The Sun. — London, England, 1864-02-05 00:00:00

NEW BILLS, Mr. BRAND gave notice of bills to be introduced by the Secretary of State for the Home Department relative to insane persons—(cheers) —and by his noble friend the Secretary of the Admiralty on naval affairs. Mr. O'HAGAN gave notice that he would move for leave to bring in a bill relative to the conveyance of land in Ire • land, and with respect to county courts in that country. Mr. M. GIBSON gave notice that he would move for a committee to inquire into the metropolitan railway schemes now proposed to be entertained this session; and as an arrangement was likely to be effected between this house and the House of Lords relative to such schemes, he would lay on the table a bill relating to private bills. Mr. S. FITZGERALD gave notice that he would ask certain questions relative to the capture of British vessels. Mr. L. KING gave notice that he would introduce a bill for the extewion of the franchise in boroughs. THE QUEEN'S SPEECH. The SPEAKER having read the Royal Speech, Lord RICHARD GROSVENOR, on moving an ad dress in reply to the Royal Speech, alluded to the do • mestic event referred to in her Majesty's Address, and next adverted to the Danish question. He said it was much to be regretted that after the experience of the German coun tries in 1848 and 1867, they should have adopted a bully ing tone towards Denmark. (Cheers.) He thought it was the duty of this country to maintain the balance of power in Europe, and to adhere to international treaties. (Cheers.) The next paragraph in the speech related to Japan, and he denied that the Government was blameable for the disaster that had occurred in that country, and defended the policy of the Government. He expressed a hope that the natives of that oountry would be made to feel the power of England when exercised in the right. With regard to New Zealand, the disaffected were confined to the northern parts, and he made the same observations as with regard to Japan. Having referred in terms of approval to the other portions of the Royal Speech, he concluded by moving the address, expressive of grateful solicitude relative to the in terests of her Majesty and the royal family, particularly the marriage of the Prince of 1,9 ales and the birth of a prince. (Cheers.) Mr. GOSCkIEN, in seconding the address, re-echoed the strong feelings of love and loyalty towards her Majesty and the Royal family it expressed. He defended the policy of the Government in regard to Schleswig-Holstein. Her Majesty had been unremitting in her endeavours to accomplish what was the object of all parties, namely, peace. He trusted that object would be eventually adopted by other countries, although there might be some difference as to the mode of carrying it out. This country had not made up its mind with regard to the doctrine of non-intervention. This country was not to isolate itself from the events of Europe on selfish grounds, or to repudiate her own interests. A notion, however, prevailed in Germany that this country would not interfere under any circumstances, and that our sympathy with Denmark merely resulted from selfish considerations as regarded our commerce. He asserted that the present hostilities in Europe developed the fact that war was undertaken for the purpose of breaking treaties, which war had before been commenced to maintain. (Cheers.) The hon. member then referred in terms of great gratitude to the commercial prosperity. The country had developed its elasticity by rising superior to a failure of one branch of its industry by its energy in others, and the only cry from Manchester was not to interfere with this blockade which had interfered with her local prosperity. With regard to the imports there was a falling off in only one article, namely, wheat, to the amount of £11,000,000, while there was an increase which would go a great way to meet the deficit of £18,000,000 arising from the increase in the price of cotton. He then alluded in terms of approval to the state of India, and expressed a hope that the principle of free trade would be extended. Mr. DISRAELI, who; rose amid cheers, said—Mr. Speaker, my first impression when I read the Speech of the Royal Commissioners was that it was a document not ad dressed to the times in which we live, and that it really did not tear a true relation to the circumstances of the day ; and, after having listened to the interesting addresses of the mover and seconder, I still retain the first impression. Indeed, if it were not for one paragraph in which an ap peal is made to the unaffected loyalty of the nation, by re minding us of the birth of an heir to the Prince of Wales, I really see no reason why this document should not have been composed in any other year than the year of our Lord 1864. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) And yet, sir, sines we last met in this house a great deal has happened. Indeed, I can hardly recall more numerous and more important subjects on which the House of Commons would have been grateful to have been enlightened by the Crown. We are certainly assured, and we receive the announcement with pleasure. that, in the opinion of her Majesty's Government, the condition of the country is, on the whole, satisfactory, and that the distress in the manufacturing districts is in some degree diminished. But, sir, I cannot but believe that there are other parts of her Majesty's kingdom in which very great distress has for a long period prevailed and still prevails; the condition of which is by no means on the whole satisfactory, and where the amount of dis tress since last we met has certainly not diminished, If, therefore, the sympathy of the Sovereign and of Parlia ment be, as I believe sincerely it is, an expression of sentiment highly valued by the nation, I think it would have been as well if her Majesty's Government had taken this occasion to refer to the present con dition of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Last year we were all sen sible of the sufferings of the agricultural population of Ire land. They were then sustaining the unfortunate results of three consecutive bad harvests. In England we have been favoured with exuberant and abounding crops, but I fear that blessing has not been extended to the sister country. The distress in Ireland must, therefore, now be greatly ag gravated, and I think it would have been wise, I am sure it would have been true, and I hold that it would have been politic, to acknowledge not merely the existence of the dis tress in Ireland, but that it has been borne in a mann- r which for patience and endurance is as exemplary as that which has been shown by our fellow-subjects is the manu facturing districts. I know that there are philosophers at present who look upon the increased emigration from Ire land as a proceeding which need not occasion any anxiety 1 to the State. I have no doubt that emigration has been caused by blended causes, that it may not entirely proceed from the agrarian distress which has so long prevailed, yet I do not think that any sagacious Minister, particularly in the times in which we live, can view the flitting of large numbers of her Majesty's subjects with indifference—a race too on which in the hour of trial and emergency we have so much depended, and whom we have always found a gallant and gifted people, (Cheers.) But that is not the only orris• sien I and others have remarked in the speech of the Royal Cemmissioners. We have been assured that the condition of our fellow-subjects in Lancashire is, on the whole, some what improved; but I should like to have seen some refe rence to the country to the convulsions in which the distress is entirely attributable. (Hear.) It seems to me somewhat strange that the United States are not noticed in her Ma jesty's Speech. Our relations with the United States are very intimate and have been very active, and some expres• sion of opinion on the part of the Government as to the pro bable duration of that eventful struggle —(a laugh)—would have been received with great satisfaction. It is said that the Government have received official communications on that subject, and we should certainly have been extremely obliged if they had given us the results. But if they could not venture to give an opinion as to the probable duration of the struggle, they might have assured us that the policy they have adopted with regard to the conteat,and which has been sanctioned by Parliament, is at least unchanged.,(Hear.):lt would have been satisfactory to know that the principle of strict neutrality is still the rule of our policy, and that dur ing the recess it has been rigorously observed and severely and strictly enfoiced. I say so, because much has occurred during the interval to occasion great suspicion in the public mini ; and though I freely own that these circumstances may be susceptible of a satisfactory explanation on the part of the Government, still I do not doubt that the subject is one which will require the attention of Parliament, and I think it would have been wiser if, at the commencement of the Session, there had been some notice of our relations with the United States in the speech of the Royal Commissioners. (Hear, hear) There are some other subjects which I do not, but which most hon. members expected to, see noticed. I should like to have seen something about China. (Hear.) Our relations with China, and particularly with the Chinese Government, form a topic of great interest to the English people. When we remember the extraordinary announce ment made last year of what was to be our policy towards China, and the engagements then made by officers in our service, with the enthusiastic sanction of the members of the Government, and when we remember what we have recently heard as to the result of those engagements, I think some light might have been shed on the state of affairs in the Speech. (Hear, hear.) In the period which has elapsed since we met here last the subject of Poland has not been forgotten. I believe there have been very active communication with foreign Powers on the subject, and we all know the extreme interest felt by her Majesty's Gavernment in Poland. It would have been satisfactory, therefore, for us to have had some official declaration of the views of her Majesty's Go vernment on the subject of the Polish insurrection. (Hear, hear.) It is only a few weeks ago since one of the most powerful sovereigns of Europe, who, when Parliament was prorogued was still our cordial ally, proposed a great scheme for the consideration of her Majesty's Government—which no one will deny, looking to its probable consequences and the quarter from which it came, was a political movement of the highest character. (Hear.) It would have been as well if that proposal had been noticed in the Speech, and in noticing it, perhaps an opportunity might have been offered to remove some of the irritation which, it is understood, exists, and to explain some of the misapprehensions which are said to prevail. (Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding all the omissions which I have pointed out, there is yet in her Majesty's Speech one still more significant omission. The country is in a state of profound peace ; and this is the first THE SeN, LCINDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY g, MCC open. one finger at a time The Emperor of the French treats his people in much tie same way—he opens one finger at a time, but in doing so it is for the benefit of his people, and I hope his Government will be maintained, and that, 'with his sagacity and his skill, it will be found possible without a revolution, to give the French people greater liberty and more in accordance with that which other coun tries enjoy. These are, however, difficult and great problems, Wain this country are fret from them. We have long set tled our constitution, but : believe there will be serious and gnat conflicts in Europe. I am happy to say that in France, in Russia, and in this comtry, there is the greatest desire to maintain peace, and if hree such powers are disposed to maintain peace, I cannot believe that any long war is likely to occur in Europe. It rill be the object of the Govern ment not rashly to comuit themselves to any policy which may entail evils upon tlis country. But at the same time I must, accepting what toe noble earl said, state that it is the duty of the Government not to look to Parliament for suggestions or seek advice from parliament, but to look seriously at the situation of the country, and to avail them selves of all the light which they can obtain ; but having so availed themselves, and then made up their minds to state to parliament what is their policy, and to stand or fall by the result—that is their duty. (Hear, and cheers.) Earl GREY said the question for the Government to de cide was whether they would protect Denmark or abandon her. Were we to permit a gross act of injustice to be done ? After what had fallen from the noble earl he (Earl Grey) could not help entertaining a suspicion that it might be the apinion of her Majesty's Government that Denmark was oppressed unjustly. If so, the oppression ought to be re listed, It was a most serious thing on the part of Govern • nont to determine that they would look on quietly while an :just act was being perpetrated. (Hear, hear.) He thought tie Powers of the civilised world had a clear interest in pre anting injustice being inflicted upon any of their number, aid the best security for the peace of Europe was the un derstanding am ongst the great nati ons t h at if any one of them were treated unjustly the other nations would stand forward in its defence. He feared that the Government had too long deferred coming to a definite conclusion on this subject, and that the advice we had given Denmark had created an impression that when the time arrived our aid would not be wanting. If we had intended to withhold our assistance we should have made that determination known to Denmark at an early period. If the Government had intended to interfere in the matter they ought to have called Parliament together at an earlier time—(hear, hear)—and asked for its support. That might have been followed up by the despatch to Denmark of a British force, Such a course would have had an enormous effect. As it was her Majesty's Government had either done too much or too little. With regard to America, he acquitted the Government of all blame whatever, and he thought also that the arguments for not engaging in a war on behalf of Poland were perfectly conclusive, France naturally felt that we had lest her in the lurch, and was offended accord ingly, He thought the Government were right in rejecting the Emperor Napoleon's plan of a congress,:but that the manner in which they did so was needlessly offensive to that sovereign. The premature publication of the despatch in which they announced their intention was also calculated -o wound his Majesty's susceptibilities. It was a matter of the highest importance that our relations with foreign coun ties should be conducted in such a manner as would, while naintaining our own dignity and honour, conciliate those Towers, and prevent the country from falling into the state of isolation in which she was now placed. Nor is it imma terial to observe upon the drain upon the resources of the empire which was going on in distant dependencies at a time when, looking to the critical state of Europe, a demand might be made upon our energies nearer home. Having expressed his deep regret at the war in New Zealand, the noble earl complained of the terms in which the Queen's Speech referred to the operations in Japan. Contrary to practice, it expressed a decided opinion that the Japanese were to blame, and that we were not responsible for what happened. Now, he for one looked with the utmost horror upon the destruction of liagosima. The cruelty of the proceedings of the Federals of Charleston were as nothing to the burning of an enormous town, the inhabitants cf which were innocent of all offence against us. He felt sure, moreover, that unless there was a change in our policy in Japan, a costly end bloody war with that coun try would soon commence. In China, also, there was a state of things entirely unsatisfactory. So far as her Majesty's Government were concerned, it was a mere matter of accident that we had not been involved in the greatest responsibility in regard to the Government of China. Was it wise to involve ourselves in so many of these affairs in different parts of the world, while Europe was in its present critical state ? He knew he should be told that it is not our fault. hut that is not so. No doubt the barbarous people to whom we were opposed had become like barbarians ; but we had in the first instance placed our selves in a position in which we were certain to receive treatment which we should then be called upon to resent. Our whole course of action with regard to these distant na tions had been marked with complete want of foresight. Earl GRANVILLE did not intend to prolong the debate, which had been very satisfactory to her Majesty's Govern ment, as it had, he thought, shown that the house generally approved their policy. He wished, however, to refer to one or two principles laid down by the noble earl who had just concluded. One of the principles to which Earl Grey always appeared most attached was a love of peace, and that he frequently carried to an injudicious extent. But he (Earl Granville) must pretest against the doctrine which he now appeared to lay down, teat because we had large armaments we were bound to redress all injustice, without regard to our own interests or treaty obligations. The noble earl's speech showed that he did not himself regard this principle as sound, for as soon as he came to New Zealand or Japan, when operations were necessary for the protection of the lives and property of (=fellow subjects, he protested against war. But with regard to Schleswig-Holstein he said that if the representations of his noble friend in regard to the con duct of Germany were correct, the Government should have called Parliament together in December, and told both parties to the dispute what they meant to do. But he (Uarl Granville) thought that we should never threaten what we could not carry out. Now, from December three months must have elapsed before we could have been of any use to the belligerents whose cause we espoused. And it was not prudent, therefore, to announce our intentions then, when we could not know what might be the position of the belli gerents, or the intentions of other Powers, at the time when the opportunity for action arrived. The noble earl had accused the Foreign Secretary of acting discourteously towards the Emperor of France in the publication of his de spatch declining to attend the Congress before it was actually delivered to the Emperor. No discourtesy was intended, nor did it ever enter the head of his noble friend to publish it before its delivery. But it was at that time very desir able that it should be published as early as possible, in con sequence of the anxiety that was felt as to the course that England would take. And its delivery to the Emperor hav ing been accidentally delayed for two days in consequence of some misunderstanding with Earl Cowley, it happened that it was published before the Emperor formally received it, No discourtesy was, however, intended, and at the earliest possible period an apology was made to the Emperor for the apparent, but quite, unintentional, discourtesy which had occurred. He hnped, he would say in conclusion, that it was quite understood that the Government took on them selves the full responsibility of the affairs now in hand. What they requested was that, if the house had not confi dence in them, let them say so, and dismiss them ; but if not, let them not bind the hands of the Government, but leave them that freedom of action without which they could not satisfactorily conduct the affairs of the country. Earl GREY, in explanation, remarked that what he in tended to say was, that if this country was going to inter fere, the sooner the decision was made known the better, The Address was then agreed to, and the house adjourned at twenty-five minutes to ten o'clock. ROUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening, The house assembled shortly before four o'clock. NEW ME MBE RS. The following new members took the oaths aua their seats : Sir RunNntLL PALMER (Attorney-General), on his re election for the borough of Richmond, Yorkshire. Sir R. P. COLLIER (Solicitor-General), on his re-election for the borough of Plymouth. Mr. R. BATESON HARVEY, for Buckinghamshire, in the room of the MIL W. G. Cavendish, now Baron Chesham, in the House of Peers. The Hon. F. Li Gov, for the western division of Worces tershire, in the place of Viscount Elmley, now the Earl lhauchamp, in the House of Peers. Major WATERHOUsE7 for the borough of Pontefract, in the room of Mr. R. Monckton. Runes, now Baron Houghton, in the House of Peers. Sir COLMAN O'LoGHLEN, in the room of Mr. F. M. Calcutt, deceased. The, Hon. ,C, D. TRACY, for the Montgomery. :hire burghs, in the room of Captain IST. Johnson, de- Ceased. Sir Wm. FRASER, Bart., for the borough of Ludlow, in the room of Mr. Beriah Botfield, deceased. Mr. J. PEEL, for the borough of Tumworth, in the room of Viscount Ita-;nham now the Marquis Townshend, in the House of Peers. Mr. lionoAN TREHERNE, for the borough of Coventry, in the room of the Right lion. Elward Ellice, deceased. Mr. LLOYD, for the boroup•li of Barnstaple, in the room of Mr. George Potts, deceased, Mr. G. S. LEravna, for the borough of Reading, in the roam of Mr. Sergeant Pigott, now one of the Barons of her 2,lftjesty's Court of Exchequer. Colonel WYSE, for the borough of Windsor, in the room of Mr. G. N. Hope, deceased. 3lr. C. J. IL Lan NEATE, for the city" Ozf , rd, in the room of Mr. gston, deceased. Mr. W. HUMPHREY, for the borough of Andover is the Mr. William Cabitt, decea B ed. , im 01 11 NEW WRITS. On the motion of Mr. BRAND a writ was ordered to issue for the election of a me mber to serve for the c i t y of utiiire ham, in the room of Sir W, .Atherton, deceased, On the motion of Colonel TAYLOR, a writ was ordered to issue for the election of a member for Tewkesbury, i n the room of the Hon. Frederick Lygon, who had accepted the Stewardship of the Chiltern HuLdrcds. On the motion of Lord HOTHAM, a writ was ordered to issue for the election of a member for Winchester, in the room of Sir .J. B. Earl, who accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. ENTRANCE OF LORD PALMERSTON. On the entrance of Lord Palmerston, about 20 minutes past 4 o'clock, his lordship was greeted with loud cheers. Immediately after taking his seat, the nob:e lord walked vigorously down the floor, and then returned and laid on the table different certain treaties of convention which had been entered into by her Majesty during the recess, and which are specified in the Royal speech. time when England, in a state of profound peace, has not been assured by the Sovereign at the commencement of the Session of Parliament that her Majesty has received from all foreign Powers expressions of amity and goodwill. (Cheers.) The singular omission of that passage renders it necessary that the House of Commons on the Out night of its meeting should not allow the eircumstance to pass un noticed, and forces us to consider the nature of our foreign relations. I confess myself that, taking a general view of our external relations at the present time, what strikes me as their principal feature and characteristic is that th3y are in a state of utter confusion. (Laughter.) I see everythingin an inconsistent condition—sometimes approaching even to the incoherent. (A. laugh.) Everything appears to be done with a total want of system, and we are forced to ask our selves daily this question—what are our objects, and who are our allies ? (Cheers.) I take an instance—because an instance is always stronger than an argument—the instance of Russia. It is very possible that her Majesty's Ministers might have been of opinion that the power of Russia was menacing to the tranquillity of Asia and the independence of Europe, and that it ought to be checked and guarded. I give no judgment on that opinion —I deprecate to-night any un necessary discussion on any controverted points ; but it is an opinion which has been held in this age of eminent states men, and it is an opinion which might without extrava gance have been held by her Majesty's Government. Had it been the opinion of the Government, their conduct last year when the insurrection in Poland broke out would have been perfectly intelligible. An insurrection in Poland, accompanied as it perhaps might have been by an insurrec lien in Circassia—sanctioned, stimulated, and perhaps sup ported by the great Western Powers, would, no doubt, have brought about results not insignificant. If that were the opinion of the Government, their conduct was unintelligible ; they excited the movement, they fanned the flame, and then in the midst of the tumult and conflagration they suddenly drew up. (Hear, hear,) Their conduct was involved in perplexity and ambiguity; they never once relaxed into frankness, except at last to declare that on no consideration whatever would they ever go to war in favour of a policy in which, in justice to Poland, they never should have engaged unless they were in reality prepared to carry it out. But it may be said by the Government—and I give them the fair advantage of the objection—" We repudiate the hypotheti cal policy which you attribute to us with regard to Russia ; we believe that it is the interest of Russia to maintain the empire of Russia in its strength and integrity as a necessary portion of the political balance, and as a bulwark against the aggressive ambition of another European Power." Be it so, But if that be really the opinion of the Government, if that be their policy, how can they account for those mysterious months of last autumn when the question of peace or war was absolutely a struggle between the capitalists of Europe and the secret societies—two very strong bodies, no doubt? What we wanted then was some Prince or potentate, some Sovereign or Minister, some of those individuals who affect to guide the destinies of nations, should, under the circum • stances, come forward to enlighten, strengthen, and direct the public opinion of Europe. (Hear, hear.) Take the case of Greece. Do we not see in what has happened in Greece the same confusion arising from inconsistency of conduct produced by a total want of system ? Last year gentlemen on this side of the house—and I shared the feeling—viewed with reluctance the surrender by her Majesty of the lonian garrrisons—(hear, hear)—but I will freely admit that I could conceive a British Minister in a position in which to obtain great results and to favour a bold policy such a ma• terial sacrifice might have been justified. To est•,blish a strong Greek people, to obtain the gratitude and confidence of the Greek people, that was an object so paramount as to justify the proposal of that sacrifice, But then your policy ought to have been complete. When the sacrifice had been made, that was not the time to talk about the conditions to be attached to it. And yet what is the state of the case ? No sootier does the King of Greece arrive in his kingdom than these conditions crop up. One day his fortifications are to be raised—and another day he hears to his astonish ment that a portion of his new dominions is to be neutralised. The neutrality of a portion of a kingdom is almost unpre • cedented, and is always perilous, Instead of a magnanimous policy, we find there is a policy of suspicion; instead of a policy which would make the Greeks more powerful, we find a policy which would make them more subordinate. In what a position, in respect to his subjects, have we placed that ingenuous youth, who, so tar, I may be permitted to say, has shown no deficiency of energy and spirit. The Greeks must consider him either as absolutely incompetent, or as guilty of bad faith. I have seen many Greeks—and I dare say other hen, gentlemen have also seen many—who would say he was guilty of duplicity. (A laugh) Against bad faith you may guard, but no human sagacity can baffle the unconscious machinations of stupidity. (Loud laughter.) When we parted we were under the impression that a gcod understanding existed between England and France. Notwithstanding many rebuffs, notwithstanding Mexico, notwithstanding our refusal to mediate between the contending powers in America, notwithstanding other in cidents and causes which will be fresh in the memory of every member, there was a general impression that a good understanding between England and Franca existed. A good understanding between England and France is simply this—that, so far as the influence of those two great Pon era extends, the affeirs of the world are to be conducted by their co-operation instead of by their rivalry. But cooperation requires not merely identity of interest but reciprocal good feeling. In public as well as in private matters a certain degree of sentiment is necessary for the happy con duct of affairs, A kind thing, for instance, ought to be done in a rough manner, and if possible a rough thing ought to be cone in a kind manner, (A. laugh.) The feelings of nations must be considered. Now the position of the Em peror of the French at the end of last year was, as every body knows, a very distressing one. He had held out ex pectations which he could net fulfil, and he had been worsted in a diplomatic encounter.:7lf a Sovereign was ever in a situation in which he might count on the sympathy of an ally, in such a situation the Emperor of the Franchg was placed, especially if he counted on the sympathy of an ally who had very much encouraged him in the erroneous course which he had taken. (Hear.) I look upon the proposition for a Congress to have been an adroit manoeuvre. Amin the burst of martial music and the peals of artillery the Emperor of the French would have retreated with flying colours; but I at the same time look on the proposition as one deficient in soundness. There have been it is true very great modifications of the Treaty of Vienna, but the scope and tendency of the policy established by the settlement of Vienna has not been changed, Whenever a settlement takes place in Europe meant to be comprehensive and per manen ait is in the nature of things that there should be pe riodical variations in its conditions, but unless the scope and tendency of the policy of such a settlement undergo a change, no one, as experience proves, is likely to call for an abrogation of the treaty itself. In the course of the 250 years which form diplomatic history, and the crowd of conferences and congresses which have taken place, we find only three settlements of a permanent and comprehensive character —those of Westphalia, Utrecht, and Vienna. if you examine the condition of Europe 50 years after the settlements of Westphalia and Utrecht respectively, I will be bound to say you will find as numerous and as important modifications of those settle ments as have occurred during the almost 50 years which have elapsed since the settlement of Vienna. But the scope and tendency of the policy fixed at Westphalia and after wards at Utrecht was never changed, and no Power, not withstanding the many disturbances on the Continent, called on Europe to advocate such a change. As it was with the settlements which I have just mentioned, so it is with the treaty of Vienna—there may have been great modi fications of it, but its scope and policy have not altered. Under these circumstances, far from disapproving of her Majesty's Government for declining to attend the proposed Congress, I give them credit for the valid reasons which induced them to take that course. I cannot, however, ex tend the same approbation to the manner and mode in which their refusal was conveyed. (Hear, hear.) The position of the Emperor of the French is peculiar. He has publicly—almost ostentatiously—proclaimed that position to Europe, and there can, therefore, be no indelicacy in re ferring to it. He is not, he has told you, like other Em perors. He is not, for example, like the Emperors of Austria or Russia. He does not stand on traditions. He is not hedged round by the magic of prescriptive rights. He has been created, and can be maintained only, by the I sympathy of his people—a people proud, imperious, and apt to ba discontented. A considerate ally ought to have re membered this; but an ally which had encouraged the Emperor of the French in the very policy which had in volved him in his difficulty —an ally which had been a par taker of his projects, and had fully shared in his diplomatic discomfitures—ought not to have received his proposition for a Congress in a spirit of cynical criticism. Sarcasm is, undoubtedly, a great ornament of popular debates (laughter) and has been recognized as an efficient rhetorical weapon since the days of Quintilian ; but the natural language of diplomacy is, I contend, conciliation, and it is, in my opinion, to be regretted that a Secretary of State, when he conveys to foreign Powers the decisions of his Sovereign and Cabinet, should find no happier medium of expression than a sneer. (Cheers.) What makes the conduct of the Go vernment so much to he deplored in the present instance is that when this refusal couched in this spirit was given, the Government must have been sensible that the time was approaching for the solution of one of those European diffi culties in which the cordial sympathy and assistance of our ally must prove of the greatest utility. This brings me to the subject which absorbs the most important part of the Speech which we heard from the Royal Commissioners to day. It cannot be said that in that Speech the affairs of Schleswig and Holstein are passed over without notice. They are, however, I maintain, only noticed to bewilder, and if anyone reads the three paragraphs to which I am about to call attention he will find that they do not place the real state of the case before the !name, and that they not only do not do that, but that they place the real question in such a position that her Majesty's Government have altogether evaded giving an opinion upon it. (Hear.) I have shown the house that in the general conduct of our affairs, whether with regard to Russia, Greece, or France, there have been exhibited by Ministers a confusion and in consistency which can be productive of nothing but injuri ous consequences, and that there is in their policy an ap parently total want of system. Last year the house expected an explanation of a despatch which had bean written by the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, on this very question of the relations between Denmark and Germany, and on the merits or demerits of that document I am not now about to pro nounce an opinion. It was a very important State paper ; but, although I do not at present propose to enter upon the discussion of the views which it contains on a question which be dealt with at some future day, and which cannot be dwelt upon:in a desultory debate on the address on the opening night of a session, yet I will say that I look upon the policy which was recommended in that despatch, considering the time at which it was published and the place where it was penned, as calculated to encourage the violent party in Germany—(hear, hear) —and that I believe the general impression which it pro duced in Germany as well as Denmark was, that all the bias of the British Government was in favour of Germany. Any one who happened to be in that country at the time must be aware that the despatch was for months looked upon as in dicative of the policy of the English Government, and that a fresh impulse to force Federal Execution was the conse quence. To so great an extent did that feeling prevail that the subject was brought forward in this house, though it was the last night of the session, by my hon. friend the member for Horsham. The Prime Minister made a speech on that occasion, and I gave no opinion of the justice or policy of the course which he recommended, any more than on the despatch of the Secretary of State. I would, how ever, appeal to any one who listened to the speech in which the noble lord declared that the independence and integrity of Denmark was of great European interest, and in which he declared that when the borders of Holstein were passed Denmark would find that she was not alone in the quarrel —to say whether the necessary effect of the noble lord's language did not appear to be—that which we now know was its efiect—to encourage a party which certainly never required such encouragement—namely, the extreme party in Denmark. (Hear.) Thus you see exhibited in dealing with this question the same confusion, inconsistency, and incoherency which I have already traced through the whole of the diplomatic conduct of the Government. The despatch and the speech having operated—the one to encourage Ger many to take an extravagant view, the other to support Denmark in maintaining a view equally irrational—we now find the question discussed in the Speech of the Royal Com missioners. I have no doubt that these three paragraphs are now ;perfectly familiar to every hon. gentleman. The third, fourth, and fifth paragraphs of the Speech from the Throne—the three most important paragraphs—are, in tact, a statement of premises. They are premises drawn up with great art, and no doubt for a great object. They were drawn up to impress on the country and on Europe the solemn and important engagements which had been entered into by all the principal crowned heads of Europe. It reads, in fact, like the .41manach de Gotha. (Laughter.) First of all, there is the date of the treaty ; then the style and names of the Sovereigns ; then the object is brought forward that, for the preservation of the balance of power and of the peace of Europe, the integrity of the'Danish monarchy should be meintained, and that in order to do so the acknowledgment of King Christian as successor to the Crown should be made. Having brought forward all these premises, what is the conclusion w hich is drawn from them It cannot be found in the Speech—(cheers) —because the third paragraph ends only, " Her Majesty will continue her efforts in the interests of peace." The logical conclusion of these three paragraphs is so be found in the Speech which the noble lord made on the last day of last Session—(bear, hear)—that, in consequence of this treaty, in consequence of vital European interests being involved, according to the opinion of the Government, in that treaty, if any act of violence was formed against Denmark (for that was the language of the noble lord), Denmark was not to find her self alone in the contest. (Cheers ) But here we have these pompous premises, and what is the conclusion ? Why. that her Majesty will continue her efforts in the interests of peace. The interests of peace What would a stranger think who had listened to the Speech of the Royal Com missioners, and knew nothing of public life and public affairs until that moment ? Could he believe that the Eider had been passed, that blood had been shed, and that perhaps at this moment a great engagement may be taking place ? (Cheers.) And is Denmark alone ? (Loud cheers.) Be fore I touch on the policy of her Majesty's Government in that respect I must make one observation on these three paragraphs, because they contain an incongruous expression which may be found very inconvenient in future debates, which are no doubt impending. The house will observe that, having stated the treaty and the object to it, which is to obtain the succession of King Christian IX. to the kingdom of Denmark, it is said " Her Majesty has been unremitting in her endeavours to bring about a peaceful settlement of the differences which on this matter have arisen between Germany and Denmark." That is an entirely incorrect statement. There are no differ ences between Germany and Denmark on this matter. Not even the Diet of Frankfort has come to any resolution to question the succession of the present King of Denmark, and, therefore, the differences existing between Denmark and Germany have nothing to do with thematter,as is alleged to be the case. (Hear.) No, sir. these pompous premises are drawn up to prepare us for what, no doubt, in the opinion of the noble lord, is the logical consequence to be found in the speech which he made last year. But a new light has fallen apparently on the Government. The convenience of Parliament is appreciated in a free country. But there is one advantage in Parliament which is not always under stood, but which it appears to we at the present time her Majesty's Government entirely appreciates, and that is that when the Ministry have not a policy it is convenient to look to Parliament to find one for them. (Loud cheers,) What I wish to impress on the house is that that is by no means our duty. If there be a prerogative of the Crown, which no one has ever challenged, it is the prerogative of declaring peace or war, without the interference of Parliament, by her Majesty alone, under the advice of her responsible Minis ters. (Hear, hear.) And if her Majesty's Government are of opinion that this country ought to go to war for any cause, or on any side, and advise her Majesty to take that step, and her Majesty takes that step, and there is a war, whether that war be just or unjust, no doubt Pailiament will support her Majesty, though, at the same time, they will take the constitutional opportunity to express the ir opinion on the policy of the Government, to bring in formation on the subject, and to throw light upon the c•r• cumstances which will be conducive to the formation of a clear opinion upon the matter. (Hear, hear) I mention this, because Ido not think her Majesty's Government are eminent for courtesy in the mat ner in which they treat. the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) It is only recently we have been reminded, not by the noble lord, but by writers whom he recognises as great masters of the English language, that aff ti rs are carried on in a very satisfactory way as far as the House of Commons is concerned ; that the great departments are principally represented by Under Secretaries ; that nobody much cares what they say or what they do—(laughter) —and that the relations between the Government and the House of Commons are fast drawing to that satisfactory condition which subsists between mem hers of the French Chambers and their master. (Cheers.) Humiliate us it you like. Degrade us if we must submit to it. But, at any rate, do not call on us to bear responsibility. ,Loud cheers.) If the relation of the House of Commons to the Government is fast approaching the relation of the French Chambers to their master we have a right to look to the Government to do that which in the language of the day is known as " taking the initiative." (Laughter.) No doubt there are difficulties in the way of the Government coming with a cut and dry policy to settle all the differences of Europe. The condition of Europe is one, no doubt, of a very grave character, and upon the conduct of the English Go vernment and on the conduct of Parliament much depends. But the noble ;ord must feel that it is for the Government to frame a policy which they think they ought to recommend, and no doubt when it is brought forward, if it be a wise and fair policy, the House will unanimously support them; for I have always seen that whenever foreign affairs have occu pied the attention of the House there has always been an absence of party strife and feeling in dealing with matters of such high importance, (Hear, hear.) If we believe that this country is engaged in a just and fair quarrel, Parliament will support the Government, of whomsoever it may be formed. (Cheers.) But let us be sure about the policy which we are pursuing. Let us be quite sure, if we go to war, first of all that it is a necessary and just war, and, secondly, if now necessary, whether it should not have been prevented by more astute and skilful management. (Cheers.) I think I have shown some reason why the country should lock with some suspicion on the foreign policy of the pre sent Government, I looked with some suspicion on it last year. I thought I observed in it uncertainty, incon • sistency, a variance between the courses recommended by different Ministers, which seemed to portend the greatest of all evils—namely, indecision in the treatment of our allies. Her Majesty's Government, throughout this particular business of Germany and Denmark, has been like a certain Prince—not of Auguetenburg or Glucksburg—but that un fortunate Prince of Denmark who was infirm of purpose— " The times are out of joint, oh cursed spite, That ever we were born to set them right." (Cheers and laughter.) But you are Minister; to set them right, and I protest against your coming to Parliament in a critical state of affairs without a policy. If you have a policy, let it be brought forward fairly and candidly ; but do not come masked or visored here without our knowing whether in your opinion the claims of Denmark are just or the claims of Germany can be defended. (Cheers.) Let us know what is the opinion of the Government ; and I wore particularly wish to know the opinion of the Government, because what occurred in the recess is not such as to induce or authorise an Opposition to give a blind confidence on a question of foreign policy. (Hear, hear.) It could hardly have been in our expectation when last we met—when we were lietening to those bold words of the noble lord on the position of Denmark, and the determination of England to uphold Denmark, which is the only interpretation to be placed on the declaration of the noble lord—it could hardly have been in our belief that during the six months which have elapsed a policy so profound, so adroit, so deeply skil ful, should be pursued by her Majesty's Government that they could have contrived in that space of time alike to for feit the confidence of Russia and to Leo the cordiality of Franco. (Hear.) That seems a masterpiece, But what are are we to say of men who, having brought about two such opposite results, should now be within an ace of going to war with Germany ? (Hear, hear.) I say then—l must end as I began—what are your objects; who are your allies ? (Hear, hear.) I will not say you have none; you have the King of Denmark, whom you are not going to aid. But is that a position for England ? Can we believe that our affairs have been properly con , ducted, when, a crisis having arrive I, we find ourselves literally without allies ? (Hear.) Even if the Government were without allies, but had a clear course f rmed, and ap pealed to the House of Commons, the House of Commons would, I am confident, support them. This reserve and re ticence might be justified in the case of Ministers who with singular ability had conducted public affairs, and, if they were not supported by the House or Commons, might be supported by France, by Russia, or by Austria ; but when the Government comes before us in as desolate a Condition in respect to our foreign relations as any Cabinet can bey they are bolted to act with frankness, and to tell us what is the policy which they recommend, confident that the coun try and Parliament will support them if their cause is just, and I think equally sure that if, having brought our affairs to this condition, they have at this moment no policy what ever, they have not fulfilled their duty as Ministers of the Crown. (Hear.) The noble lord will say to me—it is one of the stereotyped passages of his speeches—" If you have no confidence in the Ministers of the Crown why don't you tell us so ?" I will tell the noble lord that when the opportu nity is fitting we will of course challenge the opinion of Parliament. I No such opportunity is given by that docu ment which is in my hand. Would it be becoming in me to move an amendment to the Address because there is incon gruous diplomatic language in these'three paragraphs? That is not an issue upon which the questions now at stake ought to be decided. But if the noble lord will inform us the necessary papers which are not even promised in the Speech —(hear)—we will form an opinion upon them. We are told, indeed, that her Majesty "actuated by the same desire to preserve peace" has been unremitting in her, endeavours for that object. But what evidence have we that these la bours have been unremitting ? I should have thought that the noble lord would have appeared at the bar the very first night of the session and would have placed on the table some volume for our enlightenment. What has become of the mission of Lord Wodehouse ? (Hear.) I cannot suppose that we shall be met with the pedantic reply that Lord Wodehouse had no mission but one of congratulation. We know that Lord Wodehouse went to Berlin, We know that Lord Wodehouse went to Paris. We know that Lord Wodehouse had a mission—a mission of the greatest im portance—which was eminently unsuccessful. And when the House of Commons is told that there have been unre mitting efforts to maintain peace, and yet not a single paper is placed upon the table, are we to be silent, and are we to submit to the commonplace retort, " If you have no confi dence in the Government you ought to propose a vote of want of confidence ?" Give us the documents that will throw the necessary light upon the present state of public affairs, now involved in obscurity, in perplexity, and in mystery, and we will form upon those documents a fair Parliamentary opinion, If the policy of the Government is clear and well considered, they will be supported ; but if they have no policy, if they are at this critical moment without allies, looking to the vague sympathies of Parlia ment to guide and support them, I say that they are taking an unworthy course, that they are unfit for the offices which they fill and the place which they occupy; and if it is proved that that is the state of affairs, I believe that Parlia ment will not hesitate to express its opinion upon their conduct. (Loud and prolonged cheerin g.) After the right hon. gentleman had resumed his seat there was a short interval, during which no member pre sented himself to address the house. There were repeated calls for " Palmerston," and at last, as the Speaker was about to put the question, Lord PALMERSTON rose. The noble lord, who was re ceived with loud cheers, said—l should much have preferred to have heard the opinion of other members beeiles the right hon. gentleman, who is always listened to with the deference which his abilities and position entitle him to, but as it appears that the gentlemen on that side of the house have given him an unlimited proxy, I shall take leave to deal with the speech which he has delivered. The great complaint of the right hon. gentleman seems to be no as to what the Speech contains, but as to what he thinks it ought to have contained, and I think that I shall have no difficulty in explaining to the house the reason why some, or many, or all of those topics to which the right hon, gen tleman alluded were not introduced into her Majesty's Speech. In the first place, he complained that no mention has been made of the civil war in America. Why, we have over and over again lamented and still continue to lamen t the continuance of that war, and we have declared more than once that her Majesty's Government profess to act, and intend to continue to act, upon a principle of strict neutra lity in regard to that contest. Unless the house had thought that her Majesty's Government were going to de part from that course, of which there is no indication what ever, it would have been matter of surplusage to have filled the Speech with a repetition of the statements made on for mer occasions, and which are still binding upon her Ma jesty's Government. (Hear.) Then no mention has been made of our relations with China. There is no need to mention your relations with a country as long as they are good, and as we continue to be upon relations of confidence and amity with the Chinese Government, there is no occa sion to mention that circumstance. The right hon. gentle man also complains that this Speech does not contain the repetition of that statement which has been found in other Speeches as to the nature of cur relations with foreign Powers,;Why, everybody must know that there have been between her Majesty's Government and some foreign Powers, discussions which even until within the last few hours were not brought to a satisfactory termination, and that was the reason why no mention was made of them. It was unnecessary to state anything about Poland. Every one knew that the efforts made by England, France, and other Governments to induce the Government of Rua - are to adopt some more humane and conciliatory course of conduct towards Poland had failed; that the answer was that until the insurrection was put down the Emperor could not change his conduct, but that when the insurrection should have ceased he was prepared to do those things which we recommended; and there was no need to repeat in her Majesty's Speech that which was perfectly well known many months ago to this house and to everybody in the country. The right hon. gentleman complains of the man ner in which the proposal or the Emperor of the French for a general Congress was received and answered by her Ma jesty's Government. I totally deny that there was anything discourteous in the answer. The habits of this country are perhaps more plain and simple than those of continental nations. We state our opinions and we give our reasons, but we do not often abound in those superfluous expres sions of compliment which we are accustomed to hear from our neighbours. Tbere was nothing in that answer which can, with any semblance of justice, be called uncourteous, uncivil, or unfriendly, or otherwise than was due between two Governments which are upon a footing of reciprocal confidence. (Hear, hear.) I don't think that the right hon. gentleman was of opinion that the proposal ought to have been accepted. He quoted instances in which the general principles which had governed Congresses were maintained for a great lapse of years, although many of the detailed conditions of the arrangements had been changed. So it is with regard to the, Treaty of Vienna. A Congress can only with advantage take place under circumstances such as those which existed in the year 1815, (Hear, hear.) At tha t time the course of conquest, proceeding from the banks of the Seine, had flowed to Moscow, and had overturned all the previously existing arrangements in Europe. The re flux of the tide had swept away everything that French conquest had established in lieu of what had existed before, It was necessary that Europe should be rearranged, anti there was power to rearrange it, because the Congress which assembled consisted of the Governments commanding those armies which were then in military possession of Europe. (Hear, hear.) Nothing similar to that exists at the present moment. You might assemble a Congress representing all the Powers of Europe, and if the members of that Congress were agreed upon any particular proposal, that proposal would naturally be adopted. Bat if there was a dissen tient voice there would be no authority in the majo rity to bind the minority, and therefore the result of the Congress would be absolutely nil. The Congress might have met for the purpose of sanctioning by a new treaty the present state of things. Could you have expected that the present state of things in Italy, for instance, would have been sanctioned by Austria ? Would you have asked the King of Italy to sign a treaty by which he agreed to cir cumscribe his territories as now existing, and to forego any future claim on Venetia and on Rome ? Why, of course, you would not. Then, could the existing state of things have been taken as a basis for introducing such changes as the Congress might deem it expedient to make ? Those changes would have involved a transfer of territory to some new Power ; to that, of course, there would have been an objection which could not be overruled by the opinion of the ma j or ity. It was our opinion, therefore, that such a Congress, instead of confirming and strengthening the foundations of peace, would lead to the separation of its members after rendering differences of opinion more pointed and diversities of interest more irreconcilable. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman, indeed, suggested an amendment of our answer : whether it would have contributed to con firm the good feeling between England and France I do not know, but he seemed to imply that we might have inserted in our despatch that this proposal for a Congress was "an adroit manoeuvre." (Laughter and loud cheers.) Well, we really did not think that such was the state of the case. We believed it to be a proposal made in perfect sincerity and good faith by the Emperor of the French, who thought it might lead to the good results he anticipated. We differed from that view for reasons which we stated, end we trust that our difference has not made any permanent or material alteration in the good feeling between the two Governments. (Cheers.) Indeed, I can give he house the assurance, be cause I have had recent communications to that effect, tha the relations between the two Governments are as cordial as they were before the correspondence. (Loud cheers.) Olt course, when the Governments of two great countries are in communication upon matters of groat interest to them and to Europe, strong as may be their desire to act together, each must have views and interests of its own ; and without any interruption of friendly relations there may and must often be differences of opinion as to the practical application of principles upon which in general t hey concur. And, therefore, if upon a particular subject the English and French Governments may not take the same view of what is to be done, it must not be supposed that a man is justified in saying the relations between the Governments are less friendly than they were before. Mexico has been mentioned to-night. Is that cited as an instance of an occasional celancse between the two Governments ? A jealous English Govern ment might have look e d w i t h di s f avour upon th e attempt to establish in Mexico a monarchy under the protection of I razce, But have we expiessed the slightest jealousy, the slightest disfavour towards such a proceeding? (Hear, hear.) we stated fairly and cordially that if the French Govern ment c ,uld establish order and regular government in Mexico, even though that might be accomplished by a French army, we thought the step would be for the benefit of the people of Mexico and for the advantage of all the nations of Europe having commercial intercourse with that country. Aud therefore, far from being an instance of cold ness or distrust between the two Governments, the right hon. gentleman might have mentioned the case of Mexico as en instance of confidence on our part s well deserved and well merited by the Government of Franc 6. (.Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman stated generally the sarcasm was a very fit instrument to use in debate. (A latigh,) He might have recollected that sarcasm is not a test of truth—(hear, hear)—and, though very useful as a flourish, it does not establish an argument unless it is accompanied by something more solid and substantial. The right hon. gen tleman addressed himself mainly to the Schleswig-Holstein question, and complained that the Government came down to the house without a policy. First of all, I deny that, and I will show him by and by that he is in error. But really, from the manner in which he dealt with the subject, I was every moment expecting that he would give us his policy. (Oh, and laughter.) He kept dangling before our eyes a sort of half expectation that he would offer some suggestion, but ultimately disappointed us. He promised us support whenever our policy should be declared, and for that pro mise we feel very thankful, and shall not fail to remind him when the time comes—(laughter)—bnt he did not conde scend to tell us what he thought the policy of the Govern ment ought to be. He said the Government had no policy, but he read a paragraph from the Royal Speech which con tains our policy. That has been to endeavour to bring to a friendly settlement the differences which have arisen between Germany and Denmark, connected with the Treaty of 1852. He says there were no such differences. Why, does not the right hon. gentleman know that many of the Governments of Germany have repudiated that treaty and declared that the Prince of Augustenburg ought to be Duke of Holstein, in place of the King of Denmark ? Does he not know that Bavaria was never a party to the treaty, and is therefore free to act ; and that Wurtemberg, which became a party by acceding to the treaty, has thrown it over and espoused the cause of the Prince of Augustenberg ? Does henot know that Saxony, also a party to the treaty, has pursued the same course ; and that when the Federal troops entered Holstein the royal arms were torn down and the Duke of Augusten burg declared Prince of Holstein ? And, knowing this, can he say that there was no difference between Germany and Denmark as connected with or arising from the Treaty of 1852? We have been employed in endeavouring to bring those difficulties to a friendly settlement. Is that not a policy, or is it a policy which, according to the tenor of his argument, the right hon. gentleman condemns? He hints that the Government were bound, and ought to have gone to war immediately; that, instead of employing diplomatic persuasion with a view of preserving peace, we were bound by our former declarations to rush headlong into war for the purpose of establishing the Treaty of 1852. That was not the policy of the Government. (Hear.) We thought it right and proper to exhaust the means of diplomatic persua sion, and to a great extent we have succeeded in that policy. At the time the Governments of Austria and Prussia seemed to be hesitating whe`her they would abide by the treaty or not, there was a plea set up in Germany that those who had signed or acceded to the treaty were released from its en gagements, because Denmark had not fulfilled another and a distinct engagement entered into before the treaty in a separate correspondence, not alluded to in the treaty as forming one of the conditions, and, therefore, entirely dis connected from the treaty. We protested against that idea. We said, " The Treaty of 1852 is plain, simple, positive, and unconditional ; there is nothing in it which entitles you to say that because Denmark has not fulfilled a prior en gagement—an engagement, namely, to incorporate Schles wig with Denmark—that, therefore, you are released from your engagement to acknowledge King Christian as king of all the territories held under the Danish sway. If you had intended to couple these two things together you ought to have done so in the treaty of 1852. You could have in serted a condition providing that you would only recognise King Christian if the arrangements were made upon which you insisted with regard to Schleswig and Denmark. You did not do so, and you have no right to discharge yourselves from the obligations of that treaty because the Danes failed in another and a different quarter." (Hear, hear.) We said, " The failure of Denmark gives you a right of war if you do not choose to accomplish your object by negotiation and persuasion— a right of war against the King whom you are bound by the treaty to acknowledge ; but it does not give you a right to release yourselves from that treaty and to acknowledge the Prince of Augustenburg as Duke of Holstein. (Hear, hear.) There has been a great deal of negotiation and communication on the subject; and I am happy to say that within the last very few hours we have received information from the Austrians and Prussians that they are prepared to declare that they abide by the Treaty of 1852, and will maintain the integrity of the Danish monarchy in accordance with the provi sions of that treaty. (Loud cheers.) We have no policy I Is not that a policy ? I say it is ; that it is a sound policy, and one which will be approved by the people of this coun try. (Cheers.) Speaking fairly and impartially, I must say that while, on the one hand, I think the Germans have been guilty of great and unjustifiable aggression, on the other hand one must confess that the Danes have been wanting in the fulfilment of their obligations. The patent of March last was a violation in many of its details of the Federal laws applicable to the States within the Confedera tion, and the Diet called on the late King of Denmark to revoke that patent, The late King was advised by Minis ters who were many of them very able, but yet took too exclusively Danish a view of matters, and the result was that he did not and would not revoke that patent. Execu tion was decreed ty the Diet, and the Diet in exercising their powers decreed that troops should go into Holstein, being prat of the Confederation, for the purpose of compel ling the Sovereign to revoke the patent. Well, we foresaw that if the troops of the Confederation, under the excite ment which existed in Germany after the death of the late King, and in the midst of the demands which were made by the smaller Powers to upset the treaty and dismemember Denmark, should go into Holstein for the purpose of exe cution revolutionary movemeuts would be got up by the active party in Germany, and the authority of the Sove reign would for the moment be overthrown. We therefore urged the King of Denmark to lose no time in revoking the patent, and to put himself in the right with respect to G e rmany. He did so, bu', nevertheless• execution took place. The Federal troops marched into Holstein for the purpose of obtaining the revocation of the patent after the patent had been actually revoked. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Well, it is fair to say that, for reasons the force of which we certainly admit, Austria and Prussia moved in the Diet that that measure should be a measure of exe cution, instead of being, what the smaller Powers who wanted to dismember Denmark recommended, a measure of occupation—that is to say, occupying Holstein in order that the Diet might determine who should be Duke. (Hear, hear.) Well, Austria and Prussia by persuading the Diet to send their troops into Holstein as a measure of execution acted in a manner more friendly to Denmark than if occupa tion had taken place. We must admit there is force in that. (Hear.) We deny altogether that the Diet ha: any power or any authority whatever to determine who should be Duke of Holstein. (Hear, hear.) There is not one word in the Federal Act of 1815, which forms the earliest of the treaties, which gives any such power or authority to the Diet of Frankfort, nor anything in the final Act of 1820, which was an Act of the Diet, which gives any such power; and, therefore, we contend it would be an act of usurpation to declare the Prince of Augustenburg Duke of Holstein. (Hear, hear.) But the moment that Austria and Prussia persuaded the Diet to send in troops by way of execution the question, as far as Austria and Prussia were concerned, was settled. (Hear.) Then came the other point—namely, the Constitution of last year, which we must admit did virtually if not actually tend to incorporate Schleswig with Denmark —(hear)—because it established a Parliament for both ; and in the negotiations which preceded the conclusion of the treaty in 1852 two agreements were made, one balancing the ' other--an agreement by Denmark that she would not in corporate or do anything that would tend to incorporate Schleswig with Denmark, and an agreement by Austria and Prussia on behalf of Germany that they would forego all those claims and demands which up to that time had been made for an administrative and political union of Holstein with Schleswig. (Hear, hear.) Well, Austria and Prussia now claim the fulfilment of the first of those agreements. But the Government of Denmark unfortunately —I will not say why or how--sanctioned upon the accession of the present King the Constitution of November,mwighhicthhwavaes so objectionable, and the Parliament, which revoked its own Act, was dissolved, and therefore in December last there was no authority that could legally and constitutionally comply with what we admit to be the just demands of Austria and Prussia with regard to Schleswig. (Hear.) In that state of things Austria and Prussia summoned the Danish Go vernment to revoke the Con s tit ut i on ; hut, unfortunately, their summons was so limit e d i n po i nt of time that it was physicallyimpossible it could be complied with. (Hear,) When you call for an impossibility and threaten violence if that impossibility is not done, you put yourselves in the wrong. (Hear.) Such was the menace of Austria and Prussia. Well, we, in conjunction with France, Russia, and Sweden—we have no policy as the right hon. gentle man Yays—( laugh) —but it so happens by some accommo dation of circumstances, call it what you like—we and other Powers who think with u s urge d A ustr i a an d P russ i a t o wait and give th e ti me necessary to assem bl e th e D an i s h Parliament and propose to it the revocation of the Constitu tion. Unfortunately, that a d v i ce h as not been compli e d with. The Austrian and Prussian troops have entered Schleswig violently, althou g h th e D au ieh Government, a t our urgent request-and that of the other PoWers whom I have mentioned, formally promised to lose no time in un yoking Parliament and proposing the revocation of the November Constitution, (Hear, hear.) Nevertheless, although the demands of Austria and Prussia are virtually conceded, that is to say, they would be conceded as soon es it was practicable to do so, they have forcibly entered the territory ot Schleswig, and, as everybody knows, a contest has arisen, most lamentably, and, as we think, most unjustifiably, (Hear, hear.) We made many applications to prevent this—we have no policy to defend—but it was doee:somehow or other. (Hear, hear.) But after the two Powers had refused to give Denmark the time necessary to ma.................................. " et,il ..":01 couldire the arrangements by which alone that n.gc;1,7.1,L1 askto take revoked we made this proposal !--Wo 01'14,,t $ a most d t a a n k g e er S o c u ti esw principle.ig as a mTahteertiaakl ignugar an te e. 1 ' - 1 t weak Power by a strong Power as a mater an compliance with demands is a principle daoge, r°llg , t h ° ar. ) it independence i of every small State in Europe. (Ilea','eoh;' f t o o r ok sa possession of the Principalities principle which was acted upon by Russia sco"::to, demands made on Turkey, and it ended is the C '''' $ war." (Hear, hear.) But we addet,, "lire offer i y l 3 , a ~ diplomatic security. We propose that a protocol, ss . 0 t ,;: equivalent to a treaty, should be signed in Loltd°ll,,,rbYeiq, representatives ßus of England, France, Austria / ' 1.0 ;:cl Densia' Sweden, and Denmark, ancal sthaanl;biteYthrilit:fiel tnark should prom ise to take the earliest stel' ula b o gtnerarriatnottyeso;l,3: yoking the, Constitution of Nov,mber ; that tintes4° ea, a s c ' given her ; that England, France, Russia, a ll ,a;fli f should be, as it were, pledge's to Austria and Fi ll % o n i t r he fulfilment of that -con.,on, and that A ustri :f 0 3 ig)ot i hrt a eo hiemaselheykno guaraniut ts l o d l d ahcaucdesepe that hwb t a h hot s ei en t iht treetrnsvh3ase they Y et 7 d;eom a r la a an n td t e e . : t i ( l : 2a l te i e s il i;v1). )::; ) , the tr°lesio,,r; Danishept waiting Parliament s t h h o e u 1 d a frontiersse ..... let, oLuslle°,f,d pet , 0 . Ina i ut-S t renorrr w tuetarliiP o ilt' uld not revoke the Constitution after B ll %_ an i i d e v t ; 01 , fore they go on. 'We said, "con We cannot ;0001 the must Parliament, when assembled—sidering t poi' ll danger in which the country is, and 110 th. 3 , if Monarch is pledged, will refuse. All we cart sal I° e 'oilt l i a n gr t e h e e to that and Denmark fail, Denmark will bfr eta pru territory. sthsfiaa w t. r i o ls n v g teh , teh a ip n nr d ke sytehohuotycsaatrnaotgeneotot a fi s ut s is t a gee 13081 and sir, rial, . min any Power whatever." r, hear .) , l (Hear, hear.) One motive, no do i t , weighed favo with them. They think the winter sess° ll l , i t/1 favourable to their operations than the spring ' c lb laf` t D th e a n t ma t r h k e winter it would be difficult if not itor P 7:1; 4 Power, t o render dusheatirivilfiiagetld,S aaiwinedidetfilhrt°theillirre:sllfgat yr"):19: consider the present movement peculiarly 10°1°1:0 tpa ° they have now declared that they t ept formaloruiecaarsteteeydnasomdcfheunlestsabaliegiwt 1552, that they' will maintain the ill'eP oh' ever r i l sh monarchy, that the invasion of Schleslio be J, may be and however rnaell tobej:t, the Danish not undertaken fo " the purpose of monarchy, an d tn ' h . t they are oo rp f tlit t t h e ef d ti :t.lc) ' a( d twhoa the papers.o nly. Iv to the entrance shall have been complied with. o pt P The right mised hon . gentleman complaint: that we b oro4 wish any man joy speeeb 10 6 vrolii andbeproduteietd was unnecessary to say the the 0 0 1 /6 01 r5 0 1 Of course we shall lay the I) 3 " er :h ° ro4 ll til l:0 mynoble laugh.) the table with be enough j o e f s e t v , e s nts, and the part given friend hal itmht that enable l n v o t ht think o house it s ante( c)eassdscaerYrt tit t : : e ie r c e o 41; e wh a i v eh e hhaadstohereena .takeilout; of: Government. Well, sir, the last ooalVitsbe,Seesa right 37 h a. circumstance, and oyal Commissioners which enables gentleman is that there is notbing in ° "d of the R un' jo tO , 0 i e. amend n iwfhileit is ..he. d a u n t d y o o n f e th o e f owphpicohsithioenistoermtiotl:6lB:l; lefi:: (A. laugh.) ehllvie,nel:mwereuttshhteosuca/g.y:mtdhtiheit,Liit,lissaasvh°le'cletysistorttoillti joici,lor may be said that, in a Parliaroen7lo 4 e 4 0 possible, it is part of the fair game on botb . s t i i ci o e il s witD i fit that the Government shall furnish the oppo i , t o 0 ° lt on which they may hang an amendment. . 1 ' tool ,4 g w i a s n e t t i o ng in the present instance, and so far ihsvealtll thhoou th se e riisghtthheroenb.ygseanvtleedmaonn fothrethoethoroerloci firoitflo,oo. ti t te h on e ugs ofocrcahsiisoyrnveudednre.ygbautaerdwehdicehxyarnesasmioenndinentth, efousnpcleeede,bn°,:geellloti,,,,?; andspuo support port a r n state dwho euher N eo V vup e eorr l tl l ie , owoy s u i es2 r , c thanking wn t he t, ur ig a lit f m tlt i atip . : iteo;:ia ,: development aegu o ie f se o e u n r ce. f , u l hesitation on the ' leave to remind hir•lght h n g n ern Pf° peace —( hear, hear) lions to reconcile differences, night. (A laugh.) In the meanwhile I V e- .o l ia 6 ,o '' that thepolicy of contend, a real policy, until l untry ucod reste h hs e e a et ri —a ntntfohdurllfeaaefr laborious ksbhst'aPoooupecr°wacirelpoanioertreunrisdveYdsucve accordance ne u s ly n ,d l D c eu t t i i d g e d h l 11::titurrii that i, i il e ' ' t lr. : , l e r: a r et. :' l.o4 : l :: : ° : 1 0 : b ie t t ta. h v e , re ii . ' ,, 1 , ,, , f , pOllO Ile 0 , oi l between the States of Europe.-- ssafi w .n)e i yd ll tht r hi e na c gt ei t y tho e ist th hwe e il a lc p ho p en r t o r b ar a y ti , o i n da o i n c i t a t :p f li- i i i : 0 1 ; : j . w the iii 10l Mr. S. FITZGERALD rem ark th e e d c f ehrt ' t if 1 6lig 1P . : " a n b o r n o - a in d, te hot n h t i i n o g n it was meant that li y $ q 00 affected, r u v n e less the material interests could understand it, w ll o fi f te t y m :irs : l ; rj o 'll:: and not ru b lt e dif g i ve t menac leaf, fila. d o 0 Schles w es ig t e o H t u h is a t t e . in tiTuheseticoonnwduacsteoufattrhaediGct°of; sr° ei.l 4 tndsheit eaectdltiGaen‘rsvgi and dangerous to the a new e G d. rant Duff, " Str p H ea . c fol l\ io l w r. P fl The CHANCELLOR of the EXC ilSatllll'44ll° i n hvo d eaifr u htnE c gvi reerue,ucrroosaepuntseto:o. ds:tirrarteloirrihp ev l : p otet o v , ii6 P ii:tiri i ; that there was any division in the Cabirota- to tat l .e - art Holstein i r a v e estion, and said the sutra And 99.. that she J. ::: ceof,i„ advice as ewshouhltdbfeuGldolvheerrnmenegnatgheniadengtii3v.eo t° ,ifort b i of v o , , declaration MANNERS ANuNsEtrißaSanasdkpedruwshsiaat cvspaosktehiel T o e f il b i iiii ;0) 1 : merston, Lord Russell having stated that Il e , e ft., Of, rel is ia i n r. cer it, and could scarcely understAlia-c.' Oin, PEACOCKE and Mr. 11. DA lLij ,, l ro 1118 vertu/lent for its too great de t he Al t ,c ) tia a e ? staSir J. PAKINGTON said he understood t'io sPoici, t t i h on at o A f a u d s h ir e i r a en an ce d tPortuhsesitarewaioyultulf 7187.iicili:180:Arer", chis,el,rs.KLftrhAioNmcyontdhietioonpspowsnitiieol.deprived it of a' l 4ic itaa" power in Euro ß pe l incur the the dangerG A LAKE hoped that Go Verl3e°l4 1.) 0: 1 1 1 ` 1 J t if o ci i.,„t, the t,) After rhb eef rdioueni:tP i g io nt la : '1 : S y:: i ' :141.11 ,1 5r i 1 et 911:14 : O , k ° P i Address was agreed to, and the house l ''' minutes to 12. __--- icBo , COUNTRY Italt..— rt, P. -----"---,,,------v, .k. A toV BIRMINGHAM -0117-SP 0 ,13- r,o 3° wheat -elaY' 04 ,j i There was a fair show of w-__ for I Jo , ~, ~,, r, —English wheat was sold at 40s to 46$ vi o.; p,,, a ry 40s 042 e per 36 stone for red. Barley, 3 ' 4 010 01 per qr ; grinding, 24s to 285 0019 to per 30 stone ; Irish lEls to 245. 13(3311° ' Peas, 36s to 42s per 36 stone. iii 4 , tO BURTON-ON r r totso 405014 Old i white wheat-4.5s to New do. '4l7'sillEol4ldT-r-ed-;l3oeilt' *. ;• s ls i t' ) o o .. 435 to 465 Nev i. . ." I*'°3 Mailing barle Grinding d barley.. Y• ..3 , 5s t0.38s I 0at5...." ' . ~..' ~,, 0 0.....28s to 32s I Beans ... to' 0 -------- DO' oiJiiitiii) BRISTOL--TOllllB- „bicD, ° , g ot ° A moderate supply of English whea t, ~..n . ' if"'" the prices of this day sennight. Forth"- change. Beans and peas dull. 0 4 dt e d , li .. t , ..—.---". rop tic of . EDINBURGH GRAIN:he t to l oor, h il et el ii To-day there was a large show 0 ' " is to Pi tofor t t ready sale, and fine qualities advanced ,„ 0 4 1.3 from last week's prices. Barley sold freelourio e ° pt hanced prices. Oats Gd advance, with . , 13 vo . P i t „p• descriptions. Flour dearer. Beans il . e•°' 0d",,, less money. 4 0 0,, , vera c f$ r.i ill Wheat on the top Os 9d down ..... a e ,or . a ver t ` Oi 5,1 Barley on the top 2s Gd up. ......... wa ge 01 0 Oats on the top 9d up.... , ......... aacorsge 000 Beans on the top 4s Od up ........ .• ~ ' . 3 ° Average Prices. • . ~...: •, ~ Wheat., Os 2d I 0at5••••....,, Barley 29s ld I Beans" , 74 4 0 •and s 3leB. a 1 0 ' 4 0 Total Supplf , sol ,44/ 0 Wheat........ 1171 qrs.. .... sola ;734 ti o Ell 8ar1ey...,....1936 qrs ...... • ' ~Id '0 q ad Oats Beans 275 qrs ....... od; OA Flour sells as follows :--Whites, 410' / superfine, 37s Od ; fine, 35s Od. j ---------- ~,Di O rr Birthg. L go' cf , ' ~ miaoV l BURNAND.—On the 4th inst., at urwd rOtIC I7 :1,4 Burnand, of a daughter . Coo gt 0 of COOK. — On the 3d inst., Iklrs. Ja rs the f ife !, Worthing, of a son. .00 o ptl nabll o, t I ELLts.—On the Ist inst., in - - g itiv Ellis, 60th Rifles, of a daughter. _road, 000, WELBY.—On the 3d inst .. at A-1 1 11 ; 17, of wood, the wife of John IlenrY Geoe lO i lirt •f; Marriage s. gojoreopei 101 GooDwiN—FuGE.—On the 4th ia';:'tol;araet ° ,f, Goodwin, H.M. Bengal EngcerjAtaa , 4tee Au.'.4. , I Fuge, daughter of the late Dlr. b ge fr 0 mouth. , A t A6„Detir v,i(l., , 2 A wit.. ousv, y , G °SCHEN —LEViCK On the •. , - f ii i., 0. I.4e fic f Charles Hermann, third sou ° e James Ann Helen, eldest daughter 01 0 1ei' Hookfleld-grove, Epsom'. A° Deatilo, t i. Esq . ' ° off J. V artie ' fee ° BARTLETT.—On the 2.1 inst., °co , ' ic h od , C 0 Surrey, aged 75. Dirl ol3lle A O CLOVER.—On the 21 inst., at ,ef t) ri go; E.,q , aged 75. c re ° ' . o lice, - ,robello CoLEs.—On the 2d inst., at ri 5 4 1 Ole Esq., aged 75. e P to •r' a t Votin-!: P si , jo jo hs HARDING —On the .1d inst, ,ociie-ge., 4, ~ ,e, the Rev. Sir Charles.J....diae, .., ),o 1 .3 0, 1) well-, brother of the late iscount Il l ' a ' t ciitt7tbe ~, rj; 4 31.' p o the 2d inst., c o l on el 0 , it y, lIERSON. n j 3,, ft PP o lit General P. M'Pherson, C• so- tie Infantry, aged 74. J e remy lel) 01e BIPLEY.—On the 4th in aced 77, 000,1, ad g od age • of West-end, Han:WSW f, ii . o llyfl ti. C,,. - . f,t , N , ' , Tomsn —On the 2d inst..oa•b;`, p;sq.. '•svs,e, .I.i co. Wicklow, George l' n i ______, 0.0,,,,,e 4 i ------_----------- wII.J. .4 0 , MO hed Vi v 'SC" Ole' London: Prinzed and cr•:•..ts r, , i 0 09' ,0 of No. tl2, Strand, grin te t &lbw lago. Strand, .n the YreCBICt 0 ' K 1 5 I'. llaidiCge2C.77FridaY, ebrtPtri v? !., ~y