The Sun. — London, England, 1826-12-13 00:00:00

abstain from acting until we pnsieseed a full. knowledge of the facts. The statements reached us at first through Madrid, where the facto were distorted in order to answer political purposes ; they reached us also theoUgh the Press .of France, where facts Avcreltio disfigured, a nd represented in such curious forms, that any Gentleman would think the object was to conceal the rear State of affairs. In a word, it was impossible that any Ministers could found a grave and important proceeding upon such state sinusitis as those contained in the Newspaper Press of France.— : Mioiaters were therefore ohliged to wait until they could come before Parliament with a confidence that their statements were true; and that they had proper authority' for their communica ';tions. Theie was, however, another ground for deferring the ! ‘l intritututication in question to the present period. When Poi , sidaral on a former occasion claimed our aid, it was sufficient ' 'that she did an in resistance to a Foreign POwer, and on the faith and existing treaties: But the &time of Portugal at pre ' sent rquired a different consideration; we had to enquire, hefore a British soldier put his foot on Portuguese soil, nay, Were a Aritish soldier wan put in motion to embark fie- that country, whether they would meet with that general reception to which they were entitled, and whether the consent of all the tainatittitcd Anthorities Was ill favour of their landing ? t assure the House that every precaution was taken to prevent involving this country in proceedings which might be found Stnneceuary ; or if not so, at least unpleasant in consequence of disagreements in that country. was only this morning that I received intelligence an ' nounting that the whole of the Constituted Authorities in •Porto gal were most an:thins for the presence of the Britieli troops, and that both the Charahers had been unanimous upon the subject. (Hear, hear, hear)—Sir W. A'Court, from whom time Mformae tion caipe, stated in his dispatch, dated the 29th ,of November, "that "The day after the news arrived of the entry of the rebels into Ville, Seca, as we understood), application was made by the • Minieters for British aid, upon the faith of Ancient Treaties.— The Deputies, in'a hotly, gave their assent ; and the Peers, ri eing from their seats, were to a man unanimous titan% the subject; and the Detre of Carhaval described them as all ready to offer • eVety assistance, either personal or otherwise, in their power.- - Sir V. A'Court'a informant stated, that the feeling displayettepon the Occasion was worthy of the good days of Portugal. The guess' Sion of the reception of our troop's being- arranged, it came next to be considered whether the castle far/errs had ar rived. Now it is ',dear, that bands of armed Portuguese, armed • Sod equipped by Spain, had crossed the Portugucae frontiers, not in one place, but at several Pi., : :nts. One incursion had been made at Tills e's Montes, 14 Others at different other points. It certainly is Poasiblt i'aat some slight aggression might have been committed by *f ew a it con tetOd persous or stragglers at a single point, without '...reatitig much alarm • but when an attack was made in ft '''. way upon a Whole line :if frontier, no doubt could be enter►-Mined of the nature and object of the aggreasion. It is true . would be tnore undoubted if a single Spaniard bad crossed the frontier with a hostile feeling. But the question with the Bri tish Government was this—la there less hostility in a Portuguese army crosaingthe frontier when avowedly in the pay and service Of Spain ? li t he incursion, thin, : by persons nurtured on the roil, Was at the instigation and by the support of foreigners. It is, • therefore, He to say, that it is not in truth and in fact a foreign invasion. It is true that Spain has not availed herself oilier own or'other mercenaries, hut she has matte use of the mercenaries of • Portugel itself. —( Hear, hear, hear. )—I have already stated, that ' lr was not his Majesty's intention to interfere with the internal re gidations of Portugal ; that is a question which they insist settle amongst themselves. But there is a wide distinction between her internal' regulations, 'and foreign aggressions upon • her. And When Nutria of armed refugees, confessedly supported by a foreign power, break in upon her peace and quiet, it would he a laxity in coda solecisM in morality, for which we should be justly Aaatidetitned by this House, if we denied to interfere.(Hear:). 'he: question, as it appears to me, is this—there is a treaty,Mit - in a cornetsbut openly :stowed to the world -- a treaty, known and acknewledgetltra other bruits, and I am sure that neither can his. Majesty 141%1,4 to act in accordance with it, nor can time tiOuile;of COMMons consistently refuse to support his Majesty in ntaintaltiog the national honour and character—(Hear, hear), aiid giving effect to there 'Treaties. This is the case upon which I stand, and I put it without reference to any collateral points, becalm, I wish to be clearly understood by those to wham this , statement will find iii way. But I have something to add, to ! -Width I beg the attention of the House... When I call for the aid, of this House and the country in favour of Portugal, it is not to be understood that I call upon it to go to war with Spain. I beg-Honourable Gentlemen to bear this in mind, and further • to understand, that though Ithink the conduct of Spain un neighbour-like, nay even -contrary to the laws of (kid -and man, still I do not mean to insinuate, that there is no compunction, no locus psultentite, possibility of rtalrese,•no hope of - retracing their step% on the part of that Nation. Sir, I say no such thing; but I do say that it is our duty to fly to the defeece of Portugal, he the assailant who he may--(Hear, bear.)-1 How come to the question .1 who is the assailant ? Sir, the present state of Portu gal is St/ unusual in the : History of Nations, its history is crowded With events so extraordinary, that I hope I shall not be considered sae mittecessarily wasting the time of the House, if I enter shortly, and as succinctly as possible, into a detail'of a few of its lead, ing facts, and their effects upon the present position of Eu rope. It is generally known, that the King of Portugal was anxious :to raise Brazil from a Colony to Metropolitan con. dition, and that upon his Majesty's return to Portugal, thut Colo : ny-became anxious to achieve her independence, and it was appre hended that the two Crowns would be separated. The King of 'Portugal therefore determined to settle the sovereignty upon his *Meat arm. This wes hardly done, the ink with which the deed was made out was hardly dried, when time premature death of the , King of Portugal again united both Crowns upon- one bead.— The advice of this country, and another nation connected with eit:a, was tendered upon the occasion, but not before the King of Portugal had determined to abdicate the Crown of Portugal in favour of his eldest Daughter. This abdication' was accompanied With the offer of a free Constitutional Charter. It was stated that this hail beitu done by the advice of Great Britain. It was no • such thing—England gave no such advice ; not because Nfitiisters approved or disapproved of ouch a measure; but because they felt that it formed no part of the duty of an English Ministry to interfere with the internal regulations of that or any other country. - (Hear, hear, hear.)—lt is rrtainly true, that the Charter was brought lions Brasil by a Gentleman who has filled, and continua to fill, an office of high trust from this country. Sir Charles Stuart happened to be at Brazil et the time, and he was request ed by the King of Portugal to take that Charter to Lisbon as be Was returning home. Sir Charles Stuart did bring it to Porten. gal, but no blame whitever attached to that Gentlemen, in eiMV quence of having done so. lint he was ordered to return to Eng land-in order to prevent the suspicion that that Charter wan ad vised by British Consuls or supported by British Agency. With respect to that Charter, I do not fol called upon to give an opi nion—l certainly entertain att opinion upon it; but as an English Minister, all I OA say, is, " May God prosper that attempt at , the extension of Constitutional liberty, and may the Nation to : which it is extended prove as fit to receive and cherish it as she is to distbarge her other duties amongst the other Nations of En.' ropc ....-(Cheers from both sides of the House. ) "—lt is impossible that we can desert our ancient Allies—but at the Sallie time, it is impouible that we could support the Portuguese if there existed a schism amongst the constituted authorities. We do, however, go to Portugal in faith of our Treaty ; when there, we shall do no-' thing foreiblf I but we shall, at time same time, take care that no thing is done by other Nations, to prevent the freest action of the Constitution there estaidished.—(Hear, hear. much I have felt it neeessery tweity, , relative to the case of Portugal ; internally it is not our intention to interfere with that country; but external violence shall not be used against her while Great Britain hal the power to wield an arm in her defence.--- Cheers.)--External force, strictly speaking, has not yet been used, but other channele have been tried, nod pronto* who belonged to the internal have now become e xternal assailants, through the instrumentality another Power in their endeavour to attain their Nide. Whether the. aggression complained ofwas a defect in the Government, or arises from the machinations of faction and fanatitiam, I shall toot now stop to inquire—which defies power in the capital or ditioheys it on the frontier, I will not now atop to inquire; but thiS I shall state—that an y co untry which has time honour and happiness of being the idly of Great Britain is entitled to her p re e etat i o:eni:: shall not be assailed either by renegaricia or external enemies of whatever description.--( Hear, hear.)—The question, t has arty such conduct been pursued by Spain? Has au) , force been usual by that country, no matter whether directed by f ed i ° , or fanaticism, tending to interfere with time freedom and indepeml "" of Portugal? It would, perhape, be unjust in me to iiay that there exists in Spain an unconquerable hatred of the exist °nee of free institutions. However incredible the phenomenon may appear in this country, I our peretiathel that there exists in a vast majority of the Spanish Nation a decided love of arbitrary power, - and a preference for absolute government. The more li beral Institutions of countries in their neighbourhood have not yet extended their infitienee into Spain; and whether the Public Au thorities there do or: do not partake of the *ante sentiment, no exertion is required to excite and to call it into action among time p eo pl e , Without blame, therefore,: to- the Government of Spain, out of the natural antipathy between the two nations..— tee one prizing its freedom, and the other hugging its servi took—may have arisen the mutual inroads, mutual provocations, and mutual aggressions which, perhaps, even the most active an d alo ud mi n i s try could not altogether restrain. lam in clined to believe that such was, in fact, the origin of these dif- ' •;.- ' ,,..: _. : ' , N !, :. •-, ::. = ' . ..H•:' , .' ,. i:..= ,., :.:: , 1 , .. , :,..i• - ::,;.;..:' .t,:!..._4:74: . i.,. , , , :,;i,...3,4.;,- . i: ; - ; ;, : ,,.... .-.;',.-.1-,:t4ti.,,,t4:--i,?;,-..:!f..;,;.,i-i;,..,...,..,-.:i,-,,,:i.i.,.,1 Pureness bet Ween Spain and Portugal ; that in their pro, gresa - they have been .adopted, matured, metbodized, combined, 1 and brought into more perfect action, by some authority more i united and more powerful than the mere feeling disseminated 1 through the mass of the community, is, certain ; but Ido believe i their origin to have been as much in the real sentiment of the Spanish population, as in the opinion or foyer- of -the Government RAC, That ittprecieely the question between its and Spain, with respect. to this Message from his 'Majesty regarding our relations with Spain. .14 though partaking in the feelings of the Spanish' Nation,. the Spanish Government has neeet ittlended to embody and give them effect—if its vigilance has been surprised, its con fidence betrayed, and its orders neglectedif the repeated and shameless violation of its engagements have been occasioned not by its own good-will, but against its eectittitneridation and desire— let us see some symptoms of disapprobation, some signs of repentance; let us witness' some measures to establish his sorrow and his eineerity.-:---(Hear, hear.)--4n that case the Message, to which I propose this night to • Marti a reply, will remain only..a measere a-dote:we to Portugal, 'and not neves. eerily a ntetsitte of War against Spain. With these explanations and qualifications, let us now proceed to the facts. . Great de sertions took place from the Portuguese Army into Spain, and some desertions took place from the Sluttish Army into Porte. gal. At our earnest advice and exhortation, Portugal reffised all countenance to the latt e r. In the first instance, however, with regard to a few of them, the Portuguese Authorities were taken by surprise; but, as soon as they had an opportunity of exercising a discretion, it is lint justice to say, that they have uniforinly and manfully discouraged the desertions of the Spanish soldiery ; where they could do so without giving up . the - individuals themselves, and. without . betraying . misplaced confidence, they have given cautions against carrying such au intention into effect. There exist between Spain .and Portugal specific treaties, ,stipulating the mutual surrender of deserters; Portugal had, therefore, a right ti, claim of Spain that every such deserter should be forthwith re turned. _1 hardly know whether by its own impulse, or by our advice, .for they were nearly concurrent in point of time, the Por tuguese Government waived its right under those treaties ; it very wisely considered that it would be inconvenient to have those de serters ristored,, and to .be placed in the difficult alternative of either granting h dangerous amitesty, or of ordering numerous and exemplary executions. It therefore took a middle course, and signified to Spain that it would be entirely satisfied if, instead of returning the deserters, it would send back their MOH, horses, and equipments ;-' and, separating the men from their officers, re. move both' from the frontiers into the interior. A solemn en gaeemeut was entered into by the Spanish Government to this eect—first with Portugal, next with France, and afterwards with England. That undertaking having been concluded one day, was; abandoned on the next; and this. not only once, but the vine lation was repeated ,at least in six or seven different :instances. —The deserters, instead of being disarmed and dispersed, were allowed .to remain together in their depots—they were enrolled, trained, disciplined, and prepared for action : in fact, they were fitted for the expedition they have since undertaken. I say, that with respect to this proceeding, there was perfidy somewhere ; and it reete with the, Spanish Authorities to show that it was not with thein.—(Year, bear !)—lt rests with them to prove, that if their engagements have not been fulfilled—if their intentions have been diverted and unexecuted, the fault has not been with them, and that they are ready to make every reparation for the breach of' treaty which the cafe admits. 1 have mentioned, that these promiees were made to Portugal and to France as well as to Great Britain ; and I should do an act of injustice to Fraoee if I were ' not to add, that the representations of that Government upon this point have been as urgent, -and alas ! as. fruitless, as those of the British Ministry.--4Hear,,hear !)- - Upon the first irruption into the Portuguese territory, the French Government, to testify its displeasure, recalled its Ambassador, and directed its Charge d'Affaires to signify to its Catholic Majesty that Spain was to look fur no sapport from Fiance against the consequences of this aggres sion, and again to recommend thatiw. should retrace the steps already taken. lam bound, in justice to the French Government, to state, that with this object it exerted itself to the utmost. - I have up right whatever to impute any want of sincerity or good faith to the exertions made. by France to force Spain to the execution of her engagements. It will he'for Spain, upon a communication of the step now taken by his Majesty, to consider in what way, she will meet the call. .11:Iy earnest hope and wish is, that else may meet it in such a Manner as to avert the consequences of the Message before us. To those consequences I only allude, and beyond that point I will not pursue them, in the hope that they may not be necessary.—(Hear, hear, hear.)-- 7 .1 set out with saying, there were many reasons which'induced me to thir( that nothing short of a point of national faith or r.titional honour,--I, will not say, would justifw hut would make desiraliW, any approximation. to the possibility . of a dangerous war. Let toe be - understood, however, distinctly, as not `meaning that I dread a war in a ' good cause (and in no other may it ho the lot of this country to ' engage !). from a distrust of . the strength of the country to cone; 'ewe it, or of her resources to maintain it. I dread it, in- deed, but upon far other grounds : I dread it from a conscious ness of the tremendous power Great • Britain posseeees of pushing hostilities in which she may he engaged to consequences which' I shudder to contimplate..4llear, hear, hear.)—Some years ago, in the discussion of the negociations with Spain, I took the liberty of adverting to a topic of this nature—that the posi tion of this country was one of neutrality; not only between contending natious, but between contending principles ; and that it was in the position of neutrality ' alone we could maintain that belance, the preservation of which I believed to be essential to the peace and safety of the world. Four years' experience (it is now more than -three years and a half front that date) has confirmed rather than altered my opinion. I fear that the next war to be kindled in Europe, if it spread beyond the narrow limits of Spain and Portugal, will he a war of a most tremendous character—a War not merely of conflicting armies, hut of conflicting opinions --(much cheering.) I know that if into that war this country enters (stud if she do engage, I trust it will be with a meet sin cere desire to mitigate rather than exasperate, and to contend with arms rather than with the more fatal artillery of popular excitation), she will see under her banners, arrayed for the contest, all the dis contented and restless Virile of the age—all those who, whether justly or unjustly, are dissatisfied with the present state of their own countries. The consciousness of such a situation excites all my fears ;. for it shows that there exists a power, to be wielded by Great Britain, more , tremendous' than was, perhaps, ever yet bronght into action in - the history of mankind—(Hear, hear.)-•-- But theugh it may he " excellent to have a giant's power," it may he " tyraenous to use it like a giant." The knowledge that, we possess this strength, is our security ; and our business is not to seek opportunities of displaying it, but by a partial and half shelve exhibition of it, to snake it felt that it is - the interest of exeggeraters, 'on both aides, to - shrink from converting- their mu- - pire into their competitor.—(Hear, hear.)—The situation of this country may be compared to that of the Ruler of the Winds, as de-• s:ribed by the poet :--. " eclsa sellet arce. Sceptra tenet's ; mollitque animos et temperat iras Ni faciat, nutria ac terraa crehunque profundum Quippe ferant rapidi recum, verrantque per auras." The consequence of letting loose the passions •at present chained' curl confined, would be the production of a.seene of desolation which no man can contemplate without horror, and I should not ,sleep easy on my couch if I thought by a single moment I had precipitated it._( Hear, hear.)—This, then, is the reason—a reason the , reverse -of fear—a reason the contrary of disability, why I dread the recurrence of a war. That this reason may he • felt by those who are ectiog on opposite principles, before the time for using our power Shall arrive, I would bear much, and I would forbear long ; I would almost put up with any thing that did not touch our national faith and national honour, rather than let slip the furies of war, the leash of which is in our hands, while we know not whom they may reach, and doubt where the devasta tion may end.—(Continued cheering.) Sod] is the love of peace which the British Government acknowledges, and such the duty of peace which the circumstances of the world inculcate.—(Cheers from all sides.)—ln obedience to this conviction, and with the hope of avoiding extretnities, I will push no farther the topics of this part of the Address. Let us defend Portugal, whoever may he the assailants, because it is a work of duty; and let us end where that duty ends. We go to Portugal nut. to rule, not to govern, not to dictate, not to pfescribe-bitt to plantour standard, and to secure het' independence. Where the standard of England is planted, there foreign dominion shall •not come.—(The cheers lasted ton some minutes after the Right Hon. Gentleman had re 'mimed his seat. He rose again merely to inform the House; that the Address was merely an echo of the Mesaage, pledging the House to support his :Majesty in the maintenance of public faith, and to protect Portugal against foreign aggression.) • The SPEAKER read the Address, which was re ceived with much applause, and put the rinestion that it be adopted. Sir ROBER T WILSON said that his Majesty, in that Message, exprem.ed his sentiments with the pride end dig nity of a King td Great Britain, and withla ConacionsiteaS that he WAS ruling over a people fond of, and ready to maintain the national honour ; but, as his Majesty could act only With the co ncurrence of his Government, he confessed that he felt great anxiety, Oil account of the open and multiplied treacheries of Spain, to obtain rune efuentist support for Portugal. Knowing of these aggressions, he (lair R. Wiloon) was, when he gave no tice of his motion, actuated by an impatience which he could not any longer contrOul. His object was to do that which was right towards Portugal, and not with any view to accuse his Majesty's Ministeys of neglect. The Right. Hon. Gentleman stated the treaties by which this country was bound to defend Portugal. for his part, he did net pursue this line of conduct from any per sonal feeling against the Government, but to state that the defence of Portugal was an obligation imposed on this country by those treaties. The Right Hon. Gentleman did not state the Treaties fully, fur part of the Treaty of 166 imposed this obligation on us. And although this country ceased to derive any benefit from those articles, yet our trade continued with the Colonies of Por tugal in the East and West Indies. The Right Hon. Gentleman also stated loosely all the offences committed by Spain against Por tugal. Remonstrances were made by the Governors of the diffe rent cities of Portugal, and the offences pointed out, and where the deserters were received and armed and paid. What was theanswer ? It was that General O'llonnel threatened to punish with death as traitors, such as should attempt to revolutionize the nation.— All the circumstances showed that this aggression watt as regular and well-concerted, as if done by regular armies. The object was to instigate the Portuguese, and to assist them in an insurrection against their Government. The King of Spain was called on to deny this object, and declared that he did not sanction it: But the eomtnisnications along the line from Castile to Estrerna dere, were so regular, that they must have been concerted by authority. The danger of enforcing the principles on which this country should act, was no more than a mere shadow, and the Hon. Gentletnan's.own conduct was proof of it. The anecdote which he was about to relate would show that the influence of this country was irresistible, when conducted, not on the views of ambition, but on the principles of honour. At the time that there was a rumour of. this country acknowledging the independ ence of the South American Colonies, Sir Wm. A'Court, in a conversation with M. Ouvrard, observed that we Would recognise that independence in less than three months. The . Ambassador of Russia having overheard the conversation, approached, and sign& candy said, " nous verrons," which was meant to imply more than doubt. But what was the consequence of our recognition ? Was there any opposition on the part of Russia, or any other. Power? We should now pursue the sane course, disregarding the threats of any Power. lie had thus openly declared his senti molts in favour of this war. lie bad Urged on these proceedings, and he was ready to share the responsibility. In human, affairs, and particularly in the affairs of war, it was impossible to forejudge the results, whether they would be disaster or success; but never was a nation whFch went to battle with greater assurances of suc cess, bearing as it did upon its banners the motto of -" God and justice."—(Hear.)—The Hon. Member concluded by saying,that whatever be the result, be would never shrink from the reeponsi bility of having approved of and recommended this war. Mr. ITUNIE begged to be allowed to state briefly the grounds upon which he claimed their attention. The first observation which he should make upon the statement which the House had just heard was, that the Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to have taken only one view of the questioniaamely, the felit tion in which this country was placed with respect to Portugal by treaty. Now to the actual fact of this, relation he could not object, because assured that treaties were in existence by which it was established, but he thought that such treaties were to be de precated, and it would not be amiss to discuss the' question of whether or not in 'sound political expediency and discretion, we were to he bound by them. What was the situation in which this country was now placed ? Was it not that, by the Right Hon. Gentleman's interpretation, we were always, and upon every occasion of possible emergency in which Portugal could he placed, to give her our aid and protection, although it was mo rally certain that from our relative conditions with respect to each other, we could never expect to receive any return? He (Mr. Hume) felt that it was too late in the day now to inquire into why or wherefore these treaties were made, because that they were made was certain ; and it was certaiu also that they'had been proclaimed in the face of Europe in 1815, and that they were (so fur as those treaties were binding) called upon to assist our un doubtedly oldest ally, Portugal, in her difficulties. ' But the question now was, whether or not these treaties ought to be con 7 sidered as binding, andwhether we were called upon, in sount policy, to rashly plunge into hostilities, of which no man could se the end ? . That a state of tranquillity and neutrality was th/ most wholesoMe fur this•country, bleeding as it still was from its former extraordinary 'struggles, no man could deny. It had been not only admitted by every man who considered the' subject, sod not only had not been denim:lying' even strongly recommended by the Right Hon. Gentleman himself, in former debates in this House. The sante : glowing colours which that Right Hon. Gent. had clothed this question ,in to-night, seemed to have dazzled hii own sight as fo the minor but necessary views of the subject. He had wholly overlooked the Most important point of all—namely, whether this country, under present circumstances, %yes in a cowlition to go , to Ivan., or able to bear the new burdens which that most . expensive state of .thiOgs'svould impose upon it? lle well recollected the able and eloquent manner ip which the Right Hon. Gentleman _three :years ago demonstrated *to this House the incalculable advantages of a continuance of peace and _ . neutrality to this country. The same powerful means by which be would now urge us headlong into the commission of hostilities, he then made use of to reconcile us to the blessings and advantages of peace, and the approbation with which his opinions were re ceived, was as unequivocal as was► this night developed.- He put it to the Right lion. Gentleman, whether there was any thing in the state of the eoun;ry at this day which could warrant so decided a change of tone with respect to peace or var.— He contended that the f►rst blow struck .would lead to a war with, France. Ministers seemed now to have placed reliance upon France; but what was there in the conduct of that Government which could entitle it to confidence? Ought not the bail faith and wily policy which the Duke of Wellington encountered at Vero na teach us not again to be deceived by the false promises of . the French Ministers ? Let not the House then he deceived by the specious argument, of the Right Hon. Gentleman. The latter part of his speech was an answer to the first. Ile hid said he would not let slip the dogs of war. But had he not already let them loose, and they were on their march.—(Loud laughter.). M r . CANNING—I did not say dogs of war. Mr. HUME—But either they are, or are not dogs. —(Laughter.)—His Hon. Friends thought he had mistaken the expressions of the Right Hon, Gentleman ; but he assured them he had not. No war could be carried on without additional taxes; and it was his (bie. Hume's) conscientious opinion, that no other circumstances but those of self-defence could justify a war under the present circumstances of the country Every man who knew any thing of the materials of which Spain and Portugal were composed, must be convinced, that the conflict once begun will soon become general: Surely a week's consi deration was not too much for the question of peace or war.; Instead, therefore, of agreeing to the . Address, he should move, as an amendment, " that the House be called over for this day week ;" but he did not wish by any means to interfere with whatever steps the Executive might think proper to take. Mr. 'WOOD (of Preston) seconded the Amend ment. Mr. BARING had laboured to find, in the state ment of facts submitted to the House by the Right Hon. Gentle man, some evasion, or loop-hole, for creeping through with safety to the honour and character of this country, but without success. The outrage developed was so gross, the aggression so utterly with-: out excuse, that the meanest indiiidual or more contemptible na tion, could not overlo o k it.—(Hear, hear.)—He had looked on the condition of the Peninsula for the last four years with considerable jealousy, and he was quite persuaded that had the King's Govern ment evinced the same resolution at.the period of the invasion of Spain that they do now, all Europe would have been spared the calamity which, sooner or later, he feared must crnne.—(Hear, hear.)--In his judgment the friendly dispositions of Governments were but securities for nations, and when they talked of the assur ances of. France, he could only answer that the highest reach of, diplomatic cunning was to give to political affairs a natitral appear-' puce, so as to exclude the supposition of artificial agency. And, to this country nothing could be more dangerous than tbe.state of the Peninsula.—(Hear, hear.)—He believed it might be true than there was a party in Spain more powerful than the Government, and a similar state of things might be said to exist in France; but With all the respect he entertained for the. Prime. Minister of France, he could not help remarking that there were in that coun try political parties and political acts beyond his controul. At all events the Right Honourable Gentleman had taken the proper: course. Whether France he sincere or.not, the course decided on is the wise one.—(Hear, hear.)--And if we were to hesitate about resources, we should be placing ourselves iu a condition which Would render us as a Power or a country not worth thinking of. - (Cheers.). -'-The country was in a condition to go to war, for people were willing, and would go along with the Government.—; He believed that no Government, or Parliament, or King, could aga in make this country embark in an unjust war.Thadaterilluayatwe to gone by, but he'was convine e d th a t if war be essential to the na tional honour, the means . of the country were perfectly the purpose.---(Cheers.) Mr. BANKLS might be wrong—but that was his opinion, and although he could not support the amendment of the i he could not concur ill what appeared to be tTleempberitr,a fur Angberden sentimente in the House. . Mr. BROUGHAM and Mr. HOBHOUSE next rose, but there being a general cry for Mr. Brougham, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman proceeded. He could have been well content to have rested his vote on the facts and arguments of the, Right Hon. Secretary for F ore ign Affairs; but after the part which be had taken in Spanish affairs, when the question of the invasion was,entertained in that House, and which part he new regarded with redoubled satisfaction, he could not give a silent vote. He entreated his Hon. Friend (Mr. Hume) and his Hon: and Learned Friend (Mr. Wood), that in what he bad to say, they would consider his remarks in any other light than that of Mere. sped to them, although he did not mean to include their proposi tion in the observation against which he now rose to enter his most decided protest.—(Hear.)—lf he could believe that this war Might be avoided—that there was any •escape from the alterna4 tive which flow presented itself—any way to avoid a war (not, he hoped, a protracted one), but active and determined preparation to aveige a breach of faith, and support our national honour— if ho could see any way to avoid these things, then he should be in a more equable frame of mind to enter into the calculations of his Honourable Friends, for then it would be in his power to adjust his vote . according to the result of the calculation. But there are situations in which nations and individuals might be placed, in which to compute their cost would be frivolous, impos sible, and disgraceful to the nation or the individual.—(Cheers. ) And here he was at iscie as to the fact with his Hon. Friends, and with the Hon. Member for Dorset (Mr. Bankes), who, admitting the principle of the Right Hon. Secretary, had tendered an issue, in fact, to which he would briefly direct the attention of the House ; and in so doing, he would be only recalling their atten tion to the real circumstances of the case before them. First, then, he would ask, *as it an admitted proposition that nations might be hound by treaties, and were capable of entering into obli gations, and of being firmly bound by such obligations, and that the inhabitants of a country remaining from year to year the same—aye for centuries—having contracted obligations, in times,so►ne distant, sonic recent, are bound to fulfil their contracts? He presumed that was a proposition which would not be, (Icnied.—(Year, hear.)— Well, then, England was bound by a treaty—not an old one either, although the antiquity of A treaty would be no argument against it ; but this could not be culled antiquated. If in the reign of Charles 11. a pecuniary consideration had been given, which that abandoned profligate tyrant had squandered on his pleasures as soon as the money Came into his coffers, let it be remembered that there was another consideration which hiS friends could not omit, although they might find their computations should • then be on the wrong side of the account. His friends must re member that Bombay was obtained by that stipulation.—(Hear, hear.)—We might give up the 300,0001. which Charles had spent ; but were they prepared to give up that settlement—(hear, hear)—which they must do if they now refused to perform the stipulationii on which it was conceded by Portugal ?—(che e rs. But this was not all. We renewed this obligation in the 18th cen- tury. We renewed it in the 19th century: We renewed it not more than ten years back, a period since his Honourable Friend and the Hon. Member (Mr. Bankes), had taken a conspicuous part in the management of public affairs.—(Hear, Would it therefore be denied that this treaty, after all these re• cognitions, was binding upon England ? No Nation with a sentiment of honour, and no statesman with common sense, could recommend such a flagrant act of perfidy.— His Honourable Friend (Mr. Hume) and the Honourable Mem ber for Dorset, had asserted that what was going forward in Por tugal was matter of internal management and not of external hos tility. Surely they could not have heard the facts stated by the Right lion. Secretary. If the universal concurrence of the re ports of all those who corresponded, with persons residing in that country; if the statements in all the foreign prints (some of them no doubt exaggerated), but all of them telling the same history in substance ; if all this were to he given to the winds, still we had the authority of the Right Hon. Secretary, upon which alone Parliatnent' could act—and for which lie would hold the Right Hon. Gentleman responsible, and from which the Right Hon. Gentleman would not shrink, and front which, if he did attempt it, Parliament would not allow hint to escape—m• his responsibi lity, he contended, the House had , a right to assume, and they could assume nothing less, than that a hostile aggression had taken place..--(Cheers.)—The fact was this—four,or five thousand men at different times escaped front' Portugal, and assembled on thi frontiers of Spain—they are marshalled, if not officered, and ac • colored, and thus accoutred and equipped they are sent from that country—not into one part of Portugal, nor from one part of the 'SPanislarontier, but all at the same time, and for the same ob i%iouittUrpoie. These bodies of men, thus equipped, are sent forth to accomplish their object. Now could credulity go so far as to suppose all this was accidental—the fortuitous concurrence of the atoms of all these regiments?—(Cheers.)—What! that an indefinite number of individuals should, by accident, have withdrawn from their own country into Spain, and should, by another accident, have congregated. together, not in knots of two or three, living in a hapless state of exile and : rniiery, but. as suming, by accident, all the pride, pomp, and circu m stance of war like station, furnished with the means and implements of war by 1 the Spanish Government, and placed in the most advantageoul position for carrying war into their own country ! Most un luckily, the Portuguese refugees were distributed through all parts of the Spanish territory which peculiarly combined the fa cilities necessary for a hostile incursion into Portugal: And yet the good men who regulate the affairs of the Spanish Govern ment, and the good men, to whose vigilance the care of the frontiers of Spain were• intrusted, had no more notion of what was going forward, than if they were situated in the most remote and inaccessible part of the globe! If there , were any man who could doubt that the passing events were known to the Spanish pOvernruent—if any man had sufficient ingenuity to discover a point on which to hang a suspicion that the move ments of the factious Portuguese were unknown to, anti un authorised by the Spanish authorities—the man whose mind was endowed with such a happy faculty of scepticism might consistently deny that a casus ficdecis had arisen. It was a mere mockery to argue upon the supposed ignorance of the Spanish Government as to the hostile movements against Por tugal. If she did not know of them, She ought to have known of them, and she was bound either to have prevented them, or, if she could not prevent them, she must abide the consequence, which was, that England should, by the interposition of her autho rity, put a atop to their further progress.—(Hear, hear.)—lt was said that the invaders of Portugal were Portuguese, not Spaniards. What difference did' that make in the case? If one class of , Portuguese subject, arrayed themselves on one side of the question, while the rest of the country embraced the other, and if en armed force marched from Lisbon against Oporto, or from Tras-os-Montes against Lisbon, to subvert the Con stitution, he admitted that in such an instance this country would not be called upon to interfere. But these parties were not Portuguese Refugees marching • front Lisbon .to Oporto, or from Oporto to Tras-os-Montes. This was the e l ite of an army of four or five thousand men—he wished he could recollect the words of the Bight Honourable Gentleman, for he could not describe them in more accu rate terms—this was a body of rebels who, by one act of tr e ason, had made themselves exiles from their country, and as sumed the character of foreigners+who, by a second act of trea son, committed an invasion upon their country; and, by a third se t of treason, resumed the name of Portuguese in order to escape the punishment which their revolt deserved. These men, expa triating themselves, and obtaining comfort and shelter, and aid and supplies, in the country to which they bad fled, were found to make war upon their own country, marshalled and accoutred, and armed at the expense and with the resources of Spain. It was said, and not more painfully than truly, " than when war comes no man can foresee where it will terminate." He acknow ledged this lamentable truth ; but he also knew that, when submission once began, it was more difficult to see where it would end than even the devastation of war.— (Hear, hear, hear.)—lf was an act of degradation which not only crippled the future exertions of a nation, but compromised the cha racter of mankind, on whom those exertions must depend.— . The question was not now whether, even in order to retain our possessions, we should be content to forfeit our station in the eyes of Europe and of the world, and by so doing avoid war. He (Mr... Brougham) would say No," even if that were the alternative which was presented to our choice. But the question now actually was, whether for a limited - season we should submit to au inse cocuureld, not t p e r a e l c i a i r t i oeuisi,eaace,d forish o i n t o h u a r d a n n g u o n f b t e h a e ra h h o l n e o the comfort, or the security, which render peace sweet—whether we should for' the sake of a temporary, disgraceful, disgusting, and intoleMble postponement of hostilities, expose ourselves hereafter, when war shall inevitably come on, to be held up to the eyes of the World a beaten down and degraded uation., not ruinednd easyin the eyes of mankind, and, judg whatis thousand timer find ruined in our owls eyes by the this worse, L ind in of did e te the self-esteem —and, of what might perhaps be still those to whose minds topics of access under any'other form —namel y , that a sm all sum , if ex pended in time, might' have been the means of sav ing a disburse ment of ten times the a mount, with compound anti accumulated interest, at a future time—(Hear, hear, and laughter);..-and when the risking the loss of a thousand men now, although the necessity of such a precaution was sufficient in it se lf t o exc ite hereafter, and and dregret m ight avert the sacrifi ce o f ten t hO usan d li ves might have the effect of preventing a war when . Our resources should be Crippled war of boundless extent, in which it should be observed, that other Powers besides Spain might take part, and of which it might be truly said, that no man could foresee where it would end.—(Hear, hear.)—For his (Mr. Broughain't) part, he totally dissented from the represents . - time that were made of the risks and difficulties of hostilities. If the disasters which were announced should happen (which - (sod forbid, and the best means 'of averting which were the measures whiob bad been already adopted), while the Govern ment acted upon its present principles,. and while the country re mined true to itself, hOwever oppressive might be our burdens, and however distressing our difficulties, he (Mr. Brougham) ha 4 no fear for the result.—(Cheers.) Mr. BRIGHT felt himself called upon upon at the eve of a momentous train of events, to declare his sentiment that no cases fatleris had arisen, and that no event was shown to haw yet occurred in Portugal which,called for the iuterposition of this country in 'the was , proposed by Ministers. Mr. CANNING rose to reply to the objection's raised against the course recommended by his Majesty's Govent !neut. The Right Hon. Gentleman said- 4 s I freely admit, Sir, that I have understated the case. I have done so purposely-- -1 have dune so designedly, I have done so, warning the House that I did it, wishing the House to take no more of the conduct of Spa than would be sufficient to establiih a casus . ficrleris, but not sn much as would render it impossible to avoid war, which would he the Cue if a full statement had been laid before the House.—(Hear.)—' The Hon. Gentleman says, that we have not made Out a ruffs dent case. If, encouraged by the Hon. Gentleman, Spain should myself that I shall be ready to lay before the House be led to persevere in acts of unmistakable hostility, then/ pledge if now presented, would shut out the locus prnitentire whit:l,We are anxious to afford. Ido not wish to prevent a retractationen the part of Spain, or to drive her into a corner from which 0:W could not escape without a struggle, which it is so expedien t ' if possible, to avoids,....(Hear, hear.)—l have not shown the Hew that I under-stated the case. Acting upon the infotetatisa ei which I was o ffi cially possessed, I !fleeted out so much as / toe , f sidered su ffi cient for one purpose without creating the n"ss' if Y,f-' another. It is. for the House to approte or to condemn the 11 discretion which I have exercised. But I cast assore the ... 11° "' Gentleman that, 'if the time shall ever unfortanotelY "r he will find that it was not for want of evidence the fs'i st disclosures have been avoided.—(Hear, hThe soneetP merit Which has been " proposed has been justified by s re' papers, ference to debates which took place in this House a few ye 6l * back, and in the course of which it is said I declared it was tha t our for this country to engage unnecessarily in war,and The turre now come forward anti inconsistently propose a war. T and single differenoe of my conduct is, that then we had a eludes whether we should resort to war or not, while in the present visa we have on alternative.—(Hear, hear.) —I still maintain my Ts" - Mon, that war utight to be avoided where it can, but that wh!n an absolute obligation binds us, it is impossible to elude t. Another point insisted upon by the lion. Gentleman, with wh t or speech I have no other fault to fi nd (for it was esPre",ed under e most handsome terms, and most ably seasoned)--anotoßerill,,ne was, that instead of repealing the Foreign Enlistment 0; nee ought to call on France to withdraw her Army. I do ° Ivan how the withdrawing of her Army would be' °I any a'other tage. I believe that that Army protects!, rather than wise, the very party which it first interfered to ptit down::: situationtotally raised d i thatff u e f r My firm belief is, that the fi rst effect of , withdrawing that: Army would he to let loose party rage; but when it is st he that the presence of the French Army has eutirely alter ed t o that the entry of the French Army into Spain wall : "° worth war for various reasons ; amongst others, for lb, 4 1, that whatever effect a war commenced on the mere ground sfw; entry of the French Army into Spain might have had, the effs c it certainly would not have had, syould have been— not to got the French Army out of Spain. The war night have enlieb el L u t • with new provinces —we might or might not hive bon O s ";t -ter for it; but as to a war begun fur the express puritnss D' : 6 „ k , - - ting the French Army out of Spain, succeeding in that Per b ri, r object, I will venture to say, that at the end of the sow, tii"" I object would not have been accomplished. I admit, for Argun"' sake, that the entry of the French Army into Spain orS' ~" disparagement. I admit it ; I don't wish to disguises t; 1 :::, it was a blow to the feelings of this country ; at : „ t t h st were two ways of redressing it—one was a direct attack "' "slue, point ; the other was, to makethe possession harmle" , °l mo . 4 upon tl, France, te:;:iiii,ut., must nidb,ehgel ol'Hevaeovtueedieh uknetibot our knows op otp eo , i isti 3 aly , t , tit t yta h , a i s f. t o l ifit less, injurious to the possessor. Who suppoSes Ic' r a it to ment that this possession of Spain was a disprage niel no t England ? If it were, do you imagine that disparage jo has not been amply compensated ? Was hat i s order to compensate it, that we should blockade r efits :_i I thought of Spain and • the Indies—I t looked anotleiebrimuYl uf called the New World into existence, o redress site I . , uestion o. power !—(lmmense cheering. )_Thus I eurn'f!' i q say , that. the continuance of the French army in 8 1" 1 " mil would way to rivet them in it, it is a vain and unredeemed pess'ess,!":l„r s Y to hell, them be glad to get rid of it.--sl say that, i f ' u ' i ; ut " - 7 sa y o'o' the out of it, they - would . bee' sin uad ` ; p oint o f honour to i s to make it a t, a dv ert to, is the get them out. The other subject I have so honourable to support this Address! has remived. 1 . t.. ", ungra teful if 1 those who have given it, that I shoun! ne w. _ si l i s try. upon the rot wer.--k,---- ' I House.: The object of this measure is t .. ice for pew . i_ were to obtrude a moment.louger than Is cr (Cheer s • ) The object of this measure is to take the last will you do not go to The aid of Portugal, u 3, and you will be disgraced, and then Will wait till Sp a .s train of degradation.--(Hear, bear.)-- 11 )'°'s . pen bOSH litY' ilt courage to ripen her secret machination!! in. Oct ._, whose you have then the warfare of the pacificators, a le d nia l n o , dos e n ' ‘ that war will end.--O'he Right Hon. Gent amidst loud cheers.? COLONEL BRADLEY. ill Letters Lord PALMERSTON moved for certhAweirodi,,, of` Col. Arthur, relative to the transactions whic t .as tween that gentleman and Colonel Bradley. the insfion " After a few observations from Mr. Hume, of agreed to. , portogLial f tile Number. Mr. HUME moved. for a List 0 e.vio wi th- Officeis of the Army wbo had beeu dismissed ti,t t e l 5,,,' 2f, are.- trial by Court Martial since the last return i 0 :7 ,44 yea s.- fYing the number in each rank, and the number i 6 sevnitlalebievartra.tnniptlsede • i l re' Mr. HUME moved for a simil ar r Ordered. spect to O ffi cers in the Aitillery.—Ordered. Adjourned at half-past Nine o'clock. in --- —c. - e turn wit PORTUGAL.--LISBON P . 0 no salutbe received from Vienna of the celebration of LISBON, Nov. 27.—. The Giszette contains tn. Infant Don Miguel with Queen Marie 11. . l et "' et. itt or' a 9 .-- Her Nov. • Royal Highness the. Princees. I'4' , i abet` that, on occasion of the marriage of the Infant Doe 1 1 1 'gr ' i „ 0 ,, -shall be public rejoiciugs at Lisbon for three deP t. .-"" the Ist December. , WAR-OFFICE, Nov gl' A ' this Offie, Extract of the Official jy r u In . y ei ► e Mai b the Express that arrived yesterday, and by "'- press arrived to-r 1 •ay .-- o f the A rtri l " In squadron of the 7th regiment of cavalry stetiPtifd the-morning of the 26th, the Portuguete uoe .000 0 1 disbanded 2tl regiment of cavalry and 17th of infantry, t• , .., 3 t h e same squadron ; ,and retiring, ed by the traitor itlayessi, entered Villa Vieosa, ourprisz a nd the marriage oi •- the i r d , er : o f trade e them prisoners; wounded the captain acid sontelt° I we ll as the senior Alderman . of tl 41out c ommi t -% t he , tat town, avt or further hostilities. In Tras-os.3loutes, ten or twelve . ~,,, ni re e be n i to s, of whom about 100 were at La filots, entered .ro;4 at one o'clock in the 1 i nff f e iNth, and OLIO_ to no other excesses the . n°lll-- " at e . d deaeourase sai,::°,danb..4o so" Notwithstandingnt ii sonic /oo: the hfother i n releasing a prisoner, an en _ A. ,.A steal some homes . body of e• At *men in the morning of the esnis:l7'oo prisoners, pursued the Mayor and the Captain Mot, telt' e l L es ~t.Commander of the post stationed there, who was ttor7- mentioned con regtrnent of cavalry; and retired, tsking away t i be, __ . t es corral, who found means to eseape froa tioPLAii res"" • - these events, tranquillity in the whole district." . . , , ,e LISBON, Dec. I.—Was-Oretee, Nov. 29., • .. 0 , Extract of the Of fi cial Dispatch received to-day a his Utu ct 'pet " General Claudine, cotrunander of the flying sty ision_ i r li r y i t h from Vinhaes on the 2Stl, that the division P..lit ritil l„„ ' test the greatest rapidity, sheaving the best spirit. Ise •" 1- ail the people of Rehr arose in insurrection, and .that the g u ,,,e. las of the rebels were numerous, eonsmitting nuMbalett ',„4 beries and exceoses ; they entered by the town of Mirergitior, iumiiivniedureal:l;st°:°::konjeletblooinnVivinithil'isoelehitrillel'Ei °cet-ieo:11:010, called the people and the militia of_ these parts to arms. lh r to quess de Chaves appeared to Ire marching towards Dreglin°,i;ove tending to wait* with those from Toro. For this reason. tits' General resolved to march, on the .24th, to Bragansa. to . In a dispatch of the 246, from Santa Valha, the I sme r res. neral writes that the rebels of the Ilth, 27th, and 7th CePt °° „ o . commanded by the Marquess de Chaves and Viscount lat'llo, liagne, entered, on the morning of the preceding dee, ;P t° .. 0 ,0 genre. His numbers, according to the information of per it s, l _, who saw the deserters, being 800 or more infantry, 00 co ri ' I , l _?' and much more than 1000 Forth hate among whom were some lancers. Colonel Valdes wsited f°,..1., out of the city, with the diminished force of the Sd and 2113tiorrif giments of Infantry a nd 12th i rk avalry, but ludieg i, f ., • 11 aud tler outflanked, he retreated by the cto tins .mai l r eal 1 1 ° 'ntained hirmalf Bible fort ; but it appears that he mat tat' ery and musketry era b 4wenillir as the fi re of the atilt and : Spanish gue 01,tee;