The Sun. — London, England, 1838-07-20 00:00:00

SECOND EmTio N • SUN OFFICE, &reit (;Clork. 'IIIE, LONDON GAZETTE OF THIS EVENING. ST. JAM ES'S. rA L .10E, JULY I', I S:1:;:. The Queen wa. thic day pl. a'ed to colder the honour of Kn:ght. Bond upon Duncan MacDougall,. Esq , late Lieuttnant.Colonel of the Regiment of Highlanders, Kgight Commander of the Royal and Mi.itary Gide: of St. Ferdlitand. T. iA:,;ES'S PALACE, JULY I€. The Qt:ven was :his day pleas 23 to confer the honour of ir;.r:,ghthcc d upon Major- General Pendergast, of the honourable East India C6n pany's ST. JAMES'S PALACE, Jruz.v 15, Queen wa.i this t!ay pleased to confer the honour of Knighthood upon Nlajor Hen, Payly, Knight of the Iloyal Hanoverian Guetptue Order. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, JULY 15. The Queen was this' day pleased to confer the honour of rinighthocd upon Major William Lloyd, of the lion. East India Company's Service. ST. JAMES'S PALACE. JuLv IS. The Queen was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knighthocd upon Charles Shaw, Esq., Knight Commander of the Royal Portuguese Military Order of the Tower and Sword, and Knight Commander of the Spanish Military Order of San Fernando. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, JULY IS. The Queen was this day pleased to confer the honour Of Knighthood upon Charles Frederic:: Williams, of Lennox Lodge, Hayling, Hants, and Upper Bedford-place, in the county of Middlesex, Esq. ST. JAMES'S PALACE„JuLv IS, The Queen was this day pleased to con&r the t.miour of Knighthood upon Euward Johnson, of Greenhill, Weymouth, in the county of Dorset, Esq., Knight of the Royal and Distinguished Order of Charles the Third of Spain. • ST. JAMES'S-PALACE, Juts IS. Th, Queen was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knighthood upon Jahn KirlCand, of Hampton and Patl.mall, in the county of Mid dltscx, Esq, • ST. JAMES'S.PALACE, JULY 18. The Queen vim this' day pleased to confer the honour of Kighthood upon Wiliam N'ewhigging, F.S.C.S. and R.S., of Edinburgh, Esq. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, JULY 18. The Queen was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knighthood upon Wm. Pearson, F.R. S., of Clapham, in the county of Surrey, Esq. CAMBRIDGE HOUSE, JtTLY 11. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge has bees pleased to ap point the Rev. Willoughby John Fdward Rooke, A.M., to be one of his Royal Highness's Domestic Chaplains. \VAR-OFFICE, JULY 20. Ist Regiment of Dragoons—Lieutenant T. J. Burke to be Captain, by purchase, vice Moore, who retires; Cornet E. Madden to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Burke; H. W. White to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Madden, July 20. Coldstream Regiment of Foot Guards —Ensign T. M. Steele, from the 6.1111 Foot, to be Ensign and Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Lambart, who retires, July 20. _ 13th Regiment of Foot—Ensign F. G. Christie to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Shakespear, deceased, W. T. Bartley, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Christie, July 20. 17th Foot—Lieut. I.e G. C. Bourchier to be Captain, by purchase, vice Clunie, promoted in the 3d Regiment of Foot; Ensign T. 0. Rut. ledip to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Bourchier; W. Gordon, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Rutledge, July 20. 18th Foot—Ensign G. W. Davis to be Lieutenant, without purchase, ♦ice Semple, deceased; F. Swinburne, Gent. to be Ensign, vice Davis, July 20. 31st Foot—Ensign T. H. Plaskett, from the 46th Regiment of Foot, to be Ensign, vice Fyffe, who exchanges, July 20. 46th Foot—Ensign D. Fyffe, from the 31st Regiment of Foot, to be Ensign, vice Plaskett, who exchanges, July 20. 50th Foot—Lieutenant J. B. Bonham to be Captain, by purchase, vice Johnstone, who retires; Ensign W. Knowles to be Lieutenant, by I.lirchase, vice Bonham ; H. W. Hough, Gent., to ba Ensign, by pur l' I ase, vice Knowles, July 20. sSth Foot—Lieutenant W. Fisher to he Captain, by purchase, vice Stewart, who retires ; Ensign M. Hill lobe Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Fisher; Second Lieutenant J. S. Flack, from the Ceylon Rifle Regi ment, to be Ensign, vice Hill, July 20. 64th Foot—F. H. Kilvington, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Steele, appointed to the Coldstream Guards, July 20. SOth Foot—C. H. Leslie, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Sin. gletoa, who retires, July 20. Royal Staff Corps—Lieut. D. O'Brien to be Captain, without pur chase. July 20. 2d West India Regiment—Ensign J. Potts to be Adjutant, vice Elllott, who resigns the Adjutancy only, July 20. Ceylon Rifle Regiment—F. B. Templer, Gent., to be Second Lieu tenant, by purchase, vice Flack, appointed to the 58th Regiment of Foot, July 20. COMMISSARIAT. Deputy Assistant.Comtnissary.General H. Laurie to be Assistant Oommis.ary-General, March 19. BANKRUPTS. MERCHANT BAKER, linen-draper, Hampton, Middlesex, to sur. render July 31, at one, and Aug, 31, at eleven, at the Court of Bank. ruptcy Whitmore, Basioghall.street, official assignee; Warne, Lea• denball.street. JOHN HAMILTON, wholesale ironmonger, Broadway, Westmin ster, Aug. 3, at one, and 31, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Croon., official assignee, Alrhurch-lane ; Chaplin, Gray's Inn-square; Spurrier, Chaplin, Spurrier, Birmingham. ROBERT WILKI.'"7, rattle dealer, Wigton, Cumberland, Aug. 7 and 31, at eleven, at the King's Arms Inn, Wigton. Mounsey and Gray, Staple London ; Lightfoot, Vitgton. HEYM AN LEVIN, me chant, Crown.court, Cheapside, Aug. 4, at half-past eleven, and A ug. 31, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy Edwards, official assignee, Frederick's lilac:, Old Jewry; Hindmarsh rod Son, Crescent, Jewin-street. RICHARD ROSE, grocer, Sutton Valence, Kent, July 30, and Aug. 31, at eleven, at the Guildhall, Canterbury. Wilton and Thur low, Raymond.bui Wines, Lmitlon ; .Dtlonckton, Maidstone. WILLIAM MASON, victualler, Plymouth, Aug. 7 and 31, at ten, at the Commercial Ihn, Plymouth. Ti!sons, Nuance, aid 'Jason, Cole msu.strt et, London ; Barton and Sina'e, Exeter. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the Nero London Price Current of this Evening.) SUGI IL, —The British Plantation Market has presented a very quiet aspect since our ; brown and low yellow sorts, with which the mai ket is plentifully ,upplied, have been sold at a reduction on previous rates of Is ; for the better kinds at and above 59s a decline of 6d has also been LTepted ; at auctitvi '250 hhds. Earbadoes have been offered, which brought previous rates, tine sold at 6f;ls Cc! to 635, good 61 s lid to 625, mid 59s 6d to 6 Is, ord 57s 6,1 to 59. s lief ; by private contract brow') qua.itites have been sold at 49s to 51s, mid yellow 52s 6d to 575, good 58. to 59 , , fine 60, to 6l s ; the latter is now the highest point of the Market for Muscovades. The ReAned market has presented a very lively appearance this week ; the grocer:. have purchased very fr.ely of ail descriptions of goods, paying an advance of is; Lumpa rather under the standard have brought 755, and those passing 76s to 76s 6d. For shipping there are s:•veral °triers lo re fir double Crushed at 345. For delivery in Septem ber and October there have been several oll'ers made at 33s 6d. Maoatrtus.— YAlov kinds lid. per cwt. ; the rates obtained were as follows, low mid, grey wlth strength, 51s to 545, good 56s lid, fine yel!ow 58s, good mid. and good 54s 6d to 56s lid, codinary Ste to 5..24 ; gno4 and tine brown, 40s to 50s ; very ordinary, 465; about 1,000 Lags of ordinary were taken in at 47s to 483 The stock is 47,053 bags heavier than it was la,t year at this period ; the delivery I. 'whet Callen off; ►ince our I:i.t there been nu arrival the littler Unds uY yelhow Wit rather dearer ; fine white. 63s a G 3. Gd good yellow, 57, f;d a 554; the remainder taken in. EIST-INDIA.—Th6 afternoon the auctions wcre large, and eondsttd of 11,31'2 In.gs Nlimitla and .2,109 bugs bengal ; the sound of the former, which comprised the pi ineipal part of the sale, were taken in at previous rates, good ta;kltt yeilow at 22s to 2‘..1:4 Gil, tine ofts to 23s Gil, damps and 0...getl stool 4t I t , eir 101 l value, the titrwr at 13s Gd to 21s Gd, and the.latt rat 19.. 6' 10 2J5 f.r the Bengal there was a steady demand, ne :fly all wt. e ',LI at I.revious rates, iuw mid and good white al ,7,0• lid to tits, ti tit to 63s Gd ; some piles wvre w With:mu. NIOLASSES.—West Liam have z, metl a fa'r cite at previous rates St. nt. of ,;ty at quality yeilding this (id to *27s per cwt. •orPs:lll—Thia afternoen there was no poelie sale of East India or Fore,l l . nt . West I , ,dia 57 casks tnt liarret and 5S tags were broug4t forward, and fo'd reality at the rates pieviously estahliahed, Jamaica mid , t I lid, pea berry 1‘25.; nuctean Dutch good ord to low mid 85s to 103 s Cd. 1....4,14..-111,1 0 lias been a steady demand for West India, and 243 tags at public sale •oid :it an tidy:axe of 1 to tti, oritite,ry and fair liwought 40s t.. 47s C.!. Fi,r auction on Tue,dav 140 barrels '250 bags 'Trinitt...l.are deciared. In Fot eign there is still nothing doing. TaLLow• —The purchases for deliv,ry in the I,st t h ree mont h s h a ve been trivial at 45. 9.1 per cwt. The advieet from St. Petersburgb cliole pi ices !•29 to 130 roub es, but there was not much buaineis doing. •• • . continue to require fully previous rates, both for India an d A mer i o a,a, the demand, however, has been limited by rivate treaty, iti.d non.? has - been offered at auction. 'l',u.—The public sales hay* , C•mclioled. '1 he prices show a decline, as compared with April, ON C.Nrit oll Rollie of 2,1 per Ib, common CAmsous lid, tine Congous 2d to 4d, Souchongs 4d to tkl, Capers 2d, Pekoe 3d to Gd, Twank:vi 3d to 4d per lb ; Orange - - Pekoe has advatiml from tld to 6d per 16 , the supi,ly being short and the demand increasing; Hprons have rul:Nt rather cheaper; Young Ilyson is also lower, while Imperial and Gunpowder have advanced from Ist to 641 per M. Sloe, the sales the trans.,etions have been exten•ivit iin All description* at lit to 11-d per lb profit. Tsmtno --Prices obtained are not quite so good as they were, IA chtaper ; Kurpah has, however, sold briskly at sid advance. (11. , ,—Thete has been only a limited business doing in the common kite's ot OPs this week ; the prices previously estae,ished have how-- ever been Naintained. This afternoon '2OO toes Southern at public sa l e soh' at e 4 vier rates, crd to tine qual ty at '241 5s to 271. per tun. Sete6s.-11,.'s .aftertition, at auction, 366 bags Pepper and 1, 000 pks East India I...nger were offeted, the tinnier sold at stiffer prices, from szld a *I ; a ;'se latter only a small part found buyers on rather easier terms, good ord. L . 'frigal went at 9.05 to 'lls, Malabar wormy taken in at Ids 63 to 19s (id txr cwt Swree'rez.—There has In a steady demand for Rough. In Eng lish Refined a fair extent of Cisiness has been transacted at former prices. Ibis afternoon Rough con, `cued in fair request, and 4,01)0 bags Calcutta at auction were principally s,'ld at previous rates, Calcutta re. frattion 111 to 1:11 at 235, 91 at Gd to '23s, 53‘to5i at 235 to 24s 6d. 3 1 ,-,, / 1 to :t at '24s to 24s 6d per cwt. lii —lleng3l at 14s for low white, aid 15. to 15s 6,1 for goad. This afternoon 807 bags Bengal at auction Were taken in, ord dusty ycl'ovr rather broken at 1 Is 6,1, but since sold at here , r ce nti wt. nues to a Rum', Be NtiY, and HOU, N D . —For RUM . co good deinand, tine marks have broughrates, the deman t an a dvanf,:.' of , however Id to 11coop d lier gadon. Brand y is heel fur pi rates, .. noes limited at 4s 7,1 to :Is Sd for the first brands of the s linage of 1836 in puns.— In (:etieva the purchases have been trivaial,llon. prices have re. wanted firm—LlP ish Corn Spit its are still per g ------- Nu1i.......( 'THIS DAY. j been increased fourfold. For whereas the ground travelled over pc; COURS.E OF .EXCHA. day at that time by children : of those ages was St miles—at the present Arns'erdim c.I. 0 e,34 , alb:altar ............................. : ..... ..1. 2 " Ditta. at swill. .. ~, 28 t: Itottent4in '' U. 12 7 Gen..' .... ••• ......................... 31 to thirty miles.—(Hear.) He could prove this upon unexceptionable Antwori)... ~. - ....... .. ..... jt/ testimony ;by the evidence, among others, of the Hon Member fo Sizmn Irg. . ed . o_w ( n ti m ea i r l . l r ) . - 1 Alums. 1 ,.- , Z. il7 He (Lord Ashley) chalenged issue upon these facts—and upon tie f`tri),, 3 dz.' , ,ig;; '2s 55 Palermo Ditto.... ..... ......... ,' Ms. 1:5 M 5 Lial , on 61 useille , ........ . ........... 25 95 : 0;) , ofto 1 4.11, 4 .111 X - .,5 9 5 I Rio Janeiro ........ ... Frankfort on 'dame , F.): M 154 0 I Bahia '27 to one (.. -. " • ..nn r, ; 4 long ago made his report, upon which he talc, s Petershingh, ruble 3 es. !U u Buenos Ayres - g r e at accuracy, .. tilos.? districts in which the Factory syston Berlin ........... ............ ...... 7 3 Now Y. rk, 11l dys' swot Vienna, effective ti 0 rd. lb l 4 Phil.)delphia - credit. He stated that :." persons died under twenty ye a) , Tricste... • . . 4 i t t o JO 15 PitlCh OF BULLION, re.ft C 2. e Y ' as ma.. ' • her :iart of En gland.—(Hear, hear.) Madrid xtensivel prevailed - k, - " v Cadiz..., ..... ... :i7 Fureiga Gold, in bars 317 9 ifilta.... ... ;6 . New Poubloons he upermtendent B ircelors , transmuted him byrd mAsrh.lwey)iitriaeCinCipo.iVrtohmc .;, =lngham a the result of it pm Seville 35 Sliver, bars, ..t.uhi.:rd U4 1 % pgrison between the mos. Registrar, who gave IMPERIAL PARL ANIENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The Loan CHANCELLOR took his scat on the Woolsack at Five o'clock, VAGRANT ACT AMENDMENT BILL. On the motion of Lord REDESDALE, the Vagrant Act Amend ment Bill sv,s read a third time and passed. HIGHWAY RATE BILL. Lord PORTMAN moved the secrnd reading of the Highway Rate Bill. Although he approved of the principle cf the Bill, ytt he was afraid their Lordships would not consent to its details, Indeed, he be. lieved the Bill in its present shape, was such as no Quarter Session could carry it into etfact. If their Lordshiws, therefore, by allowing the Bill to be read a second time, approved of its principle, he should move that the Bill be committed this day six months, and that would enable the parties to introduce a Bill next Session similar in principle, but less ot jectionable in its details. The Marquis of SALISBURY thought that after what had been very candidly stated by the Noble Lord, their Lordships would agree with him in thinking they ought to oppose the further progress of the Bill. His opinion was, the Government ought to introduce some such measure. After a few observations from Lord DACRE and Lord WHARNCLIFfE, urging the postponement of the Bill, Lord PORTMAN withdrew the Bill, stating that he should intro duce a similar measure next Session. The Administration of Justice (New South Wales) Bill was read a third time and passed, The Bishop of GLOUCESTER presented petitions for the better ob servance of the Lord's Day, from Sidmouth, Kilmington, Axminster, Kingsbridge, and several other places; also a petition for the abol.tion of negro slavery, from Great Shelford, Cambridgeshire. Lord COLCHESTER presented a petition praying that all able.bodied paupers might be allowed to attend Divine worship in their parish church on Sundays. On the motion of Lord LANGD ALE, a Bill simplyfing the law relat ing to the devise of estates, was read a second time. Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition from the Rev. M. Tay. lor, Bachelor of Divinity of St. John's College, Oxford, and Rector of Woodstock, Upper Canada, praying for the support of .the Established Church in Canada. The petition was entitled to great weight, not only as coming from that gentleman individually, but as being the delegate of a great number of the Clergy of Upper Canada. Lord GLENELG said it was his wish, as it was his duty, to support the interests of the Established Church in Canada as much as possible. _ _ The Bishop of EXETER rejoiced that this petition had been pre sented by the Noble Lord. It was the duty of a Christian Go. vernment to its colonies to see that the Protestant Church was supported there, more especially when that Government had encouraged thousands to emigrate from their native land to those colonies Great responsibility attached to the Government. Under such circum stances that responsibility was of a nature as should almost make them tremble. (LEFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. IDOLATROUS WORSHIP IN INDIA. Mr. EXERSON TENNENT presented a petition from the Wes. leyan Methodists of Belfast, praying for the abolition of idolatrous wor. ship in India. Mr. LOWTHER presented a petition from York on the same subject . Similar petitions were presented by Mr. Briscoe, from Westbury; Mr. Somers, from Sligo; and Mr. Etwall, from Andover. Mr. ETWALL presented a petition from Andover, praying for the abolition of Church-rates ; and another from the magistrates of the same neighbourhood„against the Beer-shop system. Sir F. TRENCH presented a petition from Scarborough, complaining that the offerings made in idolatrous worship found their way into the coffers of the East India Company. Sir E. WILMOT presented a petition from the poor of the Pershore Union, comploining of not being able to attend public worship on a Sunday in consequence of the orders of the guardians of that union, and praying the House to repeal that part of the Poor Law Act, under which the guardians exercised so unconstitutional a power. Mr. KEMBLE presented a petition from St. Giles's, Camberwell, against the alienation of Church property. Also a petition from St. George's, Camberwell, praying the House to take into its consideration the state of the Church of Lower Canada. Mr. FIELDEN presented several petitions from places in the North of England, praying for a Ten Hours Factory Bill. The first that the Hon. Member presented was from 26 master manufacturers of Lancashire, who collectively work up not less than three per cent. of all the cotton consumed in England, and whose petition stated that from their own ob servation they could bear testimony to the truth of the assertions of Mr. Richards, that the present state of the labourers in the mills is a " state of thraldom ;" and justice to them requires an Aet to be passed, prohibiting labour in factories beyond ten hours per day. Another from 1,228 inhabitants of Stockport, cow. plaining of the long hours of work, and praying for a ten hours' Bill. These petitioners, however, express their want of confidence in the Parliament, seeing that it had often turned a deaf ear to their corn. plaints respecting English children, while the "full grown and athletic blacks, at many thousand miles distance, can find more favour at the hands of a refcrmed Parliament than the children of your pe titioners, amongst whom many Members of your Honourable House reside, and not a few of whom have increased their wealth by the toil of the children of your petitioners."--(Hear.) From the town of Hudderfield, in public meeting assembled, signed by the Chairman, a petition praying that the education elausesof the present Fact( ry Act may be retained, and an uniform Ten-hours Bill passed; from a Public Meeting at Hyde, a petition praying for a ten-hours Bill, signed by the Chairman, from the inhabitants of Elland, Yorkshire, concluding with the same prayer, and praying also that the Bill may be extended to silk and lace factories ; a petition signed by four individuals, on behalf of the hand. loom weavers of Manchester, praying for a ten.hours Bill; from Ashton under-Lyne, praying for the same, and that it may extend to silk and lace mills; from Todmorden, assembled in public meeting, a petition signed by the Chairman, praying for the same. Mr. GILLON presented petitions against further grants for addi tional Church accommodation in Scotland. Also many peltions from Surrey, Sussex, and Essex, praying that the grievous taxation upon in ternal communication by postage might be reduced. Mr. E J. STANLEY presented a petktion against the Government sanction to idolatry in India. Mr. PA RKEIt presented a petition to a similar effect from Sheffield. Captain JONES presented a pet itions from the county of Londonderry on the subject of national education. Lord SANDON presented a petition from the Bolton and Leigh Railway Company against the Mails by Railways Bill; also two petitions from the Mayor and Corporation of Liverpool against certain provisions the Imprisonment for Debt Bid; and a petition from the Town pea of Liverpool, protesting against certain provisions in the Pri sOtle Bill, now berme the Ilouse, by which they would be deprived of the power of appointing the officers of the gaol. Mr. WA RBU ItTON presented a petition from Bridpoet against !Endo° processions. Sir F. TRENCH postponed his motion which stood for Monday, relit. tive to the reward for the discovery of Offenders in Ireland, to Tuesday. The Prisoners' Bill was read a third time and passed. In answer to Sir J A NIES GRAHAM, Sir G. GREY said it was his intention to proceed with the East India Labourers' Bill, as he conceived that there were many provisions in it open to great objection, as it would stop the importation of coolies by those who were conscientious, and legalize the traffic of those not so circumstanced. It would net, therefore, effect the object intended to be caroled out by,the House. The object of the Government was to prevent the parties being defrauded by improvident contracts made in the East Indies, made between parties, one of whom had full knowledge of what that contract should be, and the other was quite unprotected. It w: s questionable if it was competent to prevent absolutely the emigration of the Hindoo labourers, many of whom were in a state of g eat poverty. It was intended, however, to make such contract: void, except within the limits of the colenies where entered into, and with the sanctien of the stipendiary magistrates, who would still be continued, though the sped tt magistrates would not,after the expiration of the appreetict ship system ; and the duration of the contracts was also to be limited. Mr. O'CONNELL asked if the Government had received an Art of the Assembly of St. Vincent's, " for the suppressif n of combination, avd the settling disputes between roaster and servant'—an Act which oppeared greatly to trench upon the advantages of negro freedom; and it se, w hether the Government intended to sanction it ? Sir G. GREYreplied—He had received such an Act a few days ago; and he did not anticipate t hat the Government would agree to it.—(Hear.) Sir It. PEEL said the question was, if it were quite clear whether the Governorlir.Council in India could legally prevent the emigration of native libido° labourers from India ? Sir GEORGE GREY raid, on that point he most reserve himself until his Hon. Friend (Sir J. C. Hobhouse) was present. Sir J. 6 it A HA M enquired what was the intention of the Government with iespect to the Hill Coolies in Guiana ? Sir , GEORGE GREY was understood to say that it was intended to issue an Order its Council which would in all the Crown colonies invali. to all contracts made by the nati%es of India or Africa, unless those contracts were made after a certain time. Mr. NV Alt BUR I'o N enquired if any answer had been received to the return moved for by him, whether under the ex sting law of Guiana the Magistt ales had the power to enforce such contracts ? Sir G. Gil CV raid there was on the table of the House the opinion of the Attorney-General, stating that they had such a power. Mr. M`I.E.A N enquired what course would be pursued by Govern. went, with regard to the Special Magistrates, where the negroes had been tmaticip. , ted ? sir GEORGE GREY said heir jurisdiction would cerise with the Bill under which t'teir special appointments were made. But the Governor would be authorised by the Government to retain the services of as many as might be deemed necessary. It was al,o the intention of the Go vernment to propose some plan with regard to Stipendiary Magistrates. Sir R PEEL said that upon the point of the Hill Coolies, consider ing the advanced period of the Session, be felt it to be his duty to put one point to the Hon and Learned Gentleman. If he proposed to drop the Bill for the regulation in this respect, and cou'd give security f r two years that there should he a prohibition of ,the practie e of importing Credit's, he, for on:., would support I i n ; b•it then he must have a full guarantee that the Govern°, s in Council ha' the le gal ; oeer. If there was any doubt on the subject, ti.eo tie must re quire that an At t should be passed giving the Governs r in Council full power to intbree the prohibition. Sir G .6 REY did not understand if any doubt existed that it would be suffered to remain Mr. I%l' LEAN wished to know whether any steps had been taken to alter the judicature in the West Indies. Sir G. GREY said that great alterations in the system of the judica ture of that country had b een proposed, and all t h a t was wanted was U . E leaveST I O t N e. Chair upon the House h funds to carry those alteration s i nto effect. On r i dASHLEYo a the t c motionmmo Committee of tobring that itrt s k e t . l . e C FACTORY ,SpeakerOßl " Q d Supply, L g n in his long.thre a tened motion on the Factory Question; and as the qu es ti on was one of great and paramou nt g i importance, he trusted he would be favoured with the patience and at. tentien of the House.—(Hear, bear.) Nothing would have in duced him to take the course that he was then pursuing but a deep sense of its necessity.—(Hear, hear.) H e was sorry to do so , but had he not taken such an opportunity, no other offerin g , h e wo uld have doubted of his own sincerity —at all events, that sincerity would have been doubted by those who had instrusted to hint their dearest and best interests. The question was one of extreme importance, for by returns made up only to 1825, it appeared that the persons actually employed in the mills and• factories of the kingdom, amounted to no less a number than 354,640. The nom_ ber of persons, engaged in the carious branches of the cotton trade was not much less than 4,000,000, of whom about 55 per cent. were females. Since I Sl6, the period when this subject first was brought prominently before the Legislature and the country, the labour of children between the ages of nine and fourteen had Cour tidily of Birmingh an and that of Manchester. He (Lord Ash ley) had submitted this statement to the same Actuary, and the following was th, frightful and disgusting result. In Birmingham one.lialf the population attained their sixteenth year, while in Manchester cne half the population died within the first three years. It appeared, therefore, that the value of life was much greater in Birmingham than in Manchester, arising in part, no doubt, from the superiority of its geographical pc sition, but mainly from the superior nature rf the employment, and the better habits of the workmen. — (Hear, hear.) He (Lord Ashley) stated these e lates to form justif.cation in endeavouring to impress on the House some notion of the vital interests involved in this question. What was the state of their morals in those districts ? No less than. 6) clergymen had de e aced the-vicious and awful condition of those places, and that there was seereely any hope of imparting anything like moral or religious educa tion. In 1835, petitiore were• presented from f.'oo Sunday school toaehersto the eeme effect. Sheriff Aliison, in his view of the slate of Glasgow stated that a limitation of the hours of labour was necessary. He then was asked whether he censidered a limitat ion of labour would better their condition, to which he replied certainly; and added that nothing could be done without it. That was r.othing snore nor less than the fulfilment of the prophesy of the late Sir Robert Peel, that un less something was done the great efforts by which the manufactories of the country had be n brought to their present state, instead of being a ble.sing, would prove a curse. Did the Noble Lord really think this question could be evaded ? Did he think it would be forgotten by the people, because it was not listened to in that House?—;Cheers.) The evils were increas i ng daily and hourly, and unless something was done it would be impossible to master it. He wished to enter into this matter as if the Ten Hours' Bill had not passed. A law had been introduced and passed by the present Government, and what he wished to know was, whether the Government would give him a full and final answer with iespect to that law. If it were a good law, would they keep it up ; if it were defective, would they amend it; and if bail, would they repeal it ?—(Loud cheers.) The history and state of the law was this—in 1833 lie (Lord Ashley) introduced a Bill called the Ten Hours' Bill that measure met with the confidence of the country; and Government found something must be done—they therefore rejected his Bill, and brought forward a measure of their own. The Government gained the applause of tne country by snaking their Bill more humane in appearance—by in troducing clauses imposing upon the mill.owners the obli gation of allowing children two hours every day in the week for education.—(Hear.) These clauses immediately caught the mpathy of the public, but these very clauses were the very first to be systema'ically violated to the full knowledge of the Government. The Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) shook his head But was it at all possible that the Government could remain in utter ignorance of the fact—could they believe that the law was generally or even par. tially obeyed throughout the country? Why, even in August, 1834, only seven months after the Bill came into operation, Mr. Richards the Inspector for the populous district of Lancashire, stated that the law was systematically and openly violated—that the Act was made a jest of, and unless they were armed with power to carry it out, the office of inspector would be an useless one. He (Lord Ash. ley) would not make out his case from any documents but the public re ports, made four times a year to the Hotne.office by their own inspectors. Mr. Howell had also reported that it was quite im possible, without some further powers, to carry the educa tion and labour clauses into effect; and in a joint report of all the Inspectors stated that unless further aid was afforded them their exertions would be utterly useless. In 1836, Mr. Horner reported that the determination of Parliament, that no child under the age of thirteen should work more than forty-eight hours weekly had been grossly violated, and would continue to be so until the Inspectors had greater powers than they at present possessed. Notwithstanding all their complaints ne proposition had been made to Parliament for further assistance to the inspectors. No doubt the Noble Lord might within the last few weeks have re ceived letters from the factory districts stating that the law was better observed. But was this a state of things to be permitted to continue ? He admitted that if this. House was to sit during the twelve months, and allow him to make a motion every week, the law might be observed without additional powers; but no sooner would the House separate than every enormity would begin again. In April, 1838, Mr. Horner said there was a great intention to exclude the superintendents from the factories, and if they were excluded (which the mill.owners had a perfect right to do), the law could not be enforced. What a state of the law was this I He did not mean to make any charge in disparagement of the superintendents and inspee,- tors. Their zeal and diligence were greater than their powers. But the House would allow him to show in a few details the mischievous and shameful operation of the Bill. By the 31st clause of that Act, the Magistrates had power to mitigate the penalties imposed on conviction ; Now, to what extent had the Magistrates carried that into effect? Why, to such an extent as to neutralise the force of the law. Mr. Horner said in his report,speaking of the Magistrates, that they instead of visiting offences in a proper manner, treated them with such lenity as to lead to a future violation of the law; so that the disreputable mill-owner lo ked only to the amount of the penalty and the amount of labour, and on casting up his accounts he found it much more profitable to evade than obey the law.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) If such abuses existed, surely it was the duty of the Noble Lord to do all in his power to correct it. As a necessary consequence of this, let Hon. Members look at the state of convictions between the Ist May, 1836, and the Ist of January, 1837 ; between those periods there were 822 onvictions, the greater part being for over-working children without surgeons' certificates. What would tl • House think when he had told theta the nature of the offences, when he stated what the average penal. ties were, 21. ss. ? Between 1837 and 1838 the convictions were 800. The average of the penalties during the last year was 11. 10s. But could the House doubt for a moment that one hour's work of these poor children was more profitable for the mill owner than the paltry fine ? Of course, if he employed one for an extra hour he employed one hundred; and so the mer. ciless griping ruffian would obtain more out of these poor wretched creatures, than would pay five hundred such trifling penalties. By the returns before the House, it appeared that throughout tile whole of Scotland, so far as the Inspectors were aware, the Act was obeyed, for three years there bad been no prosecution. It was, however, well known that the number of prosecutioes was no criterion of the number of offences in consequence of the difficulty of detection, and the immense difficulty of finding evidence. The House would hear with surprise that mill owners, sitting upon the Bench as Magistrates, adjudicated their own cases. There weae certainly many honourable and bright exceptions, both in and out of the House —and among these he would mention the Hon. Member for Derby (Mr. Strutt). Mr. Howell stated that magistrates, being millowners, after countersigned the certificates, en masse, instead of individually examining each ; and still further went on to say, " As if to exem plify the futility of the counter-signature of the Magistrates to the certificate of the surgeon, many cases had occurred in which manufacturers, being magistrates, countersigned their certiffeates tar their own factory children, and it tvos not uncommon for Justices, who there mill owners, to reciprocate this conduct, signing the cer. tificates for each other. Cases had occurred of Magistrates deciding as to their own sons, and tenants, and their own brothers; in every such case the penalty awarded being the very lowest authorized by the Act. And now let the House bear in mind that this state of things had :resets ghnost entirely from the practices introduced by this Act. He had Le. fore him a case taken from the report of convictions, and there were gentlemen in the House who could contradict him if he was wrong. On the 10th December, 1836, an information wt.s laid against a certain millowner. The resistance to it, and the manner in which it was met y ad t e h e i t m t a h g e i s isruabt subject t a o p i pe . a a r s ed pec t i o al A r i e r p . o l rt l o . r n e T t i o , e r h e e s v. o . e r fl e a g m r t y , m e t h h a a t r g h e e . of which he had selected three. The first was that of em ploying 29 children for more than nine hours a day; the secend, for employing children without Surgeon's certificates ; the third fur em. ployin,g twenty.two children more than twelve hours. Before whom was this case tried ? Before three Magistrates, who were all of them mill-owners. The whole amount of penalties in that case, had they been awarded, would hate been 1601., and what did the House think was the amount imposed for so flagrant a case ? It was reduced to 171. —(Hear, hear)—which he (Lord A.) would venture to say was not the result of 10 minutes' labour of the children, whom he had overworked f.l s veral hours. And this was the way in which this Act was c .rried T 1 e whole amount of the penal Les imposed on these inlilowners sine the Act came into opetation, was 4,4401.—( Hear, hear.) E y tie regul. ti in of the inspectors, every child taking a certifi cei e, was bound to pay six pence fur his trouble.—(Hear.) N w what did the House think has been levied during the same period of ti:i.a upon the wages of all the children under 14 years of age ? Why, a sum not much under 12,0001., and their it was to •be re. of g a mt emred too, protection, for afforded the furthercertificates o o f ppo surge o ns, s which, instead of If that certificate so to be taken out was given to the child e a n g , g t r l e i s e s ii i°ll. should not complain ; but when it was given to the master, and iecaine the instrument of the child's oppression, the law suffer lig such a state of things to exist, it was tyrannicel and vicious. —(Loud cheers.) Such being the case, was it wonderful that the working classts should be discontented, and hold in contempt the makers of the law, its vindicators, and the law itself. The educa tion thus, s were slut observed in one fiftieth of the mills ; and where the. e was a formal compliance to them the schooling given st as a cum. ;dote mockery.—(Cri es of " Hear, bear.") The Bill that was in. traduced by the Noble Lord, and so very suddenly withdrawn, pointed out the defect., of the existing Act. He desired to see that Bill introduced, because although it had many objections. yet theme was a great deal in it that was good ; it would give a ctivity to the present law, and that was effecting something. that ear ahfch had now to be passed in ignorance and suffering, might bore been passed as a year of happiness and moral and re li g ious educe. ti. n. The Noble Loot, however, thouglit otherwise. To leave the law ainendrnint of t u h t as it stood was unjust, as the cede' was made the sufferer ; it e ‘, v va i lt i y) s i e h qu cln i h il i l li y dsr u : n 6n j , ust to the homiest rnill.owner who wished to obey the i l e i l d e l e a ( w r i‘ :b ‘ . . i u c t: l e t u a o n r r e . e n i i t i ,f ea a b l g r e i ou w ie g e t o:f i f t ' s r m wa os u t i es a se il lit i i i a Ll mote than 12 huerief het BM wt carried b P e r on h l i y i' a ited in:jrty bc=e7, worked an inducedthe G. v ena.etit eithuraw the Bill,at the same time' giving prov i sions f . i i i o r ra t the assurance—a pledge as strong as c iuld be made that the provisions of the law should be strictly euforeed. How was that pledge redeemed ? —by an imm diate and mopstreus violation of the law. The Noble Lard laughs— Lord J. RUSSELL—It is a'isurd. Lc ri ASHLEY was very sorry ; but he had to repeat the statement, fo I was true. The Act resulted that bef. r a child could work 12 hours a day, there must be a ceaticete in p Tot Viet the child's age was 13. N.vtlelstairgee;trah an ti dit wasa.actuail.yati,el: ~ If younprohiteci find a fromc hildask i whomngqries you aboutie g keow with certainty to be not more than twelve w s sfftti t rh,:i r ocoreet e mv, rdrhiiiecrg:reeyttew: because wererfcerlteein, to stituf, d gheosi eetu:o a tw,:l t i;th f edith p oileh ae:e;e:ti standard appearance h a :agw: o r iunen i u c gds years of age, with such extraordinary development as to le of the ordinary e b r ' tfe d ole i t:trhcb u h l aeao s fe 3 neto e urd :d rhr m. tl Y e f ohl i li r e : l:a d,tmehhwiowaeeui height, mral shown. 1 e s u,o u „ • eieenrmailett:uBhestino:wbftti they e n htwe d prooyysv t e: h waew: the mill s. ,ech li edrt n ei hel children word " thirteen" in the certifi ate.—(Cries of " Hear, hoer.") with d ho rs oprl impossible r s usep . i vani t :i i elatnnto transferre d tote, fe h h c hi s ehes-r, e had been made on the sueject to the Government in vain. The Act was so grossly imperfect that it could not be carried out, the inspectors to enforce its provisions. The Noble I.ord concluded by moving that the House deeply regretted that . the law affecting the regulation of the labour of children In factories having been build imperfect and ineffective to the purpose for which it was missed had been suffered to continue so long without any amendment. (LEFT SITTING). SUPPLEMENT TO THE LONDON GA ZETTE. Even'ng has been A Supplement to the " London G azettee" of this received, containing a long List 01 Promotions, w hick came too late to save the pest. IMPERIA L PARLIAMENT. :HOUSE OF COMMONS, .7 - um- 19. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. Mr. El ITM E gave notice of motions for returns of the per sons confined for Contempt of the Court of Chancery, and „l=o of money expended for public eorks. TITHES (IRELAND) BILL. Sir ROBERT PEEL'S Speech coet;nued from Last 7.1 7 . Night's S, c ind S;r R. PEEL—That is the Hon. Gentleman's own con. clueee.—( Hear, hear.) Tee question was, that the sum of million shoi,l.l b ~iv.iizerd foe do' relief of the Irish elei and I voted suupnrt et the gr,itt., and not against it ee appear-; h the Ihti of the division. The numbers were— " Ayes" 87, and " Noes" 54, and I find the name of the Member for Kilkenny among the .‘ Noes," and the name of the Member for Tamworth among the " Ayes," so that ac cording to this evidence I voted for the advance, and there fore cannot now be inconsistent in the course which I have felt it my duty to pursue.—( Hear, bear.) It is perfectly true, Sir, I did say at the time that I had no expectation that atiy portion of this money would be repaid, end I think if I am not very much mistaken, I also said that if the advances were to be paid back at all, the Irish people were the parties by whom the payments ought to be made. This, Sir, is the line of conduct which I then adopted, and I will now ask the Hon. Member for Kilkenny whether lie will tell me that there is the slightest inconsistency between the course I then pur sued and the proposition which I made to this House the other night?—( Hear, bear.) The question, however, now is , how a r e we to deal with the arrears of tithes which have be come due ? We are bound to meet the question of arrears fairly, and, as I said the other night, I can make a clear dis tinction between -those arrears which are covered by the 640,000/., and those which are not included in that sum. Now, Sir, I do say that it would be utterly unjust to attempt to recover any part of the arrears covered by the 640,000/., after the course you have taken—after bringing in Acts of Parliament, as you have done, remitting altogether the lia bility of the occupying tenants as regards those arrears.— ( Hear, hear.) But what will the consequence of such a course be? Why, that you will enable the parties to enforce the payment of all arrears even previous to ;933. You sanc tioned the remission of the arrears in respect of which advances have been made, and yet you now take a course which will compel the Clergy and lay impropriators, in order to repay what they have received, to recover how they can, arrears due so long back as five years since. How, I ask you, in common consistency, can you place them in such a position ? I say you cannot. Sir, I, for my own part, feel confident that Parliament never will impose upon the Treasury the un generous and unjust task of enforcing the repayment of the money which has been advanced under the Million Act.— ( Hear, hear.) Is it not clear that as regards the last instal ments, you can have no remedy? You may insist upon the payment of the quinquennial instalments—you may call upon the clergy to pay back the whole of the advances made to them since 1833—but if you do, what will they say ?—why the answer of the clergy will be, " We cannot pay you." True, you may issue a distress against them—you may seques trate their livings—but if you were to attempt such a course, depend upon it you would find a strong repugnance, on the part of the public to such a proceeding, as would render it im possible for you to execute your own purpose.—( Hear.) With respect therefore to these arrears having sanctioned the remis sion, you have no right whatever to assert that they have not been verbally released, and that, too, by your own act. —( Hear.) Sir, I now come to the other arrears. With re spect to them there are immense and enormous difficulties in the way of any settlement which will be satisfactory to each side of the House, and it is no reflection on any party if they find it all but impossible to solve those difficulties.—(Heat, hear.) This is the state of the case and these are the diffi culties which surround it. Sir, there can be no question that the Act of Parliament which has been passed has been the means of preventing the Irish clergy from re ceiving that which was their legal right, and it is, therefore, impossible not to feel that the principle is one which is fraught with the utmost danger.—( Hear, hear.) I made my proposi tion in the hope that it would solve the difficulty in which the subject is involved. What I proposed was, that you should advance a definite sum—that if you would give me, say 360,0001., the difference between the 640,0001. and the million, I ante-rained a hope of being able to bring about a successful adjustment of the tithe question. I proposed that this sum should be placed at the disposal and under the con troul of a certain number of unpaid Commissioners, and that they should be empowered to negotiate with the titheowners for the purchase of the whole of the arrears. Of course, it would he optional with them to accept the amount offered or not ; but if they did accept it, then I proposed that the Go vernment should succeed to the right of the titheowners, and stand in their place. I did not propose, however, to remit a ny portion of the arrears; but, on the contrary, my intention was that the Govesnment should retain the power in the case o f a refractory and contumacious man—of one who, being able, yet refused to pay his tithes—in all such cases, I say, I intended' that the Government should retain the power of enforcing whatever arrears might be due ; and the great ad vantage of such an arrangement was, that the party who de fied the law would be taught to obey and respect it when he found that resistance to it would be useless.—( Hear, hear.) Sir. I did not purpose that any grant of public money should be made, but that the Government should become the purchasers of the arrears , at a given value, and then recover as much of them as could consistently be called for. 1 believe, Sir, my plan would have admitted of an important qualification. I proposed to deal only with two years' arrears. What I in. tended was that Government should offer to purchase two years' arrears of tithes, that those wwo accepted that offer should not enforce the arrears due to them for the previous years, but that those who declined should be left to their legal remedy. Sir, I now think it would he better to deal with the subject by an arrangement for the whole of the four years, and not to exclude those who might obtain the offer for the two first years from the -benefit to which they would he clearly entitled.—( Hear, hear.) Suppose, then, they were to offer for the purchase of the arrears of the first year 401., the second 50/., the third 60/., and for the fourth 70/., lam obliged to adopt arbitrary sums for the pre sent—l do not know that that would not be better than making an arrangement extending over the whole period, because, in some cases, thine might be more than three/ears' ar rears due, and in others only one. Where, •however, the parties rejected this offer, I would leave them to their legal remedy —( Hear.) Sir, the plan of her Majesty's (government proceeds upoe a very different principle. It is this—that a cunt of 260,0001. to which is to be added any sum that may be recovered from the landlord—the amount is uncertain— shall be appropriated in liquidation of the arrears, but then only of those arrears which have accrued due during the last two years. My plan referred to the arrears due by the occu pying tenant. but the plan of the Noble Lord is restricted to thus.' for which the landlords are liable. In the first place, Sir, Ido not know—l can form no opinion whatever as to what the amount of the arrears will be which the Noble Lord is likely to receive—all I can rely on is the 260,0001., for with respect to the rest it is altogether doubtful. It may be bad to give the clergy vested interests, but sill I should rather vote :360,0001., to be applied in the manner I have pointed out, ]warin g it to the Treasury to recover what might seem to them to he properly due, than adopt tile proposition of the Noble Lord._.( Hear, hear, hear.) If, I say, the Noble Lord will give this 260,000/., and that the Ecclesiastical Com missioners will pay over the other 100,000/., so that both sums can he p'aced at the disposal of the Commissioners to whom I have alluded, to be applied as the op tioted principle, I have no doubt whether that this ques tion will be set at rest ; that my whole plan will work well ; and that the whole of the tithe-owners will accept any offer that may be made to them for the purchase of the arrears. If, however, the Noble Lord will not assent to my plan, be cause ho calculates that the 260,0001. will be sufficient to li quidate the arrears of the last two years. and insure the remiss itin of the whole of the arrears due, and which have not been enforced, owing to an Act of Parliament, all I can say is, that I shall vote for his pi opoeition, but in doing so I have thought it only fair to intimate to him the objections which I entertain against his scheme. Sir, we know, in fact , nothing- about t-that amount of arrears can be recovered, and what cannot ; and, therefore. when I am told that a certain sum is to be ad , sauced, and that, whether the parties accept it or not, their claims are to cease, and they are to be dept iced of their legal remedy, I feel I own great difficulty in assenting to such a proposal, and the mere especially without knowing the extent of the sacrifice which they are to be called on to make.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) It is not possible, I should think, Sir, that this House will ever pass an Act of Parliament depriv ing parties of a legal remedy without a fair equivalent in the shape of compensation. That would, indeed, be a most dangerous principle to lay down, and yet it is neither more nor less than the proposition which the Noble Lord has made ; for though he has provided for the two last years, he means that no advance shall be made in respect of the two first years. The parties, • therefore, to whom arrears may be due for the two first years, are to go absolutely uncompensated. Their rights were to be sacrificed be c ause, as regarded them, they were no t to be entitled to a single shilling compensation. This, I Sir, is a principle both unjust and dangerous. ius t sly , Take, for instance, the case of the w id ow o f a clergyman iose husband died In 1836, and who had a claim for arrears o of tithes accruing during the years 1834 and 1835. The pro. v a 1 of the No ble Lord onl y went to the y ears 1836 and 1837,°s and therefore the Noble Lord would have them say to a person so circumstanced, " Oh, you cannot expect any part of the 260,000/., because we have declared that only the ar rears of 1836 and 1837 have been included in our arrang,e ment."—(Hear, bear, hear.) This poor woman, then, was to be told that she need expect nothing—that s ee must forego her claim, and that because you have thought proper to commit an act of injustice she is to b e divested of her legal right to recover that which is due to her.--(acne, hear.) Now, Sir, I must say that this does 413.• ucar to me to be a great and wanton violat.on of principle, and that it i s perfectly monstrous to say that a remission shall take place without compensating the parties for the sacrifice you require them to make.--( Hear, hear.) it is, in short, offer ing a premium to those who resist the law, and that is a prin ciple s o dangerous, that I hope it will not be persisted in. I f ee l convinced, Sir, that such a mode of settling this question cannot prove satisfactory —( Hear, hear.) There is a mate rial difference between the course which I pointed out, and that taken by the Noble Lord, and on consideration, I must say that I give a decided preference to my own arrangement. if the forms of the llouFe permit it, I certainly shall feel it my duty to take the sense of the House on the question as to which of the two plans ought to be adopted, and if I were called on to ,ay in lieu of' the 360,0001, to be applied according to the per centago which my arrangement proposes, whether I would leave thinge as they are, or consent to a law being passed which would deprive the clergy of their right to recover their tithes, 'hough no doubt the Noble Lord's arrangetnent would be a decuniary benefit to them, yet thinking the proposal so t dan gerous a one, I would not hesitate to declare that I would re- tar permitting the law to 1.12n - tail' as it and truit to Government to sec it t'nforced.—(H,•ar, hear.) In fat •t, I would rather the Bill remained as it wielolly steno], than accept so limited a propo , ition as this. While, however, I 53V this, I beg to state that I give my cordial assent to those par's of the Bill which relate to the converAion of tithe into a refit-charge, subject to a Oimi.mtioa of 25/. per cent. ; but then it i. to he wulerstood by this that lam to he bound by this o[F.•r beyond the pres , ut session.--( Hear, heir ) re-p. et. Sir, to the 6-10,000/., I admit the jolt' •c of so touch of thy• arrears :6 a are c,,vcred by that sum. but a' ;Is arrears that arc not cov'e , 'ed by that sum are euixer,,ec.', :mist repeat that I prefer ID piao to that of th." Noble Lurd, bee,use d tbipl: it lever eakulated to A satisfactory reaolt.—(Hear, ) Suppoaiag rlat the House will ieject my plan I am obliged to reject my plan I am obii;:,ed to resort to the application of the 260,0001., as proposed by the Noble Loa], but instead of compelling others to remit their legal claims without proper compew3ation I would prefer leaving the law as it is to such a comproiLise. I think it right to intimate to the Noble Lord what are my objections to his arrangement. —( Hear.) Mr. HARVEY said that because his plan was approved of by the Right Hon. Baronet, the Memb;:r for Tamworth, leader of a great party in that House, and by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, who was also the leader of a party not much inferior in point of importance, the Noble Lord told them that it was supported by the xoice of the people, and that he knew of no principle more sound than that of recog fusing the voice of the people expressed through their Repre sentatives in matters of legislation. This question, it should be remembered, opened up the whole of the Irish policy, and although fie year 3 had been unproductively spent in endea vouring to adjust it, they were not called on to consider it until the Session had wall nigh terminated. Now, was this fair or just as regarded the country? An old adage occurred to him, and although it was a vulgar one, he could not refrain from using it, and that was " Give the devil his due." Apply ing this adage to the Government, he must say that her Ma jesty's Ministers were not the authors of this piece of mischief. The fact was that they adopted it on the suggestion of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, who could clear up or mistify a difficulty at pleasure ; and yet, after the part he had taken to force the Government into their present course, he was now anxious to retreat from the palpable con quences of his own proposition.—( Hear.) It was impossible to listen to what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman without being convinced that all hope of adjustment was futile, for instead of leading to anything like arrangement that would be satisfactory, his only object seemed to be to in crease the difficulties.—( Hear, hear.) Now what did the Right Hon. Baronet propose? Why, that some 260,0001., the balance of the million loan, should be placed in the hands of unpaid, and, consequently, irresponsible Commissioners, to he doled out for the arrears of 1836 and 1837, which at the same time glanced at the arrears of 1834 and 1835. Could such a proposition lead to any other result than a confusion of accounts? They must all recollect how the million loan was scrambled for in Dublin, and they might rest satisfied that any further money which their benevolence might issue for the benefit of the tithe owners of Ireland would be dealt with in the same way. Session after Session they had received inti mations that all Tithes would be extinguished, and this only tended to augment the arrears. Did the Government think for a single instant that 260,0001. would settle the Tithe question, and restore tranquillity to Ireland.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") If such a sum of money would accom plish this object, he would gladly concur in any payment which would obtain that good. This was the presumption, however, on which they were proceeding so good-humouredly to pick the pocket of John Bull ; but in the next Session some attache of the Right Honourable Baronet, with secrect in structions for the purpose, would be found moving fot returns to show how this money had been applied; while another Honourable Member would, according to pre-arrangement, get up and say that they were bound to settle the arrears of 1834 and 1835 as well as those of 1836 and 1837. The re sult of all this might easily be anticipated. They would find, notwithstanding the expenditure of 260,000/ , that instead of one million, they had at least two millions to pay. If they did not destroy tithes altogether, they would, do what they might, leave a canker, and the leprosy would break out. He (Mr. Harvey) was not surprised at the alacrity of the Irish Members, when the object was to give money, but for his part he could not understand justice to Ireland based on injustice to England—( Hear, bear)--nor would he suppose that the Irish Members would be guilty of such conduct.— (Here the Hon. Member was interrupted by some noisy in terlocution of Members below tlje bar, and the interruption was not much assuaged by the customary call of " Bar, bar.") He (Mr. Harvey) had no objection whatever to hear a speech at the bar.—( A laugh.) He well knew that he was address ing many men who had received acme of the money advanced under the Million Act. He also knew that he was addressing many men who would be glad to have the same principle ex tended to England. It would be quite a pleasant thing, in deed, when at their audits Hon. Gentlemen found their pay ments deficient, to come to that House and ask for an advance of money.—(A laugh.) It would be still more agreeable if this money, having been advanced upon the understanding that it was to be repaid in several instalments, that at the end of five years some jugglery should take place by which the whole amount of this advance should be remitted.—( A laugh.) The cry of " Justice to Ireland" was familiar ; but if that justice was only to be effectuated by the payment of Irish tithes on the part of England he supposed that at length they would come with a demand for justice in the shape of the payment of Irish rents.—( A laugh.) He had no hesitation to say that the original advance under the Million Act was money obtained un der false pretences. He referred to tie declarations made at the time by Lord Althorp, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. Littleton, then Secretary for Ireland, the effect of whose de clarations was, that unless they expected the money to be repaid they would not have called fir the advance. Ile (Mr. Har vey) in the most strenuous manner, and with the utmost de termination objected to the sacrifice of this money. As an excuse for this sacrifice they were told that it was to purchase peace in Ireland. But then they turned to the Irish Repre sentatives—and they turned, amongst others, to him who was supposed to be himself the representative of all Ireland, and whom many thought to be the Government itself—( A laugh) —and what did he say ? Why, that he was ready to take the money—( A laugh)—as much as England would give, for that was practical justice to Ireland—( A laugh)—but then that Honourable Member frankly said that the sacrifice of this money would not produce peace in Ireland. That Honour able Member said that the people of Ireland never would be satisfied until the Established Church in that country was placed in a position consistent with the feelings of the people as re=pected matters of religion. He thought that the pre sent proceeding was in every way unwt,rthy. What—did they believe that the people of Ireland were to be bribed into submission ? Was this then indeed their boasted school for British Statesmen ?—( Cheers. ) It appeared that, as far as he could ascertain, the income of the Iri.;11 Church was about 600,000/. per annum. It was the Church of about 600,000 persons, for the support of which upwards of eight millions were forced to contribute. He had move,l for a return of the recipients of this advance that had been made under the Million Act. He found that out of the 1,260 who had received this money only 450 were resident clergymen. Ile had moved for a return of the portion of this advance that had been repaid. How much of the money had been repaid ? Not more than about 7,0001.-4 Hear, hear.) No—he was wrong when lie stated this on a former occasion—the whole sum re covered did not, he believed, exceed 4,000/.—( Hear, hear.) Why was this ? Because no attempt whatever had been made to recover it on the part of the Government. He considered that in surrendering this money they would establish a most dangerous precedent, as it would be holding out an em-ou ra,gement to those who had resisted the law.—( Hear, hear.) Ile concluded by reiterating, in the strol - _!;c , t and most sue. imous manner, his condemnation of this most unwarranted sa crifice of the public money of England. Mr. S. O'BRIEN believed that the sacrifice of those arrears was a most wise and salutary measure. In his opinion ally attempt to collect those arrears would dive the county into the utmost confusion, H would resist any attempt t, make the collection of those arrears a poi tion of their present legis lation. Mr. GROTE was surprised that the present proposition should have proceeded from the Right Hon. Gentleman op posite, for lie would remind the Right lion. Gentleman of language that had fallen' f..orn him on a former occasion. The Right Hon. Baronet had made a speech, in which were these words, " Of all the vulgar acts, of Government that of solving every difficulty that might arise by thrusting the hand I into the public purse was the most illusive and contemptible. —(Che;:rs.) It was at all times a symptom of the decay of a Government when they had neither the manliness to enforce the law nor the courage to stand up in the assertion of ancient rights." He asked whether every sentence of that speech of the Right lion. Baronet did not apply to the propositions at present before the House? He (Air. Grote) saw nothing in the proposition, but that it was the first of a series of demands upon the public purse of England. lie mor,over objected to it on another principle, for it was holding out a reward to the resistance of the law. He thought it was a very dangerous precedent to establish. lie would in conclusion say that there never was a resolution which should meet with more unqualified opposition from him than that at present before the House.—( Hear.) Sir R. PEEL wished to say one word in explanation.— (Hear, hear.) He did not propose to deprive any one of his right to recover. He did not propose in any shape to extin guish any right whatever. In any ease where a party thought lit to refuse the offer of the Government to purchase his claims, it was his intention that such party, so refusing, should continue in full possession of all his rights. But et ea sup posing that the party should accept the offer of the Govern ment, it was still his, intention that the rights of the party should not be extinguished. He proposed that the Govern ment should have the power to enforce the claim unless the poverty of the tenant should be such a 3 to induce th.-rn not to do so. In what he (Sir R. Peel) had proposed, ho had no intention to interfere with any existing tight.--( Hear. ) Mr. GROTE begged to say that the objections which he had urged were intended to apply to the propositions of the Government. Lord J. RUSSELL regretted certainly that those objec tions which were now so powerfully stated should have been kept locked up in the minds of Hon. Members until so late a stage of the proceedings as the present. With respect to these objections he felt their force himself as strongly as any other Hon. Member, but at the same time he felt that in any way they attempted to settle the question of Irish tithes, they would have great difficulties to conquer.—( Hear, bear.) Ile was certainly not prepared to consider it discreditable to him that he should now, in the year Pia% apply his mind to the &fficulties of Ireland and to r,ttempt their satisfactory scd.64Bn, considering, as he did, that the peace and prosperity of that country depended on the solution of these Ecat questions.— ( Ilor,) For the oljections he would address himself to the ob. survations which had been made by the Right Hon. Membov. for Tamworth in e refei r e ckce t.Q*4e which had 119eu macia COAL MARKET.-(THIS DAY.) Ships arrived since Per Tot:. a. d. A aair.• ... Bate'.: Tanfi Id Moo-...... lrr's 1-,,,,•ey liolywell ..... .111•119•••• .......... .00 20 6 unrs it.. Ilu Fontcp W.tidsor SJut.. /lartioy .:ni. old Moor Townie- ' 6 ) l am .... ........... Walls Ell Brown's .......... .• id 6 :i:.14 End Hotspur ... ........ 19 1 - ; ••••.1,4 4'...l id 1(111".041.II, 11 ...... 19 9 last market-day, 97. err tun. I 4 . Walls End Newmarcli . ....... 18 6 Walls End Braddyll's Helton 2•.: 9 walls End Hass ell ........... 22 Wills End Hetton • 2 9 Walk Elul Ealublon • 2 9 N;.'alls End , tewari's ........ 21 Walls En Hartlepool Walk End Ath•laide Walls End Deanery i7 6 Wa Is Ei.sl ..lout.ll Lothian._ 'to I Wa is End 'I ees ...... 21 ' Brampton Main otaveiey Main ............ 19 TUE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 20, 1.838 ::a.; ether Meintier. The plan whi c h h a d beer, originally pro -00,•eil to the Coairnitt-e gas to convert the tithe composition into rant sold to rest all fu ore payments on that f:nsiiiiation. It was said, and said with great truth, that if the question were i:ut in that situation, there would ensue not only r at diff,,iulties. but , rreat deterioration, of property et: the ow hand and on the ether : I resistance to the pay inent. It was ei li the intent i,sn of Avei:ling those evils that it was now proo• Fed to r..eiit th, 040 0001., and to .jve for the ..f Cie a•s. Now. the stay which the R:gl.t Hen. Barnet p.is d t.. gise these sues would leave it ootio.al wish the clergymen to accert of t : a r, zdvo.-ice, and in case of Isis rettisni the suns , •egually strong the other The of the clergynian would thus remain in full force and the Government would have power to enforce them. in his (Lord J. Russell's) opinion, when they ilid make a sacrifice of public money, as :as proposed in the prese nt reso l u ti on , i h e y ii should .ake it in such a svay as ti prevent the r. p tition of such contests as that g •ant was intended to aholish —( [hist%) If the proposition of the Right 'Hon. Baronet wire acceded to, every attempt would still be made to collect the arrear, and it would only he when the clergyman found his claim despe rate that he would apply to Government. They would thus he giving a greater premium to resistance than by any other plan or legislation they could adopt, because it would be only i t the cases where resistance was made, and where it was most successful, that the clergyman would ask relief from Govern ment. .13ut the Right Hon. Baronet wished to keep the claim alive, and leave with the Government power to enforce it. NVhy, it' the present Government wished to enforce the pay ment of those arrears, would they not incur all the difficulties which the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, had incurred in a similar attempt ?—( Heat.) Those who hail for ttree years successfully resisted the payment of tithes, would not now submit without a large force of police-and military to enforce payment. It was, therefore, that, if the plan of the • lion. Baronet should he adopted, they would, on the om; hand, be making the sacrifice objected to, of the public money • , no.. of England, but of the United Kingdom, in or d er to satisfy the tithe owner; while, on the other, they would fail in producing that tranquillity which, in his opinion, formed the only justification fur such a sacrifice. With regard to those who should not receive the arrear—who might calculate on the chance of recovering 70 percent, where the Bill only pro mised them 50—in such cases they would be keeping up ';he contest between the clergyman and the tithep”er, and thus preclude all hope of tranquil arrangement. It was to avoid this that Government, in proposing to grant the mone y, pro. posed also to put an end to ail right of demanding, the ar rears; and to adopt such mode of collection for the. future as would prevent the collision which had hitherto occurred. He should certainly not consider himself justified in proposing any grant of the public money, to be disposed of in the way sug gested by the Right Hon. Baronet, which was to grant a very large sum of money, on the one hand, to effect tb.e settlement of arrears ; and on the other, to leave it optional with any in. discreet individual to blow again into a flame tb at resistence which always attended any attempt to collect tithe arrears. At the same time he (Lord J. Russell) must confess thrt what the Right Hon. Gentleman now stated with regard to leis views respecting the clause now proposed was perfectly fair on his part, and entirely in conformity with what he stated en the first night of the discussion. With respect to that point, Govern ment and the Right Hon. Gentleman were at issue. He (Lord J. Russell) (lid not wonder that the Right Hon. Gentleman should maintain his point, but that should not indu'ae him ( Lord J. Russell) to change his'own opinion on the subje ct.—( Hear. ) The Hon. and Learned Member for Southw ark, who had made a most eloquent and able speech to-niglet, certainly fell into a mie-statement in saying that Government only went to a certain extent—an extent merely calculatr.d to create dissa tisfaction, in this proposal. He ( Lord J, Russell) thought that the proposal contained in the Government plan would go not only very far to restore the peace of Ireland, but, al though in some point it may be said to be a violent measure, as extinguishing the rights of private property, it would, in as far as the arrears were concerned, settle them much more com pletely than the plan of the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth. The Honourable and Learned Member for Southwark had, no doubt, very ably stated his objection to this plan, as he had on a former occasion stated his views on the appropriation clause ; but he would observe to that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that it was not extremely difficult in the present complicated state of Irish affairs, for any one who was not himself in a re sponsible position, to find objections to any plan proposed by others.--( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman would reject every plan, utterly indifferent as to the cetese quences of such rejection, or as to whether any other plan could be substituted.—( Hear, hear.) He (Lord J. Peassell) could not refrain from admiring that Hon. and Learived Gen tleman's ability, but he thought it would be acting rgith great imprudence to follow his advice, and not to coeisider that, whatever his views might be, their business was to come to some practical conclusion—to make some arrorgement that, for a time at least, might improve the affaios of Ireland.— ( Hear.) The Hon. Member who spoke last, th e H ee . Mem ber for London, had quoted with great commendation a speech delivered by the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth in 1834, in which that Right Hon. Gentleman stated that of all the expedients of a Government, the most vulgar was that of dip ping its hand in the public purse. No doubt the Right Hon. Gentleman did make that statement which had been so popu lar ever since, but certainly he did not observe his own maxims when he himself held the public purse strings : then his plans were more in conformity with the present proposition, be , cause he (Lord John Russell) could remember that one of his propositions while in office was, that the whole of the mil.- , lion should be given for the satisfaction of Irish tithe arreaee. With regard to Scotland, also, the Right Hon. Gentleman proposed the grant of a large sum for the benefit of the Scotch Church ; and in England he - proposed deeeeting soother large sum from the Consolidated Fund or the Seepplies for the relief of county rates.---( Ministerial cheers.) There fore, however good the maxims of the Right Honoure : e s , Gen tleman were, he (Lord John Russell) preferred fo'dowing his practice, which was quite of a different nature Hear.) With these opinions, and seeing, as lie undoubt, idly did, ob jections to the plan reovv proposed, yet still, 'on the whole. fearing the evils that must ensue on any attetaipt to collect these arrears, which evils had been stated so powerfully, and he believed, no less truly, by the representraive from Ireland, he did not conceive that an equivalent good might be obtn'esed by the sacrifice of this amount of public money sufficient to justify its expenditure. His Hon. Friend, the Meralser for Sheffield, in languaee not dissimilar to that used by tlee Hon. Member for London, asserted that they could have n o well grounded hope of settling these Irish questions, hawing given up the appropriation clause, that they could not ex - pect a good Municipal Bill, and th at , t h ere f ore, i t would be bi,tier to give up all. Now he must say that lie did not agree v :ith the Hon. Member in that opinion. It would, no doubt, be a very easy course to give up the Irish Tithe Bill, on the grounds that they could not obtai n a ll t h ey w i shed, or to ot!,ect to the Mu nicipal Bill because it was hot all they exr.ected ; but before they did so, they should ascerta i n whethee'next y ear , or t h e year following, they were likely to carry a n y 'measure more beneficial than th a t th ey were now rejecting. He thought they were b oun d to consider bath with re spect to this m easure , an d any other merieure relating to Ireland, what there the pl ans w hi ch it was likely they should be able to carry ? If spelt measures tended in the sl'ghtest degree to improve the condition of Ire land—if they even did not make things worse—if they t( olc her a single step out of the bad state in which she stood: at present—he certainly for one should consider himself entitled to adopt them.-_( Hear, hear.) He did riot think it would be his duty to carry on a contest either in that House or with the other Eloise with rrspect to Irish measures, unloss he saw that he was likely to obtain by delay an improvers) ent in the measures themselves. He had no doubt that his Hose Friend the Illeme t , ,se ;.red consider egovernment si situation of that tle u tier for Sheffield would differ with I s im i n this v'Aew--. with persons ty teas e t 1 , that many wou ld cons i der his course wreng—but it did r,e e m to tato J e c o ou n n: him first that e try. —( neer, hear.) That it was their duty not to shrink from personal reproach, if, by submitting to it, the condition of the country could be improved, or by shrinking front it that condition might be made worse. Having these opinions he should attempt, to the utmost of his power, to improve such measures as might be brought forward, to put them in the hest practice' shape, but he should prefer reconcilin g hint elf to their adoption rather than to seeking a reason for re sistance.—( Cheers. ) Sir R. INGLIS greatly preferrel the proposition of W. Right Hon. Friend to that of the Government. The sum proposed to be given by the Government plan was inadequate, and should not go to deprive the clergyman of his legal right. For these reasons lie should vote for the proposition of big Right Hon. Friend. Mr. WARBURTON said that if there was any likelihood of security, or even of truth, arising, he would consent to the present mode of adjustment. But, in his opinion, the course' proposed by Government only held out a premium for resist-. :owe to the law. Taking this view, he certainly thought thr neither Whigs nor Tories were dealing fairly with the qua 1 lion. In has opinion, if they wished to indulge in the hob' 91 of supporting the Irish clergy, they should i n t ro d uce t h e s , ,t 0 required fur th e ir support into the budget, and ask an ann rod vote fir the purpose; that would be dealing fairly with the people of England.--( Hear, hear.) He was willing the stun required should go in the budget ; but he did not think the.pre soot plan tended to arty permanent settlement of the question• Lord 110 WICK believed it was from the natural IP.istility that it Lege population differing from the establishmint felt to the appropriation of a large sum levied from the pr o perty of Ireland for the support of a Church, the doctrines of which were professed by so small a minority of the population, that dillietiltie. , 3 of collecting tithes in Ireland had arisen. Those dilliceities had been telt by every succeeding Government. He remembered that when the Gallant Member for Laun— ceston brought forward his Tithe Bill, he (Lord Howick) was informed by a friend not now in Parliament (Mr. Brownlaw) that it would fail, because the objection existing in Ireland ttv„,, the collection of tithes was to th e i r purpose, not the mo le of collection. In 1835 he saw the realization of that prediction' hear, hear. ) The resistance had continued ever since. Mouldy deled it, and b e f e l t convinced that the tim e t come y deplored tt, rind hui felt conviptied tuist the ti ii &tuhd yi't come when questions of graver .mportunce than this ith reference to the Irish Church wen'iti come to be agitated' Ile believed that the certainty the'. the House of Comte"! re sympathized with the Peolile of I:eland on this grea t subjec t ha! produced most useful 'efeCls in that country—nay, th at even with regard to the collection of tithes, it had not bee n tt ithout its ii,lvatm res --( hear.) The very essenc e of constituti eses ear ' Government was to be carried en . contoi ntey • eoh the wishes of the people, and for t. reae.si e felt cotiv;riced that, although no legisletr enactment had followed the resolution of 1835, yet that. grea t ,. gore', had resulted, es showing- the yeeple of Ireland that t2eld Gevereenent and the British House of Commons syeripatb, n i- tee w'stla the m on subject in which they took the eseepest 'wet. "1 hese were his views with resect to the; a ppropria ,ion „„ clause. He should now apply himself' to th , .: question be'', mong7 the Howse_ h e meant the proposal to grant a sum o f fr