The Sun. — London, England, 1836-02-20 00:00:00

mestic nature ; and he was, therefore, entitled to - say that what his Noble Friend considered as an evidence of indifference was in fact a proof that the country had been satisfied with the management of foreign affairs, and that it felt confidence in those who administered them.—( Hear.) He now came to the immediate subject of his Noble Friend's argument. His Noble Friend had, in a speech of great ability, and which dis played great research, traced out the progressive augmentation of the territory of the Russian empire, and had founded upon that s t atement the arguments which he had thought sufficient to authorise the production of the papers be moved for. But the fact was, that the peculiar characteristic of all the acts by Which the successive augmentations of that empire bad been achieved was, that they had always been committed when the other nat i ons of Europe were occupied in quarrelling amongst t hemselve s , and when their attention was therefore so much engrossed with their own immediate affairs as to have pre- vented their opposing the Russian Government in the execu tion of its plans. Now, if that were the case, he could not see why his Noble Friend did not approve of a course of policy which tended to preservepeace in Europe,and therefore to leave each nation at liberty to watch the motions and probable inten tions, of th ose w h om it suspected of designs of aggrandisement. T he Hon. Member for Birmingham had called for war under any ci rcumstances—war with paper or war with gold. But Be (Lord Palmerston) conceived that an additional motive was here afforded for endeavouring to avoid perils which had already led to evil consequences and difficulties.—(Hear.) W hile, however, he thus differed from his Noble Friend, he Must at the same time say, that he entirely agreed with him as M the importance to this country of maintaining Turkey In integrity and importance.-2-( Hear, hear, hear.) He had an former occasions (those on which it was customary for the Gov eminent to communicate with the two Houses of Par lantent), en d eavoure di to sat i s f y t h e H ouse t h at t h e op i n i on e now expressed was the opinion which had been constantly entertained by the Government ; and he could assure his Noble Friend that it was impossible Tor him to feel more strongly the Importance of the preservation of the independence of Turkey th at was the (th e Government) did. He beli eve d a l so that thi s "as the sentiment sincerely entertained by every other country of Europ e w h ose i nterest co i nc id e d in this respect with that of England. Such being the fact as regarded the main point of the Noble Lord's argument, he ( Lord Palmerston), feeling the delicacy and difficulty which attended a Minister of the r awn, in entering into questions relating to the for e ign poli c y ?,f the country, where no part i cu l ar matter had b een b rought fo rward on which such questions could arise, thought that the House would feel that he would be best performing his d uty on the occasion by following the Noble Lord as lightly as Possible into the many topics which be had introduced. There was one, however, as to which he thought it necessary to set right his Noble Friend and the House if they agreed w ith him i n th e pos i t i on w hi c h h e h a d ta k en u p. Hi s N o bl e F riend`` had appeared to think and to suppose that the com rnereial league into which Prussia had entered, together with t l ther States on the Continent, had been the result of Russian 'Whence, and had been commenced and continued in order to c ompass the attainment of Russian designs. He begged to B IY that he thought his Noble Friend mistaken in this suppo sitian• That league had for its object Prussian interests, and Prussian interests alone. There could be no doubt that the l eague in question had been planned and devised by Prussia, a nd that it was necessary, in order to its completeness, to have t he co-operation of certain small German States. But was it to be supposed that unless those German States had felt that th ey too had an interest in the formation of the league they Wo uld have acceded to the propositio n ? It h a d b een l ong t hought in Germany that it would be desirable to get rid of the impediments to commerce caused by the interposition and in tervention of the internal Custom-houses, and, by so doing, to give to the commerce of the various States a more ample and free development, and the league was consequently entered H to was , therefore, a league entirely German in its objects. 4 Noble Friend might be assured, then, that the league in question, whether its results would be for good or for evil— aiel for his (Lord Palmerston's) part he did not think that Plunch of either was likely to result from it—had certainly not een the result of Russian influence, but had been entirely and beginning to end a German transaction.—( Hear, hear.) g e now came to t h e ques ti on o f th e p a p ers f or w hi c h t h e No ble Lord had moved, for the Noble Lord had, with n, - ' ll ah judgment and good taste, avoided suggesting any Me asures for the adoption of the Government, feeling, as he no doubt bad done, that whatever sentiments of - regret "r on on sYmpathy the House or himself might have enterta4o , h~Se subject connected with the topics referred to in speech, still no case had arisen upon which to suggest a ny course of action to the Government. With respect ro°lle of the papers, he (Lord P a lmerston) cou ld f ee l obection whatever to its production ; but as regarded the three,others, he certainly must oppose the motion of his Noble ri all& The treaty, commonly balled the treaty of Unkiar Sk elessi,.. was officially in the possession of his Majesty's Go iernrnent, and therefore to the production of that document . I ' o (Lord Palmerston) could not offer any opposition ; but the treaty of Achmet Pacha was not o ffi cially in the possession of the Government, and to the production of that, therefore, he ust object. With regard to the correspondence between the Cav ernment of this country and those of Russia and Turkey ~ -n the subject of those treaties, he must entreat the House not to call for them. He was prepared to say that they could not be Produced without inconvenience to the public service. They co uld accomplish no object for the Noble Lord, and he there fore felt th at when he assured the House that they could not be P r oduced without prejudice to the public service, prevented as , s a,e wa b the very nature of the case from entering into ex- Palliation ' s of the reasons which induced him to come to that c onelusiqn—explanations which would be as prejudicial as he C onceived would be the production of the papers—he was en titled to hope that the House would not press for the papers, but be satisfied with his assurance.—( Hear.) Then, as to the Other papers for which his Noble Friend had moved—the cor resp.ondence between th e G overnment o f t hi s country an d t h at Russia with respect to Poland—these papers were moved for ?n a former occasion, when the object in moving for them was then urge on th e G overnment to protest aga i nst t h e c h ange T e Z ade in the Constitution of the kingdom of Poland. and ons titution granted by Alexander had been abolished, Peror a syste m of Government established by the present Em ' at th °f R ussia substituted ; and he (Lord Palmerson) stated With e time that the Bristish Government had remonstrated • of the tha of Russia, on that which was considered a violation e _ Treaty of Vienna. So far, therefore, as this public v..‘srpirieshssion of what had been the opinions and course of the Government on that occasion could avail the Noble .Lord' he would have the advantage of it; but he (Lord Pal- Zerstou) thought the House would see that no advantage el old be gained by the publication, after three years had an this of the correspondence between the two Governments .„ 4 Pais subject, when nothing had arisen to make such publi _tan necessary or desirable. If it was desired to go to war a country then a publication of all documents which could 4'Tssibly throw a light on the question in dispute was both de able and and necessary, in order to show the quarrel to be a just ;al but if it was desired to keep at peace with that coontry, o rn it was certainly not desirable to give up to the perusal o off t he wrld correspondence wch must nessaril have the ter of irritating both sides without leading ce to an y desirable n ecessary object.--( Hear.) On these grounds, y therefore, to Was that he (Lord Palmerston) called upon the House not of a gree to the motion of his Ncble Friend for the production an t he papers in question. But there was also another point Thewhich he felt it necessary to answer the Noble Lord. s k , Noble Lord seemed to think that the Treaty of Unkiar th e lessi had led to indignities being offered to this country in Person of its Ambassador ; but he was certainly entirely mistiaken if he supposed that such indignities had been offered, ambassador it was the intention of the Government to cause the 1 1 aassado r to submit to any measures inconsistent with the (Cur and dignity of the country. In the first place he t 2 11 Palmerston) must remind his Noble Friend that the ai r tY, as far as it regarded the passage of the Dardanelles, tz 7 a dead letter at present, for it could have no operation 'ept in case of a war. Lor d rd D. STUART—There was a war i n Ci rcass i a . ° rd PALMERSTON—That was not the sort of war Cont e mplated by that treaty. Wt. which D. STUART—It contemplated an application to any which affected the peace of the country. . r adord PALMERS ' I ' ON continued—Then what was the b Uund on w hi c h t h e quest i on o f t h e passage o f t h e D ar d a -• Wes stood as regarded its relation to this country? Why, 4dallcient treaties between this country and Turkey our ships t v the right to enter all Turkish seas and all Turkish ports. 11th article of the treaty of 1809 the Porte declared T • atne . urkey was at peace with all nations. It had been the county' le nt Practice of Porte not toillow the ships of war of other uehes to pass between the Black Sea and the Mediterra thi4,,"' and England on her part declared he acquiescence in ri- arran h gement Therefore the British Government had no p! r . ` t to send ships . of war to the Black Sea, except with the hit mi ssion of the Porte, which permission bed always been ease to g iven as soon as asked for. Now, what was the -s fa a as rega r d e d L or d D ur h am ? Hi s L or d s hip went Cain e r , as Constantinople, but the Noble Lord main litaX t hat his not going through the Dardanelles into the bu t Sea was an indignity. Yet the Blonde frigate had ha d a short ti me b e f ore b een i n t h e Bl ac k S ea , w h ere s h e th ne rn ade a salvage. It so happened, however, that about the e which L or d D ur h am sa il e d f rom t hi s country , M r . Ellis petasia. ted fro m E ng i and on a spec i a l m i ss i on to t h e C ourt o f hell He went in the King's steamer through the Darda -41 es to T re b izond, and the vessel returned to take Lord cau t , haln • It was not incommoded with guns certainly, be lt O A it was c arry i ng t h e B r i t i s h A m b assa d or an d his baggage ; r es ;" (1 / 1 board a guard of marines, and wa's in every other ntist a a ship of England ; but the Noble Lord was certainly di,, nit `au if he s u pp ose d t h at t h ere h a d b een an y want of due .ff ,eey in the progress of Lord Durham. Well, there was i r n the circumstance which happened at Odessa. The Noble huasined that some affroilt had been offered to Lord true t is , Tri in his not receiving ,ti nt n salute. It was nu , Hat there had been a mistake made by a Russian Captain, eii : n that consequently some hours intervened before the ex ge of salutes took place : but that it was a mistake of this vidual only, and not an intended insult to Lord Durham, reise.proved Ode the circumstance of his Lordship having been tin c_ied at ssa by the authorities with every mark of dis :tn't!nti and respect due to the representative of the King of th; s l and. It was evident the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi had no pri!".g to do with the circumstances which attended the pro of offer Lord D ur h am , an d that there had been no intention any ydisrespect either to the flag or to the Ambassa till. of England. He ( Lord Palmerston) would not follow eclsloble Lord into the other topics which be had intro duced into the debate—into the question of colonization in nut the question of the affairs of Greece. He would n „.._°e led by the Noble Lord into a defence of the course wued by this country with respect to Greece—a course Sa, " l l he (Lord Palmerston) must, however, be allowed to t ), e 110 believed to be at once honourable and advantageous interests of the nation. Nor would he be led into a la ation of the Greeks from the charge which the Noble I'd had made against them—of being a nation of robbers on land, and of pirates at sea ; although he wished that the Noble Lord could have availed himself of the opportunity which a tour in the East afforded, of spending a sufficient time in Greece to have produced a change in this opinion of the Noble Lord. But he would assure his Noble Friend and the House, that the Government felt that the subject was one of quite as much importance as had been assumed by the Noble Lord, and that the Government were moreover pre pared so to act with respect to it, as to maintain the interest and at the same time the honour of the country. Ile also assured the Noble Lord that if they found it necessary, in or der to the due maintenance of the interests of the country, to call upon the House to furnish the means of vindicating the national interests and the national honour by a war they would certainly do 50.. - -( Hear, hear)—and that they would never make such a call without such a good and sufficient ground as would ensure them the confidence and concurrence of Parlia ment.—( Hear.) On the other hand, it was not the wish of the Government to disturb the transactions of peace by spread ing abroad menaces of wit- ; and as they did not at present see any reasonable ground why the peace of this country and of Europe should be disturbed, they felt it to be their duty, while they agreed to a part of the present motion, strenuously to oppose the remainder. He entreated the House to leave the Government to manage the affairs which had been en trusted to their hands, resting satisfied that they would not plunge the country unnecessarily into war, that they were de termined to preserve peace as long as they could, and that they did not at present see any reason to doubt its long con tinuance. Dr. BO WRING thought that the power of Russia had been. very much overrated. On paper her armies were doubtless immense, but she had never, even at the time when she strug gled for existence, been able to bring more than 300,000 men into the field. The Nobles, too, were beginning to evince a desire for improvement. He felt for the situation of Poland, but would be sorry if the question of Polish independence were to be decided by whether the stipulations of a treaty, in which certain Monarchs bound themselves to maintain a par ticular Constitution in Poland, had been complied with. He thought those rights rested on a much broader basis, and that she must look to the future for the restoration to liberty, when those more extended rights were generally admitted. Mr. ROBINSON was very much inclined to agree with the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs that very little good was to be gained from re-opening this question between Russia and Poland. He thought that a protest having been entered by the British Government against the proceedings of Russia with respect to• Poland, the former had placed itself in such a situation as would enable it, whenever the occasion should arise, to avail itself of that protest in following it up. He (Mr. Robinson) would not enter into the general question, whether the league called the Prussian league was the result of Prussian influence exerted to favour Prussian interests, or whe ther it was the result of German interference. For his own part he was inclined to think that the Noble Lord was right in as suming that it was a German league ; but he thought that the Noble Lord was disposed to treat the objects of the league with too much lenity. The complaint made against the league was, not that Prussia was pursuing a system advantageous to herself, but that she had induced all the small German States to come into an arrangement which enabled her to im pose high duties on all goods of British manufacture. There could be no doubt, he believed, that Prussia had resorted to undue means in order to procure the assent of the small Ger man States to the terms of the league—that was proved by the fact that in all those States which had Legislative Chambers protests had been entered against the proceedings of Prussia. The Hon. Member for Birmingham had said that the inha bitants of Birmingham, and other towns of that description were anxious for a war. No doubt his Hon. Friend was an enthusiast on the subject, but it was equally certain that his feelings were not in unison with those of any other Member of that House. Mr. P. THOMSON said that he had not intended to take any part in this debate, nor should be have done so had he not felt it necessary to correct a mistake under which the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, and many other persons, seemed to labour with regard to the Prussian league. How that subject had found its way into this debate he was wholly at a loss to conceive, unless it had arisen from the statements contained in an absurd publication called the Portfolio. No one at all acquainted with the bearings of the question could, he thought, for a moment entertain the idea that it was the in terest of Russia, even if Russia had the power, to promote a confederation of this description ; for if its nature were political, and he was disposed to believe that it was, would it not erect a power in Germany greater than any Russia could hope to possess ? There was also another mistake fallen into by the Hon. Gentleman which he likewise wished to correct. The Hon. Gentleman said-, in the first place, that a disadvantage would arise to this country from the Prussian league, and in the next, that Prussia would have the power of raising the du- ' ties on British commodities to any amount the Government of Prussiiipleased. The contrary of this was, in point of fact, the case, because the league would give to Prussia no greater power in this respect than Prussia possessed befote., The effect of the league would be this—before it existed Prussia, being wholly unfettsred, had the power of regulating the duties levied on the commodities of this country in any way the Prussian Government pleased, by either raising or diminishing them—(Hear, hear)—but now that Prussia had united with the other powers of the different Ger man States, no change could be made in the scale of duties agreed to by the Confederation, without the consent of all 'parties to the league. The power of Prussia, therefore, was limited instead of being increased, and that disadvantage he was inclined to consider as the necessary result of the league itself. The day had come, he felt convinced, when all the coun tries of Europe would find it their interest to diminish rather thin increase the duties on foreign imposts ; but the difficulty which this league threw in the way of alteration was that no one power could act without the common consent of all the states embraced by the confederation. That was the principle from which disadvantage was likely to arise. This disadvantage, however, could only affect the States that were parties to the league, and therefore it was most unfounded to imagine, though reports to the effect had been industriously circulated, that it would apply injuriously, to the trade of this country. The Prussian tarif would of course be adopted by all the States within the Confederation, and all he could say was, that if that tariff were compared with the scale of duties in this country, it could not be looked upon in that unfavourable light. He was aware that some countries had raised their duties, while others had not done so ; but he believed it would, on a survey of the whole, be found, if the balance were struck, and an average taken, that, generally speaking, the duties on the commodities of this country had not been much increased. Formerly, it should be recollected, if we required to penetrate to the heart of Germany, we had five, six, twelve, or perhaps fifteen Cus tom-houses to encounter, but now the instant we passed the frontier we would be at liberty to transport our commodity into any part of Germany we pleased. While he made this state ment he begged it to be understood that he by no means wished to speak in praise of the league. On the contrary, he was free to admit that he considered the arrangement dis advantageous to this country. The Government did what they could to oppose it, but as the system had been car ried into effect, they could not do otherwise than acquiesce in it, and if he were a German certainly he' should be in favour of it, inasmuch as nothing could be more inconve nient and harrassing than such a multiplicity of Custom houses as had previously existed. He had no doubt what ever that the abolition of those Custom-houses was the reason which swayed the German people into the arrange ment, as they had long been anxious that their national and social intercourse should be without such restraints. The experience, however, of the last two or three years in the practical working of the system clearly proved that the alarms raised were altogether unfounded, for instead of our trade with the Gorman States diminishing, it had actually increased. So far then as experience went, it appeared that the league was not disadvantageous to the commerce of Great Britain. His Noble Friend (Lord Dudley Stuart) had called his attention to the little value which was to be set upon the commercial re lations between this county and Russia. He would not deny that the tie existing between England and Russia was founded on a bad principle, and that the endeavour on the part of Rus sia to convert an agricultural population into a partially manu facturing population had been attended with injurious conse quences to this country. There could be no doubt of this ; but then they should consider what it was that had led to the change. It was when foreign corn and timber were excluded from the ports of this country that the change first took place. —( Hear.) But still, with all these disadvantages, he must tell his Noble Friend that the Russian trade was of great im portance to this country. He did not urge this as a reason why more weighty considerations should be lost sight of. No such thing ; but because he believed the course taken was not the one which some honourable Members of that House had in view. It was not by calling the people of a great nation barbarians, and assailing them by every species of abuse, that good was to be obtained.—(Hear.) Let this country take its stand on its own interest and honour, and if either were attacked, why, then it would be sufficient time for them to take their line, and be prepared to defend that line. When the moment came they should be prepared to act, but until that period had arrived (and be hoped it was far distant), the less they said to the prejudice of the honour of another na tion the better. _ _ _ Sir R. INGLIS was understood to say that his Right Hon. Friend ( Sir R. Peel) who sat near him had on the first night of the present Session stated that the Government of this country had more than a common interest in keeping the na tions of Europe at peace. In this opinion he entirely con curred, and although the interest which be took in the fate of Poland was as deep as ever, he could not agree with what had fallen from the Noble Lord opposite (the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs) with respect to withholding the docu ments sought for by the present motion. There was no circumstance which could call for the production of the remonstrance made by the Government of this country to the Emperor of Russia three years ago, on the subject of Poland ; but although he said this he did not think it by any means too much to hope that the Noble Lord would reiterate that remonstrance whenever an opportunity of doing so should present itself. He was as much opposed as any man to mere idle demonstrations of war ; but he still thought as a nation this country should be solicitous to guarantee to Poland all that the Foles were entitled to according to the interpretation riven by England and France to the treaty to which he allu. ded The Noble Lord had alluded to the probable designs of Russia on India, and there could be - no doubt that Russia had not only obtained access to the whole of the east coast of the Black Sea, but possessed very great influence along the west coast of Persia. Sir E. C ODRING TON must say that if the treaty of Lon don had been carried into effect no war would ever have taken place in Turkey ; and, if that had been the case, Russiu would have been in a widely different situation from that which that country now occupied. It was quite evident that the Hon. Gentlemen who had spoken in the course of the debate had .:ever seen the voluminous documents called the Greek papers, for if they had they must have seen that subsequnntly to the battle of Navarino, the Emperor of Russia proposed THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 18 to his allies in London certain measures with respect to Turkey, which would have been so satisfactory to all parties that Turkey would have acceded to the treaty without hesita tion. These proposals appeared to him to have been made with perfect sincerity; but whether the Emperor of Russia had ultimate views and expectations or not, if those proposals had been adopted, there could bo no doubt whatever that he would not have the pretence for war with which the treaty of Adrianople furnished him. It would have been his ( Sir Edward Codrington's) duty to carry the arrangement into effect, and if he had received the necessary orders, as he war then in command of the three squadrons, it was utterly impos sible that the Emperor of Russia could have done any thing to prejudice the interests of England. But it was apparent that Hon. Gentlemen were ignorant of the matter. Now with respect to the present situation of Russia, and whatever the Russian influence with the Sultm might be, he (Si r E. Codrington) felt persuaded that if England were to hold out the hand of amity to Turkey, our aament ally would gladl y accept it. He did not, however, think that there were sail_ cient grounds for such a course at present; but if ever Eng land had occasion to meet Russia on the subject of rights under treaties, all this Government had to do was to give their hand to Turkey. He was as anxious as any man could be to avoid war, provided this country could do so with honour; but he must, at the same time, say that they should not be so secure of the continuance of peace as to lower their power of preserving their honour by the only moans by which it could be maintained, namely, the navy, which he was sorry to say had been reduced below what was either safe or ever prudent.—( Hear, hear.) He hailed with with the utmost satisfaction the intimation which was given in the Speech from the Throne of an intention to increase the force of this service. With respect to the Prussian league he hoped it was as innocent as the Right Hon. Gentleman would have them believe it was. It seemed, however, extremely odd that the Right Hon. Gentleman should reproach others for in troducing the subject, while be himself made a long speech about it ; but for his ( Sir E. Codrington's) part, he was strongly induced to think that this confederation was rather moreinjurious than advantageous to this country. He thought he saw in it more of political design than mere commercial ad vancement. Could it be supposed that the minor States who were parties to this league would allow Prussia to collect their taxes along the Rhine, and refuse that country military assist ance should it be required? He thought not ' • and what was more, he believed the arrangement to have been originally suggested by a desire on the part of Russia and Prussia to pa ralyse the interests and power of Austria and the other German States. It would be better for this country to extend the re ciprocity system to Turkey than to any Power in Europe. No customs, no taxes, were imposed on the commodities of this country by Turkey ; and he, therefore, saw no reason why this Government should not adopt a system of mutual advantage with Turkey, which could afford an opening for our manufac times to the complete exclusion of all others. Lord S AND 0 N was understood to say that the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had no objection to the pro duction of one of the papers sought for by this motion, namely, the secret treaty of Unkiar Skelessi. Lord PALMERSTON said that the treaty w3s not a se cret one. provement which was its result would be instantly checked, and each nation would be thrown upon its own resources for improvement in the habits and manners of its people. ( Hear.) He considered that a general war would be nothing else than a general calamity.—( Hear.) Russia knew well her own interest. She knew well that it was not her interest to go to war with this country. It was her interest to throw round this country the net of diplomacy, and he cautioned his Majes ty's Ministers not to allow themselves to be so surrounded with the meshes of diplomacy, so that they might too late find them selves unable to retreat with honour. The policy of England was not to trouble herself about the balance of power in Europe—she was as effectually separated from the Continent of Europe by the channel that intervened as was the Continent of America. During the power and greatness of Napoleon he had never been able to land a single French soldier on the shores of England, whilst this country, on the contrary, had in America, at. the distance of two thousand miles across the Atlantic, not only landed an army there but absolutely burned down its capital.—( Hear.) The naval supremacy of England was indisputable. -He would repeat in conclusion what he had insisted on throughout, that the true policy of this country was to see that her own interests were safe, and to endeavour, as far as was consistent with her power and interest, to preserve peace, as the consequence of a war between this country. and Russia must be to produce a general conflagration amongst the different states of Europe.—( Cheers. ) Sir S. CANNING differed in the doctrine that had been propounded, that it was not the interest of this country to interfere to preserve the balance of power in Europe.— ( Hear, hear.) He thought it would not be safe at this time of day to set out upon a new principle, and set aside that policy which had been the' policy of this country for the last two centuries.—( Hear.) It would have been hardly safe, after the peace of Europe had been broken up by the French Revolution, that we should hare abstained from interference in the relations of Europe, and leave those great interests to be settled and determined by nations not always in harmony with each other.—( Hee,. ) It was our duty to interfere. It was our interest to 4 that the balance of power was pre served. It is nes - airy that this country should interfere and see that the sem scy of her own interests was preserved, as well also as to maintain the interests of those countries who had sided with her in the great struggle which had taken place. This was his opinion, and he felt quite certain that the opi nions of the House would go with him upon that point— ( Cheers.) At that advanced hour he did not intend to tres pass on the attention of the House at any length. What bad induced him to rise at all was the reference that had been made to a country, with which, in the course of the negotiations that had taken place, he had been connected. He felt the delicacy of the situation in which he stood of going into that part of the subject before the House. With respect to what had been said at the other side of the House, he certainly felt much pleasure at hearing that the policy of the Government would be to protect our interests, but at the same time as far as possible to contribute towards the maintenance of peace.— ( Cheers.) Feace was at all times desirable, but more par ticularly so at present, when a great expansion of our com mercial intercourse was taking place, and which must of ne cessity be interrupted by the occurrence of war. The inter course of the Continental nations with this country was rapidly on the increase, and at such a time it was the least desirable • that any interruption to the progress of that intercourse should take place, and it was for this reason that he felt gratified at the assurance given by the Government that their policy would still continue to be directed to the maintenance and preserva tion of peace.—( Cheers.) The Right lion. Gentleman pro ceeded to refer to the relations existing between Turkey and Russia. The interests of Turkey had been sacrificed to Russia. That events had occurred, even within the last few years, of great advantage to Russia, no one would attempt to deny. They all remembered on what the ancient system of government in Turkey, and its former power, mainly depended, namely on the great religious enthusiasm of the people, and on a soldiery remarkable for discipline and bravery, at a time when military discipline was in a very low state in other countries.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") At the time of the l a t e war with Russia, Turkey had lost those advantages. That religious enthusiasm which was the source of their mili tary animation and ardour was gone; and he certainly knew no instance in the history of the world in which a nation having once lost its enthusiasm had ever again recovered that spirit of ardour of which that enthusiasm had been the source.—( Hear. ) If there was now any chance of Turkey becoming a rival to the great Power of the North, it could only become so by ex tending to its people the advantages of European civilization. Turkey,the wa and in which enabl e theythat twould power best tot promotem aimaintain n the itself in- ic the northern Power. The only chance of redeeming t against of w tw h a i s ch was left to that country was the developement of riiitg:seaeiQlis itself st n resources, by increased intercourse and the ext e n s i on o f Eu ropean civilization amongst its people.—( Hear.) In that sense he was gratified to hear the opinions which had been al ready expressed. He had come down to the House totally un prepared to offer any observations on this subject, and, little as he had been in the habit of troubling that House, he trusted he should be excused for having entered on the subject, and that some person more able than himself would do justice to any portion of the subject which remained unobserved upon. —( Hear, hear.) Mr. P. STE WART quite agreed with what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Bath, in deprecating war. He certainly thought that war was to be avoided, but that if they did enter into war they should do so with vigilance and vigour. —(Hear, hear.) He quite agreed in what had been said with respect to Poland. The condition of that country afforded a ,practical lesson to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs with respect to the expectations that were formed of the policy of Russia. He would beg to read, for it was very forcibly ex pressed, an opinion which had been given by the Noble Secre tary for Foreign Affairs in a debate which took place in that House three years ago. Upon a motion which had been brought forward in that House in June, 1832, which was fully discussed, and which laid the foundation of an opinion on the subject, which was hourly advancing, and which nothing could retard—in that debate the Noble Lord expressed himself thus :—" As to the idea which appears to be entertained by some as to the intention of the Russian power to exterminate the Poles, it is perfectly un founded. The extermination of a large country by any hu man power is a moral and a political impossibility, and so completely impracticable, that there can be no danger that such an attempt will ever be contemplated." He would ask the Noble Lord, whether he would now say that the attempt had not been made ?—( Cheers.) What was the effect and ten dency of the organic law ? But let them look to what had lately taken place at Warsaw, where the Russian Czar had addressed to the Polish deputies a speech which caused Europe to weep. After this, would the Noble Lord persist in saying that the attempt had not been made ?—( Cheers.) That speech had had one eulogist, and had some apologists. The eulogist stated that it was pronounced with clemency. The apologists that it was the product of madness. That the pressure of two crowns upon thesame head had caused that madness of which this threat was an emanation. He would not now re capitulate that speech. But he trusted, after what had hap pened, that his Majesty's Government would see the necessity of using increased vigilance and caution, and regulating their councils by their past experience. He was surprised that in the speech of the Right Honourable President of the Board of Trade, he had avoided alluding to Turkey. If England wished to uphold her commercial interest and her political integrity, it was her bounden duty to watch over the diplomatic proceedings of Russia as respected Turkey. He would admit that our trade with Russia was very exten sive, but it did not leave us the same balance as that with Tur key ; and there was further to be taken into consideration that whilst our trade with the latter country was increasing our im ports were of raw produce ; whilst our exports were manu factured articles, and the trade was carried on in British bot toms. It should also be remembered that the Black Sea formed tho citadel of this trade, which, if once closed, it would be' difficult again to open. This sea had been described by Mid dleton as one in which there was no hidden danger. It might be so to the mariner, but to the politician it was otherwise, and therefore it was that they should urge increased vigilance with respect to it. Mr. C. FERG US SON could not agree in the selfish po licy of the Hon. Member for Bath. With regard to the cor respondence sought to be laid upon the table, he did not think it would be prudent now to produce it, and he relied with the utmost confidence upon the prudence, liberality, and firmness of his Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Department. Mr. E WART was an advocate of all measures calculated to produce peace, because only by peace could commerce ex ercise its great influence in spreading the blessings and the be nefits of civilization. Lord S A ND ON knew it was no longer secret; but, with respect to that treaty, he must say that he did not regard it as of any value whatever, without the information which ought to ac company it. This was the opinion of the Noble Lord himself. But to whom was it that this country owed the existence of the influence which Russia now possessed at the Porte? Why, to the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) himself, who, by the line of policy which the Government with which he was connected had adopted had driven the Sultan to rely for assistance against the Pacha of Egypt upon Russia, his near neighbour and most dangerous friend. The Noble Lord had been warned of the consequences of the course which he had pursued, and the influence of England and Turkey was lost by the assertien that that course was the only means by which the peace of Europe could be preserved.—( Hear.) At every point they were met by the bug-bear " Oh, we must preserve peace;" but if, instead of acting as they had done, his Majesty's Ministers had not waited until they were ceremoniously called on to aid Turkey, but had at once tendered their assist ance all that had happened would have been avoided. He feared it would now be extremely difficult to overcome the in fluence which Russia had acquired in Turkey ; but still he was fully sensible of the danger of that influence. Already had Russia, by means of caravans, insured the trade of the fron tiers of the east of Asia and along the coast of the Black Sea, to the amount of perhaps a million and a half ; and another means of advantage would be derived by that country from the improvements effected in the navigation of the Danube, at. the entrance of which a toll was actually levied on every ship that passed. These were questions of great interest to Aus tria, who, by giving every possibly facility to steam navigation on the Danube, hoped to give commercial life and activity to Transylvania, Hungary, and the other parts of the Austrian territory lying along either side of that river. It appeared that the shipping intercourse between this country and that had diminished with the lapse of some years. He had prepared some extracts from papers on the subject, but which be would not trouble the House by reading at present. However, it appeared from those returns that the consumption of our manufactured cotton had of late years dwindled down to almost nothing.--(Cries of " Hear.") In fact, in Turkey, the consumption of our manufactures was at present extremely inconsiderable. He, however, did not wish to test the case merely on those grounds of commercial interests, though to a country like England the consideration of those interests was of the utmost importance. He could not help thinking that if at the time when the fate of Poland was in the balance, and during that severe struggle which was protracted to an extent that surpassed all expectation—if the Government of England had consulted its interests it might, with advantage, have made a decided and earnest remonstrance to Russia at that period. They might have told Russia that she possessed Poland by no right; but in virtue of a Constitution granted not by the spontaneous generosity of the Russian Monarch, but forced from him as some sort of guarantee to the other Powers of Europe.—( Hear.) He could not help thinking that if Eng land at that time joined with France, and took advantage of the co-operation of Aostria, who entertained natural feelings of jealousy towards Russia, their combined and decisive inter ference, if it had not been fully effectual, would at least have so far succeeded as to have mitigated those measures subse quently taken towards Poland.—( Hear.) Mr. ROEBUCK knew the notion that prevailed as to the necessity of preserving the balance of power in Europe, and the duty of this country to interfere for that purpose, but in that political notion he did net by any means concur. He was well aware that this doctrine was not a popular one in that House ; but, though it might be new there, it was not new outside of the House, and it was one u hich he was glad to perceive was very rapidly and extensively gaining ground. In considering the motion before the House, they might be led into a discussion which might, it was said, lead to a war. With respect to what had been said by the Noble Lord who had introduced the motion, and by the Hon. Member for Bir mingham, as to the propriety of denouncing war against Russia, he certainly did not concur; but he equally differed from the moderate and cautious tone which the Noble Lord who spoke on the part of his Majesty's Government had adopted, and who seemed to tell them that they should cower before the power of Russia—( Hear, hear)—who would make them believe that they were afraid to talk outright, or to take a bold and fearless part whenever it should be necessary to vindicate the honour, the pride, or the national greatness of England.—( Cheers.) He did not cer tainly think that they should threaten Russia with denuncia tions of war ; but he equally repudiated the notion that when they had anything to demand from Russia, they should cower down before her.—(Cheers.) The true policy of England was, always openly to avow that she would always be ready and determined to vindicate her interests in any part of the globe, whenever or wherever they were aggressed or encroached on.—( Cheers.) He trusted that they would never place re liance on any quarter, but that they would always firmly and proudly rely upon their own strength, and their own . national sense of justice.—( Cheers. ) Whilst it was the policy of England not to wish for war, it was her pride her character to dread no enemy.—(Great cheering.) But, suppose they at war to-morrow with Russia, what would be the result ? Why, in one single month one Russian flag would not be l i seen to float in any sea in Europe, and in another month they would close up the commercial resources of Russia. Had they not before them the example of what had hap pened with the Emperor Napoleon ? What was it that induced the Emperor of Russia to declare war with the Emperor of the French, and to commit himself against that great genius and all his gigantic powers, but that it was impossible for Russia to do without the trade and the commercial intercourse with England? Napoleon, carry ing out the principles of his Continental policy, attempted to exclude the trade of England, and the Russian Monarch, at the head of the Russian aristocracy, felt that the possession of that trade was vital to the interests of Russia, and this it was that compelled Alexander, and that would and must compel any Czar, to go to war for the protection of this indispensable commercial intercourse.—(Hear.) This, then, must be the result of a war between this country and Russia. One month would sweep the seas of every Russian flag, and another month would be sufficient to empty the seas of the Czar. His Ma jesty's Government seemed to speak as if they thought that in that British Parliament men should be afraid to spealt their opinions touching Russia, lest they might excite the indignation of the Czar. What, were they in that House to fear to say what they thought of the conduct of the Czar towards Poland—(Cheers)—to speak what they thought of the monstrous atrocities which in the name of that Monarch had been perpetrated upon an unfortunate and gallant people ? ( Hear.) Was that sense of national justice and morality which the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had so properly described as an European feeling to shrink from reprobating the atrocities perpetrated towards Poland ? Was he, as an individual, to fear to characterise conduct which justified them in designating the Russian Czar and his horde as a band of barbarians, in flicting vengeance on a gallant and devoted people ?—( Hear. ) But when be spoke this, was that any evidence of his disposi tion to go to war ? They had a right to express their abhor rence of such conduct ; but whilst they did so, it was their duty as one of the great confederacy of European nations, to take care of their own interests, and let other nations take care of theirs.—( Hear.) With regard to a war with Russia, he was not prepared to say what good or what mischief it might produce. With respect to the good that might arise, it was at best problematical ; with regard to the mischief, he was equally doubtful ; but one thing was as clear as the sun at noonday, th at the necessary consequence of a war with Rus sia would be to involve Europe in a general war. One of the evil results of a general European war, would be to put a stop to that general improvement which was rapidly taking place throughout the different countries of Europe in the ha bits and manners of the people, and which improvement would be checked and impeded if anything arose to break up the general intercourse prevailing amongst the several European countries. If that intercourse were put au end to, that im- Lord DUDLEY STUART replied. It was not his fault if he had been compelled to dilate on the subject which he felt it his duty to bring before the House, for, of course, it extended as Russia herself extended her frontiers. He was not the advocate of war • but it did not therefore follow that he should no t b e the advocate of precaution. The best way to avert war was to be prepared to meet it. The Hon. Mem ber for Bath said he had no fear of Russia. Neither had he (Lord Dudley Stuart), but still he thought it the best policy not to despise an enemy. He did not think the power of 'Russia so formidable as that this country should quail be fore it. If now it assumed a haughty tone he did not fear but we could crush it; but if we permitted it to seize upon the Dardanelles, and to destroy the independence of Turkey, it would then become formidable. Ministers could, if they pleased, in the strength of their power, withhold the docu ments which he sought for, but he did not think that they could consistently refuse them. When a motion was formerly made for the production of the treaty, it was said by the Noble Lord th at it would not be fair to produce the treaty without the correspondence ; but now the treaty was offered, yet the correspondence was refused. This proceeding was very un intelligible, and he hoped the Noble Lord would accede to his motion. _ _ The question was then put, when it was agreed to furnish the Treaty of Constantinople of July, 1833, but that ()f St. Petersburgh, of Jan. 1834, as well as the correspondence, were withheld. PERQUISITES IN PUBLIC OFFICES. Mr. HUME obtained a Select Committee to inquire into the total amount of all fees, gratuities, perquisites, and emo luments of every kind (not fixed salary) which are now re ceived in the several public offices (Courts of Law excepted) ;V 1)y all public officers in the United Kingdom, for any ser vice done in every appointment or commission, and to ascer tain the expense of collecting, and the authority under which those f ees are pa i d; h ow muc h to eac h , an d f or w h a t pur pose ; and a l so t h e amount o f fi xe d sa l ary to every person re ceiving any, p or ti on o f f ees , and charged in p ers on or in duty; also to ascerta i n and report what measures h ave been adopted respecting tees since 25 Geo. 111., cap. 19. Mr. W. H ORD moved the re-appointment of the Com mittee on bribery and intimieation at e lections, which being nominated, the House adjourned at half-past 12. COMMITTEES• Tlie following are the names of the Honourable Mem hers who compose the Committees which were appointed last night : • TURNPIKE ROADS CONSOLIDATION BILL.-Mr. F. Mamie, Sir J. Wrottesley, Earl of Darlington, Lord Viscount Clive, Mr. Byng, Sir E. Knatchbull, Mr. A. Sanford, Mr. B. Thompson, Mr. Goring, Mr. Mackinnon, Mr. Parrott, Mr. Halford, Mr. E. Buller, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, and Mr. W. Henry Ord. FEES. —Mr. Hume, Mr. William Henry Ord, Mr. Aglionby, Mr. Gillon, Mr. Pusey, Mr. Sergeant Goulburn, Mr. Leader, Mr. Harvey, Mr. Wallace, Sir G. Clerk, Sir T. Fremantle, Mr. Hogg, Mr. M. O'Ferrall, Mr. F. Baring (Thetford), and Mr. W. Marshall. BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.-Mr. W. H. Ord, Mr. Wynne, Mr. Poulter, Mr. Grote, Sir G. Clerk, Mr. Jackson, Mr. S. 111‘Kenzie, Mr. Sheil, Lord J. Stuart, Mr. Warburton, Mr J. S. Wortley, Mr. Parker (Sheffield), Sir H. Hardinge, Mr. C. A. Walker, and Mr. A. Lefroy. RAILWAYS. The Stockport and Manchester —Durham Junction—Mer thyr Tydfil and Cardiff—and a Bill to alter the Great Western Railway, No. 1, were presented and read a first time Petitions for Bills for the London and Blackwall—and York North Midland Railways, were reported, and the Bills ordered to be brought in: Petitions for the London and Brighton, No. 2—Manches ter and Leeds—London Grand Junction—Glasgow and Airdrie —Pollock and Govan—Dublin and Kilkenny—Aylesbury— South Durham—Bolton and Leigh—Dundee and Newtyle— Northfleet and Dover—Birmingham, Bristol, and Thames Junction—Great Western, No. 2—London and Cambridge—. Monkland and Falkirk—Edinburgh, Leith, and Newhaven— London and Norwich—Festiniog—London, Shoreham, and Brighton—Great Northerri—Chelmsford—and Thames Haven Railway and Dock, were referred to the Representatives of the Districts through which the respective Railways pass. FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. CROWN-OFFICE, FEB. 19, 1836. MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT. BOROUGH OF STOKE-UPON-TRENT.—Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. George Anson, in the room of Richard Edensor Heathcote, Esq., who has acce - pted the Chiltern Hundreds. BOROUGH OF 111ArzoN.—John Walbanke Childers, of Cantley, in the county of York, Esq., in the room of the Right Hon. Sir Charles Christopher Pepys, now Baron Cottenham. BOROUGH OF CocimitmouTH.—Ed ward Horsman, of the city of Edinburgh, Esq., in the room of Fretchville Lawson Ballantine Dykes, Esq., who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, Feb. 13, 1836. The King has been pleased to appoint E. Pearson, Esq. Lieute nant of His Majesty's Guard of Yeomen of the Guard. WHITEHALL, FEB. 17 The King has been pleased to grant unto the Rev. R. D. Hamp den, D.D., the office and place of Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford, together with the place and dignity of a Canon of the Cathedral church of Christ, in the said University, properly belonging to the Regius Professor of Divinity in the said University, being void by the death of Doctor Edward Burton. WHITEHALL, FEB. 17. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Samuel Barber, of Bridg north, in the county of Salop, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. WAR OFFICE, Feb. 19, 1836 13th Regiment of Light Dragoons--Captain H. stones to be Major, by purchase, vice Savage, who retires ; Lieut. T. T. Ma gan to be Captain, by purchase, vice Jones ; Cornet T. B. Jack son to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Megan ; C. H. D. Dono van, Gent. to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Jackson, Feb. 19. 2d Regiment of Foot—Captain R. Carruthers to be Major, by purchase, vice Powell, promoted in the 40th Regiment ; Lieut. 0. Robinson to he Captain, by purchase, vice Carruthers ; En sign S. W. Jephson, from the sth Regiment, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Robinson, Feb. 19. 7th Foot—Ensign F. Whittingham, from the 83d Regiment, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Beresford, promoted, Feb. 19. 9th Foot—W. D. Hilton, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, v i ce Cary, appointed to the 83d Regiment, Feb. 19. 12th Foot—Ensign R. Hely, from the half-pay of the 83d Regi ment, to be Ensign, without purchase, Feb. 19. 39th Foot—Quartermaster-Sergeant J. O'Brien, from the 83th Regiment, to be Quartermaster, vice Hale, deceased, Feb. 19. 40th Foot—Major T. Powell, from the 2d Regiment, to le Lieutenant-Colonel, by purchase, vice Dickson, Feb. 19. 53th Foot—Lieut. J. Guthrie, from the half-pay of the Chas seurs Brittaniques, to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Pack, promoted; Charles Dressing, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Jephson, promoted in the 2d Regiment, Feb. 19. 69th Foot—Staff-Asssistant-Surgeon C. Flyter to be Assistant- Surgeon, vice Callender, deceased, Feb. 19. 75th Foot—Ensign J. Bralkzon, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Stewart, who retires ; Gentleman Cadet W. V. Guise, from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Bra bazon, Feb. 19. 77th Foot—J. S. Prendergast, Gent., to be Assistant-Surgeon, •ice Munro, who resigns, Feb. 19. 83d Foot—Ensign S. A. F. Gary, from the 9th Regiment, to be Ensign, vice Whittingham, promoted in the 7th Regiment, Feb. 19. UNATTACHED. ' Brevet Major A. Mackenzie, from the Royal Newfoundland Veteran Companies, to be Major, without purchase, Feb. 19. Lieut. G. De la Poer Beresford, from the 7th Regimont, to be Captain, by purchase, vice Hugh Eccles, who retires, Feb. 19. BREVET. Lieut.-Col. J. Salmond, of the Honourable East India Com pany's Service, to have the rank of Colonel, in the East Indies only, June 5, 1829. HOSPITAL STAFF. A. Stewart, Gent., to be Staff-Assistant• Surgecn, vice Flyter, appointed to the 69th Regiment, Feb. 19. STAFF. Paymaster C. Grime's, from a Recruiting District, to be Pay master of the Invalid Depot at Chatham, vice Cuyler, retired; Captain W. Castle (Paymaster cf the 79th Regiment) to be Pay master of the Cavalry Depot at Maidstone ; Captain H. B. Adams (Paymaster of the 71st Regiment) to be Paymaster of a Recruit ing District, vice Grimes, appointed to the Invalid Depot, Feb.l9. MEMORANDA. His Majesty has been graciously pleased to permit the 36th Re giment to bear on its colours and appointments, in addition to any other badges and devices heretofore granted to the Regiment, the word _ " Orthes," in commemoration of the distinguished conduct of the Regiment on that memorable occasion of the 27th February 1814. _ _ The dates of the commissions of Captain Henry Anderson and of Captain Richard Percy Pack, Unattached, should be 12th February 1836, and not the 13th of that month. The half-pay of Lieutenant Thomas Shillingford, of the Ist Pro visional Battalion of Militia, has been cancelled from 19th instant, inclusive, he having accepted a commuted allowance for his half pay. Surgeon William Newton, of the 17th Foot, has been allowed to retire from the Service, receiving a commutation for his commis sion, Feb. 19, 1836. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. JOIIN WORRALL, eating-house keeper, Ratcliffe Highway. BANKRUPTS. • ___ JOHN GOLDSWORTHY, coal merchant, Great St. Helen's, Bishopsgate-street, to surrender, Feb. 29, at two, and April 1, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Dods, Northumberland-street, Strand ; Graham, official assignee, Copthall-buildings. - - WILLIAM liODGKINSON, furniture printer, Margaret street, Cavendish-square, Feb. 29, at half-past ten, and April 1, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Leigh, George-street, Man sion-house ; Clark, official assignee, St. Swithin's-lane. GEORGE COXE, victualler, Dark-house-lane, Lower Thames street, Feb. 26, at half-past one, and April 1, at two. Abbott, official assignee ; Gude, jun., George-yard, Lombard-street. MATTHEW CATLIN, horse dealer, Blackman-street, South wark, Feb. 24, at half-past twelve, and April 1, at one, at. the Court of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee ; Ware; Blackman street, Southwark. ELLEN MARTHA CADDICK and ANGELINA MARY CADDICK, boarding-house keepers, Little Chelsea, March 1, at twelve, and April 1, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, Pancras-lane, official assignee ; Lane, Argyle-street, Regent-street. GEORGE SAFFERY, scrivener, Market Rasen, Lincolnshire, Feb. 25, and April 1, at eleven, at the New King's Head, Louth. Dyneley, Coverdale, and Lee, Field-court, Gray's-inn ; Rhodes, Market Rasen. JOHN TETLOW, house-painter, Manchester, March 9, sad April 1, at two, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester. Hemp son, Manchester ; Adlington and Co, Bedford-row. JAMES UGLOW, music-seller, Cheltenham, March 4, at one, and April 1, at three, at the Fleece Hotel, Cheltenham. Pack wood, Cheltenham ; Shirreff, Lincoln's-lon-Fields, London. CHRISTOPHER KEENAN. linen draper, Berwick-upon- Tweed, Feb. 26, at two, and April 1, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Davidson, Lawrence-lane, Cheapside, London ; Johnson, official assignee, Basinghall-stree%. EDMUND WILSON, cheesemonger, Lower Thames-street, London, Feb. 26, at two, and April 1, at twelve, at the Court of Brnkrup! . ey. Green, Aldermanbury, official assignee : Dods, Nor thumberland-street, Strand. FREDERICK GAMBLE, provision merchant, Gracechurch street, London, Feb. 26, at one, and April 1, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Gibson, official assignee , Miller, Ely place, Holborn. THOMAS CUFF WEBB, ironmonger, Ilminster, Somerset shire, Feb. 27, and April 1, at two, at the Commercial Rooms, Bristol. Cary and Cross, Albion Chambers, Small-street, Bristol; Adlington, and Co., Bedford-row, London. - _ DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. R. B. Hawes and C. Smith, builders, Horsley-street, Walworth, March 14, at two—R. J. Fayrei, mariner, London, March 14, at half-past twelve—J. Nightingale, victualler, Oxford-street, March 14, at one—J. Nicholls, druggist, Wells, Somersetshire, March 14, at half-past eleven—J. Dudderidge, woollen draper, Whitechapel, March 11, at one—W. F. Ogilvy, grocer, Oxford street, Alarch 11, at eleven—J. Hodgkinson, rope manufacturer ; Liverpool, March 11, at one—W. Venables, draper, Lamb's Con duit-street, March 12, at one—W. Llewellyn, iron founder, Cow cross, West Smithfield, March 12, at eleven—B. Shadgett, carpen ter, Loose, Kent, March 11, at twelve—R. Wilkinson, accountant, Copthall-buildings, March 1, at one. In the Country. IL C. .Allport, wine merchant, Aldiidge, Staffordshire, March 12, at eleven, at the Union Inn, Warwickshire—J. P. H arvey, malster, Bury St. Edmund's, March 14, at twelve, at the Six Bells Inn, Bury St. Edmund's—T. Amphlett, baker, Bromsgrove, Wor cestershire, March 19, at eleven, at the Hop Market Inn, Worm= ter—M. J. Segree, merchant, Liverpool, March 16, at ten, at the Commissioners Rooms, Manchester—W. Jackson, silk manufac turer, Macclesfield , March 17, at eleven, at the M acclesfieldf Arms I n n, Macclesfisld—C. Fletcher, brewer, Salford, Lancashire, March 16, at eleven, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Manchester. CERt I FICATES. -MA ItCH 11 J. Box, scrivener, Bell-yard, Doctors' Commons—S. Crosby, dyer, Coventry—W. Mitchell, lodginghouse keeper, Strand—NV. and J. Holman, drapers, Devonport—G. P. Hi n t on , i vory bl ack ma nufacturer, Bristol—J. Cates, jun., surgeon, Margaret-street, Cavendish-square. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. R. Wigley and W. R. Hodges, wine merchants, Birmingham— M. Abrahams and M. J. Cashmore, furriers, Houndsditch—W- King and W. Jarrey—J. Hoyle and Co., silk manufacturers, Man chester—L. Seeley and Co., booksellers; Fleet-street (as far as re gards J. Seeley)—W. and D. Perry, pawnbrokers, Plummer's row, City-road—J. S. Hobbs and J. Moreton, ironfounders, Burn ham, Buckinghamshire—W. Jackson and W. Dixon, cotton spin ners,i Lancaster—J. S m i t h and R. J. Rix, tailors, Brandon , Suifol - ''' G Scholeficid and Co., Loudon as far as regards W. Lenergan)- Quier and Co., printers, Bridgwater, Somersetshire (as far as regards J. Quier)—E. W. Williams and C. Smith, grocers, Ger rard-street, Soho —J. Con€y and R. Grayling, clothiers, Alinories— J. and F. T. Tyars, Charles -street, Sohe-square---T. W. Pullen and A. Suter, architects, Dorset -street, Baker-street—J. and M. Hall, builders, N ewcastle-upon -Tyne—E. Gaggs and Co., common brewers, Knottingley, Yorkshire (as far as regards M. Carter) — T. Jones and Co., linen drapers, Warwick—T. Eagle and J. Back, distillers, Redcross- street—E. Wignall and J. Lyndon, sword ma nufacturers, Edgbaston, Warwickshire—T. and J. Cole, carriers, Watford, Hertfordshire—J. APKie and J. APTurk, tea dealers, Redruth, Cornwall. JUDGMENT on FIESLI OTHERS. The Court entered upon its deliberation on Monday, in the Council Chamber, with closed doors, at elev en o ' c l ock in the morning. At half-past eight in the evening the doors of the Court were opened, and the public admitted into the galleries. About 250 persons having tickets entered. At twenty minutes after ten the. Court resumed its public sitting. The deepest silence prevailed. The prisoners were absent, as is usual on such occasions. M. Cauchy, the principal Registrar,• called over the names of the Peers. The President then delivered the judgment in the knowing terms : _ _ " Considering the Decree of the 19th of November, 1835, together with the indictment drawn up in consequence against Joseph Ficschi, Pierre Morey, Theodore Florentin Pepin, Victor Bo:.reau, and Tell Bescher ; " Having heard the witnesses in their depositions, and on their examinations in the presence of the prisoners; " Having heard the arguments and requisitions of the King's Procureur-General, which requisitions have been laid in writing before the Court; " Having taken the whole into consideration according to the law " In what concerns Joseph Fieschi, considering that he is convicted of having, on the 28th of July last committed, by means of an explosion of fire arms, an attempt against the life and person of the King, and the lives of several members of the Royal Family ; that he has besides, by the same preme ditated and wilful attempt become guilty-1. Of wilful murder upon the persons of Marshal the p uke de T rev i so , of General Lachasse de Verigny, of Colonel Raffe, of Count Villatte, of Messrs. Ricussec, Leger, Ricard, Prud'homme, Benetter, In glar, Ardoins, Labrouse, and Leclerc; Mesdames Briosnes, Ledhernez, and Langoret; Mademoiselles Renny, and Rose Alyson. 2. Of a premeditated and wilful attempt to commit murder upon the persons of General the Count de Colbert, General Baron Brayer, General Pelet, General Heymes, General Blin, Messrs. chamarande, Marion, Goret, Chauvin, Royer, Vidal, Delepine, Ledhernez, Amaury, Bonnet, Bare ton, Roussel, and Frachebon ; of the widow Ardoins ; of Ma dame Ledhernez and Mademoiselle Francois; the said attempt having 'all the characteristics pointed out by Art. 2 of the Penal Code. " With regard to Morey, Pepin, and iloireau, seeing that they have been convicted of having made themselves accom plices in the crimes above specified; in knowingly aiding and assisting the author of the deed in the facts that preceded, fa cilitated, and consummated it ; " With regard to Tell Bescher, seeing that no charge shows that he is either guilty of, or an accomplice in, the said attempt; " Discharges Tell Bescher from the accusation brought against him, and orders him to be set at liberty forthwith, if he is not detained for any other cause. " Consequently, by the articles 59, 60, 88, 89, 295, 296, 297, and 295 of the penal code, and by article 86 of the same code, which states that ' attempts against the person of the King are punished with the penalty of parricide,' " Condemns Joseph Fiesehi to the penalty of parricide ; orders that he shall be conducted to the place of execution in his shirt, barefoot, and his head covered with a black veil, that he shall be exposed upon the scaffold while the huissier shall read to the people the decree of condemnation, and that he shall be immediately after put to death. " Condemns Pierre Morey, and Theodore Florentiu Pepin, to the penalty of death. Conden - ans Victor Boireau to the penalty of 20 years' de tention.* " Condemns Fieschi, Morey, Pepin, and Boireau, jointly to the expenses of the proceedings, of which expenses liqui dation shall be made, as well for the portion at the charge of the State, as for the portion at the charge of the condemned persons. '6 Orders that, at the expiration of the punishment, Boireau shall remai❑ all his life subject to the surveillance of the High Police. The sitting ended at a quarter to 11. The crowd that was waiting for this decision in the interior of the Court and outside separated in silence. FIESCHI. On being taken back to the Conciergerie on Sunday night, Fieschi expressed all the pleasure and satisfaction of a man who had just been relieved from a long and irksome task. On his arrival he found Nina Lassave, who had obtained per mission to visit him, and who on seeing him burst into tears. Upon this, Fieschi said to her, with a smiling countenance, Ah ! ma petite Nina, if you come here to shake my courage, I had much rather you would go away." He ate his supper with great tranquillity, went to bed at his usual hour, and slept ioundly. Yesterday (Monday) Nina Lassave was permit ted to pass syme time with him in the presence of the Direc tor of the prison and huissier of the Court. She remained with him, it is said, seven hours, employing part of the time in hemming some pocket handkerchiefs belonging to him, and marking them with his initials. She was parted from him at about six o'clock. He took leave of her with great calm ness, saying, " Well 1 well ! my dear ! they are now drawing the lottery for me." In the course of the day M. Lavocat visited Fieschi, who on his knees entreated him to obtain two favours for him. One was, that he should go on foot to the scaffold, and the other, that he should not have his hands bound behind him. Fieschi was soon convinced that the first could not be granted, but he remained very urgent as to the second. At S o'clock M. Lavocat returned again to see Fieschi, but he was fast asleep. FIESCHI AND HIS ACCOMPLICES. Becher was set at liberty on Monday night, immediately after . the judgment w as p ronounce d. M. S a j ou , one o f th e humsters of the Court, a t ten d e d by t h e R eg i strar, went to t h e prison on Tuesday morning, and read their respective sen tences to the four who have been found guilty. Morey re ceived the communication with the most calmness. Pepin was completely overwhelmed. Boireau preserved the same indifference he displayed throughout the trial. Fieschi, the moment he saw vanish from be:ore him the hope which had in duced him to become an informer, fell into a state of frenzy, and has had the straight-waistcoat put on him. M. Lavocat has made some efforts with the Procureur-General in order to obtain a commutation, but all his endeavours were fruitless. A most distressing interview has taken place between Pepin and his wife and four children. Pepin having sent to inform the President that he had some important revelations to make, Baron Pasquier, attended by a registrar, was shut up in close conference with him for several hours yesterday (Tuesday), and it is generally supposed that if these revelations are of any importance, the execution of this convict will be retarded be yond that of the others. An applicatton for the exercise of clemency had been made in his favour, which occupied the Minister of Justice yesterday, but ended in a failure. The criminals were transferred yesterday to the prison of La Roquette, which has been substituted for that of Bicetre, and they will be taken thence to the Rond Point, near the Bar riere du Trone, where in future, it is said, all capital execu tions are to take place. An immense crowd assembled yester day morning at a very early hour in the Place Saint Jacques, under the full expectation that the execution was to follow the sentence immediately, but this was not the case. FIESCHI, MOREY, AND PEPIN. (From the Gazette des Tribunaux, February 16.) The strait-waistcoat had just been placed on Fieschi, when M. Lavocat and his counsellors entered the prison. This mea sure afflicted him greatly, and he complained of it to them in a most energetic manner ; he exclaimed, " I make an at tempt at my life I those people do not know me—they are wrong to mistrust me. I will die on the scaffold as an ex ample ; I'll die as they have seen none die! The word of a Corsican is sacred. If the prison-doors were open to me, and I gave a rendezvous to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock at the Barriere -do St. Jacques (the usual pace of execution), I should be there at a quarter before 10 ! Oh 1 I beg of you deliver me of this strait-waistcoat ; this is the only fa vour I ask !" Messieurs Lavocat, Parquin, and Chaix d'Est Ange, moved by these supplications, went to the Prefet de Police, declar ing that they would guarantee Fieschi's word, and easily obtained th'e authority to have the waistcoat taken off him. Fieschi was no sooner freed from this than he became as joyful as a child, dancing, singing, and kissing the hands of those who surrounded him, declaring that he bad nothing more to wish for. He said, " Let a pile of arms be placed before me, you will see if I touch them I It would be seen if I wanted to commit suicide ; had I wished it, it would have been done long since." All this day Fieschi appeared taken up with two thoughts: he . was uneasy regarding the opinion that would be formed of me by his countrymen in Corsica, and pitied the fate of Nina Lassave. Ile asked M. Patorni " What would be thought of him in Corsica ? What will they think of my conduct before the Court of Peers, and of my revelations ? It's unfortunate to drag two men to the scaffold with me. But I have de manded their pardon. Besides, I only told the truth." Nina Lassave was present, and Ficschi often repeated, showing her to his interlocutors, " It little matters to me to die ; but this poor orphan, what will become of her? She will perhaps be obliged to sell herself; this idea kills me ; it's the only one that torments me at this moment." As to Morey, his stoicism has not altered for a moment ; he made his reflections with calmness. "I am old : nature would only have reserved me a few years. The illness with which I am afflicted only leaves me a few days longer to live ; what signifies to die a moment sooner or later? But I pro test that lam inocent. If Fieschi had acted towards me as I acted with Bestlfer, it would be quite (Efferent." He even said that if he had a chnice between death and two years' imprison. ment, he woule, prefer death. Morey only appeared afflicted. of the t w ho ell s a o s nte o n tl o i e er papers, hein when he took leave of his counsel, M. Dupont, to whoa he ex— pressed his. gratitude. A few tears then fell down his cheeks. to P ep i n rep \ o V r e ti h ng av t e hat be a e f It is just had remained a nnihilated. t he contrary; he has been after led the intoreaedrii-nogr,. . shown calmness and resignation since his co n d emnat i on. Shortly after hearing his sentence he wrote to M. Dupin, 1 his counsel, with a firm hand, an in a style that does not show dejection. The Procurenr- General was first introduced near him, and. remained about ten minutes, du • ring which no disclosure was demanded, made. MM. Dupin and Marie, w h om h e h a d soon .* Imprisonment differs from detention in this—that the latttr involves hard work during the period of confinement, which the fast dyes not. It is also what the French, law calls a Peinc Intartranto.