The Sun. — London, England, 1838-01-26 00:00:00

Lave acted on a different principle from that which influ enced his Noble Friend ; but at the same time he admit ted that it had its defence. He only wished to make one ob servation more. His Hon. Friend the Member for Bridport had said that it would be better for them to retreat from Canada altogether, and to make the best bargain they could for the rights of this country. Now he, for one, did not want to make any bargain on the subject—his rights were secured by the British Parliament—he wanted no other security.— < Hear, hear.) He certainly heard of strange doctrines having been preached by certain gentlemen in this country. He would tell those gentlemen, that a great portion of the misery now gain on in Canada had been caused by their advice—( Hear, Isera.r)—advice, he hoped, not given from any bad feeling, but from mistaken motives. The Canadians were now engaged in a hopeless revolt—a revolt to which the whole of their na tional prejudices 'would not have driven them, were it not for the delusive statements of their leaders. They told the simple people that by fighting they would obtain uncoi trolled possession of the property for which they now paid rent. lie had heard it stated that his property was to have been the first doomed to confiscation.—( A laugh.) But what Government, on whose protection they might throw them selves, would consent to such a state of things ? Did they Think a Republic would do it? He happened to be in his own person the best evidence of what was the practice of Republican Governments in such cases. The people of the United States, after their revolution, had restored to him the !property held by his family in that country, on which pro perty he had lived ever since ; and he must say, much to their credit, that, even when afterwards he was an alien enemy, being the subject of a King at war with them, the State of New York, where his property lay, never talked of disturb tng him, but, on the contrary, showed every disposition to vnsure him its quiet possession.—( lear, hear.) It was not, therefore, the fear of confiscation which induced him to speak; if the Canadians were driven into connection with the States, his property might, perhaps, be as safe as it now was, under the protection of the British Parliament.—( Laughter.) He would only say that this poor misguided people must have been grossly deluded into this revolt. He had seen the people of a great many differeut countries, and so con tented, so kind, so good a people as the French Canadians he never met with.—(Hear, hear.) It must have been a strong inducement that impelled such a people to revolt—it must have been the delusive promises of their leaders to free them from rent. His owe tenants, who were not among the rebellious, had declared to his agent that they would not pay any rent until they saw how the people got en who were fighting.—( Laughter.) He thought they were right. This was the true state of the case. Ile had now to speak of M. Papineau, and in doing so he wished to speak of him as a man of blameless character and high talents, but one whose ungo vernable passions had led him into much folly. Ile did not Snow how far as yet that gentleman was engaged in this re volt—( Hear, from Mr. Warburton)—but certainly he was the leader of a party in the House of Assembly which had ♦ery much encouraged it ; he was a man of the most headstrong ambition, but one who had proved how unfit he was to govern others by the little wisdom he had shown in governing himself. In the present state of parties no great majority could be ob tained on either side, and he would therefore suggest to his Noble Friend below him, whether it was not possible to hit upon tome arrangement which would meet the wishes of all parties. He rather agreed with the Right Honourable Baro net that his NJble Friend who had undertaken this difficult mission should be left entirely to his own judgment.—( Hear, bear.) He saw a great difficulty in his Noble Friend's fol lowing his instructions respecting the Advising Committee. In the present excited state of parties in Canada he would find a choice extremely difficult; but the difficulty would no lie with the poor Canadians, but with the victors.—( Hear, hear. ) His Noble Friend, therefore, should be left to his own judg ment in finding out the state of public opinion in his Govern ment. There would be no difficulty with the Upper Province ; it ha I fought its own battle and succeeded, and he could not but rejoice at it. When he saw Mr. Mackenzie and the people with him, after being fairly defeated, still remaining in arms, with no object in view but to rob the city of Toronto, lie did not feel any commisseration for whatever might befal them. Although no man was more averse to the shedding of blood than he was, yet, when he saw a body of madmen, whose only object was to plunder and disturb the fine province of Upper Canada, he thought they deserved the utmost rigour.—( Hear.) He was not sure that the calling together of the proposed deputation would be the wisest method of arranging the colonial Constitution. Ho foresaw many circumstances which rendered imprudent the bringing to gether of such an assembly ; after what had passed it might be possible, but he did not see clearly now how it could be done. He did not think this preamble necessary, although in expressin g hi s di ssent he was involved in agreat difficulty. He might b e accuse d of supporting arbitrary measures with out permitting any modification, but still he did not think that Lord Durham should be trammeled in anycoursehe might think expedient. Th e H on . B aronet had another amend ment respecting the power given to the Queen in Council, but he ( Mr. Ellice) would not set a bad example by now going into that question. He thought as his Noble Friend was to be so deeply responsible he should be left to his own judgment. He ( Mr. Ellice) wished, in conclusion, to say one word on the much-agitated question of the tenures of land. The Canada Tenures Act had been passed at his suggestion, and the Canadian Attorney-General was in England at the time to give any suggestion he might think fit. He ( Mr. Ellice) approved of that Bill, but he did not intend it to be compul sory. He did not wish to force on the people of Canada any other tenure than that which they preferred themselves. He admitted that one of the incidents of the Tenure Act, namely, the law of primogeniture, was not in accordance with the habits of the Canadian people ; and in every effort made to strengthen our connection with them care should be taken 'that all legislation with respect to property should be in the plainest system, as was the practice in the neighbouring States. The question was not, as some would have it, whether keep ing the Canadas was or was not an expense, but to endeavour to adjust fairly between the parties there. It was not to hold dominion ; but, if separation became necessary, to assist them in making the experiment of self-government. The people of Canada possessed great advantages. They had no local taxation, and were in that respect better off than their neigh bours, though so much had been said of the cheapness of Re publican institutions. He expected much from the mission of Lord Durham; and when he asked of Ministers to re-consider the preamble if he thought it would interfere with the prin ciple of the Bill he would not make the suggestion, nor did he believe that the Noble Lord (Lord .1. Russell) would ac cede to it. Lord JOHN RUS SE L L—l must say at the commence ment of my observations, in consequence of some ironical cheers which came from Gentlemen opposite, that I think the House is greatly indebted to my Right Hon. Friend for stat ing his sentiments on this occasion—( Hear)—and I must also confirm the statement which he made, that until I entered the House this evening I was perfectly ignorant of his intention of speaking. I have listened with great attention and also with great instruction, as I always do, to my Right Honourable Friend, whenever I have occasion to hear him, either in pub lic or private, and whether upon the affairs of Canada or any other topic ; but still I must say that there are some points connected with the present question upon which It do riot exactly agree with him, and upon which, after what he has said, I feel it incumbent upon me to address a few brief bservations. In the first place I must refer to past transac tions, My Right Honourable Friend, in alluding to this struggle, seems to be of opinion—an opinion, certainly, which 1 have heard him express before—that an error was com mitted in giving up the revenues which, by the Act of 1774, belonged to the Crown, and that that ought to have been the point upon which the resistance should hove been made to the demands of the Assembly. Now, I certainly am not so far responsible for the Act of 1831 that I was not at that time a Member of the Cabinet; but I must say that, viewing, as I am obliged to do, the events which have occurred in Ca nada during the last few years, my opinion certainly is that Lord Ripon was justified in proposing the repeal of the Act of 1774, and not entering into a contest with the Assembly on that point. The Act of 1774 enforced certain duties. It applied those duties levied in Canada to the Civil Govern ment of the province, to be appropriated to that purfose by the Lords of the Treasury ; but it also directed that if there were any residue, that residue should be at the disposition of Parliament. Now, the claim of the House of Assembly was this :—it was not a claim, as I imagine—and I speak now according to the opinion of the Learned Gentlemen who were consulted at the time—it was not a claim which they could place upon the strict grounds of law ; but it was a claim which they could place upon the ground of the Constitution. They said, " According to the Acts of 1778 and 1701'you left to the Representatives of the people in the Provincial Legislature the appropriation of the supplies, and you ought not, by a new law, to make an exception to the general rule—a rule that, according to the Constitution, ought to apply to all duties levied upon us." Let it be recol lected that it was upon this question, and mainly upon this question, that the quarrel happened between England and the United States.---( Hear.) The United States of America America. expre ss ly d en i e d thi s r i g ht which was asserted by the Britain, by Parlia mentof Great Britain. The Parliament of Great Britain by the Act of 1778, expressly and in terms renounced this right over any of her colonies having Rep resentative Consti tutions of their own. To have quarrelled with Canada upon that round, therefore, would have been to a waken a s y mpat h y for the people of that province not only in the British colonies but in the United States of America, because in every State, both anc i ent an d mo d ern , th a t privilege is the most dea rl y priz e d ; t h at pr i v il ege i s cons id ere d th e most important of all, which the people look back upon as that upon which their liberties and independence were first feundeci.—( Hear. ) Of course, when ,my Right Hon. Friend said that in this manner the Government might have been maintained, he Can hardly mean, surely he does not mean, that we should then have bad the means of carrying on the Governmeut in dependent of the Assembly, or, as would necessarily be the case, against the whole of the Assembly. lam sure that that is not the meaning of my Right lion. Friend. Yet by follow ing the course which he says he should be disposed to recom mend weshould have called the Assembly together , we sho uld have made a breach with that body, and upon a point which would not have been made very intelligible to the people of this country, who would have argued in favour of the principles of the British Constitution as applicable to Canada. The breach, too, would have been upon a point on which the most sensative feeling existed in America. But I will enter no fur ther into matters that relate to the pest. My Rtlit lion. Friend recommends to me a most serious consideration of the preamble of the Bill. Now I will fairly state to the House, without entering into any particular argument with respect to, the preamble, what is the g eneral view which I take upon the subject. I consider that in undertaking a settlement of the. affairs of Canada Government has a most important, a most, difficult, and a most responsible duty to perform. It requires no thing l ss than the agreement of Parliament in the ge neral line of policy proposed to be pursued to make it tithe: "tillable in the Government to undertake the settlement, or THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 26, 1838. possible for the Governer-General to succeed in his endeavours to accomplish it. Now, a part of the mission which has been entrusted to the Governor-General is to give him the power, if he shall so think fit, of calling together a certain number of persons who may be supposed to speak in some sense the feel ings of the people of these provinces. Whatever the feeling of the House may be upon the point, I am sure it is one that cannot be a matter of indifference to my Right Hon. Friend ; because, in the latter part of his speech, speaking of a mea sure in which he himself took great interest—in which his object was a right object, and upon which he pressed Parlia ment with many view sof policy which were right views—my Right Hon. Friend, in speaking of that measure, admits that it contained this great and serious error—namely, that it esta ,blished upon certain lands the law of primogeniture ; the law of primogeniture being contrary to the habits and feelings of the people. I think, too, my Right Hon. Friend will not deny that, with respect to that measure, there are other points that require consideration. Then lam sure my Right. Hon. Friend will be the last man to say that it is not of the utmost importance that the Governor. General should be enabled not only to express his own sentiments—not only to give his own views, but should also be enabled, by some authority vested in him for that purpose, to collect, if he should so think tit, in some authorised and formal manner, the opinions and feelings of those who are deeply connected with these provinces.—( Hear, hear.) I admit to my Right Hon. Friend, who, I think, does not differ in fact from our policy, that it may be entirely inexpedient to call together such a body as is named in the instructions of the Gov ernor- General. It will be for the Governor to exercise his discretion upon that point. I say at the same time that to authorise the Governor-Gene ral to collect the opinions of the people of the province is a very considerable part and a very striking part of the general policy which we propose to pursue. It was due to Parlia ment, it was necessary to the Government, and necessary to the Governor-General, whoever he might be, that that part of our policy should not be concealed or Rit hkeld.—( Hear, hear.) It was necessary that every Member of Parliament should have the opportunity afforded to him of saying, if he so thought fit, " Upon this point of your plan I entirely agree with you or entirely differ from you." lam quite ready to admit, that if the Right Honourable Gentleman ( Sir R. Peel) opposite had grounded his opposition to the preamble simply, upon the ground of its not being in the usual form—if he had said. "You have an irregular mixture here of prerogative and legisla tion," I should have been ready, for the sake of unanimity upon the Bill, to have said that I would not stand by the words of the preamble. But the Right Hon. Baronet, it is obvious—having certainly a perfect right so to do—has placed us in this difficulty. He makes the objection with respect to the unusual form of the proceeding, and at the same time states that he thinks the course in itself unwise, and ought to be pursued. Now, if we were te consent to withdraw these words from the preamble—one of two inferences, or indeed both inferences, might be drawn ; it might be said Parlia ment has not approved of this mode of legislation; or, on the other hand, it might be said, " Parliament has cendemned this policy. Parliament is not ready to consent that the Go vernor-General should go out to Canada with these powers." If the Right Hon. Baronet were disposed to bring the general question of the policy proposed to be pursued to an issue upon any other ground, I should have no difficulty with respect to the preamble. But as this is the only point of view in which the Right Hon. Baronet has brought it forward, I own I feel the greatest difficulty in complying with my Right Hon. Friend's advice. I feel this, Sir, I feel that these measures ,cannot be carried to a perfect and satisfactory isonclusien un less ( I am not now going to enter into any discussion of the merits of Lord Durham)—but I feel that these measures cannot be carried to a perfect and satisfactory conclusion unless some person of eminence shall go out from this coun try in the full confidence of the Government which then exists at home ; and unless, likewise, the Government at home can undertake the measures it proposes with regard to Canada with the full confidence and support of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) For my part, feeling deeply the responsibility which we have already had with respect to Canada, having always felt that it was one of the most painful as well as one of the most difficult subjects which we could undertake, I am not prepared to carry into effect the Bill with regard to Ca nada, if it be in :the power of any body of me.r.bera in this House or in the power of the public in general to say that the policy which the Government has proposed with respect to Canada is disapproved of by a majority of the House of Corn mone. lam not prepared to say that we can undertake to carry the Bill into effect if hereafter it may be said that the Governor-general, in acting upon his instructions, has acted contrary to the wishes, contrary to the will of the House of the House of Commons. This is a point which I wish to be explicit upon. I will not enter now—l need not enter now— into the manner in which the Bill is to be carried out ; but this I do say, that we must stand clear upon the point of having with us the consent and approbation of Parliament. If this Bill is to be altered in many of its provisions, or if it is to be a differ ent Bill, let those who have made it different, let those who approve of a totally different policy, be the persons responsi ble for the execution of the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) It would be far better for the country, far better for the Canadians, and far better for the general interest of the empire, that the matter should at least be compact—that those who advise the Crown, and those who have the confidence of the House of Commons, should at least be the same persons; and that these should be no discrepancy between the two.—( Hear, hear.) I beg my Right Hon Friend and this House to consider well this point, on which, sooner or later, this Holise must come to a decision. I do not think I am asking too much cf Hon. Gentlemen, when, admitting that the policy which is proposed is one of great severity, and admitting also that I am placing in the hands of one individual, assisted, if he pleases, by a select Council, and maintaining his authority . instead of the local Legislature w hich has been constituted by the Parliament, I ask them to be ready to approve the course which we have pursued, and the policy which we have adopted to redress all grievances, and to prevent future ills.---(Cheers.) Sir R. PEEL—Sir, it is my full intention steadily to ad here to the motion of which I have given notice—(Cheers)— as I feel perfectly satisfied that it is the most just and rational course which I could adopt. If any doubt had previously existed in my mind as to the fairness and propriety of that course--but no such doubt did exist—it would have been re moved by the declaration of the Right Honourable Gentleman who preceded the Noble Lord. That Right Hon. Gentle , man's local and personal knowledge of the Canadas is such as to entitle his opinion to great consideration upon this question, and his speech of to-night confirms me in the im pression which I had previously entertained as to his compe tency to pronounce upon this subject.—( Hear.) That Right Hon. Gentleman's personal experience bears weighty testi mony both to the reasonableness and justness of the proposition which I have signified my intention to make, and confirms me —not that I ever hesitated or wavered—in my resolution of adhering to that intention. In doing what I propose to do, I shall not, on the one hand, wander from the course which the great emergency justifies, in supporting the power and dignity of the Crown, and at the same time redressing all real grievances which shall be pointed out to me ; nor shall I, on the other hand, be led away by the vague declamation of the Noble Lord, and, to support a seeming unanimity, be in duced to consent to that which my judgment will not permit me to sanction. On the first night of the Session I and the friends who generally act with me expressed our readi ness cordially to support the Address which pledged the House to the Crown to do all in its power for the suppression of the insurrection which hed broken out in the colonies. --(Hear, hear.) Together with this, another propos'tion was i 1 made, namely, to bring in a Bill for vesting the whole Go- I vernment of the colony in the hand of a Governor possessed of great and arbitrary authority. The name cf the person whom it was proposed to select for this great and responsible trust was intimated. lat *nee, and unhesitatingly, declared my intention to pay all possible respect to the person chosen by Government, and expressed myself ready, forgetting all political and party differences, to give to Lord Durham, or any other person who might be selected for the arduous task, any assistance in my power, to render his efforts as effective as if he were in political alliance with me.—( Loud cheers.) I am ready, though with the greatest reluctance, to assent to the suspension of the Constitution of Canada, if no safer remedy can be found ; but I cannot consent to go any further than the exigency of circumstances absolutely requires.—(Cheers.) Were it my intention to offer a factions opposition to her Majesty's Government nothing would be easier than to find an excuse for so doing. Were such my desire nothing could be more easy than for me to join with Hon. Gentlemen opposite in asking the House to give another trial to the Canadian House of Assembly.—( Hear.) Did Idoso ? No ; believing that Ministers were acting rightly, and not choosing to run any further risk, I myself—and I called upon those who do me the honour to act with me to do likewise—gave Ministers my cordial support.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Some of those around me hesitated at first to give their concurrence to the measure, as they conceived there were great objections to the Bill, but they finally assented. That, Sir, is the course which I have pursued ; but, having gone thus far, I cannot consent to proceed any further. I claim for my self—l care not what may be the consequence--but I claim for myself a full right thoroughly and closely to examine the Bill in all its provisions and its details, and, as I see fit, to propose snch alterations and amendments as will in my judgment tend to render the measures more conformable with justice and bet ter adapted to compass the end which it proposes to have in view- —( Cheers. ) If it appears to me that the Bill should propose to vest in the Governor-General more extended power or a greater discretion than the necessity of the case may re quire, I hold myself free to propose that that power be cure tailed.—( Hear, hear.) If, again, in passing an Act so ex tremely rigorous as that proposed I find in any of the clauses an unnecessary violation of the principles of the Consti tution, I shall withhold my consent from such a clause ; and not only this, but I shall do all that in me lies to endea vour to induce the House to withhold its sanction.— (Cheers.) I shall willingly consent to every neces:ary mea sure for enabling the Crown to put down insurrection and outrage; I shall also agree to make ample provision for carry ing on the Government of the count r y when the Constitution is suspended ; but I will not enter into any compromise which would have the effect of preventing me from closely and carefully examining the Bill through all its details, and doing every thing in my p ower to ren d er i t as effective as p os sible.—( Cheers.) If any amendments are to be made to the measure let them be suggested, let them be dis cussed, let them be disposed of ;but let it not ha given to the pu blic to understand that a gener a l assen t was given to the Bill by any compromise. I cannot agree to what in my opi.. nion is unwise, unjustifiable, and impolitic, merely for the purpose of having it understood that we are all united.— (Cheers ) I do not, as seems to be supposed, object to the preamble on a mere formality. I hold it highly unwise to mix in the pream ble of this the recognition of an Act of the Royal prerogative. If the Royal prerogative is to be called into operation, why let the Crown exercise it, and then appeal to Parliament for its justification.—( Cheers. ) If the law apply for prove defective, n if you require mor e po we r, come down to Parliament it, and then, a c c o r ding as Parlia e ment accedes or refuses, either retain or relinquish the Go vernment.—(Loud cheers.) Do one or the other—act either by the prerogative or by Act of Parliament, but do not by the confusion of the two powers—the legislative and the pre rogative—establish a most dangerous precedent.—( Cheers.) What would be the consequence of stablishing such a prece dent? Ministers might hereafter relieve the Crown from the responsibility which it ought to take, and throw the responsibi lity as well as the power upon the second branch of the Legis lature.—( Hear, hear.) Ido not in the notice which I have given propose the omission of any clauses, but the substitu tion of others implying not that Canada is to be governed by a despotism by the intervention of constitutional—by which I mean free—operations. I have all along expressed great doubts as to the validity of this Bill, and in its present state I refused it my sanction. It is not my intention to propose any restriction of the Royal prerogative ; but I do not think we are called upon in the present state of thiags—in our present ignorance of the feelings, the wishes, and the wants of the Ca nadian people—l do not think we are called upon to sanction any particular instructions to tke Chief Governor. 'Why should I be called upon to de any such thing ? Why, it is neither more nor less than making me a responsible Minister of the Crown, and a party to the proceedings of G overnment. —( Hear, hear. ) Do I doubt the right of Ministers to collect all the informa tion they can upon the subject? Do I doubt that it is proper to ascertain the sentiments, the feelings, and the opinions of the people of both the Canadas ? No; but I am not prepared to take upon myself to prescribe the mode in which that information is to be arrived at ?—( Cheers. ) I am not pre pared in the present dearth of information to say that a cer tain Assembly should be called together now or in the course of another year, labouring, perhaps, under strong animosities or exasperated feelings, for the purpose of giving suggesti ons as to what ought to be done.—( Hear, hear, hear.) lam not prepared to say whether bringing the two Canadas perhaps into collision, at least into contact, is wise or otherwise._ (Cheers.) I am not prepared to say thot, having suspended the entire Constitution of Lower Canada—and in this senti ment several Gentlemen opposite who are usually opposed to me in political opinions concur—l am not prepared to say that, under these circumstances, ten men chosen by the electors, and five Members of the Legislative Council, opposed as they naturally will be, can fully, freely, and fairly discuss the circumstances of the province. Sir, I know of no representation except that which is sanctioned by law. The Legislative Assembly is still in exis tence—it consists of eighty persons, the true representatives of the colony—and is it possible that their place can be supplied by ten men, selected from five districts, of which we know little, and by a constituency of which we are quite ignorant ? —( Hear, hear.) I cannot, under such circumst laces, be ever brought to affirm—in the words of the preamble—that men so elected are the full, fair, and free representatives of the Ca- nadian people.— ( Cheers. ) Sir, I will net believe that the British House of Commons—the guardians of the represen tative principle—call consent to such a substitute for the repre sentative system already existing by the Canadian Constitution. I will not believe that we can be induced to decide that ten _ --. men, however fairly selected, can be representatives of the people.—( Hear, hear,) These, Sir, are the grounds on which I object to the principleq laid down in the preamble. Before Lord Durham reaches Canada the present aspect of affairs may be wholly altered. But I ask you if, with martial law proclaimed—with rebellion not quite suppressed—if it be possible to facilitate a settlement, by resorting to the advice of twenty-six men, partly chosen by the Crown, and with ten from each province, h o ldi ng op i n i ons di rect l y op p o sed to those which are entertained by th e o th ers ? Wh at con cord can exist between the t e n d e l ega t es f rom U pper C ana d a , and the ten deputies from the Low er Province?—( Hear.) And if either party form a majority, with the assistance of the repre sentative of the Crown, what security have we that the peo ple at large are to be content ?—( Hear.) Her Majesty's Ministers may expect that good shall arise from that arrange ment, but I confess that lam of a different opinion. Why' Sir, the course recommended bythe Hon. Gentlemen opposite places no restraint on the Ministers of the Crown, and it is mon- strous to ask the Members of this House who have no connec tion with the Government, to incur such a responsibility. Sup pose that the people of Lower Canada refuse to send dele gates to this General Assembly ; suppose that Upper Canada which has its Legislative Assembly perfectly well constituted, should mime to send Deputies, and declare that it will not part with the authority which it already possesses by Act of Parliament—in what position will this House be ? I ask you do you wish to force the men of Upper Canada to give YOU such an answer ? Her Majesty's Ministers may be desirous to throw a grave responsibility on Parliament, but I, for one, declare that I will not accept it. I must, however, be under stood that, in offering those opinions, I do not mean to give an opposition to the mission of Lord Durham. Ido not seek to deprive him of any power that may be necessary for that mission, but I conceive that the amendments of which I have given notice are conformable to reason and justice. They will prevent the present measure from being established as a pre cedent, and save the country from the operation of an unneces sary exercise of power. Let the House deal with these amendments as it pleases. I care not for the result ; but I am certain that this House will adopt my views if it finds, on reflection, that they are sanctioned by reason and by jus tice.—(Hear, hear, hear.) I ',hope, Sir, that the Noble Lord is not indifferent to what I say, and I trust that he and his colleagues will well consider what course they should pursue.—( Cheers.) Mr. ELLICE explained. The only question was, whether the Government were to be the responsible parties to the in quiry which all agreed to be necessary, or whether the House would direct the Government as to the plan to he pursued in the inquiry. He was still very anxious for unanimity on this point, and trusted that, upon a little more consideration, his Noble Friend (Lord J. Russell) would so far consent to alter the preamble as to allow the Honourable Gentlemen opposite to agree to it. Lord SANDON concurred in all that had fallen from his Right Hon. Friend ( Sir Robert Peel). In the present state of the country, just recovering from a state of rebellion, it would, in his opinion, be dangerous to assemble the people in such numbers as would be requisite for the purposes of the Bill. Mr. G. F. YOUNG had heard with much pleasure the able arguments put forth by the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite (Mr. Ellice,) in every one of which he cordially con curred, and he trusted that the Noble Lord ( Lord J. Russell) would withdraw the objectionable portion of the preamble, and that the House would come to an unanimous vote upon the question. As to the arguments for the emancipation of the Colony, he thought them totally untenable, and, whatever sneer it might call up, he would steadily adhere to the words of Lord Chatham, and trust that he would never see the dismember ment of our empire. Mr. BRINES said, that notwithstanding the indisposition he always felt to occupy the time of the House, he could not satisfy himself, on a subject like this, involving the interests of millions at home and in our colonies, by giving a silent vote. He felt it due to the Government to say that they had done themselves honour by declaring that they would go vern Canada on no other principles than those of constitutional liberty. An important crisis had now arisen in the colonial history of this country. If that crisis were used wisely, the me lancholy events which had recently occurred in Canada might be retrieved, while if wisdom did not direct the councils and the legislation of this country, we might have again to pass through the scenes which took place between the years 1774 and 1782 in North America and in England during the struggle for American independence. It appeared from the preamble of the Bill introduced into this House by his Noble Friend the Se retary for the Home Department, that the House was to be called on to declare that it was expedient that the province of Lower Canada should be permanently governed under the dominion of Great Britain. To that proposition he was not prepared to give his assent ; and in order to arrive at a just conclusion on this point, it was proper to inquire what was the cost of govern ing Canada as a dependency of this country, and what the gain we derived from its possession ? As to the cost, it ap peared from the financial statements laid before this House that it amounted to the sum of from five to six hundred thou sand a year.--( Hear, hear, hear.) The Paymaster of his Majesty's forces said to 600,0001. It also appeared from a sprech made by his Right Honourable Friend the President of the Board of Trade, that the expenso incurred by this country from receiving the inferior timber of Canada, over and above the cost that would attend the same supply of sound timber from the Baltic, amounted to 1,400,0001. a year, making a clear annual cost to Great Britain and Ireland of 2,000,000/. a year ; which sum would be saved if Canada was an independent State.—( Hear, hear.) The question then arose, what valuable consideration did we receive in exchang e for this enormous annual cost? His Noble Friend the Seocte-r tary of State for the Home Department t he night had said that the retention of our cole' was the cause of the strength of our commercialthe ma rine. But he (Mr. Baines) had always understood that from the of our commercial marine was rather d erived tfe a manufacturers, and the enterprise of our seamen—(the capital of our merchants, the skill and industry of .. our r hear)—and in proof of this,' he might say that our when com mercial marine trading to the United States at present,or ~v e that country was an independent republic, times as large as when that country was a dependencyhatthe Great Britain.—( Hear, hear.) But in order to show t our strength of our commercial marine did not depend upor_a_. Canadian possessions, he would quote the words of the I ff , v ,'grLf• Honourable the Paymaster of her Majesty's Forces, whose authority stood deservedly high and would have due weight en the Treasury Bench. That Right Honourable Gentleman was fourh of said—.. With respect to Canada (including our other posses sions on the C on ti nen t o f N ort h A mer i ca ) n o case can be male out to show that we should not have every commercial advantage we are supposed now to have if it were made a" independent state. Neither our manufactures, foreign com merce, nor shipping would be injured by such a measure. On the other hand, w h a t h as th e na ti on l o st by Cana da. Fifty or sixty millions have already been expended , the an nual charge on the British Treasury is full 600,000/. a year, and we learn from the second report of the Committee of Finance, that a plan of fortifying Canada has been for two or three years in pro g r ess w hi c h i s to cost 3,700,0001." From this statement it appeared, and no higher authority could 'be found, that Great Britain would enjoy all the advantages that she at present possessed if Canada was an independent State, both as regarded her merchandise, her trade, and her shipping ; and that havin g a l rea dy spent fif ty m illi o ns of money in raising that co u ntry t o s t reng th an d i mportance , she would , if the Canadians were left t o govern t h emse l ves , be saved a future expense of 2,006,000/. a year. Th ere was , however, one advantage d e riv e d f rom th e possess i on o f C a nada which had not been st a t e d, an d th a t was a great exten t of official patronage.—( Hear, hear.) If Canada was exalted to the rank of a free State, they should have much fewer governor ships and secretaryships to bestow than at present, and much fewer appointments in the army, the navy, and the civil de partments. But no such consideration would influence htr Majesty's present Government, and the people of Great Bri tain had too little regard to official patronage to purchase it at so exorbitant a price as two millions sterling a year.—( Hear.) But it was alleged by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Mem')Fr for Tamworth, the other night, that if independence was con ceded by this country to Canada, their other colonies might set up the same claim, and that even the Isle of Wight might insist upon an independent Government. As to their other colonies setting up a claim to independence, it might or might not be advisable to concede such a claim, according to the circumstances of the case ; but as to the Isle of Wight being induced by the example of Canada to insist upon an in dependent Government the idea was preposterous; though if the Isle of Wight was at a distance of three thousand miles from England, instead of one hour's sail—if that island contained two hundred thousand inhabitants instead of two thousand, and if it had, like Canada, enjoyed a Legislative Assembly for seven-and-forty years, there might have been some fitness in the comparison.—( Hear, hear.) It was further insisted, both in this House and out of it, that it was the bounden duty of Great Britain to retain its sway over Canada, because a vast number of its own subjects had settled in that country, and if British iofluence and protection were withdrawn, these settlers would be subjected to all sorts of violence and injustice. The gentlemen who made this assertion accompanied it with others which served to show how unfounded was their apprehension of danger. They said that in the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada there were a million of inhabitants —that in Upper Canada there were four hundred thousand, nearly all English and Irish ; and that in Lower Canada there were 600,000, of whont 170,000 were English and 430,000 French Canadians; the property of the country, they said, also were principally British or belonging to British settlers ; and as to the intelligence, the preponderance was decidedly on the side of the British. If this were so, and he ( Mr. Baines) was not disposed to deny it, was it to be supposed that the French Canadians, though enjoying some advantages in point of local settlement, but inferior as they were in numerical strength, in proporty, in intelligence, and in influence, would, if they had the disposition, be able to tyrannise and oppress their British neighbours ? It was also alleged that to submit to the severance of Canada from Great Britain would be to deprive the Crown of England of one of brightest jewels ; but this figurative expression was calculated rather to impose upon the imagination than to convince the judgment ; and so far from the Crown of England being tarnished' by the volun tary surrender of Canada, when the time came that the people of that country generally thought that they ought to ba free, and felt that they were not, the example of emancipating the Colony would be highly appreciated in other times and by other countries, and would give to England a perpetual claim to the gratitude of the Government and people of Canada. It was on these grounds necessary and proper, when Lord Dur ham arrived in Canada as Governor-General of that province, and when he assembled around him the Representatives of the Provinces, men best acquainted with their interests and their opinions, that he should enquire of them what were their wishes as to the establishment of an independent Govern ment either as to Canada separately, or as to their other set tlements in North America, on. the plan of federatiou so ably recommended by the lion. Gentleman the Member fur Brid port.—( Hear, hear.) In his ( Mr. Baines's) opinion, a power to make this inquiry should be given to the Noble Earl in his instructions from the Colonial-office. Such a power, accom. periled with the attribute of general amnesty already promised, would do more to tranquillise Canada than any coercive clauses introduced into the present Bill ; indeed it would supersede to a considerable degree the necessity for such clauses—( Cries of " Hoar ;")—and it would be strikingly accordant with that love of liberty to which the noble pacificator, who would then be hailed as a public .benefactor, was so strongly attached. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had said last night that he omitted altogether from his consideration the person appointed by the Cro wn to undertake this mission, but the people of England and the people of Canada would not o uit that subject from their consideration.—(Hear.) They would attach great importance to that choice, and they would rest assured that it was, so far as the Noble Lord was concerned, a guarantee against the undue exercise of those absolute powers with which he was to be armed.—(Cries of " Hear.") That night the Right lion. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) had intimated an intention to move an amendment in the preamble of the Bill for the purpose of withdrawing the instructions to Lord Durham from that preamble ; but while those instructions were given from the Colonial-office with a . . power to act upon them or not, as the Noble Earl 'night think fit, it mattered little whether they were contained in the preamble of the Bill or not ; and the proposed alteration would be viewed by the House as a distinction without a dif ference. There might, however, be some danger from the plausibility of the proposed amendment that it would attract some votes from that (the Ministerial) side of the House ; but when it was considered that the practical effect of Ministers being outvoted by the other side of the House would involve the danger of the Canadian Coercion Bill being carried into operation by a Tory Administration, he felt persuaded that no persons, foreseeing these consequences, and being strongly attached to Liberal principles, would be betrayed into a vote calculated to produce consequences so disastrous.— ( Hear.) Mr. SL ANE Y approved of the spirit of the instructions in the Bill presented to the House ; but confessed that he thought it was unnecessary to insert it in the preamble. He thought that perhaps the least objectionable course, and one that would satisfy the Right Hon. Baronet, would be to omit the three lines, commencing at the ele'ienth—" And whereas it is never theless expedient that the said province should be perma nently gdverned on Constitutional principles, adapted to prc_ mote the interests of all classes of her Majesty's subjects in the said province." Mr. HUTTON begged leave, as a new Member, and an Irish one, to express the sympathy which his countrymen felt for the Canadian people. lie earnestly hoped that Lord Dur ham might proceed thither with the unanimous consent of the House, and that the result might be the peace and prosperity cf the Colony. Mr. C. BULLE R thought that the Noble Lord did not act prudently in allowing such an important principle as that of a Constitutional Government to be discussed in the pre amble, as he would thereby array against his measure the opposition not only of avowed enemies but of wavering friends. If the Right Hon. Baronet, with that hatred of representative institutions which characterised him and his party--(" Oh, o h p' and laughter)—if they would take the objection, as they " o ught, to the instructions themselves in their proper place the matter might be argued much more censistentLy ; but they were always glad to catch at votes on any pretext—( A laugh) and made no scruple to use any means that might enable them to seize upon office.—( A laugh.) He wished the Noble Lord (J. Russell), whose intention in this matter he did not exactly understand, would make up his mind, and consent, for the sake of the Bill itself, not to press the constitutional a rgument on the clause in the preamble, but to take the ob jections into consideration and discussion in the clause of the instructions—if the Right Hon. Baronet would make the objections to it? He really wanted to know if Lord Dur ham was to be at liberty to exercise his judgment and discuss the question of the Canadian Constitution on his arrival at the other side? Lord J. RUSSELL, after the powerful appeal of the lion. Member for Coventry, did not think it right to press the point in the present stage of the discussion.—( Cheers.) He did previously state that, as the instructions had been placed i n t h e preamble of the Bill, he thought that they should not be removed without some way being pointed out of expressing and embodying the sense of the House with respect to them. However, after what he had heard, he thought it would be the more prudential course to consult with his colleagues, before he pushed the matter to a division—(Cheering)—and on the meeting of the House to-morrow (this day), he would b e prepared to tell the House what course he would take.— (Cheers and laughter.) Mr- C. P. V I LLIE RS agreed with the Noble Lord that Nlinisters were taking the most prudent and popular course of po li c y in the measures they were taking for the preservation of British dominion in Canada, and that they could not per mit the separation of that colony from the mother country, without losing the support in the House which at present up held them in office. He did not say that their policy was right or wrong—(Laughter) —but he was certain it was the most likely to please the country.—( Hear, hear.) This House had ha d l a id before it both reports of Committees, and the nume rous statements of public men capable of forming a just opi nion upon the subject, all of which admitted, that the grievances of which the Canadians complainod were well founded. The Legislative Council was the real evil com plained of, and he was at a loss to understand why this country should resist the demand of the Canadians on that head. The province of Lower Canada complained that Constitu tional privileges had been withheld from her, and that, owing to the advantages given to one sect in religion the system at present pursued would ultimately be of serions injury to them. Why should not the Irish principle be applied to the Government of Canada, for it, was found that, not only in Ireland, but in every country, where people who differed on religious subjects had been put upon an equality, all those incidental distinctions and differences which such a state of things necessarily en gen d ere d, b ecame h app il y mer ged. F o r his own part, he was dispose to vindicate the law.—( Hear.) As to th e f uture system by which Canada was to be go verned, if the principle was to be maintained that that colony was to be retained by this country, either with or against her own will and consent, then Lord Durham's mission would be unsatisfactory and useless, It could not be retained unless upon the principle of self-government. In conclusion, he trusted that there would be no system of legislation pursued towards Canad a f oun d e d u p o n the principle that the Cana dians had done wrong, and that self-government, which had in fact been promised them, would be extended to them. , Mr. GILLON said that they had treated the Canadians as s laves.---( Hear.) In his opinion the analogy was very striking between the present case and that of America when she re- Yoked from the mother country, particularly when it was con sidered th at t h e chief complaint in both instances was the ap propriation of the colonial revenues by the mother country. When the Hon. Member foe Kilkenry urged this point the other night he was met by an attack from the Hon. Baronet, the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, in which the lion. Baronet had made remarks which might well have been spared. The Coercion Bill with which Lord Durham was to be accom- ' penied on his mission to Canada would be as a mill-stone round his neck. Was the policy, he asked, which it had been settled should be pursued towards Canada to be backed by an increased militarj force in that country ? If such was really to be the case lie for one should stand up in his place in Parliament and oppose to the utmost of his power any grants of money which might be esked for for this purpose.—( Hear.) When ever he asked the House for a reduction of taxation he was , alway s met w i t h t h e rep l y t h at money was wa nt e d to maintain the army, and that a large standing army was wanting, even in times of peace, to maintain our colonies and to defend them. Now, he considered that if the colonies required so great an expenditure for their defence, they were rather a drag upon the resources of the mother country than a benefit to her. He was sorry to say that St. Denis and St. Charles were not the only places in Canada in which atrocities were perpetrated. They had recently heard that burnings and destruction had occurred in other parts of the country. Whole, towns and vil- lages, it appeared, had been utterly destrojed ; and even churches and house s, filled with human beings, had been burned to the ground. It was not by such means that the Canad'an People were to be conciliated. He had every confidence in the Noble Lord who was to be :sent out as a mediator to Canada : but he feared that if Lord Durham were to be fet •e-ed by the instructions issued to him from the Colonial Office his mission must prove a complete failure. Mr. REDINGTON could not concur in the arguments used with respect to separation, and he trusted that the Ca nadian people would neither be foolish enough nor so disloyal is to follow the advice of those who held such doctrines, and promulgated them. Concurring in the opinion that the revolt was without justification, he felt it his duty to support the present measure.—( Hear.) The SPEAKER asked if the Honourable Member meant to divide ? M. REDINGTON replied that ho did not. General EVANS said that it was well known that Mr. Roebuck had acted not only as the agent of the Canadians, but that that Learned Gentleman had also taken the trouble to agitate the electors whom he (General Evans) represented on the subject. This agitation had been going on for some time, but although the Learned Gentleman might have suc ceeded in getting a small portion of the electors to concur with him in his views, it was his (General Evans's) duty to state to that House that the great mass of the constituency of West .ninster were strongly opposed to the line of conduct which the Learned Gentleman had pursued.—( Hear, hear.) Ile thought it right to make this statement, lest the Canadian People should suppose that the sentiments expressed at the meetings which had taken place were those of the electors of Westminster generally, and to prevent them being influenced by al impression so erroneous.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He, with the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Coven try, was led to believe that nine-tenths of the parties who had engaged in the revolt were influenced by the encouragement which their ambitious and violent leaders had received from Hon. Alernb.?rs of that House.—( Cheers.) He, for one, would venture to express his hope that that House would give their unanimous sanction to the present measure—that it should pass with one voice—in order that the misled Cana dians might be convinced that. they had no right to expect popular support from this country in their ill-judged at tempt to throw off the Constitution which had been imparted ti them. He could .issure them that any such attempt would be hopeless.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said that the people of the United States participated in the feelings of the rebels ia Canada, but he mult declare that this was perfectly errone ous. Although North America was under tne rule of a de mocratic Government, although the Government of that cluntry was subject to popular influence, still they had not seen the slightest symptom on the part of that Government of anything like Quixotic democracy in favour of the Canadian rebels.—( Hear, hear.) They were a calculating people, and, therefore, not likely to engage in any contest where they could not hope for profit as well as success.—( Hear, hear.) With out money he could tell them war could not be carried on— (A laugh)—and he should like to know 'where Mr. Papineau, or any other of the rebel leaders, could find money to r ay volunteers. This was a point on which he cool I speak prat!. tically.—( A laugh.) 'fhe Honourable Member for Wol verhampton had found fault with the Honourable Member fir Lincoln fcr having talked of " philosophical Radi cals." He could see nothing offensive in the designa tion, and he believed that many of the Radicals im , gined themselves to be philoso[h n.s Indeed, they had given proofs in the course of this debate that they did, for many of them had pursued a line of argument in which the vulgar and unini tiated were totally unable to follow them —( Laughter.) It had been said that the speech of Mr. Roebuck had been but feebly answered. He thought that the Learned Gentleman had answered his own speech in some parts, while in others it . . had been completly refuted by other lion. Gentlemen ; and, as to the remainder, that was totally unworthy of observation. He (Colonel Evans) thought there were ample grounds for this Bill, and that some such measure would be reasonable, even if no revolt had taken place. It might be very conveni ent o.t the part of Mr. Roebuck to deny all connection with the revolt in Canada, but, as far as regarded the revolution in Spain, it was well known that in that case he gave his support to the side opposed to the popular opinion. In one or two parts of his speech, the Learned Gentleman applauded the conduct of the House of Assembly as " wise and prudent," and said that they had " won all their demands from succes sive Governments." If this were so, why had they not con tinued the same course, and, instead of resorting to a revolt, endeavoured to win what further they required by legal and Constitutional means ?—( Hear, hear.) But what sail the Hon. Member for Leeds? He said that, although money was the only object of the Government, they had granted ail the financial demands of the Canadians, but not ,until 1836. Why, they were now in 1838. The revolt took place in 1837 ; and if all the demands of the Canadians Were granted in 1836, surely this was a fact decisive against not only the revolt, but those who supported it. So far from exhibiting either wisdom or prudence, the House of Assembly had evinced the very opposite character; for, not content with demanding redress, they had actually vs 'rtcd to something like a decla:atiol of war against all peace and order. This it was that just'fied the present measure. X . . WA KL E Y said that, as the friend of peace in Canada he had heard with delight the soft and lamb-like tones of the warrior of Spin. ( A laugh.) He wee one of the pus ms represented by the Hon. and Gallant Gmtleman, and, there fore, as an elector of Westminster, he felt i , necessary to make a few remarks in consequence of what had fallea from bi.r. In the first place, representing-, as he did, a large portion of the metropolis, he must deny that the conduct pur sued by the Radi a' Memb:rs of that lieu ;f: in this affair h id given any dissatisfaction whatever to the inhabitants of the metropolis. He denied that the Radicals had advised or de sired that the Canadians should proceed to extremities or open revolt. On the contrary, the Radicals well knew that there was but one circumstance which justified revolt, and that was the certainty of success.—(oh, oh, and laughter.) Ho was glad the Tories laughed at this statement, and his fe tr was that they were chuckling after the blaod that would be spilled in Canada. It eas impassible that this country could hold dominion over men's minds against their will, and the time would come when the Canadians would take the power into their own hands, and redress themselves. What was it that had induced them to pass the Reform Bill ? Why net moral force, but the fear of the muscle and bone of the pe )ple whom they had excited. Had the people gone doxn on their knees to entreat Refot m, what would they have got from that House ? Why, simply nothing. He very well remembered that when the agitation in favour of the Reform Bill commenced some years ago, the Gallant General then took a very distin guished part in that question. He very well remembered a speech which at that time the Gallant General delivered at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in which he said that he had just left Kent, where an hundred thousand men were ready to mired] to London the moment it became necessary, and the Gallant General said that he himself would be prepared to draw the sword for the purpose of maintaining the rights and liberties of his countrymen. That was then the declaration made by the Gallant General. He had since been exercising his powers in the cause of liberty in Spain, and he did not deny that the Gallant General knew what it was to carry on war without money, or rather, he should say, that he knew the precise time when to discontinue carrying on war without money. He denied, in the strongest manner, what the Gallant General had said with respect to the feeling out of doors. The feeling out of doors was in strong condemnation of the course pursued by successive Govern ments with respect to Canada, and out of which the present state of that Colony had arisen. Wh. n he heard the Right Hon. Baronet opposite complain of the Bill, and of the man ner in which it had been produced by his Majesty's Govern ment, he (Mr. Wakley) did hope that he was bidding for the support of the Radical party in that House. He regretted to say that in that expectation he ( Mr. Wakley) had been dis appointed. The Right Hon. Baronet was anxious only to expunge that part of the Bill which the Radicals looked upon with favour, and which pledged the Ministry, at a future time, to restore to Canada a Constitutional Government. He re gretted that the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Home De partment seemed to have softened down in his purpose since the introduction of the Bill, for he had stated that he would not relax any part of the Bill ; and yet, in consequence of what had since occurred, he expressed a willingness to take a dif ferent course. This showed a weakness and vacillation on the part of her Majesty's Government, and that they had not made up their minds steadily to the. course that ought to be pursued. Should the Noble Lord yield to the recommendations of the Right lion. Baronet, it would bring obloquy upon his Govern ment. It would show a vacillation and unsteadiness which the people would not long endure, and the speedy secession of the present Government from office wou'd be the result.--( Hear.) Mr. BO RT HWIC K tendered his thanks to the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth that on the present occasion he had pursued the manly course that always distin guished him, and had thrown expediency overboard, and taken a course solely based on principle. The Bill before the House was not a Bill for the permanent Government of Canada. It was introduced to allow the House time to legislate perma nently for Canada. The opposition given to it deserved the character given by Mr. Burke to a similar course pursued with respect to a Bill for the conciliation of America. Mr. Burke had said, with respect to the opposition given to that Bill, it was likely the conduct of froward children, who, when they did not get all they liked, would take nothing at all. He would not detain the House. His purpose was to appeal to the Right Hon. Baronet, who that night had earned for him self so goodly a laurel, whether he would permit her Majesty's Ministers to escape from the condition in which they were placed? Without his aid they would not be able to carry on the Government. By the course the Right lion. Baronet had taken they were reduced to the necessity of keeping their places at his dictation, and governing the country as his instrument, and under his direction.—( Hear ) The country would now see in whom confidence was to be ilaced. Mr. D. CA Is L AGH AN did not think that there was a case sufficient to justify a suspension of the Constitution. An attempt was made to draw a comparison between Ireland and Canada, but there was this difference, that, whilst successive Administrations had refused to acknowledge the grievances of Irelard, those of Canada had not only been acknowledged, but tottealpts had been made to redress them. He must vote against the present measere for that purpose. Lord DUNGANNON thought it right that the country should know that the present Government were not able to carry on their measures without falling back upon the support of the Right lion. Baronet.—( Hear.) The Hon. Member fa Finsbury had made a most extraordinary declaration— that a revolt was justifiable provided only it was successful. There were times when no man would have dared to avow such a doctrine in that House. If the present Government were to continue in office, to whom were they to look for support? They would owe that support altogether to the Right Hon. Baronet and those who, with him, acted on prin ciple, and not party spirit. The present Government had to thank themselves for the difficulties in which they were at present placed. There never was a Government in a more contemptible position. Ho repeated, there never was a Go vernment equilly contemptible. Without the support they received from that side of the House they would not be able to hold cffice for a simile day.--( Heir. hear.) Sir W. SOME RVI L E had hitherto given his support to Ministers on this question, although he confc3sed that it was with the greatest reluctance he gave his sunport to such a measure ; Lut thy, question was so surrounded by difficulties t . tat he thought it the best that could be adopted tu,d , r the 67. eumstances. He had, however, been confirmed in his inten- ion to support them by the censures which had been passed o the measure by the Hon. Gentlemen oppcsite. They had censured Ministers not for what they had, but what they had not, done—they censured them for not having proceeded with greater vigour ; but it was that very forbearance and Inmianity which induced him to continue his confidence in Ministers throughout the progress of this important question. The question having . been put, that the Speaker do row . Lowe th e Ch a i r , th e Bill t.-ns committed p . o . ibrina, and , k r_ &red to be printed with the verbal amendments, ns proposed by Lord John Russell. The other Orde. s of the Day were tlien gone through, and the (louse adjourned at a Quarter past Twel:e. PRIVATE BUSINESS OF PARLIA- MENT, MEMBERS ELIGIBLE FOR. THE COUN' Aglionby, Major F.—Cumberland ' Aglionby, H. A.—Cockertnouth Ainsworth, P.—Bolton Attwoo.l, :31.—Whtehavett Bagge, W.—West N‘.rll,lk 13aillie, 1-1. D.-11onittm annerman, A.—Aberdcen Bell, M.—South Northumberland Bethell, Itiehard Yolkshire Blackburne, 1..1.-IVarrington blockutt,C.—South North .inberlain Blair, J. Wigtomshire Bolling, W.—Bolton Bowes, John—South Durham Brahazon, Lord—DubUn Co. Bridgeman, Hewitt—Ennis Bradley, Henry—East Yorkshire ilurroughea, 11. N.—East•Norfolk Cayley, E. S —N. Yorkshire Cllapotem, M. L —WeAmeatli Chapman, Aaron—Whitby Chute, W. L. W.—West Norfolk Clay, W.—'Power 11 toilets Clive, Viscount—Lodi •w Cooper, E. J.--Sligo Co. Foote, Sir (3:—Queen's County Crompton, S.—Thirsk. Duff, James--13.inifshire buncombe, lion. W.--Yorkshire Duncom:;e, 'F. S,—Finsbury Dundas, Hon T.—Richmond Dundas, J. Deans—Devizes Earn., R. J.—Cambridgeshire I.3 ; zerton, Lord Francis--Lanca.hirt Estcourt, T. Junior —Devizes Et xall, —Andover Evans, G.—Dublin County Ferguson, Sir It. C.—Nottingham Fielder), John— Oldham Fitzpatrick, .t, W —Queen's 'Co. Fleetwood, P. 11.—Pres' Olt Fox, G. Lane—Beverly Grant, Colonel F. W.—Elgin, &e. Halse, J.—St. Ives • Harland, W. C.—Durham Heathcoat, J —Tiverton ilintle, John Hodgson—Newcastle u,r,u-Tyite llttottse, Right lion. Sir J. Cam Nottingham • Hodgson, . it.—Betwick Hogg, James \Veir— Beverley Holmes, Wm.—Berwick klorsman, Edward—Cockermouth Itoward, P. H.—Carlisle 116 wick, Visc.—Northumberland Ingham, IL—Sou h Shields Irton, Samuel—Cumberland Jackson, Mr. Serj.—Bandon Bridge James, William—Cumiterland Johitsm, W A.—t,ldham . Linbton, 11.—North Durham '0 SIT ON COMMITTEES TY OF DURHAM. ' ,eveson, Lord-- illorpeth •,;(41011,. Hon. H.-Wirth Durham [ , owther, V .count-Westmoreland .owther, Colonel-Westinoreland `imshington, Ch isles-Ashburton Lrrh k t. k il W l l ) v r .. - F A ..- I .. l ° Ple .' 3 e . r b m le i l is:t ou Warshall„ .11ilnes, It M.-Pontefract Aorgan, C. H. It --Brecon llorpeth, Lord-Yorksli?re , lagle, Sir R -Westmeath "'Callaghan Hon C.-Dangarvan Ord, W.-Newc_stle-upon-Tyne Ossulston, Lord-N. Nort huntlier land Palmer, Charles Fyshe-Ileatling . Palmerston, Viscount-Tiverton Parker, John -S Parke , B. T.--Pnartoir Patten, J. Wilson-Lancashire Peas-, Joseph-South Du - ham Perceeal, Lieut.-Col. A.-"digo Co. Pinney, W.-Leine Regis , 'emberton, T[somas-Itipan Philips, Mark- Blau , •11 ester Pollen, Sir J.-Andover Protheroc, Edward-Halifax Ramsay, Li;rd-I-laddingtonsldre [(ippon, C.-Gateshead Saiwey, Colonel-Ludlow Smith, R. Vernon-Northampton Spell's, Alexander-Richmond Smoky, Lord-North Lancashire. Stanley, W. Mrs ev -Pontefract Stanley, &Lvard -Cumberland Stewai t, Janie,-Iloniton Stewart, John-Lymington Szrickland, Sir. West Yorkshire .Sugdeir, :dr E Talfourd, T. Nom-Beading Thomson, Right lion. C. P.-''au. chester Thompson, .\l d.-Sunderland Thoroelev, Thp , .-Wolvcrnaropton • :CainTiridgeshire Trevor,. Hon. Arthur-Durham 'Turner, E -Truro Villiers, C. P.-Wolverhampton Vivian, J E.- l'irttra Wakley, Thomas- Finsbury • Walker, 11-Bury, L ineashire Ward, D. 0.-Sheffield White, Atidaiw-Sunderla id Wilbraham, !lon. B -La•:cashire Wodehou-e, E Im Ind-Norfolk Wood, Colonel T.-Br:cka rckshire ‘Vood, (I. -:feudal Wood, Charl-s-Halifax Yorke, Eliot T.-CambriJt4eshire Y.ine% lien 1'r,!•.1.--Tyile:ncutil 0' COUNTY Ainsworth, P.—Bolton .klsager, Captain—Surrey ALton, Rowland—He:tfordshire Archbald, Hobert—Kildare Bailey, J.— , u.l.rry Barnes, Sir E.—Sudbury Bernal, Ralph—Rochester Blackstone, W. S.—Wallingford Bolling, W.-13olton Bradshaw, James—Canterbury Bramston ' T. W.—Essex South 13 os field, W.—Bradford Lyng George Middlesex Campbell, S:r H.—Berwickshire Chichester, J. P. B.—Barn,taple. Chisholm, A. \V.—lnverness-shire Cole, Hon Arthur H.—Enniskillen Conolly, Edward M.—Donegal Conyngham, Lord A.—Canterbury Cowp:r, Hon. W. F.—Hertford Crawford. W.—London Curry, William—Armagh Dmison, \V. J.—West surrey D'Eyncourt, Right Hon. C. T.— /F ESSEX. . HOUStOII II Goorwo—Rentrewshlre Irving, John—Antrim Co. , Lermyn, Earl—Bury, Suffolk . - Kr-nuble, I-1.-- W. st Surrey • Knate,Mini:, Sir E..—East - Kent Law, lion C. E.—Cambridge Univ. Leader, Jan T. —Westinins er Lemon, Sir Chart . s —West Cornwall i.ister, E. t anlitlb—Bradford Logan, Hart—West Sutlink Mahon, Viseow.t— Hertferd Melgund, Viscount —lt) the Allier, Wm. IL—Newcastle under- Lyme Muskett, George A.—St. Alban's .'Eerrall, Ric Lard M.—Kildare O'Neill, lion. General—Antrim Co. Palmer, Ge ,, rge—Eisex Parker, Jim. -S!iedield Patten, J. W.—Lancashire, North Pattison, .fame:—London Parrot, Jasper—Toth,ss Pendarres, E. W. W. Cornwall IPerceval, G. J. West Surrey Philltiotts, John - Glonct stir Plumittre, John P.—East Kent Potter, R.— Wigan Power, John— Waterford Prothero,•, is—Halifax Pryme, George—Cn.nbritlge itamsbattcm ' J.—Windsor Rice, lite.ht lion T, S.—Cambridge Round, Charles Gray—Essex ! Round, John—Mahion Itushbrooke, Colonel—Su'lblk 'Sanderson ' Richard—Colchester Seymour, Lord —Totne,:s Sharpe, General—Dumfries S!•ieliNtrl, Smith, J. A.— Chichester Smyth, Sir 1 leury —Colchester Someryillo, Sir 11. W.—Drogheda :stamlish, Charles.—Wiem Stanley: Lord—Lancashire, North Stansti.‘hl, \V It C.--/litoder , tietd Stuart, W. V. --:Vaterford t o. Style, Sic Char'es__!,re,arborougb Townl y. Rd. G —Cambridgeshire french, Sir F.—Scarborctign Tufn...ll, Henry —lpswich Pvrrell, Sir J. T.—North Walser, Rd.—Bury Ward-11. G.—Sht tneld- Whalley, sir S.— INLaylebstie Wiairdh_nn, 1-19 i). It. B.—Lulea shire Wood, Sir B.—London Wood, ('h.—Halifax \Vocal, J honias —Midd:esex Yorke, lion. E. T.—Carobyidgeshire Young, G. F.— Tynemouth Lzimbetl: De Horsey, S H.—Newcastle. umicr. • Lyme_ Di QWntin—Mahlon Divett, Edward—Exe - er Eastnor, Viscount—lleigate Ea'on, IL J.—Catabrid7,•siire Egerton, Lord F. L. Capt. A —Harwich E!iot, Lord—Cornwall Evans, Col. De Lacy—Westtninster I erguson, Fervson ' Sir R.—Eon,tonderry Fitzroy, Lord C.—Bury St. Edin. F. Ilea, Sir \V.—Exeter Fox, (ico Lane—Beverly Geary, Sir Wil:tam—Kent Gibson, 't homai—lpswich Glynno, Sir S. It.--Flintahire Gordon, Hon. W.—Abordeenshire Gordon, Robert—Windsor Goulburn, Right inn. bridge Uni, ersity Grtmston, Vi count—lied fordshire GriinstoA, Hon. E. H —St. Alt'aus , rote, George—London Hall, Benjamin-31ar3 tebone Hawes, Benjamin—Lainlmh Haye,, Sir E —l)onez.al denniker, Lord—Ea:t Sulbdk llerries, Right C.—Harwich' I lubtrgi c, B.—Rechester Hodges, 'l'. L.—West Kent Hodgson, Frederick—Barnstaple Hodgson, Itd.-13orwick-om Tweed Hogg, J. W.—Bove:l:y Holmes, W.—Berwick-onTweecl Hope, H. I'.--Gloucester ,VOOLWICH ROYAL ARSENAL AND DOCK-YARD. The greatest activity is prevailing here in both these depots of the materiel of . war. At the Arsenal orders have been re ceived to prepare nearly 1,200 sets of harness immediately ; and accordingly 20 saddl;rs and harnessmakers have b: en en gaged for this purpose. Six hundred saddles, several hundred pairs of blankets, and corn bags for cavalry, have also been packed, ready for foreign service. Thirty wheelers are en gaged to assist and expedite the carriage department, and 20 boys for the' laboratory. A number of labourers have also been entered, and it is expected that a numerous body of arti sans will be placed on the works in a few days, to enable the orders to be completed in the time specified. At her Majesty's dock-yard the Captain. Superintendent, Sir J. Louis, Bart., was succeeded on ;Hoed iy last by Capt. Hyde Parker, who took the cc - mama. Sir John Louis pro ceeds to Malta with a broad pendant, to supersede Near-Ad miral' Briggs. A large building has been removed in tho yard, on the site of which a large factory is to be erected to manufacture the boilers for the Government steamers, in lieu of being supplied by contracts, as at this ticriod. Between 30 and 40 carpenters have been taken on yester day, and 15 shipwrights have been sent to ll,ptfurd dock yard ; from 300 to 400 labourers are to be taken on, at the rate of from 2s. 3d. to 2s. 64. per day, to expedite the build ing of the engineers' factory. SPORTING INTELLRiENCE. TAT TERSA Li C S—YEsrErsma Y. TIDE DERBY. Further changes will be found to have taken place in the posi tions of the four principal favourites, Grey Morons having advanced to 11 to 1, which was taken to about 2001. ; and D'Egville back to 13 to 1, taken to about the same amount. Nonplus and Cobweb remained at nearly. the same figures as on Monday, but were not backed. Young-Rowton and Richard Roe are on the rise, and a disposition was shown to hack Britby, :whose price may be guessed 50 to lat the outside. Closing prices:— 21 to 2 agst Mr. Armitage 'Nonplus colt—take 11 to 1 11 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Grey Momus—taken 11 to 1 agst. Lord Jersey's Cobweb colt—offered 13 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinek's D'Egville—taken 16 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's lon—taken 17 to I agst Mr. E. Peel's The Early Bird—offered 20 to 1 agst Mr. Coombes's Cobham—take 25 to 1 22 to I agst. Mr. Bland's Young Rowton—taken 26 to 1 agst Lord Suffield's Bamboo—taken 30 to 1 agst Mr. Worrall's Dormouse—taken 40 to 1. agst Mr. A. Smith's Cracker—offered 40 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's Richard Roe—taken 50 to I 40 to 1 agst Sir J. Mills's Volunteer—offered 50 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Bretby—offered 50 to 1 agst Mr. Watt's Dash—taken 50 to 1 agst Mr. Ford's Quo Minus—take 1000 to 15 2000 to 30 agst Lord Wilton's Davie Gellatley—taken and after wards offered 4000 to 60 agst Mr. Osbaldiaton's Allerston—Ebberston—taken 2000 to 20 agst Mr. Bond's Scurry colt—tal:en 2000 to 20 agst Mr. Bond's Bustle colt—taken 1000 to 10 agst Mr. Buckley's Tom—taken and afterwards offered 1000 even between Monc Adam and Allerston, and 600 to 500 on D'Egville agst lon. MR. HORACE SMITH'S NEW NOVEL " JANE Lomax."—Mr. Smith's character as a writer has been long established. Remarkable discrimination of character, various knowledge of life, and singular clearness of conception, have placed him among the most popular novelists of the day. In Jane Lomax" he has broker. fresh ground. Ho comes be fore us with a novel either defying or disdaining all the old sources of interest. He takes humin beings in poitioLs hum ble, yet natural, exposed to circumstances trying to the hcirt, and tempting to the passions—exhibits the Avaoce of (rime through the fears and affections—and in a terrible career by a still more terrible catastrophe, proves that the same machir.cry agitates the mind of man, from the nakedness of pov,rty, t o 1 the splendours of tire Throne. DEATH OF A,NURSE AT MIDDLESEX lIO3PITAL BY KISSING AN INFEdTED PATIENT.--d C.w days since, a little girl was admitted into Middlesex Hospital, labouring under a violent fever. After admissio3 into the 11. i );tal she was ordered to be pot into a hot bath, which was d on e. N u r s e Regent (the name of the ward she belong, d to), wt wiped her up in a blanket, and after being removed fr ,, ra out of the bath, s h e conve y e d her to bed, and incautiou.ly kissed the child. From the virulence of the disorder, the pali nt el d. Shortly afterwards the nurse was seized with a sinitu. complaint, and although every medical attention was rendered she also ex pired. Nurses shout 111 be particul:rly e:qttious with patients 1 labouring under infectious disorders. _ . cT.—Skeels—baliny sleep—is ole. of the gNatest luxuries—and so cheap too !—Anterican