The Sun. — London, England, 1838-05-22 00:00:00

"US Will STe '• to improve the social relations between landlord and i the Noble Marquis (Londonderry) had, with great justice, stated that te nant—between the occupier and the labourer of the soil.—(Hear, hear) the same principle with regard to a Poor-law would not equally apply to i‘IY Lords, this is the result which I anticipate. I confess, my Lords, both countries. But the present Poor-law was, after all, an experiment that if the state of the poor had beeneolltioued in this country as it was in England—(Hear, from Lord Stanhope) —and it was the first time he f ouryears ago I s h ou ld h ave h es i tated b efore I gave my assent to the had ever heard of a n exp er i men t b e i ng t a k en f or a model—(A laugh)— introduction of Poor-laws into Ireland; but, seeing the results which for another country. But the Irish Bill bore, in fact, no resemblance advantage which of 1834 has produc e d i n thi s coun t r y— see i ng the great whatever to the English Bid.—(Hear, hear.) Th e E ng li sh Bill 'whi c h h as o ccurre d from the working of that system— contained a settlement, while the Irish Bill had nothing of and seeing how, more particul a rly, it h as improved the re- the kind. The English Bill gave much out-docr re li e f , th e tenons of landlord and tenant—l cannot help desiring some such Irish none. In England they compelled the suppression of emeasure for Ireland, in order, if Possible, 'to remedy the evils of vagrancy and mendicancy—in Ireland they allowed them to connected country, By Lords, I confess that there are other measures continue ; and, in addition to these things, the English Bill ward with the subject which I should wish to eve brought for- was after all only a remedy applied to the abuses of a pre have cl bY the Government. Some of these measure, to which I allude vious system of Poor-laws—and yet they took it for the model of their either been wholly omitted in the discussions which have takeo legislation for Ireland. The sufferings of the Irish poor were not the re.. the m, in the H ouse of Cemnions or little or no attention was pa id to stilt of idleness or any disinclination t o wor k, b ut i n a want and a and I have no doubt that, whether this Bill be considered as an ins- scarcity of work ; and if such was the case, what became of the test of P r ovement or not, the measure alluded to by the Noble Viscount destitution which was so much talked of in connection with this Bill ? Wills r e f erence to the supwou ld (Hear.) This was another proof that the a ppli ca ti on o f t hi s measure to of pression of mendicit y and vagrancy 0e the utmost advantage in paving the way for this Bill. I agree, Ireland was q uite im p ossible. In tee report of Mr. Nicholl there was my Lord s, t h at considerable' time must elapse before this measure can be a fundamental error, and which was no t discovered until after the BM car ried into effect —before the workhouses can be in a state to receive had been brought in. Mr. Nicholl said there were 80,000 persons in any of those f or w h om they are to be an asylum—and therefore it is that Ireland that re q uired relief ; but ho w did he arrive at such a conclu .• ve nture to exp ress my hope that the Noble Viscount will not allow the sion ? He took four English counties as his test, and there saw that one regard to mendicants and vagran ts ; without hisresent Session t o pass over without bringing having that measure in forth his measure with p er cent, of the p o p ulation was in distress, and then ca:culated at the same ratio for Ireland. The am oun t o f th e poor -rate i n E ngland was five such forwardness that it can be carried into execution at once. There millions; so that, allowing even only the same state of destitution Wa s another part of the measure of 1834 which was most important, in Ireland, there would be a poor -rate there of two millions and a and most worthy of being considered with reference to the provisions of half. Would this relieve pauperism in Ireland ? Certainly not, be the present measure. I mean that portions of it which gave locality cause it was admitted that, a l lowing all the workhouses to be filled under to the expense. lam firmly convinced that the establishment of a law this Bill, there would still be as large a portion of destitute population o f settlement, my _ in connection with this Bill, in Ireland would be produc- out of doors as would keep up the same s y s t em o f men di c i ty as existed m an of unbounded expense an d taxation, and lead to disputes of which no at this moment. In fact the whole of this Bill was a delusion ; it could ',' a n could foresee the those p ar i s h es from which those persons are taken who are to bet e end—and in this measure it is our duty to take care do no g ood. A man holdin g a teneme nt of 5 /. a year, would be rated to th at the poor, and would still have to su s t a i n th e same sys t em o f mendicity. Placed in the workhouses shall be required to pay the expenses connected Look at the situation of the guardians under this Bill. They would be With the relief of those paupers. That arrangement is one of the prin. obliged to reject some applicants for relief whose claims might be as Clreland, of the economy of the execution of the Poor-law in this country. Ins strong as those of others whose applic a ti o n s h a d b een successful. e land, I thi n k we ought to take care that, at least, the expense of sup- Would gentlemen in Ireland do this ? N o , th e y cou ld no t , f or i t would P°rti ng the relief of its own poor fall on each individual parish.—(Hear, excite such a degree of jealousy, as would give rise to dangerous ma conse !sear.) I think it ossible that such an amendment be introduce d quences. It would lead to venge aece , an d wou ld p l ace t h e guardians py this suggestion measure, and I hope the Government will be able to do it on not onl y in a p ainful, bu t in a dangerous situation. The Bill pro.. .. floe to vote for the second reading of the Bill.—(Cheers.) Officers of every kind ; and, last of all, paid Guardians. Ile The Marquis of LONDONDERRY should not be doing his duty asked the Gentlemen of Ireland if those workhouses would isot became either to that county.' or to their Lordshi p s if he were not to come for.. prisons, and if they would not be looked upon as another chain placed ward at the present stage of the Bill, and to request them not to con_ upon the Irish people by their Saxon oppressors ? Isle confessed he did sent t o its lacing read a second time.—(hear, hear.) As he found in not ex p ect that t hi s or any other measure would come well matured or he preambl e o f th e Bill t h e wor d s " w h ereas it i s nec e s sary to adapted from the Government of the Noble Visc o u n t oppos i te, a Go.. tmakew a provision for the poor of Ireland," to that principle he vernment that seemed to exist only from hand to mouth.—(H e ar, he a , otars r eady to give his assent ; but be had consulted several and cheers.) He totally despaired of seeing any great measure emanate n et Noble Lords on the subject, and some of high judicial from such a Government. For the reasons he had stated Ise did not authority, and they had informed him that they did not think it think the present Bill ought to pass into a law, and nothing that he had Possible that, taking that principle into consideration and coupling it heard in its favour enabled him to come to a different conglusion. The with the provisions of the present Bill, he could give his consent to its Noble Lord sat down amidst loud cheering being„opnion up on I reland; and, with their Lordships ' permission, read a seco n d ti me. Th e Bill was one w hi c h wou ld fix a heavy "f he Earl of RADNOR said that the re was a very wide distinction "n l ie between the con s istency of th e N o bl e D u k e ( t h e D u k e of Well i ngton) a Would read to them the opinion, with regard to this point, of a gentle_ and the Noble and Learned Lord who had just spoken. The Noble roars f great experience and knowledge of the subject—Sir Francis Duke voted far the second reading of the Bill, because he approved of ICVN - a, , hi don - 'en. That gentleman, in a letter to a friend of his (Lord Lon- the principle, although he disapproved of some of the details ; but tine .cderry) said'—" You surely underrate the cost of the precious pro_ Noble and Learned Lord voted for the second reading, although he 7,, t in question when you estimate it at 10 or 15 per cent.—(Hear.) disapproved both of the principle and the details. The Noble and ' the Bill do not provide for all the destitute it will do nothing ; and if Learned Lord had altogether mistaken the financial part of the question, ftprovide for all ready made and to be created by its own necessary ope- because it had been ascertained that the customary mode of relief af forded by mendicancy to a destitute population of 2,385,000 for thirty ration, Ido not think 50 per , cent. will pay the charges. I should take mor e comf ort from the impossibility of carrying the law into prac . months would amount to no more than one million and a half . t loe o of )ways did not kno w th a t enormous sums will have bean squan. Lord LYN DHURST in explanation, approved of the principle of theai e " a nd great injur •in various have been effected before they relieving the p oor in Ireland, but he did not consider this Bill calcu „e brough t to acknowledge their error." Again, there was another lated to carry out that principle. Point se es to which he wished to call their Lordships' attention, which was The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that his objection to the Bill ` u e great was, that it did not appear to him at all calculated to afford relief to the fe e s ~ expense connected wills the establishments to carry into ef. Poo: of Ireland. If he thought it would have that effect he would vote tee"..,.". e °Nects of the Bill, and from which it appeared that, as they in- landed to for it, but as he did not, he should oppose evens the second reading of it. give no outdoor relief, all that expense would fall upon the n ndlord s Suppose the workhouses filled, there would still be left in the country a of Ireland in support of these establishments and not for the maintenancere, of the poor (Hear, hear.) The Noble Marquis then large mass of vagrant and destitute population. He should, therefore, , not vote for the Bill at all. He repeated that this Bill could do no good re'ladt.extracts from some ' some statements of Mr. Sharman Crawford 'for Ireland, and would only go to establish a species of unlimited despo- • nee to these expenses, and asked their Lordships whether, after isuch strung . viction g assertions from experienced men, and such a strong con was to see the upper, the middle, and the lower classes united in one bo v a, °n their part as to the impolicy of such a system as was em f,,o7 ,in this measure, they would persist in forcing it upon bond of interest and attachment; and, however anxious he was to see (l i r"' in opposition to their wishes and feelings regarding it.— a proper system of poor relief introduced in Ireland, that might lead ohtt ea t r , It had been said, ton, that this Bill would have the effect of to such a union he was compelled to vote against this Bill, as he did not think it co ' uld be so altered, even in the Committee, as to lead b ut l '' g the great emigration of Irish labourers into this country, to any gc od. cost that was altogether a mistaken calculation, for every man in the The Earl of LIMERICK, who was wholly inaudible in the gallery, cote , degree acquainted with Ireland must know that nothing `" ever be found that would effect so desirable an object, unless it was understood to oppose the second reading of the Bill. Was the The Earl of DEVON believed if the present Bill passed, with some lith_ circumstance of the Irish being placed on an equality with Eng r, whir in regard to wages. According to the statement of Mr. Nicholl, improved alterations in Committee, it would greatly benefit the landed t o b "'eh this Bill was founded, there were only eighty thousand poor Proprietors as well as the destitute portion of the population of Ireland. er ee e P r ovided for in Ireland; whereas it was well known that there Lord HATHERTON knew that great opposition was to be expected - t e u pwards of seven hundred and fifty thousand requiring relief in to the introduction of the workhouse system of England into Ireland w r a i t n trY. With respect to the workhouse system, an intelligent but he felt that Mr. Nichol! had fairly made out his case, and he be. d r s -r, under the signature of " Clericus," had observed :—" One hun- li:wed that nine out of any ten pets inns who had censi ;`;` workhou ses are to be built at an expense (including the purchase dered the sub j ec t would say that such was the fact. He must do iea:,welve acres of land to be attached to each, furniture, &c.), of at Mr. Nich oll the justice to say that his system was far more obss t 10 ,0001. each—total, say one million. Th is calculation, it will be economical than that recommended b y the first Commissioners, whose as 'etved, i s for one hundred—the Commissioners may erect as many plans inv o l ve d , 'b es id es the erection of depots, penitentiaries, and to they think proper. In these workhouses 100,000 persons are asylums, the eAablishmen tof a system of emigration, with powers to h ,„ De fed and clothed. To each of these establishments is to be vested iti the hearuthorities to receive and maintain all who applied for di'_ attached a staff; consisting of two or three chaplains, a me- a passage to lonies. He supposed that in a year of scarcity or 1,,11 attendant, a govern" and his assistant s, male and female, famine great multitudes might so apply, and he had no difficulty in be. The expense of earls inmate (including all charges, food, staffi col.. lieving that in the course of three years as much expense would be tot etion , s‘ e ~ e ) cannot possibly be less than 101. per annum each— curred under the system recommended by the Commis s i oners as in 20 aic ial, one million yearly. Let not the charge of 101. each be con _ b y t h at one a d vocate d b y M r . Ni c h o ll .— (H ear.) He believed that the ~, ' r ed high, Th a t o f paupers con fi ne d i n th e di s t r i c t l una ti c as yl u m workhouse would be a test of destitution infinitely stronger in Ir e l an d L ad es from 301. to 15 L, averaging about ISL yearly. In the asylum in than in England, as had been asserted by all the experienced masters of i s l the lowest charge, within a period of seven years, for each inmate workhouses in Liverpool, Birmingham, Manchester, Bristol, an d o th er i ' ' 64 18s.suppose, as in the case of the district places frequented bY the Irish, for they felt the confinement muc h more a natnthan the English did. He was aware that the House was not prepared t; c asylum, tine Government to be repaid the expense of the erec ;Da of th e wor kh ouses by fourteen yearly payments, the annual charge to fully appreciate the immense blessings as regarded the moral " 4 that period will be 71,428/. I Is. 5d., making, with the cost of sup- effects to be introduced into Ireland through the agency of this 1 1 4 t, &c., a total, for fourteen years, of 1,710,428 L odd, per annum. new poor-law—(Laughter)—but he would ask if the arran ge . I lter fourteen years the annual payment may be considered one millions ment of unions and district authorities were not of first-rate at least . After continuing the extract at some length, the Noble • on importance in a country like Ireland—deficient as it was i n kl snluis went on to say all these considerations prevented him from re_ so many of the social arrangements familiar to everybody in Z e lling his mind to vote for the second reading of this Bill. He well England for the proper conduct of affairs throughout the rural districts. bee.'4.,,,,the embarrassed state in which the Noble Viscount at the head of There was oae point in which he must differ from Mr. Nicholl, but that h,7 4 leAy's Government was placed, with the restless Radicals on Isis Point invols ed in a great degree the suc2,ss of the measure. He alluded ang c4 , o °ne night, and the inconvenient Conservatives another —(A laugh)— to the absence of any elalse to restrict the wandering of the pauper,— ..,( t a" e difficulty lie was under of doing any thing without a Commission. (Hear.) He felt that without the establishment of a strict principle of te,:"* S ughter.) Yet when he (the Marquis of Londonderry) looked at settlement for the practical abolition of vagrancy, the operation of the poo l Il o ill ae its bearings, and considered the destitute state of the Bin would only convert the workhouses in Ireland into so many cara. n t f Ireland, unless the Noble Viscount would give him sonic pledge eanseras.—(Hear.) Unless some principle of this kind was introduced coalmines,l'fi linnet the extent uf the measure, when it should go into the measure would surely operate as a discouragement to improvement, to that part of the Preamble which acknowledged the ne- for the paupers would infallibly flock to where they saw most comfort and • sit Y of providing for the poor of Ireland, and would alter the remain. abundance to invite legalised attacks. Public works might be taken ad_ r i4 e. ,g Portion of it, he should f ee l hi mse lf compe ll e d to move that i t b e vantage of to afford employment in particular fav oura bl e l oca li t i es, an d "u a second tim e th a t d a y s i x mon th s. —(H ear, h ear.) thus the Bill might be gradually and consecutively i n t ro d uce d d ur i ng Lord Lyi s an t u ttsT then rose, and observed, it was his intention ten or fif teen y ears , w ith ou t any danger f rom th e d elay. It had been to vote for the second reading of the Bill, but at the s ame ti me to state said that not a Petition had been presented in favour of it, w hil e many c th at unless it should be essentially altered in its p rogress t h rough the h a d bean presented against it; but it was only natural t o expect that t asimittee, and rendered less extensive and l ess expens i ve in its opera _ those who were to become ratepayer s would feel objections to a measure 'tons, h e s h ou ld c e rtainly— a t l eas t suc h was his present opinion no t that so committed them. As for th e s il e n c e o f th ose whom it was Rive his vo te in favour of th e thi r d rea di ng. The Bill professed to be meant to serve he could never believe that the two millions three bon ier th e benefit of the people of Ireland, and their Lord: hips ought cm dyed thousand destitute inhabitants of Ireland were unwilling to have twiny first of a ll t o take i nto consideration, and to have amp le means of' themse lves and their children comfortably provided for Ix cause they did knowing, wh a t th e people of that country thought upon the subject, In not se nd p etitions to that House in favour of the measure. the other House o f P arl i ament, while many petitions had been presented Lord BROUGHAM --He felt he owed an apology to their Lordships against the Bill, only four, he understood, had beenpresented in its for r isin g at all to address himself to this impo r t a nt question at so late s avour—and in th e i r L ordship , ' House a great variety of petitions had a period in the debate, but he felt lie owed a still greater apology for be e ., i . • ..... o aid on th e t a bl e i n opposition to it f rom th e m a gistracy of Ireland rising to address himself to a questions of Irish legislation with which lie (Hear, hear)—from the grand juries of every county in Ireland, from had no naanner of connection, and respecting whose affairs his know_ Iluinerous county meetings in that kingdom, and from many great public ledge must of necessity be peculiarly little, when he knew that there ' e c i : d oe l es there, and not one single petition in its favour.—(Loud were among their Lordships so many intimately connected with that site had True that, on a former night, the Noble Marquis oppo- part of the country by property, by residence occasionally there, and i t , 'ad presented two petitions in favour of the principle of the Bill, but others who, intimately connected with this measure—he alluded para. I,,S Urn ed out, when those petitions came to be read, that they were op_ cularly to certain members of her Majesty's Government, who were the "ed to ' b e the measure praying that a Bill of an opposite character might parents, or at least the adopted parents of this Bill, and who observed an svi, h 4tse d. With respect to the petitions which had been presented, Inc unbroken silence during the whole of the debate on that most impor. c oto ed to call the attention of their Lordships to the report of these tant and peculiarly Irish question—(Hear, and laughter)—lie had waited et h.,41s iss ioners, to which the Noble Viscount had referred ins the course with anxiety till they should stand forward and occupy that which was a h am s Peech. Those Commissioners were not persons who had come to not his place. He had waited hitherto in vain, and was left to gue 5, an kh I t Or inconsiderate conclu s i on , b u t th e y h a d , a ft er h av i ng spen t if he could, by divination, the cause of their ominous silence. eep reu n ne, and taken the greatest pains in considering the subject It could not be that they had misgivings of the merits of the Pto e ed an opinions of the most determined description, against the question. That was impossible. It was a Government measure. It tinti o . "Ds of this Bill. The Noble Earl opposite (Fitzwilliam) had could not be that they had no demand for their services, for an assault Ly od ' b ' a 'd that this measure was an experiment—(Hear)—and he (Lord had been made on the Government measure, so powerful, that until he shottleiWst should be far more willing to try such an experiment if, after it heard it defended, and successfully defended, against that attack, what to b e h ave been tried, and, as might possibly be the case, turned out ever might be his inclination, he was bound to give his vote against fo re 8 a failure, they would be in the same position as they were be. this measure proceeding further.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) Was it sPre a d U . th a measure was passed ; and if, before they ran the risk of that the speech of his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst) re. Belo to consider d issatisfaction among the landlords of Ireland, they could have quired no answer ? Oh, but three different supporters of the Governs.. (l ei 'consider whether, by the steps they were taking, they were not ment did come forward. There was, first, a Noble friend of his, as ne that • tivii e u which was calculated to weakens the bonds which united the utterly unconnected with the Government and the measure as he was Inea so e te n i t r lec—(Cheers.) It was a great measure of public policy—a with Ireland. .He essayed to answer hie Noble and learned Friend ; but the ...c oh ,f . Ought in with a great display of pompous promises—and yet failure more signal—(Laughter), more lamentable defeat, he never saw reere Ratter of speculation. The Noble Marquis, however, had said He could see no inconsistency in his Noble and Learned Friend giving f4clll. alto the principle of the Bill—a thing which it was always very his vote fur the second reading. At the same time his arguments went seat it ‘„ ° define in any Bill. His (Lord Lyndhurst's) view of it was so far against the whole frame and structure of this measure, that he tut 11 ,, 'as a Bill for the relief of the Poor of Ireland without limitation. really thought he should be trifling with the Bill, with their Lordships, of O " r W was this relief to be effected ? By the establishment of a mass with the subject, and with the country, if he did not at once say, that tho„ 'houses—by giving three Commissioners the power to locate until he heard it defended far otherwise than he heard it as yet even con oec w t °rl shouses—(Hear)—and the entire regulation of all matters attempted to be defended, he could see no practical good whatever in With th e( ' with the provisions of the Bill.—(Hear.) Was that in unison going into Committee to discuss its detain,—(Opposition cheers.) Then, or tiot "e spirit of the Constitution, or agreeable with the law of the land, what was the next answer ? Why, it was said, in answer to the Ile ad ' he would leave to their Lordships to decide.—(Cheers.) financial statement of his Noble and Learned Friend, " There is Iloo se t he greatest respect for the House of Commons ; but if the already a very large sum collected for the relief of the poor in Ire -14 Lo rd °f Commons passed a bad law it was in the power of the I-louse land—it amounts to something like a million and a half." Good e olzol Sto reject it—and if the House of Lords sent to the House of God ! did his Noble Friend mean that this sum might be converted rek e °4, a bad measure it was equally in the power of that House to into money ? Because there were people who now event about i nto a , t° concur in it. But if they once allowed a bad measure to pass the country, and partook of the hospitality which that kind-hearted toe o sW it was extremely . inconvenient, inasmuch as it required the and generously-disposed people were ever ready to afford—a people that Lor e d; o .r , e nce of both Houses of Parham ' ent to repeal it. Let their was famous, he believed, amongst all the nations of the earth, for their 4 i0, 0 7 1 P 8 mark th e ex t raor di nar y p o wers with which these Commis- disposition to share their little crust with their poorer neighbour, and Cq,, st i t ' Were to be invested. They were to be invested with a most un- very little poorer than themselves — because the goodness and hospitality lava e nti onal power—(Cheers)—they were to have the power of passing of that people induced them to share with others a fractions of the corn -4 co4 ; r "r the government of all these workhouses ; they were to exercise mon salt, which was the only seasoning they possessed of their coarse kit es • ° U I over even th e G uar di a ns ; and to pass such laws as they them. food, scarcely capable of sustaining life—that because these mendicants viiilitnlight think convenient, and for what object? To carry the pro- were supported when out of employment, and before their crops came W er e tc, °f a Bill lik e thi s i n t o e ff ec t. What was the next thing they in by their neighbours, it was therefore possible to raise from the people t, h e h ave the power of doing ? They were to appoint, or cause for their support a millon and a half of money.—(Opposition cheers.) arid vi , a PPointed, as mane officers under this Bill as they pleased, Any body wh o had read even a twentieth part of what was said on this t hin with hard whatever salaries they pleased. Why, was ever such a subject during the last twenty years, or conversed with any one who t hat e s O r d oi . ?—(hear, hear, hear.) He very well remembered travelled in the country, much more a resident in it, must look on out ci e n the English Poor Law Bill was before their Lordships they such a supposition as utterly and absolutely chimerical, There was i s 'l4 w . n the number of officers very considerably under it—(Hear) no fund from which the money could be procured. The differ -444b4 t hey werenow to allow as many officers to be appointed in Ire- once would consist in the waste or tine greater consumption of a Whatley t hose Commissioners as they might choose to appoint, anal at potatoe or two in the scanty meal of the labourer and small farmer ; s lid p ro " amount of salary those Commissioners might think adequate but to hope that more money would be gained by suppressing f Ully Per — Most undoutbedhy they would be doing ail act which would this kind of mendicancy was a wild, baseless, and chimerical notion.-- (s eho _ ear out the assertion that Ireland was the land of jobs, These (Opposition cheers.) But they would not suppress it ; they could not tle -' i o unissi oners were also to have the power 01 dividing Ireland into suppress it ;no law that they could make, unless they intended tin in.. them es "whatever size 'they might think proper, of accommodating troduce an intolerable inquisition, could prevent the natural kindness of seee: to th e reception o f w h a t ever nu mber of paupers to them might the pe o ple from doing offices of this kind. All that could be done by blieht t ' and also of a pp o i n ti ng w h a te v er number of Guardians they this Bill, was to snake an additions ',as had been well said that night) to riniali 6, '_?ttsider proper—qualified, too, after their own ideas of what the taxation, and to co n ti nue the hospitalit y. —(Hear, hear.) Well, to ss 4 d' ascription the ci rcumstances requ i re d O r th e y p osses sed. This, then, then then came the next answer to hi s Noble an d L ear ned Friend, the , l e er sc riPtion of the Bill. Who would understand it ?—(Cries of . power of which was to dispense with the Government taking any part tord mi . hear, h ear. ) H ow, he should b e g l a d to k now , were their in the debate. Powers Ps to judge of the manner in which these great and g eneral wills Devon and Ireland, was w i t h him a great authority on most su b - It Wo uld be ex erc i se d by the Commissioners?—(Hear, ?—ear, hear, hear.) je cts, but he should be flatter ing his Noble Friend if he were to say that bn t7 4., 4., n lik e a Bill coming before their Lordships with nothing his argument coniaine . d the slightest answer to the reasoning of his ts ke th e fillblanks in it were fillect-up and they were to Noble and Learned Friend. Then came hie Noble Friend behind him Pl'rtals w hole Bill on credit. But to come to another great and inn. (Lord Hatherten), complaining that the debate had not been confined thin b e t oon sideration with respect to this measure. How were all these w ithin the proper . limits.. Bet whet did he ? He debated a nlis s i, h ePaid for ?By a tape raised under the authority of these Com- totally different Bill, which was not before the House, which tece o t ni ners enand this proposition, too, had come up to their Lordships never would be. before the House, which was the abar. had a e : s n ded by the votes of a Reformed House of Commons. He live offspring of the first Commission, abandoned by the Govern havi,,fr .. i charged with having spoken with disrespect of Ireland—with ment and deserted by Mr. Nicholls himself—(Laud laughter.) arid ~,t w i , a i de use of terms of reproach and contumely against the Irish, So that according to his Noble Friend's Parliamentary tactics and logic, se rval; having called them aliens—but all those who heard these ob. it was quite wrong to go into details . on the second reading of this Bill, er e .,,, e h, s_ iall from his lips knew well what a g ross calumn y it was to which raised the question of principle, but it was perfectly right, proper, r eall y did lrn Of :my such thing, and how great a perversion of what he consistent, and convenient to leave the measure quite on one side, and to stich died I C Y had been spread abroad in the public mind. But evens if take up and go into another measure in all its principle and with all its tils aie ‘.' ee n his language what cotnparison was there between the details,—( Laughter.) Again, his Noble Friend had said that Mr. Rived' a to hirn and the conduct of her M a j est y 's -Minis ters is% cholls was cried down, and attacked or defended, and praised just as it the ahu er ee . or four Commissioners under this Bill the power of taxing served the t urn o fcertain parties. Now, his Noble Friend was wrong i thei r p ot l ,_the property of Ireland ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let both assertions, for nobody said . one word about the Report of the Com earish gc , t `i', ln Ps suppose the tables turned, and imagine three or four missioners, until his Noble Friend made it the subject of a most notable for t r , i f , en sating in Dublin, and proposing a system of taxation episode. This Gentleman, who was called sometimes by the singular Drele e a'ns."-(ilear teems)? ) WI at would be the feeling cf this country area apative of Nichol, and at other times by the plural one of Nichols, on tics, a , .• • s ea a .,. state of tin inge ? And were they not to imagine that Irish. mos t re ,p ee t a we and worthy m . an, but he was only one individual, 1 2 , Uld h 41 b.._ aye the same feelin s wih regard to ourselves They and in that res pect , therefore, the slightest direce to be pe,,iveci in eva toed t hat this Blll' was fra g nne , 4 l ifter the Dlglish measure, but the number of pergolas in the Commiteltiot n n, whisb vas re said to THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 22, 1838. be occasionally lauded and cried down, but which was a body posses Sing exactly the same kind of knowledge of which Mr. Nicholls was the beginning, middle, and end, he going to Ireland both times with_ out any colleagues whatever.—(Laughter.) He must therefore say that no answer whatever was given by those before whom his Noble and Learned Friend might quail in the modesty of his nature—(Laughter) —but from whom he had no more right to feel the slightest apprehension than from the attack of any one single Member of the Cabinet. No answer having been given to the able, and, until answered, the decisive and conclusive speech of his Noble Friend, which was not confined to the details, but which dealt in a masterly manner with the principles of the measure, he now came to sts.te his own opinions. He rejoiced that he had an opportunity of doing so ; for he was very near being deprived of it. He was told that it signified not whether or not he was present, that he might attend at a subsequent stage, and that the question of principle might as well be then discussed as on the second reading. N o _ thing was moreabsurd—( A laugh)—(he spoke it with all respect), nothing was more ridiculous, than such an answer to the objection, if there was any force in the objection, and he thought there was very little, in the absence of any member. To tell a person that he should come with as much advantage to the discussion in the Committee, or on the third reading, after the principle of the measure should have been voted on full discussion, was a ridiculous confounding of two en times eparate things which ought always to be kept apart.—(Laughter.) The confusion was this : it was evident to half an eye: if the second res ding were allowed to pass sub silentio, then one might fairly be, t ought to have full power to discuss the measure at a subsequent stage; but if it were said that he could do so after a debate leading to a desi s ion, without being prejudiced, all reason and common sense laughed at the supposition, and all parliamentary experience in both Houses re futed it.—(Hear, hear.) He had asked for an indulgence, not on account of his own illness, but on account of that of a very near and dear rein.. tire, on whom he was attending. His request was at once re jected. It was, perhaps, a very presumptuous thing , in any indi vidual to expect such a favour, but the fact was it happened from acti lental circumstances that he had taken an active part, inasmuch that he had brought in and proposed the English Poor-law Bill in that House, when it was the duty of the Noble Viscount to }mese done so ; and that subsequently, when out of office in this very Session, he had taken aprominent part in the debates, and defended the appointments made under the Bill, when his former colleagues found it convenient to leave the defence of their joint measure to him. He did not mean to say that he had asked the favour to which he alluded as a kind of wages for doing the business of the Government, but he referred to the real facts in order to show that it was less presumptuous than it might other wise appear that he should seek for the postponement of this measure from Monday to Friday—Sed dis older visum. Very fortunately for him, but very unfortunately for every other interest of the State, the Nob e Duke (Wellington) was better at about the same time, and the instant it was known that the Bill was postponed, not only to Friday, but to Monday.—(Hear, hear, and cheering.) They were warned against faction, and he never yet remembered any Minister —be he Whig or Tory—who did not on all occasions avow his dis. like of faction, and express his hope that a measure of such magi itude would not be taken up in a factious spirit, but considered in a calm and candid manner.—(Laughter.) Let, however, the same Ministers cross the floor, and they never heard a word said in dispraise of faction or against party connection or feelings.—(Continued laughter.) They heard nothing now-a-days of Irish agitators, or Irish Members, or their tats.—(A laugh.) The appropriation clause itself had been altogether forgotten.—( Loud opposition cheers.) His Noble Friend who led the other House of Parliament once held that Ireland was not safe for a single night, that the tranquillity of Ireland, that the integrity of the empire, could not be maintained without the appropriation clause—that appropriation clause which had displaced one Government and put ano ther in its place, which had made close allies of political foes, and cemented friendship between opposing parties as firmly as if they had existed for e%er, uninterrupted by political animosities. Yet this very appropriation clause, which had long since been entirely sunk, was no .v clean thrown overboard, as if it had never been in existence; and yet Ire. land was still as calm and as tranquil as ever, and as easy to be governed with a little pen and ink, and a little red tape, as Doctor Franklin said of America, as any well-disposed quiet people ever were. (A laugh.) The Noble Viscount had deprecated the conduct of those who were misled and persecuted by the demoW of faction on matters of this kind. For his own part, he (Lord Brougham) had not yet been perverted by that demon ; and he had always been friendly to some measure for the amelioration of the poor of Irelaml from the beginning. But whilst there were some questions of such a nature that they might be separated into these two questions—namely, first, shall we entertain the question at all ? and, secondly, what shall be done in the matter ? so there were questions which from the nature of the passions and feelings of those whom they interested were not capable of being divided into this order of consideration. There were some ques tions, in fact, in which it was necessary to answer the second question before they could wisely decide upon the first. There were some subjects upon which, before they decided upon entertaining it at all, they ought clearly to see the way in which it was to be dealt with—the shape, dimensions, and colour of the mea sure itself; and if any subject came under this description more than another, then he said, most emphatically, that the Poor-laws of any country was such a subject.—(Hear.) It was a subject which dealt with the interests and passions of the most numerous and best educated portion of the community, and teo often divided the humbler, but more numerous, classes against the more instructed and wealthier classes in the scale of humanity. And who more so than the poor of Ireland — ignorant, poor indeed, numerous, and less civilised than any other por tion of the empire; and, withal, endowed with a nature which, with many excellent qualities, was not free from a very peculiar temperament —a temperamsnt which they themselves termed sanguinary—whichin duced them to cherish hopes rather than listen to the dictates of reason,. and to build castles i n th e a i r w h enever th ere wa s the slighte s t g l ea m of hope opening upon them, and a quick imagination, which the more deep their state of au /tering and weakness, rendered them the more likely to encourage hopes and expectations of the most flattering kind ? The business, therefore, of the Noble Viscount, as the true friend of Ire land, would have been carefully to have avoided saying to Ireland that she would have a Poor Law until he knew what the Poor Law which he contemplated was to be.—(Hear, hear.) Because this was not a question in which for any man, or any statesman, to say before hand that it was safe, mnch less expedient, to give a Poor Law to Ire land. Was this so pressing, and withal so trifling a matter, like an Ex chequer bills bill, or any other routine business, which the clerks in office got through as if by steam, that the Noble Viscount should pur. sue it in this off-hand manner.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) They were now about to involve Ireland in all the difficulties, the dangers, and the abuses of a Poor Law, from which England had but just escaped; and in utter ignorance and total darkness as to what the measure should be, or whether they would mind framing any measure at all wh ch was better than the present state of things, the Noble Viscount sent down Lord Morpeth to the House of Commons to quiet a few amateur legislators, because they had become troublesome, and parties were balancing; and so with this promise they got into this much.. wished-for but much..regretted long vacation, by proclaiming at the mouth of the Noble Lord that there should be a Poor.law for Ireland. This was in the summer of 1536. He (Lord Brougham) did not at tend Parliament at that time, but he actually grew blind when he read the announcement in the papers—he would not believe his own eyes.— (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) It seemed to him an impossibility; but, at the same time, reflecting how the Government had committed them selves by this announcement—how they had, as it were, two or three millions of paupers on their back—he took it for granted that the. Com missioners had reported some very excellent measure on the subject, and that this ex ce ll ent measure would be all ready for the next ses: sion. But great was his (Lord Brougham's) astonishment when on coming up to them he found that this conclusion was incon sistent with the date of Lord Morpeth's announcement ; for it appeared that, by the report itself, that it was two months after Lord Morpeth had made this announcement, wherein he committed the Go vernment and the country, Mr. Nicholls was sent over to invent and devise a Poer-law.—(Hear, hear.) Now, they were told that this was only an adaptation of the English Poor-law to Ireland. He (Lord Brougham) must say that he was astonished that the Noble Duke (of Wellington) had been taken in by such an argument; and his Noble Friend who spoke last said that no person who had seen the admit able working of the English Poor.laws, could have the least hesitation in wishing to see Ireland benefitted by their adoption. Good God I did he stand there to show the utter parallelogism of this argument ? What was the merit of the English Poor-law Bill ? Why, that this country having laboured for two centuries under the increasing evil s o f a Poor. law, had had recourse to a new law, by which she had got out of this difficulty; but if we had had no Poor-law before, did their Lordships think that we should ever have passed that measure for this country ? The notion was too ridiculous.—(Hear.) They might as well say, because they passed a Railway or a Canal Bit, for Man6hester or any past of England, that therefore they should have a railway or a canal over the mountains of Wicklow. The Noble Viscount said that all the evils of the English Parr-laws had been greatly overrated ; but it ap. peered that the Noble Viscount had lately had his opinions considerably changed on this subject by the study of the works of political economists, who had taught him to believe that the Poor-laws prevented the increase of over-popalation, by restraining the building of small cottages. H e was sorry that he had lost a pupil in the Noble Viscount on this mat ter • for he recollected that when he explained his views of this sub. jet; in the other House, he received the most cordial demonstrations of concurrence, as by cheers, looks, and gestures, from the Noble Viscount, and who accepted, by that kind of assent, all that he said in exposition of the fallacies of these very economists.—(Hear, hear.) He would now remind the Noble Viscount of what he had then said, and perhaps he might get a convert back again in him. — (Laughter.) It was, no doubt, the interest of the landlord under the operation of a pooselaw, to restrain the building of cottages, in order to keep down the number of paupers; but to counterbalance this comparatively trifling tendency were the inducements to improvident marriages which were offered in a ten-fold proportion. But even this petty principle of counter-operation did not in many cases exist. To put it in operation a man should be the owner of a whole parish ; for if another person had but half an acre of ground he would cover it with thirty or forty cottages, all under the rateable size. —(Hear, hear.) The fact was that poor-laws had not prevented population. Let them look but at the simple fact that in Scotland, where there were no poor-laws, population had not increased in a greater proportion than in England.—(Hear, hear.) The fact was, that in all that the Noble Viscount had said he had fallen into the very common fallacy of confounding the cause with the effect. His (Lord Brougham's) opinions had always been that England had prospered, not on account of, but in spite o a poor-law.—(Hear, hear.) What was the principle of this Bill ? The great question, in his opinion, was, whether any other claimants but the lame, the halt, and the impotent, should receive relief; yet this teas treated as a matter of de:ail by the Noble Viscount. This, he maintained was not a matter of detail, but of substantial principle. Then, again, there ought to be safe-guards that the relief should not be abused. But where were these provisions? He recollec' e I when the Noble Duke opposite said to Lord Colchester, who had always been opposed to Catholic emancipation, and who opposed the Bill for tha purpose, " Wait till you see the securities."—(Cries 0 Ilene, hear, hear.) However, the Noble Duke did not, on that occasion, gain a vote, for Lord Colchester had seen the bill, and perceived that it contained no securities.—(A laugh.) It was very easy to say that they would devise securities. But he (Lord Brougham) did not see anything in this measure which gave him any high opinion of their power of framing.—(A laugh.) The Noble Duke thought it would be a great advantage to localize the poor; but where, he would ask, was there anything in this Bill to localize and regulate the expen diture ? There were no such regulations in the measure, and how, he would ask, were they to be introduced ? They could not be introduced by this House, and yet the other House had sent the Bill up knowing that they could not be introduced, and without providing for them. Now, for his part, he (Lord Brougham) would rather pass the Session — ay, ten Sessions—without passing a single measure, rather than pass] one Intaame which would prove the ruin of one country and the disgrace of the other, and of the British Legislature.—!Hear , hear.) Objection had been taken by his Noble and Learned Friend re specting the powers given to the English Board of Commissioners of making laws. He acknowledged that he had always felt that those pavers were large, and nothing but extreme necessity could justify them. These three persons had the power of making laws which could not be repealed except by the consent of the King, Lords, and Commons. — (Hear, hear.) If the argument had been pressed, and ade nand had been made for the introduction of a clause to empower either Howe of Par liament uy an address to the Crown to obtain the repeal of any order made by the Commissioners, he, fur one, would have barn prepared to have yielded to that suggestion. But there was in the Bill now before the House a peculiar power of taxation, No powtr was given to the Somerset-house Board of Commissioners to tax the I eople of England, but a power was given them to t ax th e people of Ireland. How would any man in England beer that three men, sitting in Dublin, al; ould.tax al the land-owners of England ? These were not in material features in this measure. They were better out of it; but if they were taken from the measure it would be a totally different Act. It t ad always appeared to him the most grossly unjust, and the most indefensible part of the En g! ;sh Poor-laws, that the whole burden was cast upon, net the rich, but uaen one class only. The landowners and occupiers alone paid for the support of all the poor of the country, whilrt the manufacturer was free from all assessment. list, worse than this, he was not merely the manufacturer of cotton, he was also the manufacturerr of paupers.—(Renewed roars of laughter.) The manufacturer had all actual interest in increasing paupers, for it was his interest to reduce the price of labour at the expense of his neighbour, the landholder. This was one of the greatest iniquities of the measure. And now, when they were called upon to give a Poor-law to Ireland which never he one, they pieced out all the very worst parts of the English system, and introduced them without stint or alteration. He would trouble the House with but a few more observations. There was, and very natter_ ally, an extreme difference in the circumstances of England and Irelan with respect to the probable operation of the workhouse system. Wh y was it that the workhouse was a test in England ? It was because there was in England work and hands to do the work ; but the admi nistration of the law of Elizabeth and of the subsequent laws had begotten habits of indolence, and of trusting to charity instead of to industry—they were therefore unable to apply the workhouse test, and to say to the pauper. "you shall no longer have support doled out by the parish, but here is the workhouse ready to receive you." This was the origin of the workhouse test. But he very much questioned whether this could be done in Ireland. Was there work in Ireland for those who applied for it ? Unless all he had read in the reports on this subject, and in the speeches in the newspapers, and in the pamphlets that had been published both by Lord Clements and Mr. Lynch, and others—unless the reports of Mr. Nicholl and of the j Commissioners were altogether a fiction and a fabrication, it was abso lutely certain that there was a very different supply of work in Ireland to what there was in England. Where in England had they anything like the scenes which were everywhere described in Ireland, of men al most tearing each other for the share of a jell of work, and this for wages of li , epence, sixpence, and sevenpence a day ? Where did they see people willing and anxious to compound for two shillings a week the 3 ear round ? It seemed, then, that there was in Ireland a want of work ; and that being the case, he very much doubted whe ther the Workhouse Act, which assumed that there was work, and hands to do it, but an indisposition to work, engendered by a badly_ administered poor-law, would apply in Ireland. This was one great doubt which he had respecting this measure, and the doubt had, upon consideration and reflection, been increased. lie approved of the ob servation of his Noble and Learned Friend, who stated that it was thoughtless to say that the penal laws were the cause of the poverty of Ireland. He heartily agreed with his Noble and Learned Friend in opinion that those laws had quite sufficient to answer for without being unjustly loaded. But though those laws could not be distinctly and peculiarly charged with causing the poverty of Ireland, that system of government of which they were a part had certainly a close con nection with the poverty of tl country. That system of government had lessened the security of lilLs in Ireland, and had kept down the pro fitable employment of capital; and wherever you lower the security of capital, the inevitable tendency was not only to prevent capital being in troduced, bat to chase away that portion of capital that was capable of being removed. If he were asked to invest capital in Ireland, and had capital to invest, he would pause, and he would advise others to pause, before they laid out a single 1,0001. upon the fairest estate in the green island, until he saw whether now, for the first time, Ireland was to be made subject to a poor-rate. Capital could only be drawn to Ire land by whatever tranquillised Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) Let them settle the tithe question—(Loud cheers)—with or without the appropri ation clause he cared not one straw. He had been no party to the in triguing that involved that question. He knew nothing of, and he never would be a party to it. Let the tithe question be settled, with or without the appropriation clause, and the whole of the ecclesiastical questions in general. Govern the country with firmness—(Loud cheers from the Opposition)—with statesmanlike views, and with consistency, as the Marquis of Wellesley governed it, and as the Marquis of Anglesea governed it—(Loud cheers)—so as to hold the balance even between the conflicting sides and opposing parties ; but govern it with an absolute love of the people, and with a steady disposition unremittingly to gain their affections —(Cheers.) Show yourselves to be the fathers as well as the rulers of the people, and then choose those friends who are the strength, comfort, and security of every Govern ment, and without which neither taxes cats be raised in the Exchequer, nor rates levied by Commissioners, nor armies sent to enforce the rates which the Commissioners may raise—never will those avail to secure the strength and peace of the realm. " Auro neque armis, regni presidia comparare queas, sed office et fide." Yes, unremitting kindness, steady, manly, equal policy, absolutely perfect, good faith, and no chicane— (lmmense cheering from the Opposition) —no shuffling whatever— (Continued cheering)—these are the friends upon whom alone a Government ought to wish to rest, and upon whom alone the safety of the empire can alone be securely bottomed.—(Loud cheers.) " teicio ct fide"—govern Ireland thus and you will see capital flow into her—you will see her fields cultivated, her hogs drained, her wants diminished, her comforts increased, tranquillity established, and the crafty pri,st may intrigue in vain, and the ruthless agitator may disturb in vain —(Immense cheering from the Opposition)—you may defy them, because you are in the right ; and whilst you fairly discharge your duty, you may defy the arts of the one, and the tumults of the other.—(Loud cheers.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the preliminary question they had to determine was, whether the attempt was now to be made in Ireland, or not ? Then he must refer to what had fallen from tire ( tu , ce hear, h pointw the and as d principle i c f li e thise ri n Bill created Noble and L earned Lord, and other Noble Lords who had im as puted to Government th e h av i ng created expectations and hopes on this subj ect which they were by no means prepared to fulfil.— H e a r of the ea Thete Bill . t he Noblelfr and gith twt l ec s ) e r e a r e r s df he Lord d haddenied are never tgee d nat s h have supported the Bill. Were that the principle of the Bill, the ex aggerated statement of the Noble and Learned Lord opposite (Lord Lyndhurst) of the possible diminution of the rental of Ireland, so far from being exaggerated, would fall short by two-thirds of the full amount ; for he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) believed that in that case it would swallow up the whole rental. When Government was ac cused of having misled the public by their statements, those who brought the charge ought to refer to the public acts of the Government. What was the language employed in the speeches put into the mouth of the late King and her present Majesty ? Nothing could be more carefully guarded than the language of these speeches against raising any such hopes or crest ing any such expectations. Looking at the ne cessity for relief, of employing some stimulus to the resources, and of im proving the condition of the poor—looking at these things, it surely became the Government to make an attempt that they could keep under their own control and management, There was no danger that the di rections of the Commissioners would be permanently abused; there was sufficient protection against that in the revision and control which it was intended should be exercised from time to time by Parliament. The Noble and Learned Lord referred to the English Board, as if that were intended to be an insult to the people of Ireland; but surely the Noble and Learned Lord's own allusion to Ireland as the " land of jobs," might have suggested to him an answer to any such supposition. The employment of English Commissioners in cases where money was to be expended had, as was admitted in all quarters, had the effect of putting a stop to jobs of every description. In proof of this, he need only refer to the Board of Works. The members of that Board were entirely English. The Noble andLearnedLord had professed that he would consent to a measure for the relief of the sick, aged, and im potent, and yet all the objections he had made to the present Bill would apply with equal force to the other measure he contemplated. The Bill before their Lordships was necessary to go alongside with the clearing of estates, which was being proceeded with in some cases too rapidly, but in others with due caution. Such a measure as this, by making a provision for the poor, would deter them from bidding as they now did for estates, and also prevent them from feeling so much discon tent when ejected by their landlords. He considered the Dill required to assist thosel natural causes which were working out the increasing prosperity of the country. To suppose that any measure of the kind could put an end to the famines with which Ireland was occasionally inflicted would be chimerical. So long as the population was dependent s to o t lo l i 7 g m present astth eeyx be e e n o t c o c n a o h n e a t I p l y o poorest brought to description the ex o t r f f at () o e d, e distress p otat whirlsoe had been heretofore induced. Any measure that might be proposed theep was e s e ee favourable n t o for the relief of the pear must be liabl e t o some objec nwellandcotnosidLretgdr,attooto thias cer tainwa was thought which the country must be put to carry it to the extent required to make it a permanent means o f reli e f rendered that plan impracticable. Th e d ra i ning of lands could also to s. extent,'tahriie"b best.o Various plaitst He have c be proceeded with in a degree, but could not be made to afford the relief demanded. The future prosperity of Ireland would, he believed, be greatly advanced by this Bill, the tendency of which would, in his opinion, be to stimulate industry, to put an end to combinations hostile to trade, to remove all obstacles to free communication, to inspire confidence, and to induce a flow of capital into the country. Th e Marquis of WESTMEATH ros e am id st loud cries of " Di v id e He said he considered thi s measure to have beers brought with the object of enabli ng h er Majesty's Ministers to ifanonrsdweraatdrsjdoo:rniaretnithle'ir'ng ad captandum in the- Queen's speech at the close of the session, than with any serious view of benefitting Ireland. He protested against the sacrifice which the Bill required from tire landed proprietors. He despaired of the Bill being so improved as to enable him to approve a few words. He it, and he, therefore, would vote against the second reading. Viscount MELBOURNE would not detain the House at that late hour of the night with many remarks; but he could not, in justice to acrimonious withoutttsri sayingld himself, allow the debate tofinish greatly regretted that a more been introduced into conclusion than had characterised its commence ment,the debate towards the Lord who opened the debate stated that the Bill was The Noble sought popular in Ireland—that it was not for by the people of Ire_ not land ; and he had adduc ed, in proof of Isis assertions, th a t it was not asked for by any part of the provincial press—that it f ormed no part of the speeches from th e hustings or at public meeting s i n Ireland He (Viscount M e lbourne) had a great respect fore th provincial press—he had a great respect for the speeches delivered from the hustin gs an d at the absence of any topic but he could not admit that pu bli c meetings ; from the discussion s on these occasions was an infallible argument against it, a nd Noble Lords must have got much more popular in th e i r considerations as these t o we i g h they allowed such consi no ti o ns of late if w i t h them.— . (Hear.) As to the attack from the Noble and Learned Lord oppo site, it was what he had quite expected. The dark cloud w hich had so long overshadowed the countenance of that N o bl e an d L ea rned Lord had taught him to expect that ere long the torrent would descend. It did not appear, however, that any of the objections were su ch as could not be obviated. Many of the objections we r e pre c i se ly those which obtained against the English Act, which had met with the N'oble Lord's sanction, and in many respects these objections were pressed far beyond any real weight which attached against them. — (Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord, it seemed, was now vastly anxious to avoid anything which could possibly wound the feelings of the Irish people —was bent upon doing all in his power to spare the feelings of that sensitive race.—(Hear, hear.) He (Viscount Melbourne) was glad to hear the Noble and Learned Lord had adopted this tcne— (Hear, hear)—and in the hope that he would adhere to it on other oc casions, he would not make any allusion to a certain unfortnnate speech in which the Noble and Learned Lord had exhibited anything but a similar delicacy of feeling in reference to the Irish nation. — (Hear, hear.) It was said that a disposition was manifested to legislate for Great Britain at the expense of Irish interests ; but the assertion was totally without foundation; there was not the slightest indication, throughout the whole progress of this Bib, of any intention to commit so gross an injustice.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord opposite had thought fit, most unreasonably, to in troduce into this discussion very decided ebullitions of party feeling; among other things, the Noble Lord had taken upon himself to inti mate that lie never expected to hear anything partaking of great or en. larged principles emanate from the present Government. Now, he (Viscount Melbourne) must beg leave to say that he did conceive the Noble and Learned Lord to be the best possible judge of such matters._ (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He readily admitted the great tact—the surpassing ability of the Noble and Learned Lord ; but he could never allow that the Noble and Learned Lord was, in any degree, a competent judge of what was great or enlarged in principle--(Hear, hear)—and he did not, therefore, feel the Noble and Learned Lord's censure in this respect so severely :s he might have done a censure from other quarters. virulent might have been the attack — (Hear, hear.) But, however of the Nobl e and Learned opposite, it was greatly surpassed in bitterness by that of the Noble and Learned Lord near him, whose support he (Viscount Melbourne) had reasonably, as he thought, ex pected would be given to the second reading of this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble a n d L earned Lord seemed very angry w ith him (Viscount Melbourne) that h e h ad not more consu lt e d that Noble and Learned Lord's convenience in reference to the progress of this Bill ; he (Vis count Blelbourne) could only say, that when he expressed his objection to postpone the discussion of so important a measure merely on account of the absence of a single member of the House, that objection was gene. rally admitted by the House to be a valid one. The Noble and Learned Lord had reproached bins (Viscount Melbourne) with not having intro duced the English Poor law Bill ; he could only say that, to the best of his recollection, he had never had the option offered him of bringing for. ward that measure, for the Noble and Learned Lord himself had volun teered to introduce it, TT himself made the speeches in support of it. —(A laugh) —and he was quite ready to admit that no one was fitter to do justice to the subject than a man of the great talents which the Noble and Learned Lord undoubtedly possessed, and for the exercise of which On that occasion he (viscount Melbourne) was much indebted to the Noble and Learned Lord. Every body must be conscious howgreat were the No- Lle and Learned Lord's powers of mind, and no one but a madman would deprive himself of that Noble and Learned Lord's aid and assistance, un. less there were very strong reasons fur his doing so.—(Hear.) Not to detain the House longer, he would only add the expression of his hope, that the acrimony which had been introduced into the discussion would not affect the decision which Noble Lords were about to come to, but that they would be guided in giving their votes simply by the cmsidera tion, how great was the importance of this subject to Ireland, and to the empire at large.—(Hear.) Lord BROUGHAIII would give a most positive, distinct, peremptory. and unqualified contradiction to the assertion of the Noble Viscount, that be (Lord Brougham) had volunteered to bring forward the English Poor_ law Bill : he was solicited, from a quarter which he could not now more particularly allude to (for the illustrhus person was dead), to undertake the Lill, and he had most reluctantly consented, seeing not the remotest disposition on the part of the Noble Viscount to bring it forward him self. He also most positively and unequivocally denied that he had ever given the Noble Viscount any reason to suppose that he should support the second reading of this Bill. Their Lordships then divided. The numbers were— Contents Non-contents The second reading of the Bill was accordingly carried by a majority of 129.—Their Lordships then adjourned at Two o'Clock. :NORITY—NOES, Parrott, J. Pechell, Captain Smith, B. Thornelv, Thomas Vigors, N. Villiers, Charles I'. 'ORITY—NOES, Stewart, James Thornely, Thomas Vigors, N. A Warburton, H. COURT CIRCULAR. ARLIAMENTARY DI VISIONS. HOUSE OF LORDS. List of the Minority against the Second Reading of the Poor Law (Ireland) Bill. DUKE. Beaufort EARLS. EARLS. Glcngall Vane (Marauis of Hardwicke Londonderry) Limerick 6 LORDS. Roden Alvanley Sheffield Boston Stanhope Brougham and Vaux Stradbroke Cionbrook Teynham MARQUISE 3. Clanricarde Westmeath EARLS. flelmore Caledon Charleville BILL for the MORE EFFECTUAL RECOVERY of SMALL DEBTS, in the JUSTICE of PEACE COURTS ( SCOTLAND.) (In Committee.) (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) WEDNESDAY, MAY 16. Second Clause,--(Justices of the Pace to hear and determine Causes for sums not exceeding ) :—Proposed to fill the blank, p. 2, 1. 17, with " one hundred pounds Scots : "—Afterwards pro posed, to fill the blank with " five pounds sterling :"—Que s ti on put, " That the blank be filled with one hundred pounds Scots' :' —The Committee divided : MAJORITY Acland, T. D.—West Somerset Arbuthnot, Gen.—Kincardineshire Bagge, W.—West Norfolk Bailey, Joseph—Worcester Millie, H. D.—Honiton Blackstone, W. S.—Wallingford Blair, J. Wigtonsh ire Boldero, Henry G.—Chippen ham Breadley, Henry—East Yorkshire Brownrigg, J. S.—Boston Burrell, Sir C.—Shoreham Chandos, Marquis of—Bucks Clerk, Sir G.—Stamford Cole, Viscount—Fermanagh Dalrymple, Sir A.—Brlgh ton Eastnor, Viscount—Reigate Egerton, W. Tatton—Cheshire Ellis, John—Newry Estcourt, T. G. B.—Oxford Univ. Estcourt, T. Junior—Devizes Farnham, E B.—N. Leicestershire Fitzroy, Hon. Henry—Lewes Fleming, John—Hampshire Forester, Hon. G.—Wenlock Gaskell, Jas. M.—Wenlock Gordon, Hon. W.—Aberdeenshire Gore, Ormsby—Salop Graham, Sir James—Pembroke Grimsditch, T.—M acclesfield Hardinge, Right Hon. Sir H. —Laun. -AYES, 60. Hepburn, Sir T.. B.—Haddingtonsh. Herries, Right Hon. J. C.—Harwich Hinde, John Hodgson—Newcastle upon-Tyne Hodgson, Rd.—Berwick-on-Tweed Holmes, W.—Berwick-onTweed Houston, G. J.—Renfrewshire Hughes, W. B.—Carnarvon Jones, John—Carmarthensh ire Lockhart, A. M.—Lanarkshire Mackenzie, Thomas—Hess-shire Meynell, Captain H.—Lisburne Morgan, C. M. R.—Brecon Nichol', J —Cardiff Parker, R. T.—Preston Perceval, G. J. -- West Surrey rtolleston, Col.—South Nottingham Round, C. G.—Essex Round, John —Maldon ,Sheppard, Thomas—Frome 'Sinclair, Sir G.—Caithness-shire Somerset, Lord G.—Monmouthshire Stewart, John—Lymington Stuart, Villiers—Waterford Co. Verner, William—Armagh Co. WaddLngton, H. S.—West Suffoik Wood, Thomas—Middlesex Wynn, Right Hon. C. W.—Mont gomeryshire 1 Yorke, Hon. E. T.—Cambridgeshire cestmi Hawkes, Thomas—Dudley Henniker, Lord—East Suffolk TELLERS. Rae, Right Hon. Sir Wm.—Bute Pringle, Alexander—Selkirkshire MINORITY. Abcrcromby, G. R.—Stirlingshire Aglionby, H. A.—Cockermouth Aglionby, Major F.—Cumberland Alston, Rowland—Hertfordshire Archbold, Robert—Kildare Barnard, E. G.—Greenwich Barry, G. S.—Cork Co. Brotherton, J.—Salford Campbell, Sir John—Edinburgh Chalmers, Patrick—lnverbervie Collier, John—Plymouth Courtenay, P.—Bridgewater Craig, W. G.—Edinburghshire Davies, Colonel—Worcester Denistoun, J.—Glasgow Duff, James—Banffshire Eliot, Hon. J. E.—Roxburghshire Fort, J.—Clitheroe Hall, Benjamin—Mar vlebone Hector, C. J.—Petersfield Hume, Joseoh—Kilkenny Hutton, Robert—Dublin —NOES, 40. Lister, E. Canliffe—Bradford Lushington, Charles—Ashburton M'Leod, R.—lnverness Murray, Right Hon. J. A.—Leith O'Brien, Cornelius—Clare Parrott, Jasper—Totness Pechell, Captain—Brighton Scholefield, J.—Birmingham Smith, Benjamin—Norwich Stanley, E. John—North Cheshire Stewart, James—Honiton Thornely, Thos.—Wolverhampton Vigors, N. A.—Carlow Co Villiers, C. P.—Wolverhampton Wallace, Robert—Greenock Warburton, H.—Thidport Wemyss, Captain—Fifeshire Williams, 'William—Coventry TELLERS. Mania, Hon. Fox—Elgin Burgh IGilion, Wm. D.—Linlithgow Third Clause, (Service of Summons in su, made. and Question put,—" That the Cla Bill :"—The Committee divided : Leh Causes) :—Motio ruse stand part of the MAJORITY—AYES, Abercromby, G. R. Estcourt, T. G. B. Aglionby, H. A. Estcourt, T S. B klston, Rowland Farnham, E. B. Arbuthnot, Hon. H. Fitzroy, Hon. H. Archbold, R. Fleming, Admiral Barge, W. Forester, Hon. G. Bailey, Jcseph Gaskell, J. M. Bane, Colonel H. Gordon, Hon. W. Barrington, Viscount Gore, 0. W. Blackstone, W. S. Graham, Sir J. Blair, J. Grimsditch, T. Boldero, H. G ' Hall, B. Broadley, Henry Hawkes, T. Br.therton, J. Henniker, Lord Brownrigg, J. S. Hepburn, Sir T. B. borrell, Sir C. M. Hinde, J. H. Campbell, Sir John Hodgson, R. Chandos, Marquis of Holmes, W. Cole, Lord Houstoun, G. Courtenay, T. P. Hughes, W. B. Craig, W G. Jones, John Dalmryple, Sir A. Lefroy, Dr. T. Davies, Colonel Lister, E C. Duff, James Lockhart, A. M. Eastnor, Viscount Mackenzie, Thomas Egerton, W. V. M.Leorl, R. Maule, Hon. Fox Morgan, C. M. R. Murray, J. A. Nicholl, J. Parker, R. T. Perceval, Captain Rae, William Rolleston, Colonel Round, C. G. Round, J. Scholefield, J. Sheppard, T. Sinclair, Sir G. Somerset, Lord G. Stanley, E. J. Stewart, James Stewart, John Verner, W. Waddington, H. S. Warburton, H. Wood, Captain Wynn, C. W. Yorke, E T. TELLERS. Clerk. Sir G. Panic, A. Aglionby, Major Chalmers, Patrick D•nnistoun, J. Hector, +. J. Runic, Joseph Lushington, C. Wemyss, Captain Williams, W. TELLERS. Wallace, It Gillon, W. D. Eighteenth Clause, (Decree of Justices not subject to review) : Question put, " That the Clause stand part of the Bill :"—The Committee divided : MAJORITY—AYES, 55. Abercromby, G, R. Eastnor, Viscount M'Leod, R. Alton, R. Estcourt, T. G. B. Maule, Hon. Fex Arbuthnot, Hon. If Estcourt, 'f. S. B. Nichol), J. Baggc, Wm. Fitzroy, Hon. , H. Pakington, J. S. Barington, Lord Forester, Hon. G. Parker, R. T. Blackstone, W. S. Fremantle, Sir T. , Perceval, Hon. G. J. Blair, James Gaskell, J. M. Rae, Sir W. Boldero, Henry G. Gordon, Hon. W. Richards, Richard Broadlev, H. Graham, Sir James Rolleston, L. Brownrigg, J. S. Grimsditch, Thomas Round, C. G. Campbell, W. F. aiwkes, T Sinclair, Sir Geerge Chandos, Marquis of Hepburn, Sir T. B. Smith, Benjamin Cndrington, C. W. Houston. George Somerset, Lord G. Cole, Viscount Hughes, W. B. Wood, Thomas Courtenay, Philip Hume, Joseph I Wynn, C. W Craig, W. Gibson Lister, E .C. Yorke, E. T. Darby, George Lockhart, A. H. Davies, Colonel Mackenzie, Thomas Duff, James Mackenzie, W. F. buncombe, W. TELLERS. Clerk, Sir George Pringle, A. Aglionby, H. A. Aglionby, Major Chalmer , , P. Dennistoun, J. Pechell, Captain Wemyss, Capt. TELLERS. Wallace, H. Dillon, W. D. Her Majesty took her equestrian exerci,e yesterday between two and lillf..past four o'clock, attended by the Hon. Miss Dillon, Viscountess Forbes, Baroness Lehzen, Miss Quentin, Marquis of Headfort, Viscount Torrington, Hon. Colonel Cavendish, Hon. Sir Wm. Lutniey, Hon. C. Murray, Lord Alfred Paget, and Sir Frederick Stovin. Lord Glenelg and the Chancellor of the Exchequer had audiences yesterday of the Queen. The following joined the Royal circle at dinner yesterday :—Visco - unt Torrington, Right Hon. George Stevens Byng, Hon. Colonel and Mrs. Cavendish, Hon, Miss Cavendish, Hon, C. Murray, and Colonel Buckley. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager took an airing yesterday in a pony phaeton and four. Mr. Nicholls had an interview with Viscount Melbourne yesterday, in Downing-street. A deputation from Stroud had an interview with Lord J. Russell, yesterday, at the Home Office, to present a petition respecting the negro apprenticeship system. The Earl of Gosford had an interview with Lord Glenclg yesterday, at the Colonial Office. Lord Cranstoun had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exche_ quer yesterday, in Downing-street. Mr. Ridley Colborne visited Lord J. Russell yesterday. Dispatches from the Governors of the North American provinces, from the Lord High Commissioner of the lonian Islands, and from the Lieutenant-Governor of Malta, were received yesterday, at the Colonial Office. GLOUCESTER ELECTION. (FROM A CORRESPO3DENT.) The all engrossing subject of negro abolition has occasioned much excitement here; the friends of the cause care not much which Candi date goes up, as both will advocate their views—the immediate emanci pation. Since Colonel Webb came into the field, and on hearing his name mentioned, the Tories looked aghast ; they knew they were secure had Captain Berkeley been in the field, but the moment he bolted they began immediately to cry " 'cavy," and endeavoured to make peace with those friends of the wretched negroes ; but it was too late—they had been labouring with " Hope" until they despaired, and as soon as Webb came forward they supoorted him—but at all events they have gained this point—they have made both converts. The politicians of the city arc some of them rather sore on losing the Captain ; but the electors generally would sooner have a Colonel of a band of patriots, than a Captain, or an Admiral, of a " press gang." The nomination is now on, and I will give you a short sketch of it underneath. I understand there are men down from London, called black veiled men, whom no one know:, and that 150 poor freemen and others have held back for—gold. So much for purity of election, and purity of the Hopeful set. The Liberal Association have offered 501. reward for any case of bribery, and intend starting a Society to prose cute any bribery case. HALF-PAST $ O'CLOCK.—The nomination .is just over—the show of hands were 10 to lin favour of Colonel Webb. The parties have con. eluded to wear no colours. The band of music, &c. &c. all came for ward without fee or reward, and said they would do anything for Webb. The contest will be severe. The Tory even at last said he wcw.ld not pledge himself to abolition, but would act as he believed his friends all knew he would. The Mayor, Dr. Maddy (Tory) proposed Hope; Samuel Baker, Esq., seconded him. Robert Canning, Esq., proposed Webb; Meylor, Esq., surgeon, seconded him. A certainty is felt that Webb must b 2 returned, if 7001. is not spent. A close watch is keeping up. May 22. TIIE TEA TRADE, MONDAY.--The deliveries last week amountel to 329.,9361b5. The arrivals from Canton of the new crop are becoming heavy, and prices are not quite so firm. EFFECT OF ItAILROADS.—The railroad recently opened, has already began to affect very sensibly the interests of the old road. Last week, we hear, that the whole of Pickford's horses in this town allro sold, the vans having gone off the road.—Leicester Journal. ROYAL ACADEMY EXHIBITION. The present is a very fair average Exhibition, containing more of variety, we think, than the last, and fewer portraits " of a gentleman," which few will be found to regret, consi sidering how many flat, inexpressive countenances of indivi duals for whom the public care not two straws, have hitherto crowded the walls of the Exhibition-rooms. The landscapes are numerous, as usual, and many of them excellent ; there are also some clever historical pictures, and two or three ex pressive animal paintings by Landseer. No. 7is a Portrait of the Countess of Blessington, by Wood. The attitude—we are unable to speak to the likeness—is natural and uncon strained, and the colouring is remarkably chaste. No 21— The Life's in the Old Dog yet, is by Landseer, and is his most striking production, at least in the present Exhibition. A dog and a stag are represented as having fallen headlong from a precipice, and are both lying crushed On a rough, bleak ledge of rocks in the fore-ground. Close by them sits the owner, ap parently, of the hound, who is clamouring loudly for assist ance. The whole scene is wild and romantic to a degree, and sketched by one who, it is evident, combines the poet's fancy with the artist's eye. We have seldom s een a more vigorous or truthful bit of colouring, than that of the dying stag. Even Paul Potter himself never painted anything more like nature. No. 8, Portrait of the Bishop of Ripon. This is a picture finished with the most scrupulous care in all its details. The likeness is excellent. No. 60 is A Portrait of Queen Victo ria presiding at the Council, upon her Accession to the Throne. Wilkie is the painter of this production, and has been fortu nate in catching the expression of her Majesty's countenance. She is represented.sitting in a chair of state at the head of the council-table, and is attired in the simplest costume, with few or none of the appendages of royalty about her. Behind her chair are ranged the officers of the household, and before her, at the table, the most illustrious of the Privy Councillors. Foremost among these, are the King of Hanover and the Duke of Sussex, the former of whom it is impossible to mis take for an instant, so exact and spirited is the likeness in all its lineaments. The latter is less faithful as a resemblance, and has besides too studied and theatrical an air. The Duke of Wellington is a sad failure, and we question much whether the artist ever produced so complete an abortion. The figure is on far too large a scale, and the face is too broad and massive. Mr. Croker's is a better likeness, and that of Sir Robert Peel may, with some little attention, be recognised. The disposition of the different groupes in this picture is its greatest recommendation. No, 62—Portrait of the Queen seated on her Throne in the House of Lords, is from the pencil of Hayter, and was executed for the city of London, at the express command of her Majesty. The resemblance is a just,'if not a striking, one; and there is much na t ura l ease and dignity in the - figure. The colouring of the picture is throughout in perfect keeping with . propriety. No. 70— Satisfaction. This is a small painting by Buss, and repre sents a duel, which has terminated in the death of one of the parties, who is stretched full-length on the ground. Near the body lies a hat, from which—and this is a truly pathetic touch —a letter has fallen out, probably the poor fellow's last appeal to his wife or mother. The conception of this painting, is better than the execution, for there is an air of stiffness in some of the chief figures, and the colouring wears a cold and formal appearance. No. 122—A1l the World's a Stage is a representation, by Alulready, of Shakspeare's Seven Ages. The sketch of the Justice, " with fair, round belly with good capon lined" is truly characteristic; and so is the lacka daisical lover, who is looking at his mistress with an ex pression of countenance brimful of sentimentality. The other figures, with the exception of that pourtraying " second childishness and mere oblivion" are not defined with sufficient distinctness. No. 156—Slave Market at Con stantinople is a work that the artist, Allan, has evidently long and diligently studied. The two Turks who are represented sitting in the fore-ground, are the most effective figures in the painting. No. 176—Scene on the Rhine is a beautiful little gem, one of Callcott's most finished productions. It is a scene of perfect repose ; and the water of the lake-like river, with the raised terrace-walk on its banks, are coloured with ex quisite delicacy. No. 185—The principal characters in the Merry Wives of Windsor, assembled at the house of Mr. Page. This clever work of art is by Mr. Leslie. The cha racter of Falstaff is well pourtrayed, but a little more joviality in the expression of the fat knight's face would materially have improved him. " Sweet Anne Page," and the bashful, pensive Master Slender—that man " made after supper, of a cheese -paring"—are each hit off with consummate skill and nicety. The distant view of Windsor Castle, seen through the lattice of the inn, is an ingenious bit of perspective. No. 192—Ancient Italy, by Turner, is remarkable for the gor geous, but somewhat fantastic, quality of its colouring. There are many other pictures in the Exhibition which deserve :a more extended notice than we can just at present afford to be stow on them. Maclise has a showy, well-grouped Christmas piece, full of bustle and incident; Gill, a spirited painting, entitled " Boys Blowing Bladders ;" Wilkie, a striking picture of O'Connell; Skottowe, a still more striking likeness of Dr. Paris ; and Lee, several beautiful English sylvan scenes, two of which, Waiting for the Ferry, and The Effects of a Storm, have all the truth and freshness of Constable, without any of that peculiar spottiness which used to be objected to in his colouring. We should have noticed the Exhibition long ere this, but have been prevented by the heavy pressure of Parliamentary and other matters. SHAKESPEARE AUTOGRAPH. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. observed in your paper yesterday evening a paragraph to the effect that Mr. Evans had written to you to state that the copy of Montaigne's Essays, with Shakspeare's autograph, which he sold for 1001.. was purchased by Mr. Miller of Lambeth, and not by Mr. Pickering. This letter, so far as Mr. Evans is concerned, must be a fabrication, as I was present when it was knocked down to Mr. Pickering of Chancery-lane, and at whose house I have since seen the book and autograph and where I haye no doubt that you, and indeed any gentleman, may see it, who are sufficiently interested to call there for that purpose..-1 am, Sir, yours, &c. May 18, 1838. VERAX. IYSTERIOUS ROBBERY OF TWELVE THOU SAND SOVEREIGNS.—At an early hour yesterday morning information was received at the station-house of the H, or Whitechapel division, of a most mysterious robbery having been committed during the previous day, at the residence of Mr. Thomas Rogers, an extensive bill-broker, residing at No. 19, Gloucester terrace, New-road, Mile-end Old Town, when sovereigns to the enormous amount of twelve thousand pounds were carried off. It appears that Mr. Rogers and family left their resi dence about eleven o'clock on Sunday forenoon on an excursion, leaving the house in the 'care of the servant girl and an aged female, who was occasionally employed there. They returned home about one o'clock yesterday morning, and shortly afterwards, on going into the room in which the property had been deposited in two tin japanned cash-boxes, and a tin deed box, discovered that they had been stolen. One of the cash-boxes contained one thousand five hundred of the sovereigns ; the other the same number, and the deed-box the remaining nine thousand, and a ledger, which has also been carried off. Immediately on receiving the information Inspector Fryer proceeded to Mr. Rogers's residence, and interrogated the servants, but they both concurred in declaring that no person had been to rho premises during the absence of the family. On examining the doors and windows no traces of a forcible entry having been effected could be discovered ; and it is therefore con. jectured that the thieves, whom it is evident must have known where the property was deposited, must have secreted themselves the night before in the house. and escaped wills the property by letting themselves out of the street door after dark. Information and full particulars of the robbery was immediately despatched by the Inspector to all the station houses and police offices of the metropolis ; and on the intelli gence reaching the principal office in Scotland Yard, the Commissioners gave orders for the strictest inquiry to be made into the mysterious affair. Not the slightest hopes are, however, entertained that any por. Lion of the large amount will be recovered, sovereigns being so easily to be disposed of or converted into other species of money. The Duke of Sussex on Saturday last gave his concluding dinner for the session, as President of the Royal Society ; among the company were the Dukes of Somerset and Sutherland, the Marquis of Westminster, the Earls of Radnor, Munster, Ripon, and Cadogan, the Bishop of Llandaff, Lord Northwick, Sir. C. Lemon, Mr. Davies Gilbert, Mr. W. Tooke, Mr. Murchisson, and Professors Airey, Sedgwick, Faraday, &c, The soiree was afterwards attended by a more than usual assemblage of rank and talent, including Sir John Herschell, who has just returned from a residence of four years at the Cape of Good Hope, for purposes of astronomical observation, and who excited much and deserved interest for this instance of self-devotion to the cause of science. HORTICULTURAL EXHIBITION.-011 Saturday an exhibition of Flowers and Fruit took place at Cremorne-House, Chelsea, under the patronage of the Royal Society and Central School of Horticulture and Agriculture. A numerous and fashionable company ettended, among whom were the Duke of Cambridge, Prince George of Cambridge, the French Ambassador, the Sardinian and Hanoverian Ministers, the Earl of Lichfield, Earls Grey and Delawarr, &c. Ex tensive marquees were erected on the grounds, under which a profusion of the most beautiful plants and flowers, exotic and indigenous, was spread before the admiring visitors. A gold medal, value 71. 10s., was adjudged to Mr. Bruce, Lower Tooting, for a magnificent specimen of the Musa Cavendishii. Medals of the same value were assigned to Mr. Gaines, Battersea, for a collection of thirty-six geraniums, and to Mr. Smith, Norbiton-common, for six azalias. Silver medals were adjudged to Mr. Lane, Berkisamstead, for a collection of Chinese roses; to Messrs. Rogers and Davis, for specimens of heartsease; to Mr. Fle ming, Dulwich, for a polygola cordifolia, &c. There was a great vari ety of heaths, of gloxynias, rhodanthes, "as fair as the fabulous aspho. dels," and beautiful specimens of the dryandra, telspia, and Italice arborea. HIGHLAND SCHOOL SOCIETY.—The anniver sary festival was celebrated at the Freemasons' lavern on Saturday. The Highland Bagpipers, as usual, paraded the room, and played many a martial and national air, the effect of which was to encourage tho guests to fall manfully on the numerous good things which the landlord had placed on the various tables. The contributions were understood to amount to about SOUL, to which large aggregate the Queen, the Queen Dowager, and the Duke of Cambridge were liberal subscribers. NAPOLEON'S REBUKE OF PARSIMONY.-- Even Napoleon, the Great Captain, continued the Duke, did not think it beneath him sometimes to turn his attention to female dress. Several ladies of the Court of the Tuileries knew this by sad experi ence. One day at St. Cloud, I heard him say, in a very angry tone, to the wife of a General, " Madame, when a lady has a husband with an income of 100,000 francs per annum, she may very well afford a new dress every time she has the honour to pay her Court to the Em press. Endowments, Madame, are favours. Ido not owe them; and when I give them it is withthe view that they shold help to maintain that luxury without which commerce cannot thrive." The pocr lady was overwhelmed with confusion ; yet it must be admitted that the general shabbiness of her dress fully justified this mark of imperial die pleasure.—Recollections of Caulincourt, Duke of Vicenza. At the Mayor's Office, Stafford, last week, Mary, wife of Thomas Careless, of the Broad Eye, a perfect termagant, was ordered to pay Is. penalty and 7s. Gd. costs for an unprovoked assault on Mary, the wife of Lewis Bromley. During the investigation her garru_ lity was so incessant that the Mayor was under the necessity of sending for the "scold's bridle," an iron instrument of very antique construe. tion, which in olden times was occasionally called into use. It is formed of an elliptical bow of iron, enclosing the head from the lower extre mity of one ear to the other, with a transverse piece of iron extending from the nape of the neck to the mouth, from which projects a flat bit, which enters the mouth, and completely covers the tongue, preventing its movement, and the whole machinery when adjusted is locked at the back of the head. This bridle is to be put in thorough repair, and hung in terrorem in the Mayor's-office, and used as occasion may call it forth. A terrible fire has consumed one of the suburbs of Lyon', celled the Brottsaux,