The Sun. — London, England, 1838-03-30 00:00:00

be postponed. 'He' had already taken up three quarters of an hour in presenting these petitions, and thought the time of their Lordships could not be better employed than in listening to the rational prayer of these parties. He had merely read over the name of the place from which these petitions had been sent. He had one petition to present from an individual Which he had separated from the rest—the petition of one indi vidual who was one of the surviving patriarchs of the cause, and Who had been upwards of half a century engaged in it—ho meant his most amiable friend, T. Clarkson ; and it was more for the purpose of gratifying his own feelings in presenting tois petition, that he had singled it out from the others, and particularly noted it.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He had now Presented petitions from Dissenters of all denominations upon this subject —some, indeed, from Sects which he scarcely knew of, but whose petitions nevertheless were entitled to re- Cect from th e i r L or d s hi ps . H e h a d p resen t e d many from tho hurch, and a number from inhabitants at large; and wherever petitions came from inhabitants at large, they were signed by persons not connected with any one parti cular sect. He had presented a very considerable number from Corporations with the corporate seal—a vast number from public meetings,—and a great many signed by Rev. Pastors of the Established Church as well as the Magis trates. He would mention a most remarkable instance— there was a large public meeting at Durham, presided over by th e U n d er - Sheriff in the absence of his ( Lord B.'s) most worthy kinsman who was prevented from presiding by illness and who wrote a letter saying that nothing but illness should have prevented his attendance. The principal mover at that meeting was an excellent dignatary—a friend of his, the Rev. Prebendary Gilly, who was a great ornament to the Church, as well as another most Rev. Prelate, who made the Most animated appeals to the country on this question. The Nobl e an d Learned Lord proceeded to read a letter from Lord Denman, who had been unavoidably absent, owing to his judicial duties upon the late debates upon this question, in which he said that he could not consider this question in the light of a compact between the Planters and the Imperial Parliament, for he strongly denied the right of the latter to contract on behalf of the slaves. Slavery, .Thiois was a contract between two wrong-doers, he ( Lord Vellm) had always held to be unlawful, and he now was decidedl y in favour of the immediate emancipation of the n egroes._( Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham) concluded by saying that he should be sorry to share the responsibility of those who in the present state of the West Indies, and of public opinion in this country, should endeavour to postpone further the emancipation of the slaves. The Duke of WELLINGTON said—My Lords, I have two petition s t o present, the prayer of wh i ch d i ffers f rom thosethat hav e b een laid on the table of the House by the Noble and Learned Lord. The first petition comes from the undersigned West India Planters, and merchants in London, and the other f rom the same class in Liverpool. These peti tionersatate that th ey are interested in plantations i n t h e Nestlndies, either as owners or as being entitled to mort gages, or other incurnbrances, on estates in that country ; tiat, by th e A ct of Parliament for the abolition of slavery i throughout the British colonies, those persons who were entitl e d to the services of the slaves received compensation for the labour of those slaves, amounting in the whole to 20 millions sterling; and they were further compensated by a right to th e serv i ces of the emancipated slaves as apprenticed labourers d ur i ng a limited period of time ; that such a right t o the services of the slaves was part and parcel of the co mpensation given t o them, in consideration of which your Lordships' petitioners were compelled to resign their property In and right to the services of the slaves ; that their right to , m th a aservices of th e apprent i ces have been confirmed b y Par- ent— nay , more, that Parliament has declared their right eithersellto for and to dispose of th e serv i ces o f t h e i r appren ti ces money or by will ; that they have learned there fore, with astonishment, that a Bill has been introduced into your Lordships' House for putting an end to the appreticeship of those who were foymerly slaves in the British Colonies, by which it is intended that that apprenticeship should terminate on the Ist of August, 1838 ; that any measure of such a nature is contrary to all rules of British legislation ; that it is a viola tion Of the contract made with them, and is opposed to the eternal principles of justice ; that although it has been alleged as an excuse for, or as the ground of, this measure, that ade quate protection had not been afforded to the apprentices, and that they have experienced cruel and oppressive treatment from their employers, vet the petitioners state that at present those representations and statements rest on ex parte state ments, and that, with some exceptions, the assertion has no foundation ; and they confidently appeal to a circular despatch from the Secretary of State to the Governors of the West India colonies, dated on the 6th of Nov., 1837, in which it is stated that hitherto the results of the great experiment of the aboli tion of slavery has been such as to justify the most sanguine hopes of the authors and advisers of that measure ; and your petitioners therefore protest against the diminution of the pe riod of apprenticeship, but at the same time they are ready to carry into execution any measure which can be considered ex pedient by Parliament to adopt for the due performance, both by the masters and the apprentices, of the several duties im posed by them by the Emancipation Act ; that the assertion made by the enemies of the colonists, that no loss has re sulted to them from the Emancipation Act, is disproved by tl.e facts ; that whilst the quantity of produce is greatly di minished the expense of cultivation is increased ; that the proposed abridg ment of the apprenticeship would materially endanger the final success of the experiment of emancipa tion, and deteriorate the colonies as valuable and produc tive possessions of the country, inasmuch as no provision bas yet been made for the new state of society in which th e colonies will be placed on the expiration of the appren ticeship ; that the currency of the colonies does not rest on any sound basis, and will not be found sufficient to answer all purposes for which a currency would be required in eonsequenbe of the necessary payment of labour on all oc casions; that the establishment in the West Indies of a mone tary system, and the enactment of laws for the relief of the aged and infirm poor, the summary arrangement of disputes between the masters and men, the regulation of the militia, of the elective franchise, and the qualification of jurors, ought to be provided for before the termination of the ap prenticeship that no legislation on these important subjects has yet taken piece, owing to the reliance placed on that enactment; that the apprenticeship should continue until August, 1840 ' • that it was the opinion of the Select Com mittee of the House of Commons on negro apprenticeship in 1836, and of her Majesty's Government, that it was impor tant that such enactments as mieht be intended to come into operation after 1840 should be deferred as much as pos sible, and should at events be postponed until near the con clusion of that:period ; that there was no period in the his tory of the w or ld i n which a sudden change from a state of slavery to the enjoyment of all civil rights had been beneficial, and that the remaining period of the apprenticeship was but a short time for the purpose the deliberate and carefulrao considerati on o f th e measures necessary as prepa tins for so momentous a c h ange i n West I n di an soc i et y. Your petitioners, therefore, humbly pray that the Bill now before your Lordships for the immediate abolition of negro apprenticeship may not be passed, but that your petitioners may be heard at the bar by their counsel. Now, my Lords, I beg leave to move that this petition do lie on the table. I have given the greatest attention to all the speeches of the Noble and Learned Lord opposite (Brougham) on this sub ject, and most particularly to the statement this night of ta e op i n i on of a Noble and Lea hich he has made (Den man) who i s a b sent f rom the House. N r y ned Lord have the greatest re spect and vener a ti on f or t h e opinion of. I that Noble and Learned Lord ; but I cannot consider his opinion delivered in a letter in answer to another letter, which is not produced to the House --I cannot consider that opinion as one on which the House can entirely rely. I will not now enter into the discussion of this question at all, whether there be a compact or be not a compact in this Act of Parliament—l mean the Act for the abolition of slavery. I w illi ng l y admit that I cannot find the word compact" or " contract," but that which Ido find, and to which I beg leave to draw your Lordships' attention, and particularly the attention of the Right Rev. Bench, and What I entreat them to observe is this—that a beneficial inte rest is created by that Act of Parliament in the services of these apprentices for a certain number of years—for a period of years up to 1840. I beg your Lordships to observe that that beneficial interest has been given to the Colonists as indi vidual possessors of certain estates, and, as is stated in the Petition which I have just read to your Lordships, that right has been accorded to them by Parliament, and Parliament has declared their right to dispose of the services of those appren tices of money or by will as they may deem fit. I will beg Your Lordships to reflect whether, without manifest injustice to the colonists, you can by an Act of Parliament deprive them of that beneficial interest in their services. My Lords, if you take such a step I will venture to tell you that no pro perty in this country will be safe for another moment. Lord St. VINCENT did not feel disposed to adopt the language of the Noble Marquis (Sligo), by expressing his readiness at once to emancipate the negroes on his estate, un less those negroes were properly prepared, and the Legisla ture of the colony had made due provision for t he change , ac cording t o the statement of the petition presented by the Noble Duke.—( Hear, hear.) If that preparation had been made, he could not feel the slightest disinclination to do away with a system which he had ever deplored, and from which he would be glad to escape ; but the circumstances did not exist which could secure to the negroes all those social enjoyments which Would arise f rom t h e boon of emancipation when attended with the improvement of the moral character and the requisite b r eparations for th e new s t a t e o f things, or which, on the other and, could secure at all the interests of the planters. He sho uld, therefore, oppose any premature meas ure. The Nobl e and Learned Lord opposite had the other night remon strated with th e Noble Earl (Earl Stanhope) for taking measures calculated to produce excitement amongst the la- Louring classes. Now, he would beg to ask that Noble and Learned Lord whether he had such an opinion of the superior eivil:sation of the negro population of the West Indies as to suppose that the language which he had employed on this sub ject was not calculated to produce equally mischievous excite ment? He did not mean to insinuate that he was opposed generally to the new Poor Law Bill ; he was of opinion that it required some alteration ; but he thought that there was some analogy between one part of it, and a part of the system in the workhouses in the West Indies, against which violent complaints had been made. The medical man was the person appointed to decide when any one was unable to work ; and so it was in the workhouses there, but still the charge was made that the apprentices were worked when they were in too bad a state of health. It case to the same point, which had led to so much alarm—the decision of the medical man us to the power to work. Ile perfectly subscribed to all the language and reasoning set forth in the petition pre sented by the Noble Duke, and he could not perceive that there was anything irrational iu that petition, although the Noble and Learned Lord had described those who had signed All the petitions which he had presented as rational people. Lord St A FORD said, when the Government and Perna- Itentaisscided on 1.4 abolition of slavery they framed the appren ticeship system as Op best and safest mode of accomplishing that great object. In so doing he thought they acted wisely and judiciously—they considered a preparatory period, ouch as tho appr!nticeship, to be highly important, as affording an opportunity, by improving the moral conduct of the appren tices, and accustoming them to a limited state of freedom to prepare them for the unqualified exercise of civil liberties— that it was important because, by placing a portion of their time at their own disposal, they might acquire the habit of labouring for wages, and so b© prepared for the condition of a free labouring population. For those reasons he could not but say that not only was that measure important, but that the two remainin7 years were also of the highest importance both for the welfare of the apprentices and the masters. He considered it to be the duty of every master and of every ap prentice who entertained anything like a sense of his duty to occupy that time in taking steps preparatory to the great change, and he believed that such means were employed by no inconsiderable number. By the Abolition Bill, Parliament, .. at the same time that it decided in favour of the total abolition of slavery, granted—and how could that grant be less binding than any other part of the measure ?—a continued right to the services of the slaves for a certain period—for the non-predial apprentices the term of service was fixed at four years, and for the predials, subject to various restrictions as to the amount of labour, six years. These distinctions he had at the time considered improper; but they were distinctions voluntarily made by Parliament and imposed upon the Colonists. He remembered that it had been stated to the non-predials that, whereas it would be extremely difficult, not to say impossible, to give them the time granted to the two predial classes, their period of apprenticeship was therefore curtailed. To the two predial classes and their masters it had been stated that time had been allotted to them in consideration of the cx- tended period of apprenticeship. By that Act the Parliament gave a beneficial interest to the masters in the services of the apprentices, and rendered the classes of equal value. Could the Parliament, consistent with equal justice, curtail the two years which had been granted to the two predial classes, having al ready enforced that sacrifice of labour, in consideration of which the two years had been granted ? Parliament, too, at the same time granted the planters the right to transfer or sell their term in those services, and many very considerable sales both of predials attached and unattached had taken place, the purchasers considering that they had obtained the best of all possible titles, a title under an Act of Parliament.— ( Hear, hear.) Would Parliament then vitiate those sales by curtailing the period by two years, and thus diminishing the value of what they authorised to be sold by one-half or two-thirds of that value ? That grant had been held out as a boon, and had been joined to the compensation as an induce ment to the planters to concur in the measure. Could Par liament, having obtained that concurrence, curtail the valuable consideration which was the price of. it? It had been stated, however, that the Colonial Assemblies had been guilty, he would not say of a breach of compact, but of a breach of faith. On what grounds was such a charge made ? The Assembly of Jamaica, and the rest, by adopting the Aboli tion Bill, had obtained the acknowledgment of the Secretary of State that they were entitled to the compensation, and for the Bill in Aid they had also received the sanction of Government. The Legislature of Jamaica had been called upon to amend the Abolition Act, and to apply a remedy to those defects, but they refused to do so, and the last despatch of Sir Lionel Smith which was placed upon the table of the House, stated that up to the period at which he wrote, there was no hope that the Legislature of Jamaica would apply a remedy to those defects. He did not stand up before their Lordships to defend the conduct of the Jamaica Legislature. On the contrary, he considered their conduct altogether unjust and discreditable, and not only inconsistent with their duty to their constituents, but showing a disregard of those interests they were deputed to protect. As to their conduct towards this country, he con sidered it to be contumacious and unwise. But he did not think that this was a case which would justify the Parliament in not fulfilling their own engagements. He did not consider that there was any breach of contract involved, because he did not think that Parliament had so far relied on them. There was, he admitted, a sufficient remedy. Parliament held the remedy in their own hands. They had only to do the same as had been done by the Legislature of Jamaica with reference to the Bill in aid. This was to enact those regulations which the former had called upon the House of Assembly in Jamaica to enact. When there was so much said on the subject of cruelty and oppression, it ought not to be forgotten that, in Jamaica, as in everywhere else, oppression and injustice might b . e inflicted on f ree p ersons , as t h ey h a d o f ten seen h appen even in this country. Last night, and on foi mer occasions, they had heard of the abuses practised in the workhouses in England. —( Lord Stanhope cried " Hear, hear," with so much ear nestness, as to create a lau g h. ) I n J ama i ca t h ey h a d not more protection against abuses in workhouses than they had in England, and he feared that in this respect the condition of the negro would be rather aggravated than ameliorated by the immediate abolition of the apprenticeship. At present, all the old, and infirm, and sick labourers were maintained on the estate, and all misdemeanours committed were cognisable and punishable by the Special Magistrates, and punishable in the workhouses appointed for that purpose. But this could be no longer the case after the abolition of the apprenticeship system. There was another consideration ; it would be ne cessary to change the laws of the colony and to modify them to meet the new state of things. He knew that this subject had already excited the attention of Lis Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies, and that he would give due im portance to the necessity of some modification of the law pre vious to emancipation. He would also ask his Noble Friend the late Governor of Jamaica whether some difficulty would not attend the necessary modification of the law to meet this great change, or whether he would consider it desirable to emancipate the apprentices without some previous modification of the law ? Would they by any hasty proceedings increase the difficulties of that great revolution, which they already knew were great? He thought that they could not with safety depart from that principle of the Bill which bad been admitted to have worked in such a manner as to meet the most sanguine expectations of its framers. Lord BROUGHAM—I heard the Noble Duke opposite present the two petitions, the two solitary petitions, which have been presented on that side of the question—( Hear, hear, )__in answer to the thousands upon thousands of petition ers whose petitions have crowded the table of your Lordships' House and of the other House of Parliament—the two solitary petitions which have lifted up their voices in either House of Parliament on ono side of this great question ; and, my Lords, I give the petitioners credit for proceeding with due care, for having formed their opinions after great and due deliberation ; so far I am willing, my Lords, to attribute great weight to the petitions, and to give to them, from this circumstance alone, some of that value which makes up for the want of num bers when compared with other petitions. The petitions un doubtedly came from those who are deeply interested in this great question after calm inquiry and with the utmost impartiality ;—(Hear, hear)—with that perfect want of rash ness, that perfect absence of partiality, which never fails to actuate the determination of a man in his own case, and in that singular tribunal where one and the same individual is both a party in the cause and the judge who is to decide its merits, and with that calmness,. that delicacy, and with that conscientiousness, and that perfect disinterestedness, these pe titioners have come to the clear and decided opinion—God wot that it is clear, God wot that it is decided enough—and perhaps they might have added, without doing to themselves any injustice, an unalterable opinion against the vast numbers of their fellow-citizens who are loudly calling for the abolition of the apprenticeship system, of that vast body of persons who are loud and unanimous in the prayer which they have directed to effect their object in their petitions to both Houses of Par liament.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, on the presentation of petitions I have rigorously observed the rule, and I will ap peal to the Noble Lord opposite (Earl St. Vincent), who asks leave to refer me to my own remarks upon an entirely dif ferent subject—l will appeal to that Noble Lord, if indeed— which I very much doubt—he has been present on any other occasion, save this night, when I have presented petitions, if I have ever deviated a hair's breadth from the rule which I have laid down, not to raise debates on the presentation of petitions, and if I have on any one occasion ventured to raise a discussion on their merits. So, my Lords, when to-night I had received the opinion of my revered and excellent friend the Lord Chief Justice, I simply read it to your Lordships ; but now, my Lords, after all this care, I find myself involved in inquiry—l find the whole merits of the question dragged into discussion; and, my Lords, I have considerable doubts in my own mind, doubts which I shall determine before I sit down, whether I ought not now to conclude with a motion which I avowed that 1 would postpone till after the recess— whether I ought not now to press what I would not have at tempted to'revive till after that period—and, my Lords, I can do it, for it requires no notice—whether I ought not to take the sense of the House upon the important question which has been raised and debated by my Noble Friend who spoke last. The Noble Duke slightly mentioned the subject on the pre sentation of the petitions with which he had been entrusted, the Noble Earl on the Opposition benches (Earl St. Vincent) en tered upon it at greater length, but the Noble Lord who spoke last, from the seat behind him, has debated it as minutely and as fully as if the question then on the table of the House, and which had been read a first time, should or should not be read a second time—whether the debate into which I have been dragged shall compel me, whether the debate which has been got up, doubtless without any concert and without any notice, and, at any rate, without any concert with me, and without any notice given to me, in which the planters' interest and the interest of th e West Indian slaveholders have been set against the interest of the negroes themselves and against the inten tion and the prayers of the people of this country, shall urge me to proceed; and whether it was desirable for the planters even r f for e peculiar their own sakes, in the p in wsheineth circumstances force on that night a di scuss i on on the merits of t h e h un d r eds present of affairs, and arc placed, to of thousands of perso ns w h o h ad petitioned for t h e a bolition of the West Indian slavery; whether I shall adopt the sug gestion remains for me to determine before I resume my seat. Instead of doing so I should, when the Noble Duke had pre sented his petition, have risen to say that I trusted that neither the House nor the Noble Duke would consider me guilty of any want of respect if I declined to say ono word in answer to the arguments adduced by the petitioners, that their bene ficial interest ought to be respected, and that a right of property had been established, but that I would reserve myself upon that point, as well as 'Spun the whole of this great ques tion, to a more fitting occasion, to the second reading of the Bill which I have introduced to your Lordships' House. Such was my determination, and I am sorry that that determination, I lament,l grieve, that by any, an d espec i a ll y by as delibe rateatatement as it was possible for a planter to make, or for a pen to deliver, that determination should have been altered, and that I should have been dragged, as it were, into the discussion of the whole question of negro eman cipation. But I know, my Lords, if . I did not enter upon it, what would be said ; I know that it would be imme diately stated that the prayer of the petitions which I have had the honour to present could not be supported by ar gument ,• but that immediately the planters, at the eleventh hour of the day, when the hour was about to strike, THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, MARCH 30, 1838. brought forward their case, the friend of the negro appren tices flinched from his duty—( Hear, hear, hear)—glossed over each, and that all wile silence ; affil knowin , this, 1 am compelled in some sort to enter upon the distussion of this question. And, first, I will express my gratitude to my Noble Friend near me (Lord Seaford) that the skill which he displayed was by no means proportioned to his zeal in the cause ; for nothing can be more decisive in favour of' the demands which I have made, nothing can be more in favour of the views which the petitioners have taken, than the statement of the Noble Lord, that there is no pretence for saying that there is a compact, or that theie. , ever was a contract. I never yet heard stronger ad missions made by any speaker, not made once, but two or three times over—not in the hurry of debate, but after deli beration—when he said that there was no compact ; that a compact there cannot be—(Cheers)—because there was no contracting party to make it. Observe, my Lords, how the case stands, and I hope that this proposition will have its due effect elsewhere, in any vote which may be come to upon this subject, that this most important admission had been made by the planters, by one of the most influential of their body, by their chief representativc—( No, no, from Lord Seaford)—at all events, by their main sup porter, who for many years (and this must not be forgotten) was the Chairman of the West Indian body, a great planter himself, and the leader of the body for many years in the other House of Parliament—the zealous opponents, the bit ter opponents, of emancipation.—(No, from Lord Seaford.) If it were possible to find a more bitter opponent —a more strong, a more vehement, if the Noble Lord preferred sweeter words—( A laugh)—but a more strong, a more vehement, a more unhesitating opponent than his Noble Friend had that night proved himself to be—grounded, as I fancied, on his (minions against emancipation, till the hour shall have struck twelve on the night of the 31st July in the year 1840—I have never heard either within the walls of Parlia ment, or without the walls of Parliament. And what ,has been the admission which has been made upon this high au thority, which will put an end to all difficulty ? That as for any compact, any breach of faith, any contract, any bargain being made, there was none ; he says that what was done by Parliament was done by itself—( Hear, hear)—and that it had no authority to make the compact; and the Noble Lord drew this corollary from his own statement, bearing out his view of the case—therefore to talk of a breach of faith was preposterous, because there was no faith plighted ; there was no breach of compact, because no compact was made ; there was no breach of contract, because no contract was struck ; and, after this statement, I should like to see the man, as a curious specimen of human boldness, who could step forward and say that the negro has no right to his freedom, and that every apprentice ought not to be free, as there is no longer any argument that there was any compact, that there was any bargain, that there was any contract, that there is any breach of faith, when the representative of the planter, when the chosen advocate of the planters, avows that of bargain there was none, of compact there was none, of contract there was none, and that therefore of breach of faith there was none - and who would say that th ere oug ht to be one moment's delay in granting that immediate liberty to the slave which they had found in every colony in which it had been tried to have been usefully, safely, and peacefully carried into effect.—( Hear, hear.) Then, continued the Noble Lord, as to the argumeut of his Noble Friend on the benches opposite (Earl St. Vincent), of whom he (Lord Brougham) wish to speak with the greatest possible respect, that they must give time to prepare the negro for emancipa tion--to prepare the negro ! Would the Noble Earl just be pleased to answer one question which his speech had sug gested ? He (Lord Brougham) would treat the Noble Earl more kindly than Noble Lords had on this occasion treated him. He would not require the Noble Earl to answer the question now, but would give him the whole of the recess to find an answer to it, though he could not consent to let the Noble Earl write over to the West Indies for It ; that would be rather too long a delay. But let hint take the next month, and then answer the short and simple question which his speech had suggested. The Noble Earl's argument was this; " you cannot emancipate the negro apprentices now because you have not given them time to be prepared for the enjoyment of complete freedom." He (Lord Brougham) would not ask what time was given for that purpose in Antigua or in Bermuda; or what preparation • was made for the event which occurred the other day only in Montserrat, and which thing was very nearly happening in the great slave Colony of Barbadoes. But the question he would ask the Noble Earl was this, \chat preparation had been made for the ultimate freedom of the negroes during the last four years? Because he supposed that if the six years' apprenticeship were intended by way of preparation, the preparers had not stopped till four y ears of that term had elapsed, and then begun the preparation at tile commence ment of the last two years. And, moreover, since that pre paration was, in the opinion of the Noble Earl, so necessary. what steps, he ( Lord Brougham) would ask, had been taken at this moment to begin, the sexennial preparation having been entirely neglected ? That was one question which he would thank his Noble Friend to answer, and to which he would take leave to add another. The prsedial apprentices would cease to be such in 1840: but were there no non-prmdials ? They would cease to be apprentices on the Ist of Angust, 1838. Did they require no preparation? He knew that the non prwdials were not, by a great deal, so respectable a class of men as the prredials. The predials were more respectable ten to one, in habits and character, than the non-prmdials. But all the non-predials, " unhouselled, unannealed," were to rush into freedom on the Is: of August, 1838, without any. thing like preparation. In Jamaica there were 350,000 negro apprentices, of whom no less than 50,000 were non prmliale. But his Noble Friend bad said nothing of thorn, they were not one tittle prepared, nor had anything been pro jected for preparing them for that state of emancipation which, nevertheless, all knew and admitted they were to enjoy on the Ist of August, 1838. Then, with respect to the speech of his Noble Friend near him ( Lord Sea fOrd), if their Lordships were willing to grant his Noble Friend all his premises, and were willing to shut their eyes to those parts of the case which made against him, then indeed his Noble Friend might be said to have made out a strong prima fade case. But, said his Noble Friend, " You must have a Poor-law Bill, and provisions against va grants.' Here again he ( Lord Brougham) would say nothing of Antigua. There was no Poor-law there ; but, if a Poor law were necessary there, he made no doubt that it would come in good time, and that it would be passed by the same wisdom that had already emancipated the slaves of that colony. But he would not refer to Antigua, lest it should be said that Jamaica and Antigua stood in different circumstances. But was there no vagrancy law, no Poor-law wanted, no prepara tory law required with respect to the 50,000 non-predials ? And yet, without any one such law having either been pro jected, propounded, or even thought of, they were to be eman cipated on the Ist of August next. Then these petitioners even made the matter a question of currency.—(Laughter.) I was very much diverted (said Lord Brougham) at observing that the two great questions which have vexed this country for so many years—which have tired the one party and tortured the other with vexation, and of both of which your Lordships have certainly had your share—one, the currency (question, or Mr. Peel's Bill.—( Hear, hear, from Earl Stanhope.) Oh yes, I expected that cheer from my Noble Friend. —( Laughter. ) Because I know my Noble Friend is just as strong upon Mr. ?e l's Bill as upon the Poor-law Bill, and I believe ( I say it with all courtesy) just as right upon the one as the other._ (Laughter.) We have head much of ono other, or both of these subjects ; and accordingly to-night we have heard almost as much of the Poor-law Bill as of the emancipation of the negro apprentices. But now we have also the unexpected, I will sot say pleasure, but the unexpected variety of the cur rency question. These petitioners say, " you cannot emanci pate the negro apprentices." Why ? Because you must have a new currency. It is made a question of coinage, and not of contract, not of compact. But what has become of the twenty millions? Surely they might have set aside a little bit of that for a new coinage ! My Noble Friend opposite (Earl Stanhope) seizes upon the Poor-law ;he exclaims, " This is an unexpected pleasure ! I do not care any thing for that stupid subject, slavery ; but I now find that this subject is as good as a Poor-law Bill."—( Laughter.) Yes, the question of negro apprenticeship has been so treated by the petitioners ; a little so by my Noble Friend opposite ( Earl Stanhope) ; and very much so indeed by my NoltleFriend behind me (Lord Seaford). But I will not bo dragged into the question of a Poor-law. I will have nothing to do with it ; and as to the monetary question, I must say anything inure ridiculous and more absurd (and I speak it with all re spect to the people of Liverpool) than the making this mo netary, a currency question, I never yet heard of in the whole history of digressions. How, it is asked by the petitioners, will wages be paid When the negroes are free labourers ? Why, the same means will exist for paying wages then as exist now. How are the goods to be bought? Goods are imported now—imported by the transactions of the colonies with this country. The free negroes will have to buy those goods which are now purchased by the master for the slaves. But when they become free the masters will pay e slaves in money, and then the free negroes will purchase th goods themselves. All this will be carried on by the same circulation, without the necessity of one single farthing, or the fraction of a farthing more being required after the first of January than before. But if 350,000 slaves require for their transactions a considerable increase of cu rrenc y , it is a rule of three question how great an increas e fift y thousand will require; and yet you make no provisio n for them, while it is clear that the non predials will req uire more currency than the predials, because the former are not payable by means of provision grounds, but in hard cash, and their wages also are higher. The predial slave works for a small piece of money compared with what carpenters and artizans receive ; and yet no provision of a monetary nature, no Peel's Bill, has been propounded to accommodate ths fifty thousand non-predials who will he emancipated upon the Ist of August next, My Lords, I begin to relent when I come near the body and bulk of this question, and really feel that I owe it to your Lordships not to be dragged, whether I will or not, any further into this premature discussi we Yet I beg distinctly to say that it is not from any apprehension of not being able to meet my Noble Friend, for a set of more flimsy reasons I never yet heard offered on any side of a ques tion than what have been advanced ; but because it is in convenient to go out of the course I had prescribed to my self, not to debate this important question on petitions, anti cipative of what is soon to arrive—the opportunity of dis cussing the whole merits of this question at a proper time, and in the light stage, namely, the second reading of my Bill, which will raise the question of the principle of the Bill. My Noble Friend opposite (Earl St. Vincent) is a planter; and my Noble Friend near me (Lord Seaford) is also a planter. Now, I eels them, are they quite sure that the question is any longer in their hands? Are they quite sure that they have the option of now refusing the emancipation of the apprel&ces on the Ist of August next ? lam treading upon tender ground ; I am going to touch upon still more tender ground; but they have dragged me into it; I cannot help it. I should not h , ve said a word. if they had not forced me-into a prema unseasonnble discussion ; hut, my Lo dc, I owe it to that measure which I have so long advocated-1 owe it to my self—l owe it to the peace of the colonies, and to the prosperity and safety of the planters themselves above all other interests I owe it—not to withhold my ob servation. I have great confidence in the peaceful disposition of the negroes. That confidence I feel because it is founded upon long experience of their quiet and patient demeanour. Show me anywhere all over the world a race of men who could have borne as much as they have for ages borne, with hardly a murmur and scarcely an outbreak in their history ! Upon this history of the negro— his hard fate—his long and cruel sufferings—his unex ampled demeanour under those sufferings—his patience, far exceeding the patience of the sons of men ordinarily in other countries—upon this character of the negro, so at tested by all his conduct in all ages, I build my hope that he will continue peaceable to the end. But, my Lords, lam not the man to say that even the negro will continue peaceful under all circumstances, and when the cup of disappointment is filled to the overflowing. He has now known that for the last six months an unexampled fervour of public feeling has been excited in his favour. He is as well acquainted as you are with all that has been going on in England, Scotland, and even now in Ireland.-- ( Hear, hear.) He knows that the feelings of the people of England have been roused, their opinions formed, taken, and loudly expressed, and his hopes are directed to one point, that of his ceasing to be in chains at all on the Ist August, 1838. To that day his hopes are pointed, his feelings are directed, his expectations are fixed. If on that day, after the unanimous voice of the people of this kingdom has been ex pressed so loudly, so universally, so unremittingly •for his emancipation on that day, and if he, knowing as he does the universality and earnestness of that expression, shall still be kept in chains, my belief is, that he will still continue patient, that lie will still refuse to join in the breach of the peace, but I have a confident expectation that the hoe will fall from his hand, and that if he works then he will work by compul sion, and by compulsion alone. My opinion, therefore, is, that you have not a choice—that it is no longer optional with you ; and that now that the general voice has fixed that day for the cessation of negro bondage, it is as much as the prosperity—l do not say the peace—but as much as the pros perity of the West Indies is worth, to delay it eight-and-forty hours longer. The Earl of WINC HIL SE A said, it was his confident opinion that some preparatory steps must be taken previous to the expiration of the apprenticeship system ; and he should say that some Act ought to pass for the purpose of giving the negro population, when they became free, a legal claim for support on the colonies in the shape of a Poor-rate. With respect to the question of compact with the planters, he cer tainly could not but consider that there was a fair and honest compact entered into by the Legislature of this country with the planters ; and that if that compact were violated, he could conceive what confidence could ever be placed in any Act of the Legislature. The Marquis of CL ANRICARDE said that if any alte rations were effected in the original provisions of that Bill, it wits the result of the deliberation of Parliament, and not of any compact with the Assembly or the planters of Jamaica. That Act was passed by the wisdom of Parliament, and by the wisdom of Parliament it might be altered. Viscount MELBOURNE said that, considering the im portance of the question to which the petitions before the House referred—considering the intimate acquaintance with all the hearings of that subject possessed by his Noble Friend behind him—it was not surprising that his Noble Friend ( Lord Seaford) should have gone more at length into the question— that he should have entered more fully into the argument, or dervered his opinion with greater fullness, than was usual upon occasions of that nature, and upon the presentation of petitions to the House. And whilst he said this he by no means denied that his Noble Friend having done so did impose upon the Noble and Learned Lord who followed him the duty of meet ing the views that he had put forward, and addressing the House, more at length than he might otherwise have done. The only inference which he should at present draw from what had that evening occurred, was the total impossibility of setting aside Wednesday, as had been proposed, for the presentation of petitions, for it was evident that as important discussions might arise on the presentation of petitions as in any other form of dis cussion in which questions were presented to the House. The Noble and Learned Lord had adverted to his ( Viscount Mel bourne's) absence from the House yesterday, but on that point he could assure the Noble and Learned Lord that his absence had not arisen from any disrespect to their Lordships, or to the Noble and Learned Lord, or from any disrespect to the nume rous body of the petitioners ; but from finding that he had made engagements and appointments for that day, and the Noble and Learned Lord was himself sufficiently able to under stand the nature of those engagements, and the reason for his ( Lord Melbourne's) absence on that occasion. He did not yield to any one in anxiety for the amelioration and improve ment of the condition of the negro, and for that advancement in morals which would be so conducive to that improvement. He did not yield in anxiety to any one in a sincere desire to see the negro prepared for that great change in his condition which the termination of the apprenticeship would produce. But whilst he entertained those feelings with respect to the amelio ration of the condition of the negro, he could not help enter taiiiing very great apprehension at the consequences that might arise from precipitating and hastily entering upon any measure, with a view to the immediate termina tion of apprenticeship. He was not surprised at the vehe mence and strength of feeling that appeared to exist on this subject, but whilst he admitted that he entertained no surprise that such a feeling should generally exist, he cer tainly admitted that he was surprised at the quarters from wliich such hasty and precipitate proceedings were recom mended. The Noble Lord ( Lord Brougham) had read a letter from a Noble, and Learned, and respected Friend of his ( Lord Melbourne), whose name had been mentioned in terms of by no means exaggerated praise, and in which letter the opinions of the Noble and Learned writer, to whose authority he gave all due weight, was stated to be that no compact had been entered into between the Legislature of this country and the planters. He thought it quite possible that if the question hid been presented to that eminent individual as a lawy er th a t, not finding any person who could be legally a party in such contract, or to whom a warrant of attorney could be executed (as we understood the Noble Lord), his Noble Friend might have come to such an opinion. But if the question had been presented to his Noble and Learned Friend as a casuist he might find argument to bring him to a different conclusion. However, his (Lord Melbourne's) opinion was that a fair and clear understanding had been entered into that a particular advantage should be guaranteed to the West India planter to compensate him for the risk to which he was to be exposed by the great experiment about to be carried forward. He had no doubt that such had been entered into, and the whole language of Parliament, from that time to this contributed to confirm that interpretation. On this point he would call their Lordships attention to the report o f a C omm itt ee o f t h e ' House of Commons in 1836, which stated that though great abuses had been sheen to exist yet that the Committee saw no reason for abridging the term of apprenticeship as set tled by law The Noble and Learned Lord had asked what preparations had been made for the approaching emanci pation of the negroes? On this point the Committee to w hi c h he had alluded had said in their report that no prepara tions should be made with respect to the termination of the a pprenticeship in 1 840 because the meas ures t a k en wou ld he more effectual and founded upon more experience if they were deferred until the time of the final emancipation of the negroes, and if the measures preparatory to the final enian cioation of the negroes had been delayed they had only been delayed in conformity to the recommendation of the Committee and some of the members of which Committee were men who entertained the utmost anxiety respecting the interests of the n egro, and were ranked amongst the sincerest friends to his emancipation. He thought it would not only be hard on the p l anters , but dangerous to the Colonies and injurious to the negroes themselves, to do that with ou t preparat i on which the House of C ommons itself in the Report of its Committee had distinctly declared ought not to be done. It would be un just to visit the, whole body of the population of the island for the default of the House of Assembly, and for that which the House of Assembly, alone had power to remedy and supply. Thi s was a question of injustice. The breach of contract, though it might be unjust partially and locally, was nothing compared with the danger of the success of the ultimate mea sure, and the injury which they would do to the negroes themselves if they hurried on a measure for which the negroee were unprepared. He did not think it would be wise to inter rupt the present proceedings. They were not unmixed with evil, but on the whole they were going on prosperously, and he had every reason to hope would lead to a happy and auspicious termination. It was one of the greatest experiments that ever was tried by a nation.--( Hear.) If they achieved suc cess he did not hesitate to say that it would be the greatest ex ploit that ever was achieved by any nation, and, therefore, ho besought them, fur God's sake, to he continuous in their exertions and not to mar their own object by haste or pre cipitation._( Hear.) Lord BROUGHAM said that the Report of the Com mittee to which the Noble Viscount had referred had given anything rather than satisfaction. It said " Don't begin your preparations too soon ; wait till you come within six months of the year 1840." Well, but they were now within six months of August, 1838, when the non-predials would be emancipated. Earl ST. VINCENT said that the House of Assembly in Antigua took twelve months for preparing their apprentices to become free ; and as a proof that the negroes both there and in other islands had be refitted by the preparations already 'marl', he had himself found that they were now disposed to accept wages for their labour during that portion of the time whici the Emancipation Act gave them ; whe reas the y would .not work f or wages during those hours at the commencement of their apprenticeship. This was a proof that the time of 'aPnrenticeship had been valuably employed. As to the ex citement that prevailed on this subject, if the Government of this country did its duty to the colonial authorities, he had no fear on earth of any bad effects resulting from what was called "ei!ereent. It had been given out (he meant not to insinuate anything against any one) that this excitement had been pro moted, in order that it might be made use of as an argument in favour of this premature kind of emancipation. Lord BROUGHAM said that if time Noble Earl was cor rect in the fact he had stated, namely, that the House of As sembly had taken twelve months for preparation, he would suggest to him the propriety of moving for a return of all the Acts passed in Antigua from the year 1834 up to last year. This would have a very important bearing on the 13111 which he ( Lord Brougham) had introduced. The petitions were then laid on the table. The Marquis of L NSD 0 WNE presented a petition from the Dissenters of Hackney, bearing among others the name of a most eminent person ; he meant Dr. Pye Smiths. The prayer of the petition was, that their Lordships would adopt such measures as should be effectual for guarding the negroes and the colonial population against oppression, and for secur ing the attainment all the equitable and beneficent intentions oF the Slave Emancipation Act. In this prayer he most cor dially concurred. Lord BROUGHAM said, the opinion of Dr. Pye Smith, and of the twenty or thirty persons who joined with him in the prayer of the petition, was, no doubt, of great value ; but he (Lord Brougham) must remind the Noble Marquis, whose views seemed to accord with theirs, that they were mightily contracted in number as compared with those who en tertained directly the contrary opinion, and who had sent thou sands of petitions, signed by myriads of persons, to Parliament praying for the immediate emancipation of the negrocs on the Ist of August next. The Duke of WELLINGTON, referring to some of the observations which had been made by the Noble and Learned Lord (Lord Brougham) with respect to the dis cussion which had arisen upon the petitions presented by him (the Duke of Wellington,) observed that he should not that night have called the attention of the House to them, except upon this one and solitary ground : that be understood the Noble and Learned Lord was not likely to be present in the House to-morrow. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE bad not presented the pe tition to the House as one coming from a numerous body, but simply as coming from a class of persons whose opinions wire entitled to consideration. Lord BROUGHAM was disposed to allow great weight to the opinion of Dr. Pye Smith ; but it would be seen that the Reverend Gentleman had not formed any very strong or any very settled opinion upon this subject ; for if he (Lord B.) were not misinformed, a petition fro.n Dr. Pye Smith, and signed by sixteen or seventeen theological students over whom he presided at the Homerton College, praying for the imme diate emancipation of the negroes—( A laugh )—would be pre sented to-morrow evening by the Noble Lord who had been hii ( Lord Brougham's) predecessor and successor upon the Woolsack. The Marquis of L AN SD 0 WNE knew nothing of any other petition from Dr. Pye Smith. The petition was laid upon the table. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then presented ten peti tions from different parishes in Wiltshire, praying for the im mediate emancipation of the negroes. NEW ZEALAND. The Earl of DE VON deferred till to-morrow (this day), the motion of which he had given notice, " For the ap pointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the pre sent state of the hands of New Zealand, and the expe diency of regulating the Settlement of British subjects therein." POST OFFICE. The Earl of WICKLOW gave notice that on Monday next he should move for a copy of the correspondence which had takers place between the authorities of the Post-office and the Rev. (we did not catch the name), respecting the objection which had been made to transmit the Ada is_ sionary Herald through the Post-office. MAGISTRACY (IRELAND). The Marquis of WESTMEATH rose to submit the mo tion of which he had given notice. The circumstances under which he was induced to bring it forward were these. Some time since a gentleman named Shiel was appointed to the Ma gistracy of the county of \Vestmeath. Previous to his ap pointment he (the Marquis of Westmeath), as Lieutenant of the county, was applied to to know whether it was his opinion that. Mr. Shiel should be appointed. He replied that he saw no reason whatever for the appointment of that gentleman. Notwithstanding the opinion so expressed by him (the Marquis of Westmeath), Mr. Shiel was placed in the Commission of the Peace. Since the last Session of Parliament, and shortly after he (the Marquis of Westmeath) returned to Ireland, the general election took place, a considerable excitement was expected in the county of \Vestmeath, the Irish Government ordered a number of ca valry, and an additional police force to remain in the county during the election. As he had anticipated, considerable ex citement and some disturbances took place whilst the election was going on. Mr. Sheil was then in the commission of the peace. In September several Magistrates in Westmeath stated. to him that this Mr. Shiel had been found in a com mon public-house at a late hour of the night, on or about the Bth of August last, in the midst of a tumultuous meet ing ; that he was detected there by the police and the. re sident Magistrate, by whom they were accompanied ; that the police were very ill used ; that the chief constable was not only opposed, but roughly assaulted In the execution of his duty, and that the resident Magistrate himself was ex tremely ill-used. The circumstance became so extremely notorious, that a communication was made to the Govern ment upon it, and, as the conduct of the Magistrate had been such as to disgrace the bench, he (the Marquis of Westmeath) supposed that some immediate steps would be taken. Nothing, however, was done ; wherefore, in Decem ber, lie (the Marquis of 'Westmeath) felt it his duty to inter fere, and between the ith and 29th of that month he addressed several letters to Mr. Rowan, the resident Magistrate, and also to the proper officers acting immediately under the Go vernment in Dublin, detailing what he had heard, End request ing to be informed whether the statement he had received was correct or not. To some of these letters very vague and unsatisfactory answers were returned ; of others, and especially of the last, no notice whatever was taken. The disgrace, therefore, which Mr. Shiel had brought upon the bench in Ireland still continued. Now, iu order to bear out the imputation which he (the Marquis of Westmeath) hereby made upon the Irish Government, he should refer for a moment to the opinions delivered by the noble Viscount ( Visconnt Melbourne), then Secretary of State for the Home Department, upon the introduction of the Lieutenant of Counties (Ireland) Bill. Upon that occasion the Noble Vis count pointed out, as one of the great advantages of the Bill, the accurate information which it would enable the Govern ment to obtain, through the medium of the Lieutenant, with respect to the character and conduct of every person whom it might be proposed to place upon the bench of magistrates. Lord Stanley dwelt much upon the same point, in recommend ing the same measure to the House of Commons. The re commendation of the Lieutenant was in every instance.to be strictly attended to. This was the great advantage of the 13i11. In the instance to which he (the Marquis of West meath) was now referring, the recommendation of the Lieu tenant had been wholly disregarded. He was in hopes that the subject having been thus brought under the notice of the first Minister of the Crown, that Noble Lord would deem the matter worthy of a full inquiry. The Noble Mar quis concluded by moving for a " Copy of correspondence between the office of Chief Secretary of Ireland and the Mar quis of Westmeath relative to the removal of Sir Richard Nagle, Bart., from the Lieutenancy of the county of \Vest meath, and his re-appointment thereto; also a copy of cor respondence relative to Sir R. Nagle's removal and restoration to the commission of the peace; and to the re-appointment of Shiel, Esq., to the commission of the peace ; ordered 1 1 th July." The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was quite ready to admit that on the occasion to which the Noble Marquis alluded it very clearly appeared that there had been some not very pro per conduct on the part of some parties. He could assure the Noble Marquis, however, that the Government of Ireland would not suffer such conduct to pass over without full in quiry, and he could inform the Noble Marquis further, that such an inquiry was in the course of being made.—( Hear, hear.) When the inquiry was terminated there was not the slightest objection to lay all the documents connected with the subject before the House. Under these circumstances lie conceived the Noble Marquis would think it unnecessary to persevere in his motion. Tile Earl of WICKLOW hoped that the inquiry would be prosecuted with as little delay as possible. Lord PLUNK ET had nothing to say in reference to the particulars of this case, but he was thoroughly convinced, from his general knowledge of the Noble Lord, of the anxious desire on the part of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to pay the utmost attention to every complaint brought before him, and to do uniform justice.—( Hear, hear.) He had, however, a general recollection of the appointment of a Mr. Shiel to the magistracy some two years back, and his idea was that Mr. Shiel had come recommended to him by the Lord-Lieu tenant as a person who, in the opinion of the executive Go vernment, was proper to be appointed to the magistracy. And here he (Lord Plunket) would frankly tell the Noble Marquis that he held it to be his bounden duty, when any representation was made to him by the Executive Government of the propriety of appointing an individual, to comply with that recommendation, but he also felt it to be his duty in such or similar eases of recommendation always to communicate with the Lieutenant of the County to which the magistrate was proposed to be appointed, previous to the appointment being ratified. In this particular case, if he remembered right, he had communicated with the Noble Marquis, as Lieu tenant of the county, stating the recommendation which had been made by the Executive Government of Mr. Shiel, and inquiring whether the Noble Marquis had any specific objec tion to make to the appointment ? In answer to this column- Inication the Noble Marquis had stated no specific objection to Mr. Shiel, but had merely generally stated that he saw no ne cessity for any additional magistrate being appointed for the county.----( Hear, hear, hear.) About a month since, how ever, having occasion to communicate with the Noble Mar quis in reference to the appointment of another magistrate, the Noble Marquis first took occasion to advert to the complaint against Mr. Shiel, but he (Lord Plunket) had by no means felt himself justified, upon a niece cursory re mark like this, to call upon Mr. Shiel for an explanation until the whole truth of the allegations made against him had been fully inquired into. There was no duty more painful to ,a person holding the situation which he (Lord Plunket) held than that which involved the removal of magistrates. He could assure the Noble Earl that he bad never derived any sort of - amusement from the exercise of this abstract right, whatever :amusement the Noble Earl might derive from opposing the .appointments. The Noble Marquis had, besides, charged the Irish Government with being actuated by political motives in their selection of assistant-barristers. Ile was prepared to state that in no case had the Lord- Lieutenant appointed an assistant barrister without consulting him, and he would take on him self to assert that every one of those assistant-barristera had been appointed in the most judicious manner, and without any party feelings. The Earl of DEVON hoped that no long delay would take place in prosecuting this inquiry, which Noblemen on both -sides of the House, w lio had beard the statements made by the Noble Marquis, must feel to be imperatively called for. After a few words from Lord Plunket, the Earl of Devon, the Marquis of Headfort, and the Marquis of Westmeath, The motion was put, and negatived without a division. DUBLIN STEAM-PACKETS. The Marquis of WESTMEATH wished to as!, the Noble Earl the First Lord 01 the Admiralty relat;:ae to the packet service between Liverpool and Dlilfm. Two serious acci dents had lately occurred on this station, by which the number of steam-boats on it under the conduct of the Admiralty had been diminished to two. One of these steam-boats had met with an accident six weeks a4o and hq Velieved that it tve44 - - now under repair. The other met with .an accidynt by corn. sion with , tioter vessel, the coniequ. nee of that the service wes unl v perfurmed b . ) vessels. He vriFitedto know whether there was any - into. tion on the part of the Ad mira:ty to increase the number of vessels on this station? The Earl of MINTO replied that it was perfectly true that the machinery of one of the steam vessels belonging to this station was under repair, and also that another steam vessel was d .maged be a collision. With respect to employing more vessels on this station, he could only say that there were not more steam vessels at the dUspos•l of the Admiralty. They were, however, engaged in building some new vessels, and they were willing to purchase when they could satisfactorily do so. '1 he Earl of WICKLOW hoped that in a short time A better description of packers would be employed oa this station. The Earl of AUNT() made an observation which was inae dible in the gallery. The House then adjourned. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen, accompanied by her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, honoured the performance of Midame Per siani, in La Sonnambala, at her Majesty's Theatre, last even ing, with her presence. Her Majesty arrived at half Fast nine o'clock, attended by the Countess of Durham, Lady Harriet Clive, Miss Lister, Lady M. Stopford, Marquis of Conyng_ ham, Lord Byron, and the Hon. Col. Cavendish. Her Majesty and her august Mother rode out on horseback yesterdty, for three hours; her Majesty was attended by Lady Harriet Clive, Baroness Lchzen, Marquis of Conyngham, Lord Byron, Earl of Uxbridge, Hon. Colonel Cavendish, Sir, Frederick Stovin, Hon. Colonel Grey, Colonel \Vemvss, and Sir George Quentin. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent was attended by Lady Mary Stopford. Her Majesty gave audience yesterday to Viscount Mel bourne, Lord Gleneig, and Lord Hill. _ Her Majesty the Queen Dowager visited her Royal High ness the Duchess of Kent yesterday,at the new Palace. The Duchess of Gloucester, the Duchess and Princess Au gusta of Cambridge visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager yesterday, at Marlborough House. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge honoured Mr. Wigram with a visit, to see Mr. Landseer's celebrated paint ing of his horses. Mr. Colville, and a deputation of West India Planters, had an interview with Lord John Russell yesterday, at the Home Office. A deputation, including the Bishop of London, Lord Stan lev, and Lord Sander), had an interview with Vis,rount Mel bourne yesterday, in Downing-street. The French Ambassador and the Belgian Minister trans acted business yesterday at the Foreign Office. Mr. Alston, M. P., had an interview with Lord John Rus sell yesterday at the Home Office. The Earl of Arran and Mr. Turner had interviews with Vis count Melbourne yesterday. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTER .SAL L' S— YES SEB Dd r. The attendance at the Corner was thin, and the business done comparatively trifling. W A was offered very freely against Cobweb, but rather less than 7to 1 would be taken. The following were the latest prices, and at these few were booked : THE lIIDDLESWORTH. 10 to 6 on Cobweb colt--taken THE DERBY. 7 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Cobweb eolt—taken 11 to 1 agst Mr. Armitage's Nonplus colt 11 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Grey Momus 15 to 1 agst Mr. E. Peel's The Early Bird 15 to 1 agst 11r. Bland's Young Rowton 15 to 1 agst Ld Exeter's Alemdar—taken 16 to 1 asst Colonel Peel's lon 20 to 1 agst Ld G. Bentinek's D'Egville—taken 22 to 1 agst Mr. H. Coombes's Cobham—taken 25 to 1 agst Captain Berkeley's Bullion 30 to 1 agst Sir J. Mills's Volunteer 30 to 1 agst Lord Suffield's Bamboo—taken 30 to 1 agst Mr. Worral's Dormouse—taken 35 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's Richard Roe—taken 40 to 1 agst Mr. Watt's Dash—offered 40 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's 13retby—offiired. 50 to 1 agst Mr. Ford's Quo Minns 50 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Tranby's dam colt 50 to 1 agst Mr. A. Smith's Cracker 550 to 500 on Cobweb, Nonplus, Grey Momus, Tom, Young Rolston, Alemdar, and Cobham aget the field, with the condition that Early 13ird was left in the ield. TIIE OAKS. 9 to I agst Lord Jersey's Glenara—taken 10 to 1 agst Duke of Grafton's Unique—take-a We regret to announce the death of Lord Berners. This vener able Nobleman, so long known as " the snorting Colonel Wilson, of Newmarket," was in his 77th year, and was a universal favourite on the turf, where he continued to enter horses and attend the races to the last, and with unabated interest. His Lordship's falconry establishment was •slso well known, as he gave annually several flights of hawks at the Newmarket meetings. CHELTENHAM STEEPLE CHASES.-111ARcil 28. A Sweepstakes of 20 cove. each, 5 ft., with 25 added by Lord Segrave, and 25 added by the Town of Cheltenham, for 'horses of all denominations, carrying 12st. each. Gentlemen riders. The second horse to save his stake. 19 Subs. Mr. Neweorobe's b. g. Cannon Ball N I A. Powell I Mr. Vevcr's b. g. Charity 2 Mr. A. M'Donogh's ch. h. Sir William The following also started, but were not placed :—Mr. J. Day's CAes, Mr. C. Marshall's b. g. Railroad, Nit.. Williamson's b. h. Scamp, and Mr. C. Walker's br. g. Sportsman. Cannon-ball, Railroad, Sir William, and Charity laid together in frout till the last field but two, where Cetus caught them, but, falling at the wail out of it, left the others together as before ; Railroad fell at the last wall, leaving Cannon-ball and Charity to finish ; the forme r won b y t h ree - quarters o f a length. '1 he line chosen was over a light country, with several stone walls, and was upwards of four miles. A Sweepstakes of 5 sous. each, with 10 added, for horses of all de nominations, carrying I Ist. 71b. each. Two Mr. I3allinger na. ro. g. Perrystone Oliver 1 Mr. iloleman's b. g. Creeper 2 Mr. E. Jones's b. c. Decider 3 The following also started, but were not placed :—Mr. Bisdee's Inez, Mr. Griillths's b. in. Off-she-gees, Mr. Powell's eh. g. The General, Colonel Charritie's br. g. Friar Bacon, Mr. M‘D onog h' s br. h. Waverley, Mr. Newman's ch. g. Snipe, by B urgun d y, and Mr. J. R. Newcombe's Tallisman. g. Snipe, had a strong lead for nearly half the distatte, when Creeper took it from him, and was in frunt to the last fence, which he took so clumsily that Per rystone was enabled to resume his lead anti win in a canter. BALL IN AID OF THE POLISH REFUGEES.— Last night a grand ball, for the benefit of the distressed Poles now in London, took place in the Hanover-squa':e Rooms. The fete was under the fostering auspices of the Literary Association of the friends of unhappy and struggling Poland, and the following distinguished ladies honoured it with their patronage :—The Duchess of Somerset, the Duchess of Ha milton, the Duchess of Sutherland, the Countess of Rose berry, Lady Frances Sandon, Lady Mary Fox, Lady Frances Egerton, Lady Ann Wilbraham, Lady Georgiana Wortley, Lady James Stuart, Lady Wilarncliffe, Lady Burdett, Miss Coutts, &c., &c. The doors were thrown open at eight o'clock, and from that hour till nearly midnight the Company continued to arrive. Dancing commenced at a little after ten o'clock, and was kept up with undiminished ardour till an early hour, inspired by the sprightly and appropriate music of Adams's quadrille band. The company was numerous, and we need not add respectable. Some of the branches of the first families of the aristocracy were present ; amongst the moat prominent were Lord Dudley Stuart, that steady and ardent supporter of Polish liberty, Col. Leicester Stanhope, Lincoln Stanhope, &e. Numbera of the gentlemen appeared in military and naval uniforms, and the ladies, resplendent with jewels, gave to the ensemble, an exceedingly splendid appearance. Refreslunclles were liberally supplied, indeed there appeared to be nn'Aiing wanted to give eclat to the ball. We heard in the room that the managers had every reason to. be satisfied with the result ; aild we trust that the poor re z e. fugees, in whose behalf the fete was given, will speedily pees ticipate in the benefit. MEN OF CHARACTER.-Under this titit Mr. Jerrold has presented us with a series of lively and amusing stories, told in an admirable manner. Tho humour displayed in the " Men of Character" is of the richest vein, though it sometimes approaches to broad carical, d r e ; but nevertheless it must excite the risible faculties, w e should imag , , ine of the veriest stoic. There a r e o ft en , t o r j sonic fine touches of na ture which astonish and delight t: de reader. We have seldom, perused any thing so deeply pa';netic as the episode of the or phan Eleanor, in " Isaac C'...eck, the Man of Wax." W'aat enhances the value of th'.l work in our estimation is the excel lent reflections .with Ankh it abounds, being introduced as if they were the spontaneous musings of the different characters, —Caledonian illercury. 1838.—The following is the House List of ri o . vernors and Directors of the Bank of England for the. year ensuing : FOR GOVERNORS. Timothy Abraham Curtis, Esq., Governor.. Sir John Rae Reid, Bart., Deputy Governor. FOR DIRECTORS. Robert Barclay, Esq. John Bowden, Esq. Henry Davidson, Esq. Abel Lewes Gower, Esq. Thomas Hankey, Jun., Esq. John Benjamin, Heath, Esq. John G. Hubbard, Esq. Charles Fred. Huth, Esq. Alfred Latham, Esq. James Maleomson, Esq. Win. Mellish, Esq. Humphrey St. John Mildmay, Esq. The election for Governor and at the Ba.‘k on Tuesday, the 3 Pcsdity, the 4+, of April next, noon till four in the afternorm. 'James Morris, Esq. George Warde Norman, Esq. John Horsley Palmer, Esq. James Pattison, Esq. Christopher Pearse, EN. John Henry Pelly, Charles Pole, Esq. Poreher, Esq. Wm. R. Robinson, Esq. Thomas Charles Smith, Esq. \Vm. Thompson, Esq., and Al derman, 'rhos. M. Weguelin, Esq. Daputy-Governor be hold and for Directors, on Wed from ton o'clock in the fore- BY AUTHORITY.—The Court Gazvtte, in an ele gant form for binding, devoted 0 the Cour'. and Fashionable World, Literature, Music, the. Drama, E (iienee, and the Arts, pt ice 6d., will appear April 7th, with a list of presentations end dressr.s at her Majesty's Drawing--rocin. Advertisements, Orders, &c., at 162, Piccadilly. THE OLD SALLOA."—This popular Naval Novelist, whose " GI-cent-AO: Pensioner," " Tough Yarns," and vet more his " Nif;',lts at Sea," in Bentley's merry M E _ - z:Alany, have made ,as productions welcome everyvvb ere , is about to publish another story of the sea, characterized, like all his former works, by that mixture of th e grave and gay, which make up the chequered de of a sail or . It is only n;3- ocssnry to give the tit le of his new bock to set all his admirers ( an d no writer of the present (I , iy has a greater number), on the (jai v i va. Topsail Sheet Blocls ; or, The Naval Found ' li ng ," will, from what we have heard, takes its place next to Marryitt's inimitable story, P eter sinoe.„ i