers.) It is no small thing that the Noble and Learned Lord in the chair has come forward to take the lead upon this subject.— (Cheers.) We have heard of " a giant refreshed with wine." Here is the giant of eloquence refreshed with philosophy.— (Loud and long-continued cheering.) Invigorated by his temporary retirement he comes forth with superior brilliancy to illuminate the moral atmosphere of humanity.—(Loud cheering.) We must soon obtain the victory.---(Cheers. ) We have plain justice on our side. —( Continued cheering. ) —For the tongue does not dare to utter, and the Mind is almost polluted by the thought of the frightful scenes of im morality which slavery necessarily produces and continues. My Lord, we should not be men, we should not be Chris tians, if we did not rally under your standard.—( Great cheering.) Rally then for the last blow.—( Applause.) Insist upon the immediate emancipation of the negroes. Oh those who have laboured through the toilsome night on the way to liberty, and beset with diflieulties, arid surrounded by spectres of fright and horrors, know now many and various were those spectres of disorders, murders, and conflagrations which were protruded upon us by the disordered interestedness of the holders of slaves.—( Hear, and cheers.) Where arc these spectres now ?—( Applause.) Liberty has been pro claimed, and not a crime has been committed—freedom has been announced, and even the negroes have felt the addi tional injustice of England having paid for 'their freedom without them having obtained it, and oh, how abused have they been ! Did ever a population show such exemplary for bearance, such a total absence of all crime—such an in dulgence in the social virtues, and such a ready submission to legal injustice, as the maligned and persecuted negroes of the West Indies ?—(Much cheering.) Has not their con duct secured for them a brotherhood among all the friends of humanity, which will carry on the standard further still than we have planted it, until they do not leave a single slave on the face of the earth.—( Vehement cheering.) You have worked through the night, and the dawn is now coming on, but retire not—wait until the full sun of liberty is abroad, faint not on tho way, but proceed on your course, encouraged by every motive which can ennoble the hu man intellect and dignify the human heart.—(Great applause.) Proceed, until the last relic of the apprenticeship system ceases in the Colonies—until your emancipated and baptised fellow-countrymen of the West Indies shall raise their voices on behalf of their dejected brethren of the United States, and until it becomes absolutely necessary for protection, that liberty should be extended and perpetuated.—( Vehement cheering.) I need not say how it has gratified me to be listened to in the manner I have been to-day—( Hear, hear) —not from paltry vanity or miserable selfishness, but from finding that this meet ing is characterised by that good feeling that distinguishes this country above all others on the face of the earth.— (Cheers.) The Rev. Gentleman from Belfast, who lately addressed you, has made some statements with respect to Ire land, and I owe it to those who differ from me on questions of great national importance, who represent that country, to do them this justice, that although we stand upon adverse interests, and, therefore, although we differ on all others, on this subject we are unanimous.—( Loud and reite rated cheering.) No slaver was ever fitted out by an Irish merchant—no Irish capital—(Cheers)—has been employed in that horrible traffic—all Ireland, from the Giant's Cause way to Cape-clear, and from Connemara to the hill of Howth, joins in re-echoing your shout. Scotland, ever foremost in the race of science and of humanity—England through her hun dred plains sends forth her children with one voice—England, Scotland, and Ireland, demand that the apprenticeship system should be put an end to, and that the negroes should be per fectly emancipated. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman con cluded amid loud and general demonstrations of applause from all parts of the meeting. Captain HARWARD, delegated from Gloucester, seconded the resolution. He had not the presumption to stand up on that occasion to think that he could possibly add anything to the powerful, eloquent, and practical address they had just listened to with so much approbation, and which was, indeed, fully entitled to the whole amount of applause they had it in their power to yield. Ile thought he should best consult the feelings of his audience, and their good taste and discretion, by merely saying that he most cordially seconded the resolution which had been so ably moved by the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman. Lord Baot7ottaat in putting the resolution said, I was just about to remind my Hon. and Learned Friend of a fae which he has forgotten, relative to the Irish Members. I was present in the House of Commons irregularly, not being then a member, in 1804, when Mr. Wilberforce carried his first vote for the abolition of the slave trade. That was the first time the question had been brought forward ; it was carried by a majority of, I think, '25 or 30, and that majority consisted of a number of Irish Members on both sides of the question.— ( Loud cheers.) It was not at all confined to those Members with whom my Hon. and Learned Friend and myself agree. There were Orangemen as well as Greens.—( Laughter.) Men on both sides, who gallantly came down to the House after dining with Mr. Dillon, after wards Lord Dillon, who is now dead, and Mr. Pitt told us afterwards, in relating the history of that victory, of whets he was very proud, that the result being different from what it had been before was one of the first fruits of the Irish Union.— (Cheers.) I hope it is not the last fruit. That is one of the questions on which my Hon. and Learned Friend and myself differ, and it would be an additional argument against a repeal. ..._(Great laughter and cheering.) My Hon. and Learned Friend is very tolerant, I believe, on that subject, and natu rally says, that if our Imperial Legislature will only do all that the two Legislatures would do, then there is no reason for repeals That is a very material and very sound argumen'. The Rev. JOHN LIEFCHILD, Minister of Craven Chapel, felt grateful at hav;ng bsen invited to lift up his voice in this great assembly, as a minister of religion, and in the name of his ministerial brethren in this great metropolis, agaitist that which the God whom they served regarded with detestation. Tyranny, of every form and kind, whether relating - to the soui or to the person—whether arising from the lust of gain or do minafon—whether it fixed its brand upon the body, or its ma. nscles upon the spirit—alike regarded by the Almighty with utter abhorrence— " They who practice it, Assttme authority usurped from God, Not given. Man o'er man he made not lord, That title to himself reserving ; leaving The human race for ever free."—( Cheers. ) And, as the minister of him who came to proclaim liberty to the captive, and the opening of she prison doors to those that are bound, he repeated, that he felt delighted in being allowed to raise his humble voice along with that of senators, and orators, and patriots against an abomination— against the protracted evils of slavery, which had grown rank, and whose offensiveness called for its instant removal forth with.—( Cheers.) It would be superfluous in him to en. deaaour to enlist the feelings of the meeting on this subject, and against the evil in qu..stion. From what he knew before —from what he had beard this morning—from the heart thrilling appeals that had been made—and, above all, from the principles of liberty glowing within their own breasts, they were prepared to come to a decision this morning, that, like the echoes of thunder among the distant hills, should give effect to similar decision in all parts of the country — (Cheers) —that they would have no more mockery of their hopes—no more substitution of the phantom for the substance—of a cloud for the godd ess ; but that the very jewel which they had bought—which they had paid to, but which had hitherto been withheld from their grasp ; the inestimable jewel of the liberty of the captive, and the opening of the prison doors to them that are bound. He confessed that but for the protracted hardships of the slaves he fo ;gradual a n l o a t h h o l a i v ti e o n been t I s ) o e r r s y; ste r m t . h e Fe xperimentthis o h e3 f , aallowing of the plan which was to give even-handed justice in reference to both parties. For this they put it in the ;power of the planter to redeem his c haracter by becoming a willing coadjutor in the glorious work of emancipation, and thus have rendered it impossible for any one to say that thev had withdrawn their confidence without giving a fair and full trial, and what had been the result ? They had been taught whom they were not to trust. There had been verbal illus tration of the patience, the forgiving temper of the negro. —( Loud cheering.) An opportunity had been afforded for the display of the untiring energies of the country, in a prosecution of a just cause—a position had been provided for the Noble Lord to take his stand upon that had developed more fully than ever his mighty talents—(Cheers) —and the consummation of the act of liberty had been delayed till it m'ght take place under the happiest auspices, and our young and lovely Queen herself might be almost thankful that it had been delayed until now, that it might take place at last under her sanction, if not accelerated by her express wish, and that thousands of slaves in her Majesty's dominions might as sociate her name with the deed of justice, and shout with joy ful exultation—" Victoria for ever l"—( Great cheering.) lie confessed he was surprised still to meet with objections in some quarters, that the slave was not yet fit for his full liberty, and might be intoxicated by the boon. Now, he would not call it a boon—it was an act of justice—and that he might not be betrayed with the feelings of indignation and revenge. Wh,t, lie who had received the partial restoration of his liberty without abusing it—after he bad found the cup of liberty held to his lips—dashed again with bitter dregs, and had borne it patiently—was he, at the consummation of the act of his liberty, to be actuated by a feeling only of indignation, rather than the impulse of gratitude. But what was the awful'' alternative ? The continuance of the apprent i ces hip systerre was no problematical evil—it was no doubtful evil—but , a s hacl , been abundantly proved this morning, it was the cont inuance of a dreadful state of things, and he thought it was against all: the principles of human reasoning to suppose, if it continued. to the full period, that the slave, at its expiration, wou be come better fitted for his labour. Was it, then, in human nature to be goaded into kind and generous feelings lie thought, that for the interests of the planters themselves, they ought to expedite the matter, lest they might learn a lesson at last, if they still continued to go on, which they seem unwilling to admit, that he who sows the wind may expect to reap the whirlwind. But these were c onsisiderations below the subject—they related to expediency, which ought ever to give way to right. What was it that set up the Grecian and Roman name in such lustre, but by doing right in despite of expediency.—(Hear, hear, hear, and loud cheering. ) Then the meetin g were prepared, for the sake of the negroes , for the sake of the planters, and for the sake of eternal justice, demand, demand, demand—(Cheers)— thatwith one hand and voice this morning to agree to petition, pe tition,p‘ n pao ems t trh petition—tonenl dd s tleuesoln held ed . sei A pnr eufhegoii foot.—(Great tl s .1 n t yia, en(vdGe every rrtyenar torn, t e s t : t ca elsvlrheeshould in ruhi t nod l colonies, edb) be shouldt n r tnthey ehayeas asunder were dei in n eer the at hned to be told that they wanted a leader, they had one who Was noble, eloquent, and enlightened—(Cheers)—one who could pour a flood of light on every subject which he chose to irradiatc—( Cheers)—one whose whole pnblic course had been employed as the advocate of liberty—(Cheers)—one who never sacrificed right to expediency—( Cheers)—one who 'was the advocate against slavery of the mind, as well as the body,—(Tremendous cheering.) But he would advert, if he might do it without offence in his presence who, among his other avocations, had written a work, which, when the violence of party had ceased, would carry down his name in lasting honour to posterity.—(Great cheering.) With such a leader, and in such a cause, they could not do otherwise than sue ceod.—( Cheers.) He hoped that all present would not he content with merely coming there and naking speeches, but that they would set about petitioning. They must petition largely and numerously.—( Cheers.) It would not be out of Cha racter in him to say that civil freedom was not their ultima tum—not only civil but moral freedom was their object.— ( Cheers.) The promotion of the act of justice which it was their endeavour that day to promote, would facilitate the progress of religious instruction.—(Cheers.) Would men receive, lie would ask, religious instruction from those who coerced them 1 0 Never. —(Cheers.) There were some present that day that belonged to a race among whom the precious path of liberty was preserved, and woe to them if it was quenched.—(Cheers.) If ever they went from those sentiments, persecution would commence. The moment that was done, they would be branded with infamy. But till they did that, he trusted they would have the credit of wishing the voice of liberty to echo through all the quarters of the globe.—(Cheers.) He said all quar ters of the globe, because he felt no doubt that America would soon follow them—(Cheers) —and that the time was nut far distant when freedom would reign triumphant over the whole face of the earth. The Rev. Gentleman concluded amid loud cheering. The Noble CHAIRMAN then put the resolution to the naeeticg, which he declared to be carried unanimously. ANDREW Wirtre,Esq., M.P. for the borough of Sunderland, then came forward to propose the next resolution. After the many great guns that had been let offin the present assembly this morning, he was afraid that his small pop-gun would hardly be heard by the whole of the meeting. The resolution he held in his hand had been handed to the right and to the left, and although Gentlemen of greater ability far than him were present, he had been obliged to take upon himself, unfit as he was, the duty of bringing forward the resolution to the notice of the meeting. He believed that not one individual within those walls had ever seen him before. —(Great laughter.) What they might think of him he was sure he could not tell—(Renewed laughter)—nor was he careful to know. However, one thing satisfied him, and that was, to find such a hearty and enthusiastic reception given to the anti-slavery cause on the present oc casion. —(Hear, hear.) He was not accustomed to address public meet ings, although he was now upwards of forty years of age.—(Laughter.) Public speaking with him was quite a novelty. He had been bred and brought up as a merchant and ship .owner, in the borough of Sun derland, and he had been called on unexpectedly by the con stituency of that place to represent them in Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Why was he so called upon ? Because he was known ever since he was twenty years of age to have been the advocate of civil and religious li berty throughout the whole world.—(Cheers.) Although he was not a Dissenter himself, yet he had the honour of entering a Dissenting place of worship, and he had the gratification of hearing a valuable sermon from the Reverend Gentleman who had just sat down. The advice that he then gave was, " In your patience possess ye your souls." However much, he might be inclined to act on the advice of the Rev. Gentleman, he must confess that he felt impatient at hearing the horrible cruelties that were inflicted on their black brethern in the West Indies. The accounts they heard of the cruelties inflicted upon the poor Negroes were of an awful and revolting nature, and he trusted that the enlightened public of this empire would come forward unanimously and determine with one voice that slavery should cease to exist throughout the British dominions.—(Loud cheering.) It had been stated of the people of the United States of America, that although they were great lovers of liberty, yet that they held two millions of Negroes in bondage, and it appeared that no person who had a black face was free, for liberty was confined to persons with white faces. He had had the honour of being appointed , one of the delegates, to represent his native borough. at the great meet. - rig that was held there two months ago, to prepare the road for doing way with the apprenticeship system in the West Indies. He had every easonto believe that Lord Glenelg, and her Majesty's present Ministers, were anxious to forward the liberties of the co untr y .—(Cries of " No, no; that wont do, Mr. Fergusson.") He hoped the meeting would i ftof suppose that he wished to succumb to her Majesty's Mini kers—he had supported the Ballot, and all Liberal measures, but what he meant to say was, that he considered Lord Glenelg in reality wished to abolish the apprenticeship system, if he could see his way to do so.—(Laughter, and cries of "No, no.") What they should do liwas, to come forward manfully, and insist on the representatives to do iiaway with the apprenticeship clause. Let a motion be brought forward in the House of Commons for doing away with Emancipation alto gether—let every Liberal Member and every Conservative Member sup. portthat motion, and then he thought the death-knell of slavery would be tolled.—(Cheers.) The resolution he had to submit to the meeting was—" That while the admission on the part of Government, and their ,application to Parliament for new and increased powers to amend and enforce the Abolition Act un equivocally demonstrate the truth of our ` former charges, and of the necessity of our active interference, this meeting teams with extreme dissatisfaction and regret, that the pro posed Bill of Lord Glenelg, instead of going to the root of the evil, and providing the only effectual remedy by the extinguishment of the sys 1. rtem, is a tissue of mere palliatives like the Act it proposed to amend, I and must prove a flagrant mockery of justice ; and that this meeting feels bound to enter its protest against a measure of So delusive a na ture."—(Cheers.) The Rev. Jong Butteerr, in rising to second the resolution, could not help expressing his deep regret that there should be the least occasion, at this late period of the world's history, and this advanced stage of its improvement, for coming forward to discuss man's natural right to the possession of his own person.—(Hear, hoer, and cheers.) It was clear that every Legislation which was not founded upon the supreme rights of man—which was not founded upon the rights of the negro—would violate the ends of eternal justice.—(Cheers.) They had not come there to argue that man should not have a right to his fellow-man, but only to put an end to the apprenticeship system—such might be said. But, in his opinion, they had met together to go over the same ground which had been so often, so eloquently trodden by the Noble Chairman and others. They had got some details granted them, but they had been refused the real principle. The Apprenticeship Act violated this principle—it continued slavery under a new name; the freedom of the slave was violated by the Act which was to have emancipated. He had always expected that the Act would fail, and he had not been disappointed. On this question he was—what one of the Members for all Ireland stated himself to be—he was a repealer. — (Cheers.) He wanted to repeal the Pill altogether—nothing less would satisfy him. What was the state of the question ? Had they met to gether to consider anything connected with the Bill introduced by the Noble Secretary for the Colonies ? No. They had met for the pur. pose of procuring the repeal of the Bill altogether. They had met to. gether to denounce that Bill, and it was denounced in th e resolution he held in his hand, in terms as unmeasured, yet as just as could. be used even by the Noble Chairman.—(Hear, hear.) That Bill was a poor and paltry instalment which the Government offered to the country for their 20,000,000/. —(Loud ch ee rs.) It did not propose the freedom of the negro, their great aim. As far as they were concerned the Bill was a mere nullity, and they had not hing to do with its details. It proposed, however, that the Governor e hould by his proclamation regulate the hours and labours of the negroes. But were they aware—did the Government know that when a Governor went to a West India island he entered into a new moral atmosphere ? How had die Marquis of Sligo been treated ? They teazed, and thwarted, and mocked him, until they compelled him to throw asvay the reins of govern ment in despair, as under such treatment any Hon. Gentleman must have done. Was it possible that a man, asGovernor ofa colony, placed in such cir. . cuinstances, could carry into effect such a piece of bungling legislation as the Apprenticeship Act? It could not be; and they would be com pelted to meet again, in order to obtain a Committee to inquire into working of the proclamation law, as it no doubt would be called,—that Committee might be appointed, and in 1840 they might be prepared to report, and as a Committee would die off along with the system itself. He considered that Bill as a mere piece of procrastination, as having no tendency but to delude the easy thinking portion of the empire,—(Loud cheers.) He thought it was brought forward because the enlightened people of England—of the Empire, had called for the total repeal of the Ap prenticeship Act.—(Cheers.) It was a mere shield thrown over that Aet in order to delude the sober thinking people—the friends of the negro in the empire.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) If they could regard any alteration that might be made in the Act as at all likely to better it beyond what it was, they would find themselves egregiously deceived.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill was against their principle of entire freedom.—(Hear, hear.) Its purpose was to mend and patch the Apprenticeship Act.—(Hear, hear.) They had asked for freedom, and they got that piece of patchwork legislation.—(Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) They asked for the negroes rights, and they got a patch of their wrongs—(cheers)—they asked for liberty and they got a modification of their bondage.—(Renewed cheering.) The reso lution which he held in his hand reminded him that the Act was founded upon what the anti-slavery advocates had always insisted upon —the mischevious character of the apprenticeship system. Why was the power taken out of the hands of the Governor and his Council, but that they could not be trusted ?—(Hear.) Their character was lost, and the Bill was built upon its ruins. —(Hear, hear, hear.) The Bill was brought forward to lead the friends of the negroes to suppose, that the Colonial Secretary would do something. 'That Noble Lord had ad. rtnitted that the negro was cheated of his hours—of his food—of the ad- Nninistration ofjustice—(Cheers)—that he was cheated of the protection of the special Magistrates—and of every thing on which the Apprentice ship Bill promised him an advantage.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. B.) pitied the Governor in his heart,--(Laughter.) Lord Glenelg took him, and threw him amidst those men who could not be trusted ; he threw him into the den of lions, and told him to grapple with the monsters the best way he could.—(Cheers and laughter.) He was going out to govern men in peace and good humour, to whom he must say in 'the first place, you are destitute of honour, of truth, of justice, of hu 'inanity. Who would expect that such a system would work well, and he '(Mr. B.) spoke thus not to bring the odium of the meeting on the West Indians, but to convince the meeting that the Bill never could work ' well. What they were to do then was to demand the thing—the whole thing, and nothing but the thing—which they had always demanded, and of which they could not give up one inch—entire and full liberty.— ("Vehement cheering.) Liberty in all its bearings, and in its clearest I and fullest sense--liberty, as every Englishman understood it, and as Mr. Stanley described it in his place in the House of Commons when he brought in his Bill, and which terminated in bondage. A negro was at one time asked if he knew what liberty meant ? for his master said that after all that was said about liberty, the negroes did not know what it meant—( A laugh)—but the negro answered, " Ah, ma.ssa—liberty means me go where me like."—(A laugh.) Let the meeting therefore, tell Lord Glenelg they equally understood what his Bill meant. Slavery was bad in its original—in its old, and in its new— degradation, but it was worse when it appeared in an old hatched garment.—(A laugh.) Why did they not take the master by the throat at once and slay him, and bury him instead of dressing him up in old rags that make him more odious.—(Loud cheering.) The Ministers had voluntarily come forward with a mea sure ,for which the West Indian planters themselves had not petitioned.—(Loud cheers.) Why should these " well-meaning individuals,"—thus volunteer such a measure.—(Cheers.) The Rev Gentleman concluded by exhorting the meeting to be strenuous and persevering in their efforts to exterminate this abominable system. — (Cheers.) The Rev. Mr. BEAUMONT was introduced to the meeting as a Wes leyian minister. He commenced by observing that John Wesley had been ever as uncompromising an enemy to slavery in the State as he had been to corruption in the Church.—(Loud cheers.) Thirty years ago a furnace had been kindled to destroy that monstrous substance slavery, but it had now become necessary to re-kindle the furnace in order the more effectually to complete the work of destruc tion.—(Laughter and cheers.) At first there had been a small bellows blowing raised against the abomination, but since the publication of the speech delivered in another place, delivered by the Noble Lord in the Chair—a speech full of the lightning bolts of eloquence and genius, against the oppressors of the negro—the bellows-blowing had been raised into a mighty blast.—(Laughter.) The Rev, gentleman proceeded to tell a story related to him by a friend of his, who told him that a per son, speculating on the emancipation which seas carried into effect in Antigua, had sent out to that island a cargo of fiddles, that the negroes might, on the Ist of August, fiddle themselves into delirium. (The extreme vehemence of the reverend speaker, and his extraordinary ges ticulations, coupled with the humorous nature of the story, excited shouts of laughter, mingled with a few hisses.) But the negroes had no taste for fiddling, and the fiddles remained untouched.—(Laughter.) The negro demanded some other instrument to celebrate that splendid event of August. and they had got hold of the harp of David and the trumpet of Paul.—(Cheers.) He had heard of a traveller passing up the Lapland hills beyond even where a blade of grass re fused to grow, ascending even to where the eternal snow covered the hills, and there he found a ranunculas flourishing in the middle of winter. What would that ranunculus have been if the winter had been taken away? We could not touch the physical winter, but the moral winter of the negro we had power to clear away.— (Cries of Hear, hear. hear.) It had been said that slavery hacked the faculties, impeded the progress of arts and sclenee, rendered the mind sordid—the intellect meagre and unworthy to be the tenant of man's noble frame, but he would contend that it rendered more meagre and sordid the minds of those who inflicted it than those who suffered it. He was quite of opinion that it was their duty to take the Bill which had been so well and so sarcastically denounced by the previous speaker, provided they could not get abetter.—(lmmense cries of" No, no,"—" Never, never," and hissing.) For his own part he wanted 19s. 12d. in the pound.—(Cries of " No, no.") Lord BROUOUAM—The meeting could not have heard the Rev. Gent. because he could not reasonably ask for more than 19s. 12d. in the pound. That, according to ordinary calculation, made 205. in the pound, and they could not have wished him to say that he wished for 2ls. in the pound.—(Hear.) It was true this Bill only gave about one fiftieth part of the 4th of a farthing, and all the Rev. Gentleman wished was to take even that small mite in expectation of getting more, not in relinquishing in the slightest degree his claim for the "(Nile. A GENTLEMAN on the platform said it was principle that they wanted, , and no gilding of base coin. Dr. BEAUMONT resumed—He could assure the meeting that be had , as great an objection to base coin as any one. There were several mints, the Noble Lord in the Chair hail one of his own, and the me,t- Jog having tasted of his seemed loathe to receive any from any other source; but if they would only give him time to finish his sentence lie would make himself understood. There was one clause in the Bill which reconciled to him the putting an end to the flogging of females, and to a great extent the flogging of men. He considered that an instance of as good feeling as could adorn human nature had been shown in a negro, who peremptorily refused to flog his father at the command of his master, and who submitted to one if the severest floggings himself for his refusal. For his own part, lie had been described as a Wesleyan, bet he begged to inform the meeting that he belonged to the genus home—the species lanno—all the varieties of honzo—(Laughter)— and therefore felt the deepest interest in the whole of his own species. If intellect had not been indestructible, it would have been destroyed _ . by the monstrous numbers that bestrode it. But intillest was as in separable from human nature as genius from his Lordship, heat from the sun, or cold from the North Pole. As the meeting appeared to be impatient, he would merely observe, that he same forward to accelerate not only the longer wished for day of freedom to the negroes, but freedom to the whole race of mankind. He believed the reason why that " consummation so devoutly to be wished" was not hastened, arose from the damning spot upon themselves, the foul blot upon the British Constitution. As soon as they had freed themselves the thunders of the British lion would roll over the Atlantic, and the reign of the Neros and Caligulas, the butchers and the bullies, would be at an end. The Noata CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which he was sure would be unanimously carried. Every hand in the Assembly was held up in favour of it. His Lordship then adjusted his glasses, and looked slowly and care. fully round the Meeting, to see if any hand would be held up against it, and announced, amidst great cheering and laughter, that he could not see one, although he looked very attentively. Mr. ROACH, M.P. for Cork, moved the next resolution. Although he had not much experience in public meetings, he had sufficient to know that the present was not a period to address them at great length, and he would therefore merely read the resolution, which spoke sufficiently for itself.—(The Hon. Gentleman then read the resolution.)—The question should have his warmest sup port In Parliamrnt, for he had always been the friend of freedom—un biassed and unshackled universal freedom, and nothing but freedom. The resolution was seconded by JosiAti FORSTER, a member of the Society of Friends, and carried unanimously. Mr. CONDOR said he was instructed to give notice that the meeting would adjourn until twelve o'clock to-morrow, and that his Lordship had promised to give for the second time the benefit of his attendance on that occasion. He concluded by moving that the cordial thanks of this meeting be given to the Noble and Learned Lord to whom the cause was so greatly indebted, not only on this occasion, but during the whole period of his public life. . Mr. STU nal: seconded the motion, observing that they were tinder in expressible obligatiops to the Chairman for coming forward on this occasion. Lord BROUG nAm in returning thanks observed, that the last exertions which it was his fortune to make upon this great question, were not upon the subject which now immediately brought them together, but on a subject more urgent, more pressing and one which made his mor- tification more bitter than even the conduct of the Government on the subject of slavery, and the mockery Bill which had been so much stigmatised to-day, and that was not so well understood as it ought to be, owing to the pressure of business in the other House, which pre vented the subject from being brought so fully before the public as was generally the case by those gentlemen to whom the public owed such a debt of gratitude never to be sufficiently expressed for the care, fidelity and skill—for it was a most difficult thing,—with which they reported the speeches in both Houses of Parliament.—(Hear.) At that period there was a most important question under discussion in both Houses,and therefore, it could not be expected that what he had stated could be written so fully as it otherwise would have been. The consequence therefore was that he had been asked to correct the report taken by a short-hand writer for a friend of what he did say ; he had done so, and that speech had been published that day. He would state what it was that he did say. He alluded to the African slave-trade, by which the unhappy negroes were to be brought from America, and from India, in order to enable the planter of Guiana, and other places to avail themselves of their services. This race of Indians were of a less hardy constitution than the generality of the Indian race, and by the Order in Council, which he deprecated, they were at liberty without any regulations whatever, to export as many Indians and ne grces as they thought proper to all places within the charter of the East India Company. That order was framed for the purpose of enabling the planters to carry over some of the negro population in crowded vessels to Guiana and to other places, in order that they might by this means become what was called indentured apprentices. Sucks was the state of maladies on board the vessels that during a six weeks voyage, out of 240 no less than 31 perished ; and in the course of another six weeks, on board a vessel bearing the name of Queen Adelaide, out of 72 no less than 26 perished. Such was the state of things which the Order in Council was intended to perpetuate, and such was the state of things which he was determined to raise his voice against. He thought that it was quite enough for his friends connected with the Government, to oppose him upon the question of slavery alone, without opposing him also upon that of the slave trade.—(Great cheering.) In his opposition to those Orders in Council, he had been supported by most able men, and be was bound in justice to say to his political ad versaries, the Tories, that they had supported him. Lord Ellenborough and Lord Lyndhurst had both of them made most able speeches upon the question. The latter Noble Lord, he would venture to say, by his speech upon that occasion, had raised his character in the affections of his fellow.eountrymen in a much greater degree than he had disparaged it by the course he had pursued. He would now most respectfully take leave, observing only that if his life was spared, he would meet them again to-morrow at twelve o'clock. The immense assemblage then separated ; and his Lordship, on leav_ ing the Hall, was loudly cheered along the passage, on his way to his carriage. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO. MORIVJ W. Morning l6 minutes after 4 I Evening 3' minutes after 4 ADVERTISEMENTS for the SECOND NUMBER of the MONTHLY CHRONICLE, are requested to be sent to Messrs. Longman and Co., on or before THURSDAY, March 22, and Bills on or before SarrunDAT, March 24. 39, Paternoster-row, March 13, 1£538. The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this daz; at 10 minutes past Four o' Clock. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 14, 1838. LONDON : WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 14, 1838 The Times, in an article which we elsewhere insert, states that an impression prevails in the City, that the Revenue for the present quarter will be very deficient. This is only in accordance with the avowal of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER in the House of Commons on Monday night, when he resisted Colonel SIBTHORP'S motion for the reduction of the duty on Fire Insurance, because the Reve nue, by the balance-sheet of January, appeared deficient to the amount of 655,0001. Every person must, we believe, be aware that nothing has transpired since to give a stimu lus to industry, many branches of which, such as agriculture and navigation, with all kinds of communication by water, both here and on the Continent, have suffered a longer in terruption at this season than for many years before. The resistance made by the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER to Colonel SIBTHORP'S motion must be taken as an indi- cation of his knowledge of the fact that the Revenue conti nues deficient. It is some satisfaction to know, therefore, that the Government is aware of its difficulties, and it does not argue any great discernment in the City critics, that they announce with some pomp the formation of such an impression, after the fact bad been clearly indicated by the Finance Minister. But though the public may feel a security because the Government is aware of the difficulty, we are not satisfied with the mode which the CHANCELLOR takes temporarily to get over it. We are told that the accruing revenue is not sufficiently large to pay off the deficiency bills at the Bank ; and that he is to pay them off by borrowing 2,000,0001. from the Bank. In other words, he is to bor row from the Bank to pay the Bank. He is to renew his acceptances, and give the Bank, which has now a great difficulty in lending its notes, the usual rate of interest for the accommodation. Eager as the Bank now is to put forth its notes, there is no doubt but it will readily comply ; and as the spring is the season for enterprize, it will be able, by the help of the Government, to send an additional amount into circulation, What, however, strikes us as rather singular, is that the Bank should be the lender to the Government, or rather to the public, whose agent the Government is. When we look upon a Bank -note, we find it a promise on the part of the Bank to pay on demand the sum which is expressed in it. The Bank does not give such promises to the public without an adequate conside ration ; and, in fact, it borrows from the public the sum it pro mises to pay on demand. According to the last returns, its circulation is 18,600,0001., which sum it accordingly bor rows from the public. In fact it is the privileged borrower, the greatest of all borrowers ; and it is something like im pudence in the Bank to lend notes to the public, by bor rowing from which it makes its large annual dividends. The explanation of the circumstance, h owever , s h ows us one of the most curious juggles which is to be met with in financial history. For the 18,600,0001. which it borrows from the public, it pays not a farthing of interest, but for every sixpence it lends of this borrowed money, including ten or twelve million it lends to the State, it makes the State and the other borrowers from it pay a high rate of interest. It is now to receive from the public, it appears, an additional 80,0001. a year for lending it two millions of the money it borrows from the public. By thus borrowing from the public at no interest, and lending at a high rate of interest, the Bank carries on a most flourishing trade, in which other Bankers naturally desire to share. We shall not on this occasion pursue the subject any further ; but merely express our astonishment that this great borrower from the public, has the art to make the public pay a large interest to the Bank for the very money the public lends ;it has also had the art to persuade the public that tho Bank is a public benefactor. We are not much surprized, knowing the thraldom in which the Go vernment is kept by the cunning great borrower, that the L CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER should have refrained the other evening from moving to re-appoint the Committee on , Joint Stock Banks ; for he probably anticipated that such a motion would lead to no pleasant debate. The debate which took place last night in the House of Commons on Colonel EVANS'e motion will be read with pain and sorrow by all who have taken an interest in the fate of the British Legion. It hardly leaves a doubt that the statements made by General O'CoNNELL, General SHAW, and other eye-witnesses, were perfectly correct, that the army under Colonel EVANS had been twice at least on the brink of destruction, ia consequence of the culpable conduct of the Spanish Generals, and that vast numbers of the Legion perished at Vittoria in consequence of want of food, want of medicine, want of surgeons, and, indeed, want of all the necessaries of life. A general belief prevailed, and the statement of Colonel EVANS last night will not remove it, that he had not been supported (we use the mildest term) either by CORDOVA or SAARSFIELD. Though he carefully avoids imputing any blame to them, or to the Spanish Go vernment throughout the whole period of service, the main facts stated by trust-worthy men, and not denied by bun, warrant the conclusion that the conduct of the Spanish authorities was, in the words of Sir HENRY HARDINGE, " most grossly blameable," and, in the words of General O'CONNELL. " most infamous." The public believed that in his attempt to penetrate into the provinces from Vittoria he had been betrayed. What is his answer to this ? There is no foundation for the charge of treachery, for CORDOVA sent an Aid-de-camp to inform the British of Isis intention to retire. ThatAid-de-camp made a detour to avoid the enemy and arrived a day after " the affair." We know not to whom the treachery belongs, but treachery there was. The Spanish General, at the most critical moment, changees the plan of his operations, by which the British Legion is left totally unsupported, and then sends one messenger to announce the fact, who, by the road he was instructed to go, could not arrive before the mischief was done ! This is rather strong evidence, but in the next case the evid!nino is still stronger. With regard to the unfortunate affair of Hernani, Colonel Ev ANS says " SAARSFIELD retired on the 11th, instead of marching in the direction he was sup posed to have taken, and the Legion in consequence„ was opposed to the whole strength of the e nemy- What was the result ? The Legion, as at Vittoria, was forced to retreat, and in the course of two days lost 700 men, or nearly one fourth of the whole. Yet Colonel Evaiss was not heard to say (for he spoke indistinctly) one word in reprobation of conduct which sacrificed so many of his brave followers ! As regards the treatment of the men during the sickness at Vittoria, though he seems disposed to screen the Spanish authori rities, he does not advance any facts to disprove the state ments of Dr. ALLCOEK or Major HALL, who asserted that 1,223 men died ; that 500 were incapacitated for service in consequence of the bad arrangements ; and that 300 more were added to this list in consequence of h. a u food. No—he admits that out of • 8 , 000 men , 1,223 died, and then enters into a calculation to prove that the ow' tality in the Legion was not greater than in the army un der WELLINGTON. That was not the point to be p rovnti " The question was whether one half of the Legion had Pe",. rished for want of proper accommodation, privation. ot food, and a totul want of faith on the part of the S authorities. Colonel EVANS has stood forward as the de fender of the Spanish Government, but he has m iserab l y ti failed. All the main charges are to be disproved, a nd we have something more than mere words in praise of On loyalty of ESPART-E-E-0, or the assertion that there is n° foundation for the charge of treachery against Coan ovA, or that the Legion was only treated in the usual w a Y' a British public will retain the belief that a vast proporti on of the unfortunate men were sacrificed, and that the co nduct of the Spanish authorities, to say the least of it, was " most grossly blameable." pa ll nish While we are writing, one of the greatest public rn"t ings on the question of Slavery, held since the passing of the Slave Emancipation Act, is assembled in Exeter Hall, for the purpose of petitioning Parliament in favour of the immediate abolition of Negro Apprenticeship in the West Indies. It will be seen by the r eport In OUT columns that Lord BROUGHAM presides a s Chairman ; but as the question under discussion is the subject of the subjoined article, we shall content ourselves here with pointing attention to the brillian t specal :1 of the Noble and Learned Lord, on opening the b•usi ness of the Meeting. The short-sighted cruelty of the Planters, and the ignorant obstinacy of the Colonial Leg' s " latures, has at last brought them into direct and fearful col lision with the Parliament and people of England. The Government Bill, for the amendment of the Slavery Act of 1833, was read a second time in the He"' °f Lords last night. We will not now enter into a m inute , examination of its provisions ; our only objection to which is that they are too limited—that they arc palliatives rather than correctives of a deep-rooted and deplorable evil. When Lord BROUGHAM first proposed the immediate emancipation of the Negroes, without passing from slavery to the full enjoyment of liberty, through an intermediate and preparatory stage of apprenticeship, we confess that we shared in the terrors of those who apprehended, from such an experiment, the social disorganisation of the Colonies. We were of opinion that a certain period should be allowed to the masters to conciliate the affections of their slaves—to prepare them for a state of freedom, by educating their feelings—and correcting, lindulgence,„:l3Y those vices in their character inseparable from a state of personal bondage. But three years' experience o f the working of the apprenticeship system has entirely changed our opinion upon this subject. We are now persuaded that nothing short of the absolute and unconditional emanci pation of the Negroes can put an end to the tyranny of t h© planters, whose treatment of the apprentices is m arked by d. a cruelty and a hatred of the coloured race neve r evince to an equal extent before the passing of the Ema ncipation Act. Of this fact proofs in abundance arc furn ished by Part V. of the Papers relating to the Abolition of Slaverl ' printed by Order of the House of Commons on the 9th inst. From this goodly sized volume, which consists of documents illustrative of the working of the Apprenticeship system, since May, 1837, we propose making a few extracts that th people of England may learn the hopelessness of trusting() any share of coercive authority in the hands of a bodY dead to every feeling of justice and humanity 0 en - Planters. We begin with the flogging of female ape tices in Jamaica : P_ ari " At a meeting of Magistrates of St. Andrew's held on the Ist of June, 1837, an inquiry took pla ce tive to the death of Letitia Johnston, a woman of colour, who died two days after leaving the House of Correeo.e,r; The witnesses swore that being unable to " dance the 0,1"_ of she was strapped upon it, and that in consequence e torture she suffered, her body swelled, and she was sufferd to die in a field without medical treatment ! Th is ' ' an t, similar cases of cruelty, being reported to the Governteebno. a Commission was appointed since the accession of the MAJESTY, to inquire into the mode of punishing apprentices, and from the evidence taken before it, t he lowing extracts are made. Be it remembered, that thl9 evidence entirely relates to the operation of the law, s ince‘ August, 1834 : . 0 11 1 " Mary Anne Bell, sworn.—l remember being sen t t o the trot.'' by Mr. Rawlinson, when I was quite heavy in the family way, ' l'2 : I half my time being gone. Two or three weeks aft er I returned hum p felt pains in my wrists and knees. The pains were on the par"iiic had been strapped to the tread-mill." e, " Amelia Lawrence sworn—The food that we got at the worlo'"tih% was a pint of boiled corn, and one ale-wife between two persons' ,;y1 was given us in the morning, and we got nothing else till the nest day The first day I went on the mill it bruised my knee a great dea l ' t he blood run all down my shins. The women were flogged as well 29 n r men ; some of them wery flogged very badly. I have seen women ha l o lug on the mill by their hands, as they could not keep up ; then vili c f were greatly bruised. I have seen many women put on th e Will 5113 had young sucking children ; they were put on the mill m orning 10 0 evening. Their pain would be so great, that they would bawl faint enough to be heard a great way off. I have seen several wom en ing on the mill; when in that situation they were sometimes left h al— wo' by their wrists till the other people were taken off. I knew an old not. man by the name of Sally ; she was often put on the wheel, hut vi3 „ s her able to work. She got severely flogged ; Mr. Drake used to 11° ' I , himself. lam a married woman, with a family of four i childreliosr have never recovered from the punishment of the treadmill. The pains all over my body, and particularly the small of my bacl , • an d people were all shackled at night. We used to sleep in shackles' with big chains about our necks." " Susan White sworn—l recollect being sent to the workhu u '., e. I was chained to Amelia Lawrence, and I was then in the family Wa'.day. 3 was five months advanced. I was put on the treadmill twice sO On a Thursday evening I danced the mill longer than usual, and ".„ . I tired that I fell off: One of my hands slipped out of time s r3r u 'ite called to them to stop the mill, but they did not—it went round quite fast; then my other hand slipped out, and I fell down quite seu'efore No doctor attended me. I went eat of the workhouse two wee "cleft me Christmas, and I had a mischance in February , the pains never ce • I from the time I came out of the workhouse till . I bad the misc" "- have never been in good health since." tO ilia Every witness examined gave similar testimenY above ; but several o f th e women d e p o sed to acts big we indecency on the p ar t o f th e i r t ormen tors, with act` t he cannot pollute our columns. When placed "P c) " er wheel their c l o th es were lif te d up , an d tied about their riPner sons, in such a way as to expose their bodies in a ' ll b i o g• which no Englishwoman can conceive without blus„cita.. Others we re constantly exposed to the criminal sw`rta t in tons of their keepers, and in case of refusal , were 0:al,. of being flogged with five-fold severity. The truly t ing m anner i n w hi c h th e f ema l es reco unted to the Cow r i e of sioners the pan g s th e y s u ffered from the brutal ° ' u on their persons, cannot fail to make a deep impress i on up the Parliament a nd people of this country. We pass over to-day the details of the atro cioto P ments inflicted upon the male apprentices. lia d Ae n ' od stances of men of sixty years of age being flogge • f i e g; Psalms —a kept in dun boy was flogged tied to a cart, for saying sll 1 t r l l ; l t e i t was GoD who made tile world, and that man co uld not f „int , —a man was committed to a dungeon, for giving old ing woman a drink of water—and an old ma n and a" th o woman, both beyond sixty years of age, were flogge d s o d heir b e yon— t I they died in consequence for not working t. 47 -tsp_ • Zile ;qua+ WITH WHICH " THE TRUE SUN" IS NOW INCORPORATED.