The Sun. — London, England, 1838-03-28 00:00:00

of Spain's own hand, in which she says—" I declare that the Gallant General De Lacy Evans and the other Spanish and British officers who contributed to the taking of Irun have most completely fulfilled my expeetations."--(Hear, hear.) He trusted the House of Commons would have some regard for its own character, that it would not say that the Order in Council had produced no beneficial effects on the affairs of Spain. It had been argued that the warfare waged by the Legion in Spain was not in accordance with the law of nations. For his part he could entertain no doubt upon the subject. They were an auxiliary force grantedto an ally to whom we were bound by treaty, and the assistance afforded under such circumstances, so far from being unlawful and unchristian, was quite the same as if the assistance had been given directly by the troops of this country. Vattel, who was considered an authority on these subjects, had given an opinion as to how far it was lawful for the soldier to serve is a mere mercenary. Vattel was of opinion, that where there was an express opinion, or a tacit consent of the Sove reign, the subject might serve in the ranks of any other Mo• 'larch, and became, for the time, a member of the State in whose cause be served. The Right Hen. Gentleman, whe was very indistinctly heard, repeated the names of several eminent men who had thus volunteered into foreign service, either through a love of renown, or a desire to become more conversant with the art and practice of war, but we could only catch the names of Marlborough and Turenne. He denied that serving in such a cause as that of the Queen of Spain Was a disgrace or a discredit to any man.—( Ministerial Cheers.) With this feeling, if he were a military man, he 'would not have the slightest hesitation in entering into the service of the Queen of Spain ; but no consideration on earth should induce him to serve under Don Carlos.—(Mi misterial cheers.) He would be the last man to impute un worthy motives to any person, but it was strange that, within so short a period, the affairs of Spain should be a second time brought before the House. Did the Noble Lord Woo brought the question forward, use it with a hope of over throwing Ministers? Three times it had been resorted to for that purpose—three times his Hon. and Gallant Friend ( Sir G. Evans) had been put upon his trial—( Ministerial cheers) •—and on each occasion all the force and the power of the very powerful party opposite had been put into requisition. If the proposition of the Noble Lord were agreed to, the im pression throughout Europe would be that this country had abandoned the line of policy which she had marked out for herself with respect to a nation to which she was bound by treaty. —( Hoar, hear.) The Continental States would at once come to this conclusion, without balancing the niceties which attached to the discussion of the question in that House. They would come to the one broad and general conclusion.— (Hear, hear.) If Spain fell, Portugal would follow next, and Pretenders would be seated on the thrones of both countries. This was a matter of serious consideration, and for these rea- sons be would oppose the Noble Lord, to whom, however, he must give credit for that integrity of purpose by which his con duct had been ever characterised. Sir A. DALRYMPLE, who was frequently completely inaudible, was understood to repeat his opinion of last night, that the course pursued with respect to the British Legion in Spain was contrary both to military law and usage. The Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had not entered upon that point of difference. Mr. C. FERGUSSON felt himself to ill to go more at large into the question. Sir A. DALRYMPLE, with that explanation, would not further press the point. The question resolved itself into two points. The first, relative to the utility of the services ren dered by the Legion in Spain • and the next was, whether or not the Order in Council should be renewed. The Hon. and Gallant Gentleman who had commanded the Legion had told the House that he was not answerable for the policy or impo lie), of permitting the troops to be raised. The command had been offered to him and he had accepted it. The Hon. and Gallant Gentleman had also stated that he had many difficul ties to surmount, that he had found the inhabitants unfriendly on his arrival, and that one in five of the trcops under his command had died in winter quarters.—( Hear, hear.) They should therefore go to the consideration of the question with out either blaming or criticising the Hon. and Gallant Gen tleman. With respect to the Legion itself it was the first time in the history of this country that an army had been raised by beat of drum for a foreign Power—( Oh, oh) — which was to receive foreign pay. —( Hear, hear.) The late instance was a solitary one. He hoped such another would not again occur in the history of this country, and he should cordially support the l roposition of the Noble Lord. Captain PE CHEL L contended that the Legion had ren dered considerable service to Spain, and that the course pur sued by Ministers was one which would in many respects, prove advantageous to ih hi country. It had been stated, and he believed truly, that the Government of Spain was entirely governed by the moral influence of England. What gave us that influence ? The fulfilment of our engagements with her. What was its effect? The complete abolition of the slave trade. It was to the treaty of 1935, concluded by the Noble Lord Pal merston, that the abolition of that nefarious traffic was entirely owing. During the reign of Ferdinand the Seventh, England never could obtain any moral power ov r the Spanish Govern ment as regarded it ; and in all the time that Hon. Gents. opposite held office they could not make any impres!ion on the councils of Spain. He (Captain Pechell) would next proceed to the other advantages derived to this country from the fulfil ment of the Quadruple Treaty with Spain. One of the chief of these was the employment of the officers of the navy in the service. Another advantage .c-aimed too, was the knowledge of the power of steam-vessels as engines of war —a knowledge unattainable before, because they were un known in action. By their agency and the accurate practice of the artillery another advantage was in evidence of our na tional reeourcec—the Carlist works on the Bilboa River had been completely destroyed whenever they came within the range of the'r guns. This employment of a part of our naval force end the knowledge of our undiminished spirit derived f•om it—together with the valuable experience in a warlike point of view which our navy acquired was, he considered, of the greatest advantage. He would now turn to the commer cial advautages. Who would deny that keeping open the port of Bilboa was an important advantage to our trade with Spain? Who would undertake to assert that that port would not he closed against us if it were in possession of the Car lists ? It was the same with the other ports of that country ; which, if occupied by the Carliste, would most assuredly be shut ag a i ns t England, and everything Liberal ; though 'Hon. Gentlemen opposite, the Noble Lord perhaps, and especially the late Hon. Member for Dover, might have permission to enter them. Without meaning anything personally disre epectfed to the Noble Lord (Eliot) lie (Captain Pechell) felt bound to say that he considered his speech a most miserable failure for the purpose intended by it. Ile should, therefore, give it his decided opposition. 'Mr. PO ULT ER looked on the motion of the Noble Lord as the result of a feeling of disappointment and chagrin at the non-occurrence of events predicted by all parties, especially of some predicted by Hon. Gentlemen at the opposite side of the House at the outset of the business. He did not coasider it in any way called for by a wsnt of generous energy on the part of her Majesty's Government, or by any dereliction of duty on the part of his lion. and Gallant Friend who com manded the Legion. Ile (Mr. Poulter) deeply deplored the policy of the French Monarch towards Spain, and could only account for it by believing that he was actuated by family or other motives purely personal. With respect to the con duct of his Hon. and Gallant Friend who commanded the Legion, he (Mr. Poulter) saw nothing in it but cause of high commendation. In that view of it he concurred with General Count Harispe, one of the oldest and ablest Generals in the French service, and one of the best judges of military merit in Europe. Nothing could be alleged against his Hon. and Gallant Friend except the violation of a little Article of War-4 Laughter)--but there was no reasonable man who could not deem the situation in which he was placed a suffi cient justification if a greater license were used by him. Whatever course France took in the matter, he (Mr. Poulter) trusted that England would be always found faithful to the treaties she entered into. Mr. S. HERBERT said that the main question was, why did we interfere with the intestine feuds of the Spanish people ? Was it to support a certain form of Government, or to support a general and unlimited democracy ? The Quadruple Treaty was founded on the Estatuto Real—its principle was to support a Government on that fundamental basis ; but what was the fact? The Estatuto Real was no longer heard of. Government succeeded Government, and faction followed faction, and every ono of them was more democratic than that which preceded it. Was proof of this fact wanting ? If so, it would be found in the laws passed against the aristocracy—in the confiscation of ancient estates—in the destruction of Noble fa milies—and, above all, in the robbery and sale of Church property. The Right Honourable Member for Kirkcud bright, had referred with great triumph to the services of the Legion in Spain ; but he (Mr. Herbert) believed that there was a very great difference of opinion on that subject in the public mind. At all events, he could safely say that the side of the House on which he sat was quite adverse to such an opinion. But it was not of the Legion nor of General Evans that they complained. They did not deny that that Hon. and Gallant Member had displayed courage and conduct, and that his men were brave, as Englishmen usually are; but what they did complain of was, that by the policy of the Govern ment they were placed in such a position as to exasperate the people among whom they were sent—to make their foes im placable—and to make those who should be their friends ad verse to all co-operation with them. The feelings of tha Spanish people had been outraged ; their prejudices had been violated by the introduction of foreigners into their domestic quarrels, and the result was the Durango decree. In all our efforts , we were doing roe more than supporting the minority against the majority. (Cries of " No.") Yes, the majority was in favour of Don Carlos. He (Mr. Herbert) hoped that, under these circumstances, the House would pause and well consider all the bearings of the case before they decided on the subject; and he sincerely trusted that many Honourable Members who had hitherto supported her Majesty's Govern ment with a generosity and devotion almost pertinacious, would be now induced, by an examination of all the merits of the question, to take part against them.—( Hear, and laughter.) The Hon. Member concluded by supporting the motion. Sir H. VIVIAN could not think it desirable that assistance should be withdrawn from Spain, and he could not believe that it had been useless. Spain was the best judge of its value, and from what appeared in its official documents prized it highly. L Here the Hon. Member read extracts of documents from Senor Mendizabal to Sir George Villiers, and from the Spanish Ambassador in London to Lord Palmerston, decla ratory of the advantage derived from the services of the Bri tish Legion, and requesting that their services might be con tinued to Spain.l He would ask if these services had not been instrumental in preserving the peace of Europe by the preservation of Bilbao and St. Sebastian, and the rescue of Passages from the arms of D on Carlos ' ? Had Spain been - able to pay the Legion, he had no doubt it would have re mained in full force to the present day, and have deserved the name of an excell ent corps,—(Hear, , hear, and great THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 28, 1838 laughter.) The employment cf the Irish Legion by France, and the Har.overians by England in the American war, would supply sufficient precedents for the employment of the Bri tish Auxiliary Legion in Spain ; and our own expeditions to the coast of France, for the restoration of the Bour _ bons, and to Quebec in the first American war, were cases in point as to the expedition to Caretabria. Allusion had been made to Canning, whom he considered one of the greatest statesmen that ever lived, and he hoped they would remember the policy by which he boasted to have called a new world into life, to redress the balance of power in the old. His hope and prayer for England had been fulfilled by the policy of the pre sent Government, that if ever England should go to war, it should be for the maintenance of constitutional principles. As to the subject of the repeal of the Order in Council, the re turn of the Legion made that perfectly unnecessary. Sir A. DALRYNIPLE explained that he never said that England ought to have paid the Foreign Legion. Lord MAHON said that the statement of the Hon. and Gallant Member for Westminster did not alter in the least his previous opinion, advantage being derived either to the country for which they fought or the country that sent them forth.----( Cheers.) Could it be said that England had gained any honour or glory by this campaign ? That could scarcely be said with truth, looking at the lamentable results ; although official opinions sometimes varied widely from those formed by less interested spectators. For instance, the Noble Lord op posite had said that the result of the course pursued by her Majesty's Ministers in Canada (and which ended in occasion ing a rebellion there) was one of the most glorious events for England that had fallen under his observation. Lord PALMERSTON—I never said any such thing. Lord MA HON had heard the Noble Lord say so, and could not be mistaken. He might, indeed, have been in jest when he complimented himself and colleagues on the glory they de rived from having caused a rebellion and a civil war in Canada, but if so, it was most uncivil irony.—( Loud cheers.) The purchase of these British glories in Spain were rather expensive. The item of stores were 537,0001. The account due to the Legion from the Spanish Government was about a quarter of a million.—( Hear.) Then, provisions to the ship ping, ship stores, and keeping up the ships themselves, made up a million more. The sums now squandered in Spain would be sufficient to keep up the Yeomen now about to be reduced for rather more than a century. Did they mean to point out for their admiration the unhappy relics of that expedition who crowded their capital armless and legless ?—( Laughter on the Ministerial benches.) If that laughter were raised at the mode of his expression, it might be very suitable ; but if provoked by the condition of those unhappy men, it was not the most consistent return that would be made them. If the Noble Lord had no other relics of the war to exhibit but those miserable remnants, he might find it difficult to substantiate his glories.—( Hear, hear.) Would he boast of our com mercial gains by the war ? There was a dispatch from the Spanish Cabinet to Sir George Villiers, dated January 14, 1837, which declared that British subjects or property should not be included in the forced loan of two hundred millions of reels, or in the compulsory militia service ; yet not long after, amongst those mulcted in the loan raised in the town of Almeira, were the house of Macdonagh and O'Con nor ( British subjects) for 300 dollars, while another (Mr. M`Nevin) was drawn for the quiche in the same town as a common soldier, to march against Don Carlos if he approached, and perhaps be shot if taken prisoner. Had Spain gained anything? He would not pretend to give a military opinion of his own, but he would venture that of the Duke of Wel lington (whose views were lauded to the skies by Gentlemen opposite when they happened to agree with their own, as in the case of Canada', who, on the 21st of April, 1837, said that all the advantage obtained by the employment of the British Legion in Spain was the removal of the blockade of St. Se bastian from one point to another, and thereby affording an opportunity for the ladies and gentlemen of that tcwn to ex tend their evening promenades. —( Hear.) The true line of policy which should have been pursued by the British Go vernment was to avoid as much as possible countenancing either party, or, if by any treaty they were bound to give as sistance to the Queen of Spain, they should have taken care riot to go one iota beyond the strict letter of that treaty. The Basques had very ancient rights and privileges, and if they adhered to them with ardour this country of all others should sympathise with them, even although they added to this ardour a conviction in the justice of the claims of Don Carlos. With all courtesy to the Noble Lord, he must say that the foreign policy of the country under his guidance was " A monster of such hideous mein As to be hated needs but to be seen." Mr. V. SMITH said that as to the benefit Which Spain had derived from the services of the Legion, perhaps the best authority on that subject was the Queen of Spain herself. If anything further were necessary, they had the notorious fact that Don Carlos had lost the best part of his forces in his several attempts to quit the Basque Provinces, and that he had been compelled to place some of his best officers under ar rest, to prevent them abandoning his service. If, theu, the cause of the Carlists had not advanced, how stood it with re gard to the cause of the Christinos ? They had, besides other advantages, possessed themselves of all the passages loading from France into Spain, and, inspired by the presence of the 3ritish Legion, had become better soldiers, and far better aVe to perform their duty, than they were before.—(Hear.) All, then, that the Government could do was to act up to th,, Quadruple Treaty in all its principal points.--( Hear.) lie (Mr. V. Smith) had always looked upon the Spanish contest as a contest between liberal and arbitrary principles, because it had ever been taken up as such by all who had spoken upon the question ; and he thought that no man could hesitate for a moment to say that such a distinction as that of liberal and arbitrary existed between the Carlist and Chris tino policy. With respect to their having sent out arms and ammunition to Spain, the same thing had been done during the time when the Duke of Wellington adminis tered the affairs of the Foreign Office, and the Noble Duke's Government was equally answerable with the present for their share in that part of the policy which had been pursued.— (" No, no I") With regard to the division en this question, be would say, as he had said before, that he did not think any sufficient reason had been shown for such a motion as had been brought forward.—( Hear, hear.) The only real question in the case was, whether the Government was right in sending out the Legion or not, in support of the Treaty into which they had entered. But the consequence of this motion, if cat ried, would only be to show that there was a party in this country ready to support the Carlists if they had the oppor tunity —( Hear, hear.) He could not understand the argu ment of the Hon. Gentleman opposite on this motion. He could not understand it, he repeated, and he would conclude by asking them why they always went so far abroad as Spain or Canada on these occasions of censure, and why they did not at once come boldly ferward, and " thrust home ?" Mr. PE NI BERTON said it was the object of this motion to assert that by such as interference as had been adopted with regard to the affairs of Spain, a great and most important principle had been violated—(Cheers)—and, therefore, to call upon the House to address her Majesty, in the hope that such a course of policy would no longer be persevered in.— ( ar, hear.) The principle they thus called upon the House to anion was one which, unless he was much mistaken, he had heard asserted by the Nagle Lord opposite, and was one of the principles on which Earl Grey's Governmert took office —( Hear, hear)—Lord Grey having himself expressly stated that non-interference in the internal affairs of foreign nations was one of the three great principles on which his Govern ment was determined and professed to found its policy. The object of those, then, who brought forward the present mo tion was to call upon the House of Commons to respect this great principle, to re-adapt this policy, and to address the Throne, praying that her Majesty would no longer permit the continuance of tho employment of British troops in the con test between the two great parties now at war in Spain— ( Hear, hear.) The propositions which this motion asserted were--first, that the course pursued with regard to Spain was unattended with any advantage to England ; secondly, that it was unaccompanied by any benefits to Spain herself ; and, thirdly, that this country was not bound by any existing treaties with Spain to perform duties inconsistent with the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries.—( Hear, hear.) These were facts which Gould not be displaced by any elamarous railing against Don Carlo.— (Hear, hear.) They must give their verdict upon principles like these in the same manner as the country gave it. But bad the policy of the Government been in unison with these prin ciples e-_( Hear, hear.) As far as the interests of this country were concerned, no man had ever contended that the policy pursued had been attended with advantage. What, then, was the nature of the charge against her Majesty's Government? It was that they had so far miscalculated the forces of the Carlists and the Christinos, and so far erred in their specula tions with regard to the Spanish finances that they had en couraged their own countrymen to enter upon an expedition in which certain failure awaited them—(Hear)—and he must be allowed to say that it was incumbent on them as a Govern ment to show on what considerations they had given counte nance or encouragement to the British forces leaving the shores of this country. On the Ist of June, 1835, the present Government began their coarse of peddling policy • and very soon afterwards foreigne rs and strangers ' ' were embarked in the Spanish contest, a n d t h e result was the Durango decree—( Cries of " Hear, hear")—a measure which the Spaniards considered had been rendered necessary by the policy pursued towards them. He believed that no human being had more reason to regret the Durango decree than Don Carlos himself, for nothing but the indignation which that decree had excited against him could have driven the people of this country to the gross injustice and impolicy of the course which they pursued. With respect to the advan tage which this assistance had produced to Spain, be might ask what had been the result so far as the cause of the Queen of Spain was concerned ? It seemed to be admitted on all bands that the test of the military operations, contrasting their former with their present state, was favourable to the Carlist cause. In proof of this he might appeal to the state of the Carlist forces at the time the Durango edict was issued and at the present time, but he believed there was no dispute as to the point on either side of that House. On the 24th of June, 1831, this was the account of the Carlist troops given by the Nofo Therebt h l ee remote Sea. are c r nowetpr yr about hroi no T te h e s e o Noble or ra L iln o 2, r , d oa on s oda persons i p n u s ant:l d:W i n n one this partial and local insurrection that the present effort •to be made. And here I w ill answer the question e question of the is Noble side Lord who asks mo o n w hi c h the majority of the Spanish nation, and I have no hesitation in saying that majo rity of th e na ti on i s w i t h t h e Queen. the il great e proof of this fact is to bo found in th e circumstance that for nearly a year and a half the resistance to her authority has been confined to two or three particular provin ces , an d t h at no disturbances . have g broken out in any other pa r t s o f t h e kin dm Such was the condition of the thisCarl ists ato:. od accord ing to the Noble Lord, and then it was that period, the o 12,000 British troops were sent out to a id t h e Spanishlo,ooo or o r . vernment in putting down the insurrectio n . W e ll , ` 3°- were sent out-.-they arrived, and were beet- ose Legion troops belonging to the Queen of Spat but -ed what by loom()the ; was _ consequence? Why, that two years had elapsed, the Legion' had returned, and where, he asked, were the 10,000 or 12,000 British troops ? They were annihilated.—( Cheers.) How stood the Carlists on the day the affair of Hernani took place ? Why, they had 35,000 men assembled, under a single leader, and in one district of Spain, to operate against the united forces of England and of the Queen of Spain. — (Cheers.) He made this statement on the authority of Co lonel Humphreys, as able and as gallant an officer as any who served in the Legion, and who, moreover, was himself pre sent in that action. This was the result of the interference of her Majesty's Government.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lo rd might, perhaps, say he had miscalculated—he had been ig norant as to the real feeling of the Spanish people—but if be should adopt any such course why, then, he (Mr. Pemberton) would have a right to say that there were grounds for serious complaint against the Noble Lord for having permitted 10,000 British troops to embark for Spain without sufficient informa tion or knowledge of the real state of affairs in that country.— (Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman who spoke last said that if her Majesty's present Government were answerable for the line of conduct which they had adopted the Duke of Wellington was equally so, inasmuch as he had pursued the same policy when he was in office. Did the Hon. Gentleman consider that there was no difference between making treaties and fairly and honouree ably fulfilling them? Did the Hon. Gentleman suppose for a single moment that it was the duty of a Minister—that it was competent for him on his own individual opinion—to de part from the faith established by treaties, not on the part of the Government but of the nation ?—( Cheers.) Of the effect of the treaty of the 22d of April, 1834, all he could say was, that he could not understand how any question could be raised on that subject. He had heard with surprise the doctrines advocated by some Hon. Members that night, who seemed to justify the interference in the present case by a reference to circumstances under which the Hessians were engages by this country. Were not these mercenaries, he begged leave to ask, ready to sell their swords to Protestants or Catholics, or to people or sovereigns? Were they not content to take pay from that party who would give them the highest reward for their services, without any reference whatever to the case ? ( Cheer a.) It was said this country had an interest in the pa cification of Spain. Why this country was just as much inte rested in the pacification of every other country as of Spain. —( Cheers.) But it was said that it was to support liberal institutions in Spain that the service was rendered. Was that any justification ? Suppose America had adopted a similar course in the case of Canada, what would hare been thought of it ?—(Loud cheers.) It had of late been very much the fashion in that House to refer to the example of France, and to quote the conduct of the French Government as an autho rity. But what, he asked, was the opinion as to this treaty in France ? Did Louis Philippe do as the Government of this country had done? Did he repeal existing laws to interfere in a foreign contest? No, he did not.—( Cheers ) Why could they not be content to leave the Spaniards to decide for themselves the question as to their own Government ? That guestion would hare been settled by the party preponderating in numbers, weight, property, and influence, without foreign aid. And of what consequence was it to the people of Eng land, he should like to know, whether the Government of Spain was more or less liberal and enlightened than that of tkis country ?—( Cheers.) Whether the Secretary for Foreign Affairs was less liberal with respect to treaties than the Noble Lord opposite, or the Home Secretary had notions concerning Church property more strict, than those entertained by the Noble Lord, the Member for Stroud ?—( Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") The war was to be deeply regretted, but al though they might smile at the ignorant simplicity of the Basques for not grasping at a paper Constitution for the bless ings they enjoyed under their charters—although they might sneer at them for not preferring modern to ancient institutions —still he must be permitted to say that he did not deem such things a sufficient cause for devastating towns and villages, and trampling down the last sparks iu the only province of Spain in which anything like liberty had existed for cen turies. —( Cheers. ) Mr. SHEIL considered the present motion uncalled for, and thought it unfair of the Honourable Gentlemen opposite to represent the interference of her Majesty's Government rr the Quadruple Treaty of Alliance as unjustifiable. He would ask the question whether or not it was so of the Noble Lord opposite who had been a member of Lord Grey's Government. Lord STANLEY—But not of Lord Melbourne's.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) Mr. S HEIL—No, but who would be of the Duke of Wel. lingtcn's Government, althc ugh he had given the Duke of Wellington advice with respect to his foreign policy, when he was about to send an Ambassador to St. Petersburgh.— ( Cheers from the Ministerial benches, answered by ironical cheers and laughter from the Opposition side of the House. ) Ile adverted to the conduct of the Noble Lord because he had interrupted him.—( Laughter.) When the Duke of Welling ton assumed tho seals of the Foreign Office, almost his first step was to appoint Lord Londonderry as Ambassador to the Court of Russia, although he had been known to declare that Don Carlos was King of Spain, and to denounce the Quad ruple Treaty of Alliance of the 22d of April, 1834. What did the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire do on this ? Why, he got up in his place, and said that the appointment of Lord Londonderry was a most discreditable one.—( Hear, and cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He (Mr. Sheil) had made a motion respectiag the nrpointment of Lord Londonderry, but he must say tkat he thought Lord Londonderry possessed a frank and manly nature that would disdain concealing what he was, or resorting to expedient to promote the success of a cause to which he was only avowedly hostile. What had Lord Londonderry said when speaking of the Auxiliary Legion ? Why, his words were—' They are my brother-soldiers, and therefore I will not utter one word against them.'—( Cheers.) But pass from this topic, he would revert back to the treaty, and ask what was meant by it if not interference ? He u ished the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who spoke last had told them what interference was before the 22d of April 1834—before the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire left the thimble-riggers.—( Cries of " August, not April.") He held the document in his hand, and he relied on it. The additional articles ho knew were entered into in August, but the original treaty was :Treed to in April. The original treaty recited that it was desirable to produce peace in Spain, and maintain the cause of the Queen. These were paramount objects of that treaty, and England was to give the assistance of a naval force, and France con tracted to afford other aid.—( Cries of " No, no," and " read, read.") The Hon. and Learned Gentleman read a pas sage from the treaty, and said that, should he have fallen into any error on the subject, he would leave the Noble Lord to set him right, for, if he were guilty of omission, he could only a,sure them that it was not intentional. Now who was the First Lord of the Admiralty at that time ?—(Cheers.) They knew perfectly well who was Secretary for the Coloeies. It could not ho forgotten that the First 'Lord of the Admiralty had been charged by the Tories of that day with having sanc tioned Admiral Napier in going out to Portugal. Without averting further to the interference of 1834 and 1838. he would ask what the Duke of Wellington had done when be was in office? Why he had sent out hostile arms and ammunition to Spain, and yet the Duke of Wellington was praised vile others were blamed. He charged the Whigs of 1834 with being parties to the treaty ; but he should pass on the speech of the Noble Lord, a skilful and benevolent diplomatist, to whom this delicate notice was intrusted. He begged to apologise for having interrupted the Noble Lord e . but he did so merely in his ea gerness to ascer t a i n h ow the Noble Lord came by the letter he read from a Carlist officer, and its date ? Did the Noble Lord receive it direct from Estella lie was still curious to know this, inasmuch as the Noble Lord had declared that he conceived the Durango Decree had been violated. This was an important admission, because it went to show that those of their fellow-citizens, who had been to death under it, had been barbarously murdered. From the beginning to the end of these discussions, not a word had been uttered which showed that the Hon. Gentlemen opposite wished to see liberal institutions established in the Peninsula. This was a fact, and they ought honestly to confess it. He had heard the Noble Lord blamed for not resisting the wrongs of Russia. Where was the diplomatist who took such a warm interest in the affairs of Cracow ? But even then the Noble Lord was accused, where he had no blame. The wrongs done by Russia occured in 1828, when the Duke of Welling ton was at the head of affairs, Russia fell upon Turkey. Did the Duke of Wellington interfere? No, he surrendered our ancient ally to Russia. In 1828, when Varna was relieved, much might have been done, before Russia could have brought her force to any head. Poland was in arms—a diversion might have been effected then. But, no—nothing was done, Spain,_op of Spain,o hH Powers er saN o: E nneah n art r g :eroyca l ehh a r e n . wsdo) d oaf us t twnh h hp a reh d oosacßfpt not Fiir amrr thenaec nda n s o t e e epwa l s pn f : c od: interfered--suppose ehe MartinezdWda stoH Would Henry nu would and the Czar was triumphant. Suppose that, in the case of ( o y P nldo s t the then despotismtehae Fifthbecome pre claimedb Alliede established over Spain, over France—every part of Europe ? T de he i s a e ß o o r s i a ginal articles were drawn up with a view to establish the Queen of be came Prime Minister. They must now follow the progress of events. The moment the treaty was signed Carlos, who was in Portugal, advanced into Spain, and proclaimed himself and the Inquisition together.—(Cheers.) Well, additional articles were executed. Was there nothing to call for them ? What was to be done? Was the treaty to be a dead letter, or to be carried into substantial operation ? The additional articles was on the eve of being signed when our late Gracious Sovereign, conceiving that the then Adminis tration should be in-nrned, sent for the Duke of Wellington. But he was not the man to Carry the treaty into eff ect , so he delegated it to the opposer of the Reform Bill—the corrector of all proved abuses. He carried it into effect by doing that prevent, should it was the object of the present motion t o should he again come into office. Then ca me the Eliot Con vention—a noble one on the score of humanity, but England, when she interfered for humanity, owed also sonic interference - for liberty. Most people discussed the subject as if only auxiliaries sending Duke treated of e i hna dbe a ngsplendid to com pared ni p English auxiliaries were sent to Spain, but there we re French auxiliaries also ; and he would boldly assert, that if th e h onour of England was starn ished 'most rigorously Wellington. by t nt e The re Spain, France had incurred a community of degrad a ti on . Hi s Gallant ar ed to the Duke Pr i e n dwa of army, equipped at a vast expence—its equipm ent f orme d a very large item in the National Debt.—( Hear, bear, hear.) This army was set up as a standard, and his Gallant Friend was tried by this severe test. Why, a parcel of documents had been sent to him, to prove that the Duke cf Wellington's army had sustained sickness and reverses ; but h e threw them away, beeause his was not the small hand that would at tempt to snatch a feather from the plume with which Fame h. .:a decked the hero's casque ; or his the breath to tarnish the lustre of the shield on which she had embossed impe rishable renown.—(Cheers.) His Gallant Friend, perhaps, bad had recourse to harsh measures ; but what was he to do ? They should mak* some allowance forrthe peculiar circum stances in which he was placed. They had also spoken of qegging in the army. This was a painful subject, but British Generals, even in time of peace, with a well-disciplined army, were obliged to have recourse to the lash. Ho might, then, be excused. When the Gallant Officer opposite led the un successful attack on Downing-street the Marines were men tioned, but now that it was diverted from the War Department the Marines were put out of the ease.—( A laugh.) Did the Marines do nothing at Sebastian—at Bilboa—to which so much consequence was attached that the fate of Spain was said to depend on Bilboa?—( Hear.) Who saved Bilboa, and in sav ing Bilboa saved the Spanish nation ? Who mounted the re doubts where the Carlist legions were posted, who carried bat tery after battery, and who inspired the soldiers of Espartero with a generous rivalry, and taught them by example to rush into the field and precipitate themselves into the breach ? It was the Marines—( Cheers)—the Marines, whose success was a cause of exultation throughout England.—( Hear.) It was said that their interference was not justifiable—that we were restricted to a naval co-operation ; but were we to become spe cial pleaders in a case in which England was the party, free dom the cause, and all mankind the judges 1—( Cheers.) The world approved of the conduct of England. He would quote the observations, not of Englishmen, not of democrats, but of French Tories, of Doctrinaires—not of Thiers, but of Guizot the Conservative. [The Hon. and Learned Gentle man here read an extract from a French Newspaper, purpor ting to be a speech of M. Guizot's, in which that gentleman declared his conviction that the efforts of the Legion bad kept Don Carlos for three years at bay, and eontinned.] There was Guizot, the French Tory, saying that the Marines and the Legion had kept Don Carlos for three years at bay. The French Legion was not at all superior in its morale to the Eng lish, but what course did the French Tories take with regard to its crime' and disasters? Did they exult in every reverse sustained by French troops ? Was every fault exaggerated, and every merit depreciated ? Was the whole force of a party brought to bear against a French General ? In fine, were the misfortunes of their countrymen turned to a factious purpose ?—( Hear.) No, the victory of a party was not pre ferred to the honour of France.—( Cheers.) Many present must remember the last Westminster election—did the Noble Lord who had spoken of the lame and the legless remember the procession of squalid wretchedness that then passed through ievery street to disgrace his Honourable and Gallant Friend, but which only tended to display the depravity of a party ? '(Ministerial cheers.) And by whom was this horrid panto mime got up ? A distinguished officer opposed him—a brother in arms—one who had often exposed his life to the same danger, and stretched himself in the same tented field. But he acquitted Sir George Murray of participation in the act. —( Laughter.) He believed him incapable of it, but he ought to have gone to his friends and cried shame. But he ( Mr. Sheil) must come to the main question—he had been indulging too much in digressions.—( Hear, hear.) The question was were the Conservatives to get into power on a question of foreign policy?—(Cheers.) It would be a pity to embarrass them by allowing them to do so. With the Quadruple Treaty before them what could they do ?—( Hear, hear.) He could guess what they would do in Ireland—what they would do in Canada—but what they would do in Spain he had not imagination capable of conceiving.— ( Hear, hear.) They said they were not the advocates of Don Carlos. Was not this motion calculated to advance his interests ? It was for this bad, this stone-hearted man, that the sympathies of some English Protestants were so forcibly excited.—( Hear, hear, hear.) But the people of England did not sympa thise with him ; they did not ask themselves the selfish question of whether it concerned them ; it did concern them—the question concerned all Europe. It most espe cially concerned Louis Philippe, for on a Carlist entering the gates of the Escurial, he would have to fly through a portal of the Tuileries.—( Laughter.) But if all the world was combined against the liberties of Spain England would stand alone on her side—not alone, for she would be, supported by the millions whom she had at last learned the way to win —(Cheers from the Irish Members)—and, as it was said of old that the cause of mankind was the cause of man, so wherever freedom and humanity were at stake Eng land would consider the cause her own.—(Cheers.) Mr. BR OTHERTON then moved an adjournment, and the other Orders of the Day having been disposed of, the louse adjourned at Ten Minutes past Twelve o'clock. ROUSE OF LORDS, MAIRet 27. The LORD CHANCRLLOR took his seat on tho Woolsack at ten minutes past five o'clock. Lord W YNFORD presented a petition from a place iu Derbyshire praying► for the amendment of the New Poor Law Act. NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP. The Bishop of HEREFORD presented petitions f: on various congregations in Hereford, praying for the total abo lition of slavery. Lord DACRE presented petitions from several places in Hertford and Buckinghamshire, to the same effect. The Duke of SUTHERLAND presented petitions from Stoke-upon-Trent, Cheadle, West Cowes, Houden, and other places, praying for the immediate abolition of negro apprenticeship in the West Indies. Tha Bishop of CHESTER presented petitions to the same effect from Charlton-upon-Matlock, Salford, and numerous religious congregations in Manchester. Lord RADNOR presented a petition from a place, of which we did not hear the name, to the same effect. The Earl of RIP ON presented a petition, from a parish in the county of Down, against the plan for national education in Ireland. The Marquis of SLIGO said before he presented the pe tition he held in his hand, he wished to correct a misconception which had got into the newspapers respecting what he had said a day or two ago. It was stated by the newspapers that ho had said Mr. Morrice Jones, a gentleman of great property in Ja maica, had declared his intention to emancipate his appren tices. He (the Noble Marquis) had stated no such thing - , or at least had not intended to state any such thing.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He had said that Mr. Jones informed him that he saw it was inevitable that he should do so —that he had written to his son to prepare his apprentices for it—and that he meant hisnaelf to go out to see how the prepa ration was going on. Lord BROUGHAM could not only vouch for the accuracy of that statement, but he could vouch for another statement which the Noble Marquis had made, namely, that it was the intention of the Gentleman who had been alluded to, and of another, to emancipate their slaves, pro vided others would do so likewise in the neighbourhood, which just made good what he ( Lord B.) had always said. that it would embarrass the whole thing, unless the operation was made to be general by a Legislative enactment.—( Hear.) The Marquis of SLIGO presented petitions from the as sociated united congregation of Falkirk, the Relief congrega tion of F a lki r k, East Harling, Haddleburgh, Wivenhoe and various other places in Norfolk and its vicinity, praying for the immediate abolition of Negro apprenticeship ; also a peti tion from the London Anti -slavery Society, signed by Thomas Fowell Buxton, Z icharah M'Aulay, and several others, who, with those he had named, might, he considered, be called the patriots of the cauits, having advocated this cause from beginning to end, and having, though without any com munication from him, adopted nearly the same line of conduct which he himself had done. They had not stood forward for the agitation of the cause, but they had come ions and when they saw the excitement was so great that it could no longer be resisted. He felt proud in haying the honour of the presentation of this petition to the House. Lord BROUGHAM was exceedingly glad to hear what his Noble Friend had just stated. Those whom he had named were only advocates of the cause by way of conversion, and had now taken part in the cause which he ( Lord B.) had advocated from the beginning.—( Hear, bear, hear.) His Noble Friend also had come forward, avowing his en tire conviction of the propriety of the very course which he (Lord B.) had always advocated ; and the Noble Marquis, in the most disinterested manner—but those gentle men, even Zechariah M'Aulay and Sir G. Steven bad all been, up to a few days ago, decidedly on the other side of opinion, having entertained great doubts—but further reflection had enabled them to remove those doubts, and now they came forward as advocates of the cause. Lord WH A RNCLIFFE, in presenting a petition, signed by 18,000 persons--from Ripon(we believe)—for the emancipa tion of the negroes, said in case the regulations for their treat ment were not found effectual, that he could not at present bring himself to consider that the Legislature would be justi fied in violating the contract entered into with the planters, by unconditionally liberating the negroes—un: loss indeed the provisions of the Act now before the their Lordships ware found inefficient. Lord BROUG HAM expressed a hope that the Noble Lord would eventually be entirely converted to abolition principles. The Earl of DEVON gave notice that on Thursday he would move for a Committee to investigate into the state of New Zealand. Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from Hull, against the New Poor Law. Also one from Carlisle for the uncon ditional emancipation of the Negroes. Lord BROUGHAM said he had now upwards of 110 petitions to present, praying for the immediate emancipation of the Negroes ; but perhaps it would be more convenient to their Lordships for him to present them to-morrow. Lord LIELI3OURNE observed that that would be, in fact, sitting on Wednesday, for it would be impossible to confine the presentation of the petitions to those of the Noble and Learned Lord. Lord BROUGHAM—Why, we sit so seldom now that it won't quite kill us to sit on Wednesday.—( Laughter. ) Lord MELBOURNE.—WeII, I don't object to it, if your Lordships agree to it. Tho Duke of WELLINGTON.--But I most decidedly object to it.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Wednesdays are usually appropriated to Cabinet Councils for the Government, and I dont see why other Noble Lords should be deprived of the opportunity of seeing their friends on that day.—( Laughter. ) He, therefore, thought it would be extremely inconvenient to establish any precedent. THE BISHOP OF MALTA. The Bishop of EXETER, before proceeding to address the House on the subject of which he had given notice, should first beg leave to present a petition. It was very short, and sig,ned by between 3,000 aid 4,000 persons of great respecta bility, all of whom gave their address. It was " the humble petition of the undersigned inh a bit ants o f t h e town o f Liver pool," who, seeing that the condition on which the Act of 1829 had been granted ,had not been observed so as to give security to the Protestant Establishment, prayed that that Act might be repealed, and that the Legislature might be made essentially Protestant, as it was before. In addressing their Lordships on this occasion he trusted he might have their per mission, first, to express his thanks to the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department for the entire candour, cour tesy, and even kindness with which he had assisted him (the Bishop of Exeter) in his inquiry. It seeme d t h at i n 1835 his late Majesty's Ministers thought it desirable to establish a Council of Government for the island of Malta, and amongst the individuals selected to compose that Council was the Roman Catholic Bishop of the Island. When the intimation was made to that Prelate of his appointment he received at the same time the copy of the oath be would be required to take. The Bishop at once expressed his inability to com ply with the conditions, for he said he must transmit the oath to the Cardinal Secretary of State at Rome, to know the sentiments of his Holiness upon the subject. This took place early in May, 1836. (The Right Rev. Prelate, who had been speaking at the table, now retired to the Bishops' bench, to get a book ; on his return he continued.) He be lieved he was perfectly regular in addressing their Lordships from the table. The Duke of RICHMOND said that, as the Right Rev. Prelate could only vote from the Bishops' benches, he could not address their Lordships from any other place. Of course he offered no objection to the Right Rev. Prelate's speaking from the table, but he would ask his Noble Friend (Lord Holland) if he (the Duke of Richmond) had not laid down the rule of the House? Lord HOLLAND said no doubt the rule was that every Noble Lord should speak from his place. That was, that he (Lord Holland) or any other Baron, could only address the House from the Barons' Bench ; but he really thought the inconvenience of strictly adhering to the rule would more than counterbalance any advantage to be derived from it. The Bishop of EXETER resumed. He thought he was saying that the Bishop of Malta transmitted the oath to Rome. Well, he made repeated applications before he got an answer, and at length, when it did come, it was that the oath was not approvable, and that it had never been approved of. His oath was the same as that required by the Act of 1829 to qualify Roman Catholics for scats in Parliament and for office. When this fact came to his (the Bishop of Exeter's) knowledge, in consequence of the discussion which took place two or three weeks ago, he applied to the Noble Lord the Secretary of State, and the Noble Lord was so obliging as to furnish him with all the papers, and he re joiced to think that the Noble Lord did not mean to oppose the present motion. He must say that the fact did appear to him to be of very great importance. He would not re peat what had been so often stated by the Roman _Catho lics themselves, that the greatest security they could offer the only security they could offer—was their oaths. Why, when he found that the:highest authority in that Church—that authority which was regarded by all as supreme in matters re lating to religion and morals, and therefore certainly including oaths—when he found all this, it certainly did seem to him that it was plain that the security on which they had so long relied was absolutely baseless. It was not his intention on the present occasion to go over the ground which he had troubled them by traversing three weeks ago, so far as regarded the laity of the Roman Catholic communion. He intended to confine his observations strictly to the consideration of the conduct and doctrines held and maintained by the Roman Ca tholic Bishops and Clergy in Ireland upon this subject. (The Rev. Prelate then read a variety of documents illustrating his view of the question ) He would tell their Lordships the difference between the authority of the Priesthood of the Church of Rome and that of the Church of England. The laity of the Church of England might, if they pleased, in cases of doubt and difficulty, in which conflicting duties and diffi culties arose, and upon which they could not satisfy their own consciences—they might if they chose have recourse to any of the Clergy; and probably many persons, in such a situa tion, would be glad to take the advice of their spiritual guide ; but still they would be taught by that pastor, and they would know themselves, for they could never have heard anything of a contrary tendency from that Church —they would then know themselves, and be taught by that pastor that the responsibility was still their own ; the pastor was ever ready to give all the advice that he could, and to in struct any one as far as he was able in the course which he ought to pursue ; but, at the same time, the applicant knew that it was his own conscience—his own soul—that was in peril. Not so with the Church of Rome. The Priesthood of that Church told its adherents that it was their duty in all cases of doubt to consult their spiritual superiors and to act on their directions; and that, if they did so act, they freed themselves from all responsibility. That responsibility then rested on the Priesthood, and the' responsibility they were ready to bear. That was the great difference in the authority of the Priesthood of the two Churches. He thought that what he had now said made it apparent that at present the Church of England was left absolutely without any security, so far as the Roman Catholics were concerned ; that there was nothing to prevent the employment of powers which a too con fiding Legislature had granted, to the utter destruction of all the institutions which they had sworn to maintain. It was plain that at present not only was the Roman Catholic hierarchy and Priesthood released from the ob ligations of oaths, but they were bound in conscience to attack and destroy, if they could, those very institutions. All that, he said, was plain, from the evidence produced, and from the words of the individuals themselves ; and then came the awful question—for an awful question it was— what was to be done ? The petitioners, from whom he had hat the honour to present a petition that night called on their Lordships to repeal the Act of 1829. Was that the course which wisdom required them to pursue ? He re spected those individuals highly—he entertained the highest respect for their opinions—and if it were merely a question of what the Roman Catholics of Ireland merited he should say they were right in demanding the repeal of that measure ; but that, he was bound to say, was not the only consideration. Would the Church in Ireland be really protected by such an Act ? He said ‘. Ireland," because, thank God, in England they had nothing - to apprehend from the Roman Catholics who had obtained seats in either House of Parliament ; and it would be, in his mind, therefore, a violation of the compact with those Noble Lcrds and Hon. Gentlemen in this country who had faithfully adhered to their obligations—it would bo a breach of faith towards them to deprive them of the benefit of a contract which they had faithfully observed. But it was not so in Ireland. There they saw that the Peiesthood had effectually laboured to remove every sense of the sacredness of an oath, and, therefore, as far as they were concerned, justice would sanctiou, if not demand, the repeal of the statute, or the imposition of some more availing restraint. However, though justice might sanction the measure, would true wisdom de mand it? He would frankly state that, as at present advised, he thought it would not ; in the first place, because it was ap parent diet if Roman Catholics could no longer be elected as representatives of the Irish constituencies, and the same power was left in the hends of the priesthood and the hierarchy, the only result would be to transfer the scandal of perjury from the Church of Rome to that of England; for the Priesthood would be found worthless men calling themselves Protestants, who would be ready in Parliament to do the bidding of the Priests who sent them there, and these men would sit in the places vacated by the Roman Catholic Members. Thus nothing could be gained by the repeal of that law but the transference of the scandal of perjury from one Church to the other. In dealing with a Church which was disposed to set at naught all the obli gations of an oath it was necessary that some new test should be created ; it had teen proved by experience two centuries ago that no test could bind that Church which did not include the denial of some essential article of their faith ; such a test had proved effectual until 1829 ; and such a test must be re adopted, if they intended to repeal the Act of that year. Again, it would be absolutely necessary to exclude all the Roman Catholic constituencies from the power of voting, for if they did not do that, the step could only be productive of mischief, If they were not prepared to go all that length, they must look for some other means of checking the evil. What must that be If they were again to impose some reli gious test, the feelings of religious men of all denominations would be enlisted against them, because they would consider it harsh that men should be kept out of the enjoyment of civil rights in consequence of their conscientious belief in any doc trine. That was the principal cause why at length the measure of 1829 was forced on Parliament; because a very large por tion of really religious men thought it cruel for the sake of con scientious scruples to exclude a large class of persons fi om civi privileges. He apprehended, too, that it would be fo un d diffi cult, if not impossible, to obtain a statute to that extent ; and even if it could be obtained, he was very doubtful whether it would be desirable. Under those circumstances, and with that view of the case, ho was not one of those who thought an at tempt should be made to exclude the Catholics b y religious tests. But there was one obvious mode by which much good might be done to protect the Church of England in Ire land ; and in what he was about to say he could assure the House that ho intended to convey no taunt, nor to speak in re ference to things which had lately passed, or even in reference to what might be his own opinion upon the conduct of the present Government, but be was convinced that the only mode by which they could retard the mischiefs arising from that perjury, sanctified by the behests of the Roman Catholic hierarchy, was this, that the Government of this country should conscientiously, uniformly, manfully do its duty, in protecting the Church of England in Ireland. That the Go vernment had incalculable opportunities and means could not be denied, and he need scarcely say that especial care should be taken with regard to all the appointments that were made, not merely in the Church but in every department of the State, that, even if they were not made on distinctly religious con siderations, still no one at least should be appointed who could for a moment be expected to use his power to the injury of the true religion of that country. That would be an effectual and powerful protection to the Church, and would it be denied that that was the duty of the Government? He was sure that the Noble Lord ( Glenelg) who then alone sat on that bench would be of opinion that it was the duty of the Government to protect the Church by the most energetic and decisive mean s consistent withjustice to all her Majesty's subjects. But it was the duty of the Government on higher considera tions. Ile need not remind their Lordships that the oath of the Roman Catholics was not th e on ly secur i t y f o r the Pro testant Church in that count r y. Th ey h a d an other oath, which was binding in a quarte r i n w hi c h th e y w ere perfectly su re that the sanctity of an oath would be felt, acknowledged, and obeyed most scrupulously and conscientiously. They had the coronation oath ; and that oath would soon be taken by the illustrious Lady who was now placed by Providence at the head of this kingdom ; and that she should ever be in duced to do anything in cont raven ti on o f that oath was abso lutely impossible—it was not even to be thought of for an in stant. They also had another oath, which ought to be a great security, and which he was confident, in the instance of the Noble Lord who sat near him, would be a great security ; ho meant the oath taken by Privy Councillors, who were to advise her Majesty faithfully on all matters. Ile was sure it was not necessary to remind the Noble Baron of it, but he would say that the necessity of attending strictly to the obli gations of that oath of the 'Privy Councillors was incalculably augmented by the state of circumstances in Ireland. The Right Rev. Prelate concluded by moving that " an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to direct that there be laid on the table of 1 the House a copy of any despatch from the Go vernor or actin g Lieutenant-Governor of the island of Malta to his late Ma ' esty's Secretary of State for the Colonial Department, respecting the appointment of the Bishop of Malta to be a Member of the Council of Government of that island ; and also of any despatch announcing the refusal of the said Bishop to take the oath required by law to be taken by him on the acceptance of such appointment, and his resignation of the same; together with any documents received from the said Bishop on occasion of such his refusal and resignation." Lord GL ENE LG rose to confirm the Right Rev. Pre late's anticipations, that no opposition would be offered to his motion. He hoped he would pardon him for saying that he did not entirely concur with him in some points, although that was not the occasion to enter on the subject. The Earl of SHREWSBURY concurred in the opinion that such discussions as the present were inexpedient; but be begged leave to say one word. With regard to the Bishop . of Malta, it was the first time that he had heard of any decision of the Court of Rome in that case; but he supposed the Right Rev. Prelate stated it on good authority. He was not cer tainly surprised at the difficulty entertained by the Bishop of Malta, because that Bishop was not in circumstances to under stand it—to know the animus and intention with which it had been imposed. For his own part, he was free to acknowledge that he disliked that oath ; he disliked it, because he was sure it was altogether unnecessary, because it served to perpetuate distinctions—because it constantly exposed persons to the most revolting aspersons in and out of Parliament. After a few words from the Bishop of EXETER, the mo tion was agreed to. QUAKERS, MORAVIANS, AND SEPARATISTS' RELIEF BILL. On the Order of the Day for the third reading of this Rill. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition from ,he Members of the Central Society of Friends against the declarations required by the Bill. The petition was ordered to lie on the table, and the Bill was then read a third time. SLAVERY ABOLITION ACT AMENDMENT BILL• Lord GLENELG moved that this Bill be read a third tune• The Duke of RICHMOND wished to ask his Noble Frie.ld whether the papers which he had placed in his hands had satis— fied him of the existence of practices at the Cape of Good Hope to which he had called his attention on a former occa sion, and he wished to ask his Noble Friend whether he had made up his mind as to the course which he ought to pursue with respect to those facts to which he• had called his attention ? Lord GLENELG had received no official intimation on the subject, and until he had the papers kindly placed in his hands by his Noble Friend he was not aware of the existence of those evils. However, he would willingly concur in any means that might be devised to check the practice referred to and punish its perpetrators. The Duke of RICHMOND suggested that a clause might be added to the present Bill, authorising the Governor in Council to call on the planters to find bail that they would account for the apprentices, and for what might hare become of them at the period of the termination of their appren- ticeship. Lord G L E NE L G would consider the proposition and com municate with his Noble Friend respecting it. Ho had no present objection to the course sugzested. The Bill was then read a third time. Adjourned to Half-past Three to-morrow (this day). COURT CIRCULAR. Her Majesty took an airing on horseback yesterday, for three hours, attended by Miss Cavendish, Baroness Lehzen, Lady Mary Stopford, Marquis of Conyngham, Lord Byron, Earl of Uxbridge, Hon. Col. Cavendish, and Sir F. Stovin. Viscount Melbourne had an audience yesterday of the Queesel The Royal dinner party last evening included Viscount Falkland, Viscount Melbourne. the Right Hon. G. S. and Lady Agnes Byng, and Hon. C. C. and Lady Catherine Ca vendish. The Band of the Royal Regiment of Horse Guards were in attendance at the Palace in the evening. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager took a carriage drive ye!- terday, and visited the Princess Augusta at her residence is St. James's Palace. The Duchess of Kent visited the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge yesterday at Cambridge House. Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Colville, and a deputation, had an in terview with Lord Glenelg yesterday at the Colonial Office. The Commander of the Forces had an interview with - V'!" count Melbourne yesterday in Downing-street. His LordstoP had also an interview with Lord Glenelg at the Colonial Offine' A Deputation of the Anti-Slavery Society had an inte rview with Lord Glenelg yesterday. MAIDSTONE ELECTION. Yesterday morning the polling commenced, but the Liberl party, in consequence of Mr. Robarts not having apl 3 F rc upon the hustings, felt themselves placed in a difficult position, and a great many of them believed that there really wi!fi candidate in the Liberal interest. Tbis, and the gross bribery practised by the Tories, had the effect of giving the Tory c?.111.- didate such a majority at two o'clock, that the frien ds of 1" Robarts thought it useless to continue the contest. At the close of the poll the numbers were as follow For Mr. Fector 709 For Mr. Roberts . . 5Bl - -128 Majority .. SUDBURY ELECTION. STATE OF THE POLL ♦T HALF-PAST ONE YESTERDAY. Sir J. Walsh 276 Mr. Bsgshaw 260 (FROM A CORREEPOSDENT.) MARCI 27.—This election has terminated in a most extra ordinary way, by the return of the Ultra-Tory Sir J. Walsh. Up to eleven o'clock this day Mr. Bagshaw headed his oppnd nent by upwards of 50 votes. Dismay and alarm spread through the Tory ranks, and they set to work with de termyi nation and desperation, bringing into the fiel d their heanar cannon with the late King's picture impressed thereon ; a such was its efficacy, accompanied by intimidation and CO b i er don of the most degrading nature to a considerable flu al of the tradesmen, who had not sufficient patriotic spirit to re sist it, that the numbers at the close of the poll stood-- For Sir J. Walsh 293 John Begshaw, Esq. . , 267 Majority -- 26 Twenty of the worthy and independent voters, who s?-, lemnly promised to vote for Mr. Bagshaw, Toted againcst for very weighty reasons. Had it not been for this ra°,.saV tr e atment he would have been in a majority of 12 over bur Walsh. The tradesmen complain of the Ministers for not protectini them with the Ballot, and until this or some measur e is Passcristo, into a law, this borough will for ever be a retreat t o erotic domination, and the grossest bribery and corrup t ion' a COURT OF ALDERMEN. TIIE GOVERNMENT AND THE CORPORATION PRI VILEGEI. of After the account of the proceedings of the last Court Common Council was read, detailing the particulars of O " f conferences between the Government and the Corporation, 0 the subject of the contemplated changes in the city police or; tern, the Town Clerk read a Report, signed by the Lora Mayor and Aldermen Wood and Venables, and Mr. DeP ut .Y Corney, to the effect that Lord John Russell concurred In certain suggestions for the regulation of the police in the 01 ; from which concurrence, particularly as the suggesti ons wcre s said to have originated with the Noble Lord himself, it taken for granted that his Lordship would support the I3ill j W a A i troduced on Monday night into Parliament, upon the part ° the Corporation. The LORD MAYOR then informed the Court that Lord John Russell's secretary had sent the following extraordinary no m " munication to the Remembrancer : " Whitehall, March 26, 183 8 . " Sir—l am directed by Lord John Russell to inform Y ° ' that, since his letter to you of the 19th instant, it has come t ° , his knowledge that a Report from the Select Committee° the House of Commons on police will soon be presented , r c ." commending the union of the whole police of the metropollo under one head. " Should such a recommendation proceed from the ial ec Committee, Lord John Russell will consider himself at liberty to support that recommendation, if it meet with general etT: currence ; and his Lordship, in consequence, considers the city authorities at liberty to frame their Bill in such mann as they shall think most expedient. " I am, Sir, your obedient servant, S. H. PHILLIPS. " The City Remembrancer." A discussion of some length took place upon the subject o cef this letter. It was finally determined that the Rem embran should be directed to watch the progress of the Police Cora mittee in Parliament, and to report to the Lord Mayor the result as soon as it should be made known in the House 01(1 Commons, in order that his Lordship might call a Cour,t ° b ,„ the subject, and that the further discussion of it should adjourned. n BY AUTHORITY !--The Court Gazette, i n elegant form for binding , devoted to the Court and ashinhn; able World, Literature , Music, the Drama, Scienc e, and I Arts, Price 6d., will appear April 7th, with a list of P r ' Ee ntations and dresses at her Majesty's Draw in g -Non' Advertisements, Orders, &c., at 162, Piccadilly. THE ONE-SHELL PATTERN SILVER SPOONS. AND FORKS, The neatness and elegance of which have now a very general prefer" lDo are oi nr c sg h f a ra r o g r 1 l e d ctGh 7 oer s a . Rue 3 seN ( ue l ah . lllu p iNr e Lve r hiL o ... ,ic z a t . hLr , teos a e t ..tl. )D 0 r 1... , . e. T. COX (he e ev n e e f SAVOßY'S, n e ol ' oz. s. d. x• 12 Shell Pattern Table Spoons BO at 7 $ 10 17 g 12 Ditto Dessert ditto 2O at 7 3 7 I 10 17 a 12 Ditto T able Forks '- 12 Ditto Dessert ditto 3O at 7 3 20 at 7 3 3 7 ,r, 6 2 Ditto Gravy Spoons 1 Ditto Soup Ladle 4 Ditto Sauce 4 Ditto Salt (gilt and strong) 1 , 1 Fish Knife... 2 1 2 I s 4 0 16 - 12 Tea Spoons - 0 I Pair Sugar Tongs The Plain Fiddle Pattern, of the same weights as the above; a il ' ofered one penny per oz. cheaper. A Pamphlet may be had Gratis, containing a detailed List r ll . , Drawings of the various Patterns of Silver Spoons and Forks, Vi_. ver Tea and Coffee Services, Plated Ware, Watches, Clocks,,itt t2l .2:2211:22 .... e:2 a...:,.,. e The:Showßoornscontainalar g yerariet of Patterns of Pla ty " v -- -- London: Printed and Publl;hed by MURDO YOU/410,4Di 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, gtrand, in the Gaunt/ ( -1 Midcllescs.—Wednesday, March 28, 1838.