The Sun. — London, England, 1838-01-04 00:00:00

THE S . UN' i LONDON, Tat fiSDAY, SANITAttY 4, IS3g. attaching them to us, render the tonne'etien more secure and permanent, than I,y endeavouring to keep them does 11 , : Ere and the sword.—( hoar and cheers.) It rnieht the honour of Ministers that coercive mensnree elmuhl be re sorted to, for they had plunged the reentry into this embar rassment by their misconduct, although warned over and over again of the natural tendency of the measures which thee adopted with respect to Lower Canada. He ettelglied our whole system of Colonial policy, as tending. to alien ate the most valuable possessions of the British Crown, and render what ought to be a blessing end an outlet for the over abundant population of the mother country, a harden and a weight They had been too ready in consider ing the disaffections which from time to time had sprung up in the Colonies, to blame the Governors ; and he him , self had often accused himself of being wanting in duty in not bringing those persons individually before the bar of the House of Commons to answer for the mistakes which they had committed, and the arbitrary acts of which they had been guilty. But he now saw that those persons had incurred more censure than they deserved.—( Hear, hear.) They now saw that they had been acting under orders from a town, and as military man felt themselves under the necessity of obeying then ' , ' a fault, he was sorry to say but too prevalent amongst military men, who scarcely ever deal with the population under their controul as they would have I:een bound to do had they been civilians. Was it not too much to accuse the Canadian people of disloyalty when they had historicist proof to the contrary ? Did not Canada, when America asserted her rights, and succeeded in effecting her independence, refuse to participate in that loyal struggle? Yes; for they were then impressed with the belief that the change from the French to the English system of government would have been advantageous to them. They flattered themselves with the delusive hope that they would obtain justice from England, and they resisted all attempts that were made to induce them to join the Americans.— (Hear, hear.) Coming down to a later period did they not., in the year 1814, resist every attempt made by the Americans to induce them to swerve from their allegiance to the mother country, and did they not take the field and preserve Canada to the British Crown ? Was it for these proofs of devotion and attachment that they now were to endeavour to trample and put them down ? The Hon, Gentleman then alluded to the Address which appeared in the Morning Chronicle of this day, and to the returns, which were so inconsistent with what the Canadians had a right to expect ; and it was only by Sir F. Ilead publishing the order the people found out they had been deceived, and they then com menced expressing their indignation at the manner in which they had been treated. Notwithstanding this, they were willing to give the Commission time to make inquiries, and wait the result. What took place ? The House of Com mons last year, instead of redressing the grievances of Upper Canada, passed those resolutions, known by the name of " Lord John. Russell's Resolutions."—(Hisses. ) Those resolutions were as disgraceful as they had been mischievous.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Hume) had, in hie place in Parliament, stated that, so far from healing the wounds of the injured Canadians—so far from producing that conciliation which they professed openly they wanted, these resolutions would only add to the flame, and create still stronger feelings of excitement, and drive them to desperation. —( Hear, hear, hear.) What was the consequence ? They had heard a great deal about the Canadinns having done wrong in refusing the supplies. Why, that was their consti tutional privilege. They did not refuse the supplies to a fit and proper government ; but when they saw persona who had no duties to perform, receiving large salaries, they contended they had a right to control their revenues, and they therefore refused the supplies. Such was the right the people of England poseessed, and he (Mr. Hume) would be glad to know what they would say if the Crown were against the wishes and feelings of the House of Common, nine-tenths of the body being agaierst granting supplies, to take from the coffers of the courtery the taxes that had been received for the purpose of beLn g applied to those purposes that the re presentatives of the people had refused to apply it to. Let the people of England place themselves in the situation of the Canadians. The Government had taken sums of money from their coffers, which the Canadian representatives had reNeed, and had given it to men whom the Canadian repre sentatives declared to be unworthy of it.—(Cries of Hear, hear.) But, until that course was adopted, he would venture to say there was not in the breast of any Canadian the slightest disposition or desiro to separate from England, or to have recourse to arms, or to adopt any violent measures. (Cheers.) It was not till they saw their only security against oppression in this country set at defiance—the only means the people of England had of preventing the Hanoverian system being adopted.—(Cheers, and a few cries of " Off, off.") Only for this we should be in the same situation as Canada ; and if so, was there any one at that meeting would answer for what they should do?—(Hear, hear.) In Canada there was now the example of a whole nation driven to extremities by the conduct he had described ' • and at a ti me o f the year whe n the men of that countr y, with their wives and children, were least able to brave the horrors of a civil war, in the midst of a Canadian winter. Nor was it by any sudden act of tyranny they were driven to extremity ; it was by a constant and gra dual system of oppression. It was admitted by Lord Glenelg himself that the Canadians had been for 18 years petitioning for redress.—( Hear.) Ycs, for 18 years they had been patiently and respectfully petitioning the Crown and the Parliament in vain._( Hear, hear.) He insisted that it was the duty of the Government to conciliate the colony, and to afford redress of those many grievances which had driven it' into resistance. —(Cheers.) It was by conduct such as the Government was now pursuing, that had caused this c oun t ry to i ncur a d e b t equal to one t'nousand millions of Three per Cents.—( Hear. ) But look 'to the Gazette—there was no proclamation to con ciliate- —( Hear, hear)—but new regiments were ordered-- (Cleeers and hisses)—and it was worth while to observe it this case, what an excellent system of Government we have in this country. New regiments are wanted, and the Com mander-in-Chief, whose business it was to know the matter himself, is obliged to write to another officer to enquire what regiment of the Guards was last on Foreign service. (Hear and laughter.) There was a sort of imperiunt in int perio amongst our official Gentlemen.—( A laugh.) Regi ments were ordered from Gibraltar and other out-garrisons, and ships of war were ordered to be in readiness to carry them to Canada. Thus the lives and property of our seamen were about to be sacrificed by sending them across the Atlantic, in the midst of a 'cm estuous winter.—(Hear, hear.) But, in fact, troops could no arrive in Canada until Spring.---( Here there was an interruption of some duration, with mingled laughter and hisses, occasioned by an exceedingly vulgar ex pression from some person at the end of the room. There were loud cries of " Turn him out—he's a Tory.") Resolutions would be proposed for the approbation of the meeting, and he trusted that whoever should speak, either in favour of or against them, would avoid the use of hard words. —( Hear, hear.) The friends of Canada had truth and justice or, their side, and they had no occasion to resort to language that might give their enemies a ground of objection. The ouly objection to the able speeches which were made in the House of Commons on the 22d of last month was that strong language was used.—( Hear, hear ) He could satisfy the meeting by many documents, which he had no doubt would be brought before the meeting, that they had a good cause to plead—the cause of humanity.—( Cheers. ) The people were now to say whether lives and property were to he sacrificed in consequence of the Ministerial blunder ? Mr. LEADER then came forward to propose the first resolu tion amidst the most deafening cheering, which lasted some time. Brother electors and citizens of Westminster, the lion. Gentleman said, I rejoice to to see so large an assembly met for the purpose of expressing their opinion against oppression. —( Cheers and confusion.) I am most especially grateful at seeing this meeting before me, and I have several good reasons for being so. First, it proves at least—(Confu sion, and cries of " tern him out," "he's one of Murray's men.") If there he in this assembly any friend of Tory domination, or 'White misrule, I only hope they would come forward in a manly 'Deemer. We are here to argue the question.— (Cheers.) We wish not to dictate to eny man. If any man disagree with me, let him come forward e - hen I have done, —bet him come forward on the hustings end I will ensue him a heal ing.—(Cheers. ) The great assembly before me proves that you have not been deluded by the gross misrepresentations of the London daily press.—( Cheers.) For the last ten days the London daily press has been emplo)ed to misrepresent the Canada question. They have been doing all that they van to urge the Canadians to war, because they differed from us in opinion, and above all, because they had been bold enough 0 protest against the insulting conduct of Ministers. —( Hear, hear, hear.) They had done this, too, because there had been found men in the House of Commons who dared in their place in that House to ask for the redr ess o f grievances, end justice to the Canadians. The next thin g this great assembly shows is, that the assertion that the the inhabitants and citizens of Westminster viewed with dis approbation the exertions in the cause of Canada, is totally without foundation. Same of the Tory press are quite rabid against us ; •they seemed to think that some of us should be hang e d for the peace of the world.--( Cheers) They have 'en h no reason their side, and therefore it is that they have re course to thi s s l an d er. Th e w h o l e o f the Whig daily press have followed their Tory leader.—( Cries of the " Tap-tub.")but We have heard of collision in the House of Commons, here we have a collision between the Tory and Whit, Whigd drily press of London.—(Cries of the " Tap. tub.") The Papers, like the Torioe, have been grossly misrepresenting the question of Canada, and urging you to tight against All the great interests were against them. Com- There ia. the shipping All the interest, the American Land rill interest, and the aristocratic interest. 'tile monopolisi ng i nteres ts, which are opposed to us—they the great interests of' nations, are arrayed again . st t" . .3 all in arms against us, attacking us, slandering u ) us, And denouncing us as traitors to our coun arid try.—(Groens. What is the cause o f a ll t hi s ou tb urs t of Whig and Tory venom against us ? It is this, that t h ey d rea d to expre real opi n i ons—t h at they drea d to bl ame the conduct-'s their of the Government and the Aristocracy—that they dread to ask that justice for Canada" which the Whigs themselves ask for Ireland. —(Great cheering.) That, Gentlemen, is the cause a of the outcry aga i nst us ; but you k now I w ill not join in that Whig and T ory ou t cry. —(N o , no .) The people of England. I will venture t o say, will not join them or suppoit them. But B We have much power en our side also—we have the whole 4 the Liberal Sunday Press, and we have almost all the Liberal Provincial Press, which is more honest and independent ofpers-. '° ll al and Mi n i ster i a l i nteres t s than the daily London . W hear.) All have a ll t h e Di ssent i ng body with us.—(Hear, All the f r i en d s o f peace an d humanity, and the great mass_ o I the peopl e w h o sec i n t h e con t es t with Canada the samede fence o f t h e Constitution as t h at o f t h e grea t mass of ole People of England. who now demand their rights against the aristocratic faction.—(Cheers.) It has been said that the the Canadians have no real grievances. My hon. fr iend, Chairman, h as g i ven you a s ketch of the Canadian griev.: Slices, and the manner i n which they have been argued and a cknowledged during the last ten years. Yes, gentlemen, the. hag e ' ,. ..iSknoseledged, and they have been made the Isks ;',f Parliamentary discussion—they havr t been acknow ledged by all parties, and they have Ve.Sen il'aiVticated by the ablest men, of the lileWrikl party.—(Hear, hear, beer. ) But supp,ove tiviy l'ea've not a large list of grievances, there was one i kingte one, and that is the s&zure of their FeventieS by the Government.—( Hear, hear.) It hot that a grievance ?—and suppesing furthertherts are no real practical g r i evances , i s there net such a thing as moral grievances —more galling and les* tOlerable than any ether ? The Canadians have had tip endure a grievance of that sort for the last twenty or ti.irts years--they have been treated as a conquered and inferior race, and excluded from any share in the government of their own people ; and subjected to a cruel, suspicious. and do mineering minority.a---.( Loud cheers. Is not that a grievance ? Why the see . ) , fact that they have flown to arms is a sufficient proof that real grievances exist. No person ever rebelled on slight grounds. You may be sure that it required strong in ducements to act in that way, who had been oppressed by long continued wrong.—( A voice in the crowd here repeatedly ealle ‘ d nut, " What are th e gr i evances ?" w hi c h occas i one d eons' :arable interruption, which was at length put an end to by Mr. Place exclaiming, " Send him up or send him out.") If I were to stop in order to go into all the details of the grie vances, I would detain you till to-morrow morning. They are all detailed in the 92 resolutions, in the petition to the House of Commons, and in a hundred other documents, which you can consult. —( A voice—" I can't read."— Laughter.) Well, if you can't read, that is a different thing. It is only the trick of an enemy to ask what are the grievances —it is quite c'ear that they must have been in tolerable, or the people of Canada never would have taken up arms—a people must he tyrannised over to a most intolerable degree befor e th e y wou ld y run the risk of a civil war. It is quite clear that no p eo pl e ever re b e ll e d aga i nst t h e i r ru l ers without very great cause. I ask you then, will you support the government in their attempt to put down the people of Canada by the force of arms.—(No, no I) Oh ! I wish that some of the Ministers were present to hear that gloriously un animous Nu.—( A voice—their whipper-in is here—laughter. ) Let me ask you %%hat could you possibly gain by a war with Canada ?—( Nothing). Nothing indeed. 'You have the power unquestionably, at least, I believe you have the power. The English people have the strength to put down the Canadians—but would they use it for so unholy a purpose—(No, no)--would you plunge the country in a civil war which most probably will lead into a general war, for no earthly benefit to the country, at the certainty of greatly increasing your taxes ?—( Loud cheers.) Ten or twelve thousand troops may in the spring go over and put down the Canadians, as the phrase is, but could the Canadians in such a case ever look upon this country with feelings of affectionate regard ?—( Cries of " No, no.") Could we ever restore those commercial relations with Canada which are now so unhap pily and so hastily broken asunder? Canada might be re tained for some time by the maintenance of a large army there, but for whose benefit would that be—would it be for yours ? (No, no.) No, it would be for the benefit only of the aristocracy.—(Cheers.) Ido not deny your power—l deity your right to enslave the Canadian. You, and lam proud to say it, sympathised with the Greeks in their rebellion against the Turkish Government—you assisted them in throwing off the Turkish yoke —you sympathised with the South Americans in their attempts t o f ree t h emse l ves f rom S pa i n — you sy mpat hi se d with the Belgians in their attempts to emancipate themselves from the Dutch ; but, above all, you sympathised with the Poles, the brave Poles, in their attempts against the barbarous Russians.--( Loud cheers.) Will you now desert your prin ciples?—(" No, no I") Will you assist the Government in coercing one of our own colonies, after so deeply sympathising with all others in their struggles for freedom ? We have no more right to do so than the Turks, the Spaniards, or the Russians had. They could have urged as well as us no other right than that of strength ; and God forbid that we should now put it forward against the Canadians. Oh lit is good to be endowed with a giant's strength, but it is tyrannous to use it like a giant.—( Loud and continued cheers.) We arc told forsooth that the honour and dignity of the British empire requires that the rebellion, as it is called, should be put down.—( Laughter.) We may be told again, as we were the other day by a worthy old gentleman in the House of Com mons, that this bright jewel of the crown must not be given away. Gentlemen, my opinion is, that that dignity would be better consulted, and much better supported by doing justice —by redressing grievances, and giving the Canadians the benefit of good government.--( Loud cheers.) The Toiies, who I suppose hate me because I licked Sir George Mur ray—(Loud cheers)—they call me a traitor to my country for my speech in the House of Commons upon this question. Gentlemen, there is not a man, either in this room, or in the country, who would make a greater sacrifice in order to maintain the true honour and dignity of the country ; but instead of preserving this " jewel of the Crown," I would rather loose it, than that it should be tar. nishcd by the blood of British citizens—( Loud cheers) ; And yet they have dared to call me traitor. I appeal to you-- I appeal to meetings like this—l appeal to my country—and I ask, am I a traitor ?—( No, no.) I am glad of that shout; for had you indeed condemned me, I would have then thought it time for me to despair of my country. My only crime has been to defend right, and to denounce the oppressor—(Cheers)—and I confess I would despair of my country, if it were considered by Englishmen a crime to de fend the cause of the unhappy oppressed against the powerful oppressor.—(Continued cheering.) Now, my friends, I will ask you what we have to gain by oppressing and persecuting Canada? Supposing you succeed, Canada will be to you a burdensome and oppressive Colony—you will derive from her no advantage—you will be encumbered with the expense of keeping troops there, while she will be more disaffected than ever, and only looking for another opportunity to revolt. What, I ask, will be the result of this unhappy contest ; the aristocracy alone will benefit by it, and the mass of the people will suffer. If you fail, there will then be a hostile and independent power in North America, which it will tske a long time to establish amicable relations with. If you'succeed, you will have a colony with its entire population hostile to you and your inte rests ; you will, besides, have to pay for the honour of conquer ing them, and for the additional honour of keeping them in unwilling subjection.--( Hear, hear.) Remember, too, •that while in this country, although it may be the interest of the Ministry to engage in any violent measures, to conciliate the Opposition, it never can be the interest of the people to plunge into an unjust and ill-advised civil wer— ( Hear)--for even admitting that no practical evil resulted from it, there is this great motel principle involved :—you would get into the habit of considering, not whether your actions were right or wrong, but whether you had the power to enforce them.—( Hear.) If again, aggression should suc ceed in Canada, recollect that a successful aristocracy will attack your rights at home, and endeavour to curtail and abridge them.—(Hear, hear.) This question is not a mere question between parties in Canada. It is essentially an English question, and one which Englishmen ought to consider well. I call upon every Englishman, as he values his own liberties, to protest against a burdensome, oppressive, and unjust war.—(Great cheering.) Are there any Irishmen in this room ?—( Cries of " Yes, yes.") To you I appeal to come forward, and assert the rights of the Canadians.—( Hear, hear.) It is the Orangemen who have oppressed Canada, that have oppressed and insulted you at home. —( 'fear.) It is your cause, the cause of the Canadians. It is the cause of an oppressed and insulted minority against a powerful and t) rannous majority. I rejoice that the city of Westminster has come forward on this occasion.—(Cheers.s I congratulate them on the numbers in which they have as sembled. It is a good example to the country, aid I have no doubt that it will be generally followed, and that it trill have the effect of shaming the Ministry and the Tories from engag ing in this unjust and unprincipled wee. —( Cheers.) I will now, gentlemen, read the resolution that has been entrusted to me. " I. That this Meeting, while they deeply lament the disastrous disturbances now existing in the Colony of Lower Canada, are of opinion that this deplorable occurrence is to be ascribed to the mis conduct of the British Ministry, in refusing timely redress to the repeated complaints of the Canadian People, and in attempting to sustain that refusal by measures of gross injustice and coercion. Colonel TuosirsoN came forward to second the resolution, not because ho was altogether contented with it, but because he had been asked to do se. He was exceedingly glad to find that the lion. Gentleman who had preceded him had given the real version of the resolution, as he believed it originally stood, and not the modified version._( Loud cheering.) When resolutions passed through a Committe (and on this occasion he happened to he Chairman of the Committee,) it did frequently happen that men who happened to be of a nervous d'sposition, constitutionally found opportunities to slip out little bits of words they thought were forcible, and put into their mouths bits they thought better calculated to let the thing down gently.—( Laughter.) He rejoiced to hear the Hon. Member for Westminster declare there was a disastrous civil war now raging in Canada. W'as there not ?—( Loud cheers.) And should they try to dwindle that away by calling it a disastrous disturbance ?—( Cheers.) Why, when three cats quarrelled in a chimney, that was called a disastrous disturb insee.—( Great laughter. ) The Meeting, therefore, would not be surpris e d a t hi s s t at i n g, by way of explanation that if his will had only been consulted, the resolution would have been another kind of resolution altogether, and a much stronger one. If the Ministers of the Crown had endeavoured to take the supplies of this country by means of military force, what wo u ld E ng li s h men h ave ca ll e d i t ?—( A voice in the meeting—" Treason.") Ile thanked the gentleman for that word. Treason in England was treason in Canada, and he stood there to avow and to maintain that the Ministers of the Crown, in attemptiug to seize on the revenues against the consent of the Representative Assembly, had committed an act of treason.—( Vehement cheering. )—which the British people, if they were not unwise, would not fail to punish when they had the power.—(Continued cheering for some time.) Strong words should be proved—l refer you to the history of this country. Do you ask what page in that history? You still h ear o f i t somewhere about Whiteha ll There was a gl or i ous scene o f su b stanta l j us tice once enacted in that neighbourhood, which has been said to give a " crick in the neck" to every monarch at least once a-year. (Laughter and loud che ers .) Th a t i s our p r ecedent. Is it po li c y, is it wisdom to force us again to appeal to it.—( Loud c heers.) We come forward h e r e t o d enoun ce what we con sider a case of oppres s i on an d i n j ust i ce , oit the part of the Mi nisters, against the Canadian people.—(Cheers.) Fancy the case your own. Suppose the Government were to send sol diers to seize your goods—would you have been satisfied with being told that it was not patriotism in you not to pray for the succ ess of those troops, because f orsoo th th e y were English men ?—( Loud cheers.) You maintain, necessarily, in some degree a body of troops for the defence of this country, but would you like them to put their hands into your pockets? Laughter anal cheers.), I say this is illegal. I know well that the Ministers have a majority in both Houses — but have you made up your minds to surrender all the rights that have been handed down to you by your ancestors, by submitting, that they shall be held merely at the will of a corrupt House of Commons.—( Loud and repeated cheers.) If it were so, they iii this case Ministeri, hr. 4 no defence.— ( Hear, liear.) It was a sad thing to see inilitai'y r.'sctiution let loose upon any peoi.le.--( Elea-, hear.) - But look to what had been done in Canade.—(Hear, hear, he ar.) Not only' had Militark eitkittttoe bten let loose, but it had iimiled to ikCeisarY severity.—( Sharite, shailio.l What secessity was there to burn a hundred men in a barn?— (Loud cries of " Shame.") How would the people of this country like such an atrocity perpetrated amongst themselves. —( Hear, bear.) He wished these things to be sifted, and the time would colie when the people of England would sift them. It might not be to-day or Lest week, but it would come.—( Hear, hear.) If they looked to the west they would see a Parliament house given up "to the use of the soldiers,"—these were the very words. If they looked to Hanover they would see an absolute monarch un dertaking to reform a Constitution.—( Laughter. ) Y e s, that was the very last word he ( Colonel I'.) heard of the King of 11 sisover.—( Laughter.) His Absolute Majesty was ac tually a Reformer, and he was backed by a certain class of Re formers in this country —( Hear, hear. ) " Dull, and stupid people of England ! what is ill become of you if you do not take alarm in time ?" What ground was there for con fidence in the present Ministers, who by tbe violation of their pledges had been guilty of conduct which would cause men to be expelled from private society.—( Hear, hear.) Some people, however, were in the habit of exclaim ing "Oh ! we might have worse." Yes, indeed, he knew where there could be found a set of Ministers somewhat worse. But there was a great deal more responsibility at tached to a bad Minister, who was obliged to act for himself, being ostensibly in office, than when, although out of office, he effected his purpose by means of a cat's pew in office.—(Loud cheering and laughter.) In conclusion, he ( Colonel Thompson) called upon the meeting to support the people of Canada—to forgive what was weak--and to strengthen what was strong, and to collect as strong a force of public opinion in their behalf, as would be sufficient to com pel the Ministers to retrace their steps.—(Cheers.) Dr. WADE held that nations as well as individuals were destined by God to be happy and free.—(Cheers.) They were entitled to humanity and justice.—(Cheers.) The Ministers having denied humanity and justice to Canada, must be considered as the beginners of an offensive war, and would be responsible for all the blood shed by those whom they had sent to butcher the Canadians.—( Cheers.) It might be said that the Canadians had struck the first blow—( Cheers) —it was not the first blow that was to be considered the origin of the war, but the cause of that first blow.— (Cheers.) Lord Abingdon had laid it down that when a nation nal' deeply injured unless ample recompense was made, it had a right to go to war.—( Cheers.) This was exactly the case with Canada. As a Christian Clergymen, he detested war altogether.—( Loud and repeated cheering.) He would not hold up the scales to balance between property and human blood. He hat , d war, and he despised the pre sent Ministers for provoking the people of Canada to war. Lord John Russell and the other Ministers had acted like the satyr in the fable ; they blew hot and cold with the same breath—they blew heat on Ireland because she was powerful, but cold on Canada because she was weak.— (Cheers. ) He held the Ministers to be unchristian, because they had shut up the schools in Canada. —( Cheers.) Why had they done so ? To prevent 4,000 children obtaining knowledge and thereby preventing them from having a knowledge of their rights.—(Cheers.) The act: of the ministry had turned peace ful peasantry into demons for fight, their pruning hooks into spears, and their ploughshares into swords.—( Cheers.) Who were the rebels ? (Cries of the Whigs,—Cheers.) Some part of the press said that the Canadians were rebels.—(Cries of " No.") He would, however, give the Spectator the credit to say that it deserved well of the community for having advo cated, as it had done, the cause of the Canadians.—(Chee rs.) Who were the rebels ? Not the Canadians. It was laid down as a political axiom that a whole people could never rebel. ( Cheers.) Such a thing was a solecism in political language— it was impossible 1 He would show them on the authority Of Locke who were the rebels. Locke said, " Legislators are for the service of the people—for the protection of their liberties and their properties"—and he added moreover, " If they violate them, or neglect them, the legislators are rebels."--(Loud cheers.) He would not confine himself to the Legislative Council of Canada, but he would say that all legislatures and Imperial Parliaments, whatever they might he, who assisted the Legislative Council of Canada against the people, were rebels, and: he would denounce them as such. They all knew what the Legislative Council had done. to upset the liberties of the people. It was an irresponsible council whioh had resisted every popular movement. It Wtls a mock sort of bastard House of Lords.—(Cheers, and laughter.) What had a French writer said of it—that it is a firebrand in a House of Good. The Canadian Treasury had been robbed.—( Hear, hear.) Jobbers had been fixed on them. They had been swindled on every side, and a hungry aristocratic crew had been permitted to plunder them. The Canadians, therefore, had as much right to resist as any individual in that country when a highwayman at tacked them and threatened to rob and throttle them.--( Hear. ) Who, then, were the traitors ? —( Loud cries of " The Whigs.") The Ministers were the traitors, and they had shown them selves the cause of robbing the Crown, by not keeping the Canadians in connection with the British country.—( Hear, hear, hear.) lie had seen a letter from Canada lately, and h.e would tell them what the opinion of that people was in two words, with respect to Lord Gosford end the Whig Ministry. The letter stated that Lord Gosford was an old rag—a dirty disliclout, and they wished that the Ministers were put into a sack, and Lord Glenelg at the bottom, and thrown into the Thames, for his leaden weight would be sure to sink them for ever.—( Laughter and Cheers.) The differences between the Canadians and that country had been discussed by jurists, as regarded the conduct to be pur sued towards the Colonies. He (Dr. Wade) would expose the false doctrine taught at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, which was that a government, whether just or unjust, when once established, was to be supported.—(Groans.) It became the people of England to look well to the doctrines taught in their own Universities, from whence their legislators principally came. He (Dr. Wade) held the principle that if the Go vernment established in a colony was unjust it ought to be corrected or put down.—( Cheers.) He would say farther, that the great bond of union between the Mother Country and the colonies was mutual utility, and when that was put an end to, the union should be dissolved. Such was the case in the histories of Greece and Rome, where the conquered countries were allowed to appoint their own governors and enact their own laws, but he supposed it did not become them, who were Christians, to imitate the conduct of heathens. It was the duty of the people of England to stand forward on the present occasion, and to support such men as Mr. Leader, Mr. Roebuck, Colonel Thomson, and Sir Wil liam Molesworth.—( Loud cheers.) It was no slight merit for such men to have been first its the field to denounce the iniquitous conduct of the Ministers.—( Loud cheers ) He would sit down by saying—a motto which he would have inscribed on every banner in Canada— " I.i Freedom let Canadians live, And brave the death which Tyrants give. —(Great cheering.) On the resolution being put from the chair, Mr. Joni BELL rose to move an amendment.—(Cries of " Name, ntene.") He knew this was said to be a party ques tion.—(Cries of " Who are you ?") An individual on the platform replied—the Editor of the True Sun.) If the meet ing would be quiet, he would tell them who lie was. Men wh I knew bins would not suppose that he came there to fight the battle of the Whigs. He had been opposed to the Whigs all his life. —( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") lie had been tried as a criminal by the Whigs, had been im prisoned by the Whigs, had been persecuted by the Whigs, and had been ruined by the Whigs.—( Hear, hear.) lie denied the Canadians laboured under grievances. —(Cries of " No, no.") The great body of the productive classes of England laboured under deep grievances.—( Cries of " Question.") That was the question —(Cries of " No, no 1") lie admitted the Canadians laboured under grievances, but would the lion. Chairman, and the gentle:nets who supported him, the Par liamentary Radicals, would they state tl,at the productive classes of England laboured under no grievance ?—( Cries of " Ques tion.") He stood alone—he bad not spoken to any g entleman of his intentio.:s—he did not know that he would find any one to second his amendment. He had come forward to grapple Leader, Roebuck, Sir William Molesworth and Mr. Hume. —( Loud hisses and cries of " Off, off.") The working class; s in England were obliged to sell their children for factory slaves.—( Interruption.) The hand-loom weavers were compelled to work 16 hours a-day for five s hillinge• a week.—(Question. question, and continued interruption.) After a while Mr. BELL said—lf you don't hear me t y ou u en proceeded%vil l hear no t one o r e e l a s d e t o h - i d s ayi.smed The worthy As well as we could hear it for the interruption , it w as for p ostpoi : i s o ng st , the consideration of Canadian grievances until t d . g entlemenh of the English working classes w ere redressed. Do you deem the new Poor Law no griev ance ?—(Loud c: ics of " no," " down„" "chair." In the midst of the uproar, Mr. DCFF suggested to Mr. Bell, the propriety o drawing drawing the amendment, and not to interpose it between di!!'sc meeting and the important object which they ha'l met to cuss.—( Loud cheers, cries of "withdraw," and confusion. the Mr. BELL—(:with vehemence)—l will not withdraw, n amendment ;—let the Chairman put it to the meeting.--(Re newed uproar.) The CHAIRMAN,—I only wish Mr. Bell to confine liim!elf to the subject before the meeting.—( Hear, and loud cliee,t ) Mr. BELL,-1 consider that I did.— (Loud cries of no, no,—down,—and Chair.") The CHAIRMAN put it to the meeting whether the subject of Canada ought not to be proceeded with.—( Loud cries of " Yes," and tremendous cheering.) The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution. A forest of hands.. was held up in its favour; there was only one juvenile twil vidual, standing on the platform, who had been part icularly enthusiastic in support of Mr. Bell : the circumstance occa sioned great laughter. The resolution was then declared to be carried, amidst loud applause. Mr. GaoTa, M. P., then came forward, and was received with lurid cheering. The lion. Gentleman commenced by reading the second Resolution, which was to the following effect : 2. —That this meeting desire to mark with pecitliar reprobation the iniquitous determination to seize and apply the monies "I the Canadian Treasury, in direct repugnance to the Acts of the House of Assembly, whose exclusive right to grant or withhold supplies, has been solemnly guaranteed by the British Parliament The lion. Gentleman said that he was quite sure that the Act alluded to in the Resolution, required only to be distinctly stated, without amplification or comment, in order to move the inmost feelings of every assembly of Engli'hmen. It s ° - hated to the resolution proposed by Lord John Russell, in the House of Commons last Session, and since acted on by the Governor of Lower Canada, by which the money returned into the Treasury of that colony, was removed from tinder which the Rritish Paliarnetf ! by its Own ioloran-and deliberate .ac;, placed it- This Wa3 but the first 1 no he tiad cYc , .; rar, 4 his Ndice ,againct that resolution `Yuen the resolutions of lidVd PV;sell were proposed in tlio spring of last year, he (Mr. G.) riad oleic4 to them all the opposition which a Member of Parliament could eniplay fegftfPld tl;Jt he had only the support of a very small ,ninority, anri all that Ile eat! f4P.5 to retard, though they c mld not prevent the passing, of one of the tilOst unjtot acts that hid ever disgraced tile British Parliament. Ile wag altO' nish:d to see such resolutions proposed by a man like Ler I John Russ7l l , deeply read in the Bluish Constitution, and peculiarly sensible to the weight of historical authority. If any one bad told him (Mr. G.) in the year 1831, when he heard Lord John Russell propose the Reform Bill, that he should afterwards hear him propose resolutions to deprive the people of Canada of their liberties, he would not have bel'eved it. That Act of Parliament—unjust, unconstitutional, and oppressive as it was —was, he was sorry to say, only the last and closing act of a course of impoliey, and his government which England has pursued towards Canada. Bat it was said that the Canadians had no grievances, and in support of that ass?rtion he was told that they lire in a state of great social comfort and independence, and that they were lightly taxed. But that social comfort was common to all the people of the whole Continent of North America.-_( Hear.) It would have belonged to the Canadians if they had remained a colony of France. The English Government never gave] it to them, nor did he think that Government would take it away. Certainly, as their enemies asserted, they were lightly taxed. But was heavy taxation the only thing a people conld complain af. Had the people of Hanover nothing to complain of when King Ernest violated their political rights?—( Hear.) But King Ernest had also taken off taxes—( Hear, and a laugh)— and when people were told that Canada was lightly taxed, let them look to Ireland. The Irish people had never been very heavily taxed. From that grievance they, as well as the Canadians, had escaped.—( Cries of Hear.) But had they nothing to ocmplain of in the long course of misgovernment and oppression, from which I grant they had recently been to some extent relieved by the benevolent Government of Lord Mulgrave.—( Loud and repeated cheering.) And it was h's (Mr. S.'s) opinion, that if Lord Mulgrave had been sent out to Canada with his hands free, and with full power to carry into effect his own wise and benevolent views the resolutions of Lord John Russell would never have beon heard of, nor would the melancholy occur rences which had brought that meeting this day together have ever taken place. The felicitous resnits which had attended the administration .of Lord Mulgrave in Ireland appeared to him to illustrate most strongly the contrast between the adoption of that course and that pursued towards Canada. The Canadian Executive Government had been and was now employed _ . _ the same means as the Irish Executive Government - did in Ireland, previous to the Administration of Lord Mul grave ; it had been conducted in entire repugnance to the inclinations of the great majority of the people of Canada, The French Canadians and M. Papineau, had been looked upon by the Executive Government as the Irish Catholics and Mr. O'Connell were looked upon some time since in Ireland, and the House of Assembly had been uniformly treated by successive Governments as a hostile force to be put down by authority, or be cajoled by stratagem ; and the Legislative Council that had no direct bearing in the country, was considered the chief ally of the Government of the province. In his opinion, the government of the country owed ample reparation to the peeple of Canada for the gross insult that had been offered to them of taking their money without the act of the House of Assembly, and for that act the country must pay reparation some day or other. When the acts of the English Government should be viewed calmiy by posterity, the English Government would not be found to be innocent of any of the evils that might occur to that country. They would be found to have as they had done towards the American colonies in 1785.—( Hear.) The cause stated by Lord John Russell, for taking away from the House of Assembly the right of interfering with the funds of the country was that they had dealt with them in an improper manner previously. He denied that they had done so, and he would assert that the very complaint which Lord John m tide against the House of Assembly of Canada, might foe made with equal justice against the House of Commons in this country whole d taken the controul of the re \ • Ares of England on the same grounds as the House of Assembly had done. They would find that in the reign of William 111. particu larly the House of Commons had refused the supplies, on the distinct and specific grounds that the King's negative had been put upon a bill for abolishing triennial Parlia ments, then on its passage through the Houses of Parliament. —(Cheers.) He was sorry to say that Lord John Russell had overlooked all that portion of his tory which would have made so strongly against he act he recomended and he regretted further, that he had confined himself to that which from the be; inning of Colonial Government had unhappily besot and deluded every Colonial minister, by trusting to nothing but the statements of official personage in the Colonies. He would hear of no other information, and he adopted it to the exclusion of that sounder reasoning and that more just representation of the feelings of the people which would have guided him to better results. It was not true that the people of Canada had exercised their constitutional power of refusing the sup plies to obtain organic changes, until they had exhausted prayers, petitions, and supplications for a legislative change. The Executive Government, which appointed Members to the legislative Council, had exercised its functions most impro perly, and they prayed that it would in future place in that Council men whose opinions were in harmony with the feelings of the people. The Parliamentary Committee which had set in 1828, bad expressed an opinion that that should be dune, and it was not until the year 18:34 that the people of Canada were driven to have recourse to petitions to ob tain a Legislative Council elected by the people. —( Hear, hear.) That was a step forced upon them by the neglect and repulsive conduct of the British Government, and it was so distinctly recorded by the Commis , ioners who went out to Canada with Lord Gosford in 1835. They had stated as their opinion, that if the recommendation of the Parliamentary Committee of 1828 had been seasonably and faithfully carried into effect the discontent of that province would have been ap peased without difficulty.—( Loud cheers.) Now he would ask any man who took the pains to study and inform himself of the career of the Government pursued towards Canada, if there was not distinct esidence that the English Govern ment and the stronger party had been in the wrong Hear, hear.) He did not mean to say that the Canadians had not made some demands which it was not proper to grant ; but he would say that on all great occasions they had been behirel the necessity rother than asked too much.—(Loud cheers.) When such is the state of things, I do trust the people of England will consider whether they can justify it to them selves and their own good reason and good feeling to sanction the use of force and coercion against a people who have not sinned against us even in the smallest iot who have done no harm to any of our brethren—a people who live in peace and in amity, both among themselves and with our English brethren who inhabit the country—a people whose generosity and kindness of character, and whose hospitality to every one, is proverbial—l ask whether the people of England can reconcile it to their own views of political prudence (to put the matter only on question of prudence) whether they can reconcile it to their own views of good feeling and prudence, to go to war against a colony like Canada, and to hold that colony, when they shall have subdued it, in defiance of all the affections and in clinations of the people themselves, and close in con tact teith the border of the United States.—(Cheers ) ( Mr. Roebuck was loft speaking.) The following arc the other Resolutions and the Petition to be proposed :- 3 : That the Colonial connection of the Canadas with Great Britain is not conducive to the general wealth and prosperity of the country, in asmuch as it has been made the pretext for imposing grievous commer cial monopolies, by which a fraction of the public press is given in the shape of pecuniary advantage to a few, and that the preservation of such connection, if it can only be preserved by means of perpetual force and constraint on the inhabitants of the colony, will be alike burden some to the national resources, and repugnant to our feelings as citizens of a free count: y. 4. That this meeting earnestly and solemnly call upon the people o f England to meet forthwith in counties, cities, boroughs, towns, parishes, and trades, and to adopt such proceedings as may in their judgment be most likely to induce Ministers to revise their mea sures, and accede to the wishes of the people for pece. " 5. The petitions founded on the above Resolutions be laid for signature, and presented to both Houses of Parliament. To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Tem poral of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland assembled, The petition of the undersigned inhabitants of West minster sheweth— " That your petitioners deeply lament the disastrous civil war now raging in the Colony of Lower Canada, and are of opinion that the deplorable calamity, and all the evil conse quences which is reasonably to be feared it will produce, are to be ascribed to the misconduct of the British Ministers, in refusin g redress to the repeated complaints of the Canadian people, and in attempting to sustain that refusal by means of gross injustice and coercion. That your petitioners feel it their duty to declare to your Right Honourable House their reprehension of the unconsti tutional and iniquitous determination to seize and apply the monies in the Canadian Treasury in direct repugnance to the acts of the House of Assembly, whose exclusive right to grant or withhold supplies has been solemnly guaranteed by the British Parliament. " That your petitioners are fully satisfied that the connec tion of the Canadas, as Colonies, is not, and never has been, conducive to the prosperity of this country. " That it has always been made a pretext for imposing grie vous commercial restraints on the people of this country. " That it has been made an excuse fcr patronage and ex pense highly injurious to the people of both countries. " That. your petitioners are fully convinced that the Canadas can never more be placed in a state satisfactory either to the people of that country or to the people of this country. " That, should the Canadas be reduced to submission by force of arms, it must henceforth be governed by means of an itninense standing army, and by other means equally repug nant to the people of both countries. " That any such attempt to govern Canada by the at will inflict on this country an enormous annual expense, to which the people are not prepared to submit. " That no such attempt can be long continued, but must soon end in the independence of the Colony, and the utter disgrace of the British Government. " Your Petitieners, therefore, pray your Right Honour able House to take the allegations of this Petition into your most serious con-dderation, and by timely arrange ments prevent ac otherwise lamentable but inevitable consequences of the present civil war. " And our Petitioners, Sec." (We shall give the Conclusion in a Second Edition, probably about Five o'clock.) LOUIS PHILIPPE'S PENINSULAIt POLISH ADDRESS TO THE CHAM-, POLICY. BER OF DEPUTIES • MMsalD, DEC, 24.—Calatrava has addressed a long and able letter to the editor of the Eco, in reply to the misrepre sentations of Martinez de It Rosa, in his late speeches on the Treatt of the Quadruple Alliance. The reply is in the best and chard:4o'lWe manner of Calatrava—temperate, matter of-fact, and conclusfl As all eyes are again turned towards the Pyrenees, which you alai . 4 ' AV lase the Moslerados have once ntare m "1 Spain, the letterade parturient with the saiva: l has naturally attracted much attention. Be;'::',c mush too long, even for your ample columns, I shall merely give the principal facts and opinions contained in it. Replying to the equivocation of Martinez de la Rosa, that it was not so much the revolution of La Granja as the events which preceded it in the provinces, that pre vented France from sending troops into Spain, Calatrava writes :—" So far," he says, " from the demonstrations in the provinces, previous to the revolution of the 13th of August, having dissuaded France from sending troops into Spain, these demonstrations really induced that power to increase the nuinher of forces arranged with the Spanish Ambassador, and destined for that service, from 6,000 to 10,000 men, with 300 cavalry and two batteries of artillery ; France undertaking to pay the expenses of the whole arma ment." In proof of this statement, Calatrava cited the speech of M. Mold on the 14th of January in the Chamber of Depu ties, in which he remarked that the French Government sent Bois le- Comte to Madrid in the beginning of August, wth instructions to propose an extensive intervention at the moment when Isturiz was struggling with less hope than j,erhaps courage and decision. The speech of M. de Passi, another member of the French ministry, on the same subject, on the 16th of the same month, is also brought to bear on the point by Calatrava. M. de Passi observes, `• We are forced on by events. We were well aware that a storm was collecting over the Peninsula, and that in order to prevent its bursting it was necessary to make a demonstration which would give strength to the Administration of Isturiz." From these declarations of the French ministers themselves, Calatrava concludes that the movements in the Spanish provinces in July and the beginning of August could not have been the cause of France not having taken an active part in the affairs of the country. Continuing the same line of argument, he next conies to consider what were the true causes of France not sending the troops prepared into Spain about this time. " The real, the only, the well-known cause," says Calatrava, " of the dissolu tion of the legions at Pau was, that all the members of the French Cabinet were never agreed among themselves with respect to an armed intervention, and that Louis Philippe at no time agreed with the majority of his Ministers on the sub ject." upon this point Calatrava refers to the declarations of Thiers after his resignation in consequence of his disagree ment with Louis Philippe on the question of Spanish affairs, and intimates that Thiers would have stated more had he not been bound to silence on matters which took place in the Council during his Administration, but that he, Calatrava, not being bound by similar obligations, would proceed on the best authority to state that Louis Philippe never seriously in tended to grant an efficient co-operation to Spain. " From facts," he continues, " which have come to my knowledge and upon which I can depend, I am enabled to assert that after the question of increasing the number of French troops destined for the service of Spain had been dis cussed by Louis Philippe, and his first Minister, M. Thiess, who, in consequence of these discussions, was induced to tender his resignation, Louis Philippe resolved on the night of the 12th of August to resist the proposals of his Ministers, having learned through the complaints of the agent or agents of the northern powers that it was intended to in crease the French auxiliaries from six to ten thousand men, and that France was to take upon itself the expense of this ex peditionary force. Thiers, observing the determination of the King, insisted on resigning. After spending four days in endeavouring to reconcile Thiess to his opinions, the King fixed on the 17th for accepting the resignation of the Minis ter—the day on which the telegraphic account of the events of La Granja on the 13th, reached Paris. The receipt of this intelligence prolonged the existence of the Ministry for four days more, :Louis Philippe waiting to see what course the affaiis of Spain might take before he dismissed the Cabinet, or dissolved the auxiliary legions of Pau." The conclusion drawn by the writer from these facts is the veryseverse of that stated by Martinez de la Rosa, who is now universally acknow ledged to be in error in asserting that the movements in Spain prevented the entry of an armed force into this country. Equally under the Constitution," remarks Calatrava, " as under the Estatuto—equally under every administration which existed amongst us, the constant and decided resolution of Louis Phillipe was not to send French troops into the Pe ninsula under any form or denomination, or to assist us with pecuniary means." The remainder of the letter is devoted to the consideration, chiefly, of the seventh article of the treaty of the Quadruple Alliance.—lllorning Chronicle. The Poles residing in Paris have prepared their-A:irate • petition to the Chamber of Deputies, in which they recklitu..-;%; - -,:; _ d o late the spoliatiuns, the persecutions, and iniquities of •Nii•-•„.„ kinds, perpetrated on th-ra in the course of 1837, by " the""Ztiti cruel and savage oppressor of their country," " in violation of a solemn treaty, guaranteed by England and France." From the facts theo adduce in support of their appeal, it is evident that the Czar has undertaken the task of effacing even the last vestiges of Polish nationality, in utter disregard of the obliga tions of that treaty. " Thus (say the petitioners) have the Universities of Warsaw and Wilna, and the Lyceum of Kize mieniec, altogether disappeared ; public and private libraries have been seized and tra , .sferred to St. Petersburgh ;the Russian language substituted in a great degree for the Polish language ; the former s;atutc,, of Lithuania abolished ; Roman Catholic churches converted into Grecian basilicks, and other serious attempts directed against the national creed; an im mense quantity of private property confiscatz , d, and thousands of other acts, having for their object the subvei - sion of Polish nationality," which it would be tedious to recapitulate. " There, are, however, some which Europe refuseti to credit until borne out by authentic acts. Such were, for instance, the carrying off of children, ordered by the Imperial ukase of the 24th orMay, 1832 ; the transplanting of 30,000 Polish fami lies to the line of the Caucasus, in virtue of a rescript of the Russian Ministry of Finance, dated November 9, 1832, No. &c." " An ukase of the 7th of March, 1837, suppressed the na tional division of the kingdom of Poland into palatinaets or wajvodes, established from time immemorial, which had been adopted by the Constiintion of 1815, and preserved, even after the late revolution in the organic statute of 1832. Whoever has followed the progress of Russian encroachments must know that the suppression of the name is soon followed by that of the thing itself, and that the adoption for the kingdom of Poland of the Russim; territorial division is tantamount to its definitive incorporation with the Russian empire. " The occupation of the city of Cracow is another flagrant violation of the Treaty of Vienna, which declart3 it, and the territory around it, free, independent, and strictly neu tral,' and required (Art. 9), that no armed force, under whatever pretext it might be, should be marched into the ter ritory of the Republic.' The memorialists state that riot only does that occupation still continue, but that a new decision of the protecting Powers,' dated the 9th of Septem ber, 1837, abolishes the principal guarantees of the Con stitution of that Republic—a Constitution which, agree ably to the 10th article of the Act of the Congress of Vienna, was to have the same force and value as if it avers textually inserted in thst Act.' Thus have the invaders of that State, contrary to the Articles 4,5, 8, and 10 of the same Constitution, decreed that its Government should no longer exclusively reside in the Senate, composed hereafter of eight instead of thirteen Members, but should be exercised by that body, in concert with the residents of the three Powers, who shall have the right of suspending its decisions, and shall concur in the appointment of the principal functionaries of the State. The election of Senators, in order to be valid, must be approved by the residents ; the Senate may prorogue the Representative Assembly fur six months, and dissolve it and convoke another, always with the concurre:ace of the re sidents, who have arrogated to themselves the exorbitant' right of sitting as Judges of the differences that may arise, in financial matters, between the Senate and the Assembly of Representatives. " The Catholic religion, professed by the immense majo rity of the people, is the object of the incessant persecution, with a view," say the petitioners, "to substitute the Russo- Greek creed in its stead." "It was evidently with that in tention," say they, " that the two Ukases of the 13th and 15th of January, 1337, were issued, the former placing the affairs of the united Greek religionists under the direc tion of the Russian f..gcnod, and the other enacting that the inhabitants of the Western ( Polish) provinces, not mem bers of the Greek church, should be held to serve during five years in the Government of Great Russia, previously to their being admitted into the Ministries and Central Administra tions. In the kingdom of Poland, where the 11th article of the Constitution of 1815. as well as the sth article of the Or ganic Statute, secure a special prosection to the Roman Ca tholic Church, an ukase has been published respecting mar riages, which requires that the children born of mixed unions be brought up in the Greek religion ( Art. 200), and that the Catholic spouse should sign a written obligation to that effect (Art. 201.) "The language,tlsat other living symbol of Polish nationality, shares in the same reprobation. A late ukase provides that, after 1840, every public functionary must know the Russian language, and that, previous to that period, the candidate for office acquainted therewith shall obtain the preference. The bulletins of the laws have been published since 1832 in Russian and Polish, and by a decision of 1837 the same mode of publi cation is prescribed for the Warsaw official journal. " The confiscation of Polish property still continued, in 1837, although the 159th article of the Constitution of 1 815 expressly stipulates that confiscation is abolished, and shall not, under any circumstances, be re-established.' " The memorialists then show that the recruiting, in the course of last year, Lad been carried to an extent which nearly surpassed belief. It amounted, in fact, to a complete system of depopulation, executed on a vast scale, and as most of the recruits were conveyed to the line of the Cau casus, it might be held in the light of a real transportation en maw, although the 25th article of the Constitution of 1815 stipulates, even in reference to a convict, " that he shall undergo his penalty in the kingdom, out of which lie is not to be transported." " Now," observe the petitioners—" Now we have pointed out those new acts of cruelty, and those new violations of treaties to which France was a party, can we doubt for an in stant that our cause will meet with the same sympathies and be rendered the same justice, by a new Chamber, which we are sure will not deviate from the line followed by its predecessors? The grievances of Poland, increasing with its misfortunes, will, we trust, call forth a still more energetic manifestation of sympathy from the noble representatives of the French nation." SHOCKING CASE OF PARRICIDE. The neighbourhood of Wing, near Leighton Buzzard, Buckinghamshire, has been thrown into a state of great ex citement within the last few days, by a dreadful murder com mitted upon a wealthy farmer named Adams, under such circumstances as to fix the guilt upon his own son, a lad eighteen years of age. The following are the particulars of the melancholy affair :—lt would appear that the unfortunate deceased had been living on very bad terms with his youngest son, the accused party, for a long time ; and he had been fre-. quently heard to declare that his son would no more mind shoot ing him than he would a dog. On Thursday, the day of the murder, the deceased and his son had made an arrangement to go to a cowshed upon the farm, for the purpose of dressing some sheep that were affected with the rot They were proved to have been in the cow-shed together, and about the same time the report of a gun was heard to proceed from it. In al,out a quarter of an hour the son was seen to come away from the cow-shed alone, and riding upon his father's pony. The deceased not making his appearance, alarm was excited, and a search was made for him, and upon going into the cow-shed the body of the deceased was discovered covered over with hay. The head had been literally blown to atoms. The body was removed to the Cock Inn, at Wing, and on Monday a Jury assembled before Mr. Cowley, the Coroner, when the proceedings were adjourned until Tuesday, and from what transpired it was deemed necessary that the son of the de ceased should be taken into custody. A most rigid inquiry then took place into all the circumstances of the case, and the following facts were elicited :—The medical men who exa mined the deceased were unsnimously of opinion that he had been shot from behind, and from a very shKt distance. lit the head was found a pellet, which was the exact size . of the mould used by the prisoner for making his pellets. It also appeared that on the day of the murder the prisoner went to one of his father's labourers, who had been in the habit of going to the shed after they had dressed the sheep, and told him that he must not go there on that day. The man replied that his father had told him to go and see whether the sheep were all right. The priso n e r re plied, " Never mind, I tell you you must not go there to-day." After the murder was discovered the prisoner went to the same man and said, " If I cannot get some one to swear that they saw me part from my father lam done." The man replied, " My God! you don't say so I" To which the prisoner an swered, emphatically, s." I do." When the non-appearance of the deceased caused alarm to his family, the prisoner accompanied the persons who went in search of him ; and, after looking over several portions of the premises, they went into the cow-shed, and the prisoner immediat,ly ob served that some one had been movieg the hay since he was there. This induced the parties to look under the hay, as the body was completely covered with it, and hidden from the view. When the prisoner saw the body of his father he was dreadfully excited, and exclaimed, " Oh, my poor father !" In the first instance no suspicion fell upon the pri soner, and lie was suffered to be at large as usual ; but when Parkins, the officer, to whom great credit is due for his acti vity and intelligence in the prosecution of the inquiry, found it necessary to take some steps with a vies to his apprehension he went away from his father's house. The officer had, how ever, made arrangements to prevent him from getting away, and took him into custody on Saturday. The jury were oc cupied in the investigation of the melancholy affa r until Tues day morning at nine o'clock, when they returned a verdict of " Wilful murder against the prisoner, William Adams." During the whole time the inquiry lasted the prisoner was in the house under the care of Lucas, one of the Aylesbury pobce. He evinced the utmost calmness and self-possession during the whole trying period, and did not seem to be at all affected by the awful position in which he was placed. When the result was announced to him, he declared that he was in nocent of the heinous crime alleged against him. The great est excitement prevailed in the neighbourhood during the time of the inquiry before the bench, and crowds of persons were assembled to hear the result. The deceased it is said, was of a very eccenti ie character, and it is also t umoured that lie was in the habit of conducting himself with great violence not only towards the prisoner, but also towards all his other children, eleven in number, nine gills and two boys. The unhappy lad who stands charged with taking away the life of his parent is only eighteen years of age. He has the appearance however, of being somewhat olds r. When the jury had returned the verdict, the Coroner issued his warrant fur the commitment of the prisoner, and yesterday morning he was lodged in Ayles bury gaol to await his trial at the forthcoming assizes. DUN DEE.—The Town Council having authorised the Provost to comply with a requisition sent him for a public meeting to consider the anti-reform declaration of the present Ministry, the Meeting was held in the Thistle-hall on the evening of Tuesday ; and by the time business commenced it was completely filled. Baillie Anderson was called to the Chair. The Meeting was addressed by Mr. Alexander Eason, Mr. Hunter, teacher ; Mr. Cristie, banker ; Mr. An derson, baker ; Mr. Penny, &c. ; and resolutions passed to the eff ct, " That her Majesty's Ministers , b y their avowed determination, as recently expressed by Lord John Russell, to maintain the preponderance of the landed interest in the Commons' House of Parliament, and thereby manifest their intention to roust all farther reform in the representation of the people, and to preserve the present unjust Corn Laws, by air extravagance in voting such an enormous Civil List, pensions and secret service money to her Majesty, contrary to their former declarations of economy and retrenchment, and by the violation of the constitutional rights and their coercive measures to stifle the complaints of the Canadians, have given c.mse for the withdrawal of that confidence which the British nation formerly reposed in them."—That " it is absolutely ne cessary that the votes at the election of Members of Parlia tnent he taken by Ballot — t hat the duration a Parliaments be limited to three years—and every man to have a voice in mak ing the laws he is bound to obey. That a more equal system of representation is necessary ; and that, in place of boroughs or counties (as at present), the population should be divided into equal divisions, each having its representative. That a committee be appointed to attend and watch the conduct of our public men, and the measures brought before Parliament ; and that they shall take proper means in order that the sense of the public may be taken and fully expressed thereon. And that a petition, founded on the first three resolutions, be laid before the inhabitants for signature, end presented by Mr. Joseph Hume to the' House of Commons."— Scotsman. LO NDO N NST RELS.—llenry 1., unentlowcd with the warlike spirit of his ancestors, took great dalight in listering to the songs of the minstrels. His Queen, the be nevolent Matilda, was also much attached to them, and loaded then with favours. One of them became so wealthy under her patronage, that having more money than was necessary for his own wants, he imitated the laudable example of royal mistress, and built a - priory and hospital to adorn the city of London. This was IZahere, the founder. of St. Bar tinl,nnew. Minstrels of an inferior description—half minstrel half mendicant—used to frequent the taverns and houses of resort of the poorer people. Many of them used to be found about Thames-street, which, in the first ages after the con quest, was chiefly inhabited by wine and provision sellers, and was much resorted to by dissolute company..—Hrte/tay's tor►/ of London. POWERS OF TIIE COURT OF CIIANCERY.--Ti:e Court of Ch,ucery is the highest court of judicature in the kingdom, next to the House of Lords. It is established for the purpose of moderating the severity, and rectifying the errors, of the other courts. It is essentially a court of equity. but has also the right of acting in the capacity of a court of common law, when that may be deemed expedient. It has no power, however, to try facts between parties, or to summon ti jury. When it discharges the functions of a cqurt of common law, its p-o,:eedings are said to bo ordinary ; wheu sitting as a court of equity, which it usually does, its proceedings aro said to be extraordinary. When sitting as a court of equity, of court of conscience, it proceeds by bills, answers, decrees, &c., and takes every step it thinks most likely to defeat and punish fraud, oppression, breaches of trust, and every kind of injustice. So great are its powers, that it car► compel a defendant to dis cover facts which arc against his own cause ; a power which no court of common law possesses. ,It has also the power of repealing the Sovereiga's letters patent when they are contrary to law, or grounded on unfounded suggestions. The Queen being supposed incapable of doing wrong to her subjects —m, " God bless her," she doubtless is—it assumed that she will be quite agreeable, on the representations of the Lord Chan cellor, to have her letters patent in such cases repealed. Hence the dosignafon, as applied t., the Lord Chancello►; of being the keeper of the Royal conscience.— The Bench and the Bar, by the Author (ye.' Random Recollections." - INDIAN DAINTY.—" So great was the want of provisions during the assault on the castle of San Juan, that the troops were obliged to subsist on the broth of boiled mon keys—a kind of food which Nelson often declared nothing could induce him to touch, after seeing their appearance its the copper. A lit roasted monkey is ccnsidered a dainty by the Indians of South America. Its appearance resembles a burnt child. I have, howe,er, in the course of my life eaten much worse food."—Naval Keepsake for 183 S, containing a new Life of Nelson, by the Old ROCHDALE ' FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, JAN. I.—There has been a flat market to-day in flannels. Fewer buyers have attended, which is usually the case on the Monday previous to the new market. In some cases pieces been bought for less money than last week. The wool market has been dull. There seems no desire, on the part of the manufacturer to purchase; but the last weeks prices' have maintained.—Manchester Guardian. ROCIIDALE MONTHLY CATTLE FAIR, MON DAY, JAN. I.—There has been something like an average show of cattle in the market to- day, but not FO much business done. The prices have been high ; drapes and milch cows have been most in demand. Manchester Guardian. _ STATE Of TRADE.— As might he expected from the season of the year, very little business has been doing for the last few days. There were extensive inquiries yesterday, both for goods and yarn, but at present the buyers, especially of yarn, do not seem inclined to give tie prices demanled by the holders, until they see what course the cotton market is likely to take. The stocks of yarn. especially of low num bers, are understood to ba light ; and th re is g,nerally a sound and healthy feeling in the markct.—Manchester Guardian. THE WEATHER.-otl Wednesday, while rambling in the fields, I heard a noise, as if prOceeding from a bird that was choking, making repeated attempts to sing. I dre.v nearer to it, and perceived the noise proceeding from a throstle or singing thrush. It continued its efforts nearly a quarter of an hour. This is the only instance I ever recollect of hear ing a bird attempt to sing, in our climate, during the last week in December. —Correspondent of the Preston Observer. i~