The Sun. — London, England, 1864-01-26 00:00:00

SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN, A letter from Kiel, dated Jan. 21, says :—The Saxons left us here this morning between seven and eight o'clock. There is only one railway line at Kiel, the one going southward to Altona-Hamburg. This line meets, at Neumunster junction, a short hour from this, the line which leads from Altona to Randsburg. From Rendsburg the line proceeds northward to Klosterkro, where it again splits into two branches, of which one soon ends at Schleswig, the other striking off to the westward, to Oersted, Husum, and Tonning. At Oersted another line goes northward to Flensburg, the utmost limit reached hitherto by the railway in this peninsula. All that we know hitherto is that the Saxons have gone to Neumunster ; whether from there they will con tinue their journey to Altona, or whether they will turn to yards Rendsburg, is yet matter for specula tion. It has been said that the King of Saxony had offired to the Frankfort Diet the aid of his troops to repel the Austo-Prussian invasion ; but the Com missioners at Altona have as yet no orders from the Diet, and it is quite impossible to believe that that body would give its sanction to a proposal which would lead to a civil collision between Germans on the eve of a war with a foreign foe. The probabi lities are that the troops of the Confederacy will keep out of the way of the advancing forces of the two great Powers. The Prussian vanguard was to reach Neumunster to-day, and we may expect to see some of them here to-morrow. Before the end of the month, it is expected, an imposing Austro- Prussian army will be stationed on the frontier of the Eider. The commander-in...chief of the Austro- Prussians is old Field-Marshal vou Wrangel, and General Falkenstein is the head of his staff. All is quiet enough here, but people look with no little anxiety on the possible issue of a contest to -which the Austro-Prussian interference comes to add. such an unutterable complication. The move ment thus far had been, in the eyes of the Schles wig,aolsteiners, comparatively simple and natural. 'They grounded their rights both on the principles of freedom and nationality and on those of justice and legality. For them, Prince Frederick of Au gustenburg was, by right of feudal succession, the only legitimate heir of the two Duchies. The at tempt of Denmark to denationalise the Schleswigers had filled the measure of the people's ill-will against that Power, and they deemed themselves justified in proclaiming their absolute separation from the Danish Crown, and the accession of their lawful sovereign. Mind you, Ido not by any means assert that they could be borne out is all these assure?. :,ions. I am not called upon to give an opinion as to the legality of the Prince's claims, nor as to the pure German nationality of all Schleswig, nor on the right pzocle may have, under all circumstanees, to set up national rights against long established dynastic pretensions. All I mean to say is that such were their views, and that in these views they believed they would be supported by Germany in so far as Germany may be said to be represented by the Frankfort Diet. They were in daily expectation of a recognition of their Prince on the part of that Diet, when, by establishing a Ducal Government and raising an army, they thought they could pre pare themselves to make good their Duke's rights in Schleswig no less than in Holstein. So far, what was contemplated was merely a na tional war between the Duchies and Denmark, which si;ould decide upon whom the sovereignty o S.:hies wig -Holstein should devolve. Whatever friends Denmark might be able to enlist in her cause, the Duchies felt sure of the support of all sny in a quarrel which involved, as they though;, universal German interes►s. But now the two great Powers of Prussia and Austria, making up between them much more than two thirds of the might of Germany, take the affair into their own hands, and occupy the Duchies with views not altogether friendly to Denmark, but no less at variance with those of the Frankfort Diet and of the generality of the German people. With Austria and Prussia there is no question either of nationality or of disputed succession. They are t unprepared to recognise the integrity of the a 'Monarchy ; nay, they are in a certain man rler pledged to support it ; only they think them selves entitled, r.nd even obliged, to meddle with the internal affairs of the I) finish Government, and demand the repeal of a Constitution which the King, perhaps. deemed necessary to the safety and noel'-being of his State. Again, I do not wish to sit in judgment upon the conduct of the King of Danmark. I have no pre, sumptifin to decide how far he was bound to abide tat tiie Treaty of London, how far the November Constitution violated that treaty, or how far he was induced by pressing necessity to depart from the engagements then and there entered into. My only desire is to lay the whole question open berme the reader, not from my own point of view, bat from that of these good Schleswig-Holsteiners, who con ceive they have a right to be heard, and are, they say, determined to make themselves heard at any rate. Some sympathy, they think, might be shown to the Schleswig-Holsteiners, who, after all, only claimed that right to dispose of themselves which begins to be acknowledged as common to ail the families of mankind. Some regard might be due to the sentimental, though perhaps not wholly un ambitious, aspirations of the Germans, who availed themselves of the opportunity offered by a case of what they deamed indisputable right to take the first steps towards a strenuous assertion of their nationality ; but it is utterly impossible to under stand the ground and aim of the present Austro- Prussian movement, equally indefensible, as it is hire thought, on the score of old diplomatic maxims and of modern liberal principles. Austria and Prussia invade the Duchies with an intent to recall the King of Denmark to the terms of the London Treaty. But other Powers were parties to that Treaty, and it is not said that these have commissioned the Austro-Prussians to act in their name and with their consent. Austria and Prussia, moreover, acted in 1851-2 as representa tives of the German Confederacy, and they are now pursuing a course not only not imposed upon them by the Confederacy, but in a bold and wanton opposition to its wishes. Those two Powers have, in point of fact, the whole world against them—Denmark the Dachies, the German Diet and people, and the framers of the London Treaty. It is not in a matter of international policy that they move at all ; they interfere in the internal manage ment of an independent State. The world would soon come to a pretty pass if one or two Govern ments, on the more strength of their superior armies, were to take upon themselves to decide questions of the home affairs of another Government. It is not from Berlin, and not from Vienna, that men can give sentence upon the difficulties which beset the rulers at Copenhagen, and drove them from one con stitutional experiment to another in the hope of re conciling the irreconcilable. To give a Prince the sovereignty over a people, and to prescribe the limits of the power to be exercised over them, is to attempt impossibilities. The dissensions between a Sove reign and his subjects are matter of private concern, and interference with them is as unwise as media tion in conjugal quarrels. Constitutions in behalf of a people have often been made the theme for diplomatic stipulations. The Constitution of Sicily, that of Hungary-70f Poland, &c., rested on the faith of treaties, but the violation of such compacts was in all cases effected with impunity, unless the peo ple, Nho alone were the interested parties, had power to demand their due. It well becomes Prussia, indeed, to Stand up for the people's rights, and it well incenses Austria to be a stickler for national Constitutions and the non - incorporation of provinces. It is only a pity Denmark or some other stronger state does not turn the tables upon them and take up the cause of the oppressed nationalities groaning e der their yoke. The very Schleswig-Holsteiners, w h o are bitterest in their enmity to Denmark, hat she is unfairly dealt with, and t h at P russ i a . sr a Austria have absolutely no other ground of t her than the immense preronderance aver of ter lore : However superior the forces brought against her , most people hero still ezpect that Den rk will make a stout resistance, and, if the present thaw centinues, by no means an ineffec tual resistance. Neither are people at all sure that Denmark. ;rill be left eingic-;sanded in the may b struggle, nor have they abandoned all hope that Austria and Prussia may soon find out that there is a limit even to German patience, and that the dig. nity of the Diet and of the nation is not to be out raged with impunity. The people here, in short, rely not a little on the chances of foreign interven tion and domestic revolution. Already the move• ment in the South of Germany has found powerful and daring leaders, and some of the minor Govern ments there are said to be contemplating the con vocation of a national German Parliament. Unable to cope with the might of Prussia and Austria, and to unite their votes for the choice of a powerful, able, and popular leader, the minor German Powers look up to the French Emperor as their protector, and there is no doubt that a cannon will not be fired on the Eider if that great monarch raises a little finger to forbid it. In the midst of all these doubts and perplexities the position of the proclaimed Duke of Schleswig- Holstein and that of his Government will not be materially altered. The Austro-Prussians, at least, have engaged to interfere with none of the present arrangements of this Duchy. I have already stated my opinion that Prince Frederick of Augustenburg, after giving a proof of excessive daring in coming to this place at first, condemned himself and his people to inaction from no perceptible reason at all, unless it was a natural lack of energy and enterprise, or a somewhat inopportune regard for legality, or, again, deference to the King of Prussia, by whose favour the Prince is said to set great store. It is questionable whether the advance of the Austro- Prussians will inspire with good courage and resolu tion people who have as yet shown bat little of it. They still hope that the Frankfort Diet may now be induced to recognise the Duke, in which case the organisation of the army will be immediately pro ceeded with. They complain of the great difficulty, not to say utter impossibility, of finding arms at any price. Some of their best friends,:however, are sure that they could have had not only arms, but officers and materiel, and even whole corps and armies, from some of the minor German Princes, who were ready to go to all extremities for the Duke if he would only bestir himself, and act with readiness and decision. Bade; Coburg, Brunswick, and others, I know, were among the most earnest and pressing in offers of that nature. The expected advance of the Atiatro-Prussians is looked upon as a national calamity by the people of Kiel, who have taken down all their flags in sign of monrning. A very cold reception awaits the troops to-morrow. Upon the abandonment of the line of the Eider Canal by the Saxons and Hanoverians, the frontier will be guarded to-night by youthful volunteers from this city, who have been mustering up into battalions of national guards for the pur pose. The Eider Canal, as I before told you, runs at the distance of only three or four miles from Kid, and the Danes, who are on the north bank of the canal, could carry the town by a coup de main were it left altogether unprotected. P.S.—The Saxons and Hanoverians are concen trating at Hohenwestedt, between Rendsbnrg and itzehoe. Mr. Doulton and his Constituents. Last night Mr. F. Doultou, M.P. for the borough of Lambeth, addressed a meeting of his constituents at the Horns Tavern, Kennington. Mr. Freeman, of Camber well, occupied the chair. Mr. DOULTON, 1t1.P., commenced his address by thank ins the electors and non-electors for attending in such a large number. In the present day it was gratifying to find that there was so numerous an assemblage to discuss purely political questions. He was not one of those who believed that the last session of Parliament was either useless or un profitable. (Hear.) If he thought that, he should be ashamed to hold his present honourable position. He thought the past session would compare favourably with any of the previous Parliaments. Ho should say that the results of the last session were both positive and negative. Good measures were passed, and bad ones rejected; and it was something to reject mischievous measures, whether they were introduced by the Government or by private members. (Hear, hear.) There were many results of a negative character—the proposition respecting the pur chase of the Exhibition building—(hear, hear)—and he considered that this was a decided triumph, especially when they recollected that the motion was backed up by " Court influence." It was one of the most important votes given during the session. It showed that there was an honest and independent party in the House of Com mons. (Applause.) There was another negative result, viz., the Churchward contract. (Hoar, hear.) He gave the bill introduced by Mr, Somes the best consideration in his power, and felt bound to oppose it, (Hear.) Although he differed in this vote from the opinion of some of his friends, he acted according to the dictates of his censcience. He took it that the budget which was brought forward by the Chancellor of the Exchequer was of a character which of itself was sufficient to redeem the session from the charge of being unprofitable or useless. The passing of that budget was a step in the right direction, and such a step had not been taken for the last 30 or 40 years. It was a reduction in taxation. (Applause.) It assisted the working classes by the reduction upon tea, and was specially acceptable to the middling classes by the reduction of the income tax. In 1835 the expenditure was £44,900,000; and in 1862, £73,210,000 ; therefore it was time that some check was given to the increase in expenditure. (Hear, hear.) But al though this increase from £14,900,000 to £73,210,000 was a very large one, they must not fancy that, because the ex penditure had increased, they were, to use a vulgar expres sion, "going to the dogs." They must bear in mind that, although the expenditure had increased from £44,000,000 in 1835 to £73,000,000 in 1862, yet the material prosperity of the country had increased in a still further ratio. (Hoar, hear.) For while in 1835 the total value of their exports and imports was £106,000,000, in 1862 they had positively in creased to no less a sum than £394,000,000. (Applause.) It must be understood, however, that he did not quote these figures in justification of a large expenditure—(hear, hear) — but because when they considered a question of this charac ter it was well they should bear in mind the actual position of the country. It was evident, then, that though they had so large an expenditure, they were better able to pay the £73,000,000 in 1862 than they were the £44,000,000 in 1835. In referring to domestic questions Mr.Doul ton said the House of Commons had twice affirmed the principle that the taxa tion on fire insurance ought to be abolished. He took it that this was a very important matter; and unless he misunder stood the character of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he would recollect the House of Commons had twice condemned the taxation upon fire insurance when he had next to pro pose a diminution of the burdens of the people. (Cheers.) He approved of the strict observance of neutrality which England had adopted with reference to the American war. The House of Commons had also had brought before them church rates, the ballot, the burial bill, and such like ques tions. It had occurred to him whether it was wise to bring these questions periodically before the attention of the House of Commons. After Parliament had more than once or twice given its opinion on questions of that sort, it was best that they should allow them to rest—(no, no, and hear, hear)—until another opportunity was afforded the people of expressing their opinion with reference to them. No one could doubt, however, his conviction as to what ought to be the settlement of the church-rate difficulty. Was any one sanguine enough to suppose that they were to have a Reform Bill during the present Parliament ? (Laughter, No, and Hear, hear.) In 1860 the Queen from her throne commended the desirability of passing a bill which should place the representation of the people upon a broader and firmer basis. He little thought then that the way the House of Commons would respect that sentiment would be by scorn and derision whenever the word " re form" was uttered. Yet so it was. No one could rise in the House of Commons and propose a measure directly or indi rectly leading to the question of reform, but it excited the contempt and derision of the House of Commons. And the contempt and derision came not alone from those who re presented the exclusive interests—not from those alone who owed their position in that house to territorial or ducal influence—but that contempt came most keenly from those who were supposed essentially to be the representatives of the middle classes of this country. That was a fact which no one could fail to observe who watched the movements of the House of Commons with reference to this mat ter. What was the history, the miserable history, of this question during the past few years ? How came the present Government into power ? Why, upon the ques tion of reform. It was they who ejected the Government of Lord Derby, because the Reform Bill ho proposed was not wide enough for the wide sympathies of Lord John Russell. He would remind them of the resolution which Lord John Russell proposed when he ejected Lord Derby from power : —" That it is neither just nor politic to interfere in the manner proposed in this bill with the freehold franchise as hitherto exercised in the counties of England and Wales, and that no readjustment of the franchise will satisfy this house or the country which does not provide for a greater extension of the suffrage in cities and boroughs than is con templated in the present measure." (Hear, hear.) That was the resolution upon which Lord Derby's Government was ' cxelnled from power. Ho was ono of those who sincerely regretted that the Hence of Commons did not accept the bill, as he considered that it was a step in the right direc• lien. (Ikar, hear,) Although the present Government came into power upon the resolution of Lord John Russell, the bill which they themselves introduced was talked out of the house. (Hear.) The Government did not adopt the course which they ought under the circumstances, "not because they loved reform less, but because they loved their places more." (Cheers and laughter.) And so it came to pass that they were now further off from reform than they were four THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 26, 1864. or five years ago: If they did not have some intimation, upon the assembling of Parliament, that Government pro posed to introduce soma measure of reform, he said, God give us a speedy time when the present Government shall be removed from office." (Laughter.) The present Par liament had lived long enough; and although it had done good, he did not think that it would do very much more. He was quite sure that the longer their life was pro longed, the mero likely were they to undo the little good they had accomplished. If there was to be a dissolution, he trusted that it would not be upon the cry of "Palmer ston or Derby." It was humiliating to send members to Parliament upon such issues as that. He believed that during the next two or three months a resolution would be submitted by a member of position which would test the opinions of members of the House of Commns upon this question, and give an opportunity to the constituencies of seeing the views of their representatives upon it. He re• gretted the government had not given direct intimation of their intentions respecting the treaty of 1862 as regarded the Schleswig-Holstein difficulty. It would do far more than anything else to check an outbreak respecting that treaty. If they were to have a war let it be for a holier cause. If the sword was to be unsheathed, it appeared to him that there was a more honourable field in Poland. (Ap plause.) He thought that Austria possessed a fatal and un accountable influence over the minds of persons occupying important positions in this country, and that the reforms for which Austria was given credit for did not exist. It was necessary for the welfare of Italy that the hireling soldiers of France should not comtinue to occupy Rome, and that Austria should give up Venice, He felt utterly ashamed of the course which we as a nation had taken with respect to Poland. It would have been better to have kept our sym pathies to ourselves than to have led the Poles on with delusive hopes. He would have advised the sanction of the English Government to the proposed Congress, as it might have done a great deal of good, and could not have done a great deal of harm. Next session one of the earliest and most important matters which would engage the attention of the House of Commons would be the present position of the criminal laws. (Great cheering.) During the past few weeks public attention had been considerably excited by th. cases of Townley and Wright, (Hear, hear.) He uttered no word of regret that the life of one had been spared, but if there ever was a premeditated diabolical crime committed in which a man deserved the full punishment of the law, it was in the case of Townley. (Continued cheering.) Had Wright justified his crime by blasphemy, and athe ism—if he had had friends rich enough—(Hear)—to have paid for the opinions of medical men, and friends in fluential enough to have obtained the opinions of sapient justices of the peace, then possibly the case might have been reversed. (Oh, and hisses.) The pardon of Townley and the execution of Wright might have been within the " strict letter of the law," as Sir G. Grey said, but that did not alter the fact that the friends of one used something like the aid off gold, and that the other was judicially murdered. (Great cheering.) He hoped that Wright's death would not be unproductive, but would lead to a change in the law and the establishment of a court of appeal. (Cheers.) In answer to questions, Mr. DOULTON said that he would vote for a bill for the abolition of capital punishment, and also for an improve ment in the lunacy laws. He would support a measure which was for the welfare of Poland. The following resolution was carried by acclamation, and the meeting terminated with a vote of thanks to the chair. man—" That this meeting tenders its thanks to Frederick Doulton, Esq., M.P., for his able review of the past session of Parliament and the present aspect of public affairs, and is of opinion that he is eminently entitled to the continued con fidence of the electors of Lambeth." which would hang them all up for the present, and after due inquiry report which of them, if any, VioUld, if adopted, be likely to preVe most beneficial to the public. (Hear, hear.) As to p►rliamentary reform, as all parties professed to be in favour of it, there must be a sham somewhere, seeing that netting was done ; and he was not sure that there was not more or less of sham among those classes who would most benefit by reform. if the people wanted reform they must agitate for it. They could not expect his col league and himself, and others in the same position, and holding the same views, to have any weight in the House of Commons unless they were properly backed out of doors. (Hear, hear.) As to retrenchment, it might be said that if European affairs remained in anything like their present position, there would be greater difficulty in carrying out such an object; but he believed that retrench ment might be effected to a very great extent without impairing in one iota either of the services, or lessening in the slightest degree the power of England. (Hear, hear.) A word here in reference to courts-martial—a subject which had of late occupied so much public attention. In this country when a man had been tried and acquitted he had very properly the benefit of his acquittal, but there was a general impression, he belived, in the public mind that the present system of trial by court-martial was not a sound, a safe, or a cheap one, and that the ends of justice had not been attained in the case of the Lilleys. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He thought it was due to a noble service, ever ready to defend the country, that that system should be altered, and he had no doubt that in the approaching session some attempt would be made to alter it. (Cheers.) Another question which had latterly engaged public attention was the present mode of dealing with condemned criminals. (Hear.) It must be clear to the mind of every man who had watched the Townley case that the law ought not to remain in its present state. (Loud cheers.) The Secretary of State for the Home Department, be he who he might, ought not to remain in his present position as respected condemned criminals. (Hear, hear.) With regard to that unfortunate man who was recently sent within a few days after the crime which he committed—he might almost say without trialr-before his Maker to be judged, he must say that any thing more horrifying then that case was not only never witnessed, but had never been read by him at least in fiction. (Hear, hear.) That was, he knew, a delicate subject to deal with; it was difficult to deal with it without seeming to place one's finger on the ermine, or saying something that might be misinterpreted. The question must come be fore Parliament : the fact that the criminal belonged to the humbler classes made it necessary that some explanation should be given by the Government on that awful and horrible subject. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord then alluded in congratulatory terms to the recent royal birth, and ex pressed a hope that the auspicious event would prove an alleviation of the sorrow of her Majesty,concluding with the following words from an old Saxon ballad as in his opinion appropriate to such an occasion : " Let us ring ' God save the King' From every church and steeple, Yet while we ring ' God save the King' We'll not forget the people." —(Loud cheers.) Mr. HARVEY LEWIS commenced by alluding to the bills of the last session, of which he said 128 were public and 258 private, and with regard to some of which the members for that boroagh were constantly receiving important commu nications. After justifying his opposition to the proposal for purchasing the Exhibition building, and the Poor Re moval Bill, and Lord Raynham's Casual Poor Bill, be re ferred to the Metropolitan Turnpike Abolition Act. That act, he said, provided for the abolition of 25 toll-gates and 56 side bars on the north side of the Thames, and relieved 51 miles of road ; and he succeeded in introducing a clause which compelled the commissioners of roads to deliver them up in a good state of repair. He also got a clause introduced into the Telegraphs Bill which would prevent the roads from being torn up without the consent of the vestries. As re garded mtropolitan railways he did not see why the inhabi tants of Tottenham •court-road and Oxford-street should be injnred for two or three years in order that a person on arriving from the country at King's-cross might proceed thence by underground railway to the South Western or some other terminus. (Cheers.) As regarded the measures of the coming session, he strongly advocated a reduction of the insurance duty from 3s. to Is., and expressed his belief that the public revenue would with such a reduction soon be recouped. He hoped that the sugar duties would also undergo a reduction. He approved of the course pursued by the Government with respect to the proposed congress, while in relation to Poland he thought it would have been much better if the Government had not interfered, and thus caused Russia to tell them, in effect, to mind their own business. The recall of such a valuable public servant as Sir James Hudson he thought required explanation. He (Nlr. Harvey Lewis) approved of the cession of the lonian Islands. (A Voice, " What about Kagosima ?") On that subject he thought whit had occurred was much to be re gretted ; but if it should turn out that the British fleet was first fired upon, the case would be very much altered. It should be recollected that England was a great trading country, and that her trade depended for its prosperity on the enterprise of her sons; and if the pioneers of her com merce were not protected against murder, whether from a civilised or a barbarous people, England's greatness would be gone. (Cheers.) Prcceeding to the Danish question, the hon. gentleman said he thought it depended very much on article 3 of the treaty of 1852, which was as follows : " It is expressly understood that the rights and obligation' of his Majesty the King of Denmark and of the Germanic Confederation concerning the Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg—rights Ind obligations established by the Federal Act of 1815, shall not be affected by the present treaty." From that :t would appear that the present King of Denmark was bound to perform what devolved upon him as a member of the Germanic Confederation. He (Mr. Harvey Lewis) would not, however, express any opinion on the subject, except to say that he thought the whole matter had better be referred to the metaphysical schools of Germany and left there for 50 years to come. (Laughter.) As regarded the American war, he agreed with his colleague that it was their duty as a nation to preserve a strict neu trality. On this subject there was one little grain of cora , fort, and only one—namely, that let the war terminate how it might, slavery must be at once and for ever abolished. (Cheers.) In his concluding remarks the hon. gentleman alluded, as his colleague had done, to the recent birth of a prince, and said ho hoped one result of it would be that her Majesty would throw off the deep gloom which had affected her, and once more come amongst her subjects, who were all ready to receive her with loyal arms, and to give her that hearty welcome she so well deserved. (Great cheering.) Mr. COLLINS, after speaking of the injustice inflicted at present on many London tradesmen by metropolitan rail way bills, on account of the inadequacy of the law as re gards compensation, inquired whether Lord Fermoy and Mr. Harvey Lewis were prepared to do what they could to remedy that defect ? Lord FERMOY replied that he would give all the support in his power to an alteration of the Lands Clauses Consoli dation Act which would have a tendency to cause a more just appreciation of the property damaged , whether in busi ness or any ether way, by the carrying of railways through the metropolis. Mr. HARVEY LEWIS gava a similar reply. On the motion of Mr. COLLINS, a resolution was unanimously passed by whi ch the meetin g declared itself fully satisfied with the parliam entar y con duct of their two members. secon ded by Mr. FARRER, who caused the mischief did not intend anything serious, and that she was evidently sincerely sorry for her folly. No doubt this case would act as a warning to young persons, and in that way do a public good. The jury returned a verdict of—Death from obscure disease of the brain and hysteria, accelerated by a fright, and that the said death was caused by misfortune. Lord Fermoy and Mr. Harvey Lewis.', Yesterday evening Lord Fermoy, M.P., and Mr. Har vey Lewis, M.P., met a large number of their constituents at the Vestry-hall, St. Pancras, to deliver addresses having reference to the measures of the last and approaching ses sions. The chair was taken by Mr. W. Douglas, who, in a brief introductory speech, referred to the question of metro politan railway schemes as one in which the borough of Marylebone is most deeply interested, and on which it re quired the best assistance of its representatives in Parlia ment. Lord FERMO Y, who was received with cheers, after observ ing that he and his cDlleague addressed their constituents at the end of last session, and then met with an approval of their conduct, said they were now on the eve of a session which was doubtless fraught with events of the greatest importance, both in a political and in a metropolitan point of view, As regarded political matters, the question which pressed most on the public mind at present was the state of the foreign relations of this country. (Hear, hear.) They all knew how serious a step it was for a country to embark in war; and suffering as they were from the folly of their ancestors in that respect, the English people would wisely hesitate to urge the Government to take any step tending in that direction. (Cheers.) He had himself always been im pressed with the importance of the principle of neutrality or non-intervention, and he believed that a more prudent po licy was never adopted by any ministry than that of Lord Palmerston and his colleagues in relation to the American question. (Cheers,) Every day showed the wisdom of that policy. It was now manifest that by interfering in any way in the disturbed affairs of America, this country, in stead of making things better, would have made them worse. (Hear, hear.) Moreover, how different would have been its position, if now that it was obliged to pre pare for war in the East, it had been carrying on war in the West. He had therefore felt it his duty to support the Government in resisting the pressure to interfere in American affairs. He also thought they were right in carry ing out in its integrity tke Foreign Enlistment Act, and preventing the steam rams from leaving Liverpool. (Cheers.) It would, indeed, have been a mock neutrality, a sham non intervention to allow any nation to fit oat vessels of war to be used against another nation with which this country professed to bo on terms of amity. Whilst he would apply the principle of neutrality and non-intervention to the East as well as the West, he could not look at the present state of affairs in Europe without great doubt and apprehension. It was the fashion nowadays, in speaking of the Sleswig- Holstein question, to say that there was something difficult and mysterious about it. He was-mot going to inflict a lec ture upon them, but the question seemed to him a very simple one. In 1852 Russia, Prussia, Austria, France, and England, and, as far as their opinions could be ascertained, all the other pos%ers of Europe, thought it for the interest of Europe and of the world that Denmark should hold a thoroughly independent position, and, acting on that prin ciple, those countries agreed to a treaty guaranteeing to Denmark a free and independent position. In the course of events parties interested in the Germanic Confederation had thought fit to take advantage of opportunity for endeavour ing to impair the independence of Denmark. He did not want to go into the question of morganatic marriages, or any of those questions which lawyers were so agreeable to discuss, especially when paid for doing it. (Laughter.) The question, as between nation and nation, was whether it was for the safety and advantage of Europe that Denmark should be free and independent. (Hear.) It appeared that some of the contracting parties to the treaty had changed their minds—that Austria and Prussia (he put aside the small German principalities) were now impressed with the value and importance of what they termed the principle of nationality. If either of those Powers saw so much value in the principle of nationality they might apply it at home. (Cheers.) If Austria believed in its value, what was she going to do for Venetia? (Hear.) What was she going to do for Hungary, or for Galicia ? (Hear, hear.) If Prussia believed in it what would she do with Posen, or would she drop from her iron claw that portion of Poland which she now gripes ? (Hoar, hear.) What, moreover, had she to say with regard to her Rhenish provinces ? If the principle was to be applied to Denmark, why should it not be to the other nations who were so anxious to apply it to her ? (Hear, hear.) With regard to their interest in this question, he was not, as they saw by his opening sen- tence on this subject, one of those who were anxious to meddle in other people's business ; but Denmark had claims upon them for sympathy, at all events, and for advocacy. Denmark was an ancient ally of England ; she was, like this country, a maritime State, more powerful by Boa than by land, and she was in proportion to her means a good cus•• tomer for British manufactures ; and England being a party to the treaty of 1852 was bound, in his opinion, to do what she could—he meant diplomatically—to see faithfully ful filled the treaty to which she had placed her signature. As regarded the other States who were contracting parties to the treaty, he thought the majority of them would see fit to unite with England in remonstrating with the Germanic Confederation as to their present conduct : and he trusted that the matter would end in that way, without war. But upon Austria and Prussia now lay a heavy responsibility for the step which they were taking. (Hear, hear.) They were intervening ; the tramp of armed men was now re sounding over Europe at their dictation, and by their com mand; and upon them, he repeated, rested the responsi bility of such conduct. Let a shot once be fired in anger, whether on one side of the river or the other, let the sword bo once drawn in the present quarrel, and no man present could forsee the end of the war which would thus have been commenced. (Hear.) At all events they might rest assured that the two States whose coaduct led to it would be, as they ought to be, the first to suffer for the step which they had taken. (Loud chters.) If Denmark were dis membered, he would not give a fig for the chance of the Austrian empire holding together ; and less still would he give for the present position of the King of Prussia, who, having a quarrel on constitutional grounds to settle with his own people, wou'al probably rather enter on a foreign war than yield what was justly due to his own subjects. (Cheers.) In the present serious aspect of European politics it was most gratifying to him, as he thought it must be also to the nation, that there was at the head of aff ars a statesman of such great experience, particularly in foreign affairs—one who united with the wisdom of years the vigour of youth in his heart—(cheers)—and who had never been accused by his bitterest enemy of forgetting for one moment the interests of his country. (Renewed cheers.) He would now proceed to say a few words with regard to affairs at home. With respect to the invasion of the metropolis by railway companies, the noble lord observed that there were about 32 schemes to be brought before Parliament. It would puzzle even the wisdom of Parliament to make a proper se lection, and in his opinion the best course which the Go • vernment could pursue was to appoint a royal commission MURDER IN CAVAN, A brutal murder was committed on Saturday morning at a place called Kilnacola, near Grouse hall, within seven miles of Cavan, and the particu lars of which are as follows :—lt appears that about 13 years ago a lad named Bernard Cagley lived with a farmer named Peter Reilly, and while in his employment an ass (Reilly's property) wounded his hand i❑ such a manner that amputation was necessary. Cagley after this accident suddenly dis- appeared. On Friday a stranger entered Reilly's house and asked him if he knew him, and upon his being an swered in the negative, he reminded him of the accident, and stated that he was Cagley% Reilly invited him to remain all night with his family, and, after partaking of supper, they all retired to rest, Cagley going to sleep with Reilly's ser vant boy in a loft over the kitchen. About two o'clock in the morning Mrs. Reilly, hearing a noise in the loft, called to the servant boy to be cautious in coming down, as the entrance was dan gerous, whereupon she was answered from the kitchen by Cagley, that he had seen a light outside the house and could not sleep. Upon Reilly going up to Cagley to see what was wrong with him he stabbed him in the kidney with a knife. Reilly shouted, " I am killed!" and shortly after wards ex pired. Upon hearing the shout of her husband, Mrs. Reilly ran up, when Cagley also stabbed her in the abdomen. She seized a cleaver and made a blow at him, whereupon he walked out of the house, dressed in his shirt and trousers, went to the Virginia Police-station five miles distant, and surrendered himself. From the nature of the injuries inflicted upon Mrs. Reilly it is not likely that she can survive. ADDITIONAL PARTICULARS. CAVAN, Sunday. In the hurry of forwarding my deepatch last night I forgot to mention that immediately after the mur der, the alarm having been given to the Grousehall constabulary, they started of in pursuit of the mur. derer in different directipns, and two of the party were very close to him (just within hearing) when he entered the barracks and surrendered himself. At an early hour David Patton, Esq., county in spector, Caven, and J. P. Perrin, E,q.,R.M., accom panied by a large force of constabulary, were at the place, and took the dying deposition of Mrs. Reilly, and made arrangements for carrying out the ends of justice. An inquest has been held before Jotin MTadden, Esq., coroner, when a verdict of wilful murder was returned against Cagley, who arrived in Cavan gaol about seven o'clock last night. Upon entering the prison he was at once recognised by G. R. Gallogly, Esq., the governor, as a ticket of-leave convict, which he acknowledged. He stated that he had received his liberty on the 9th inst. To the police who escorted him he said that before his trial he would either go insane or destroy him self. Various causes are assigned for the perpetra tion of this foul murder ; some think his object was revenge for the loss of his hand, while others are of opinion that his object was robbery, for Reilly was supposed to have had a large sum of money, and to have kept it in his house. The Alleged. Manslaughter by Soldiers a' Woolwich. Yesterday Mr, C. S. Certtar, coroner for Kent, resumed et the Queen Victoria Tavern, Wellington street, Woolwich, the inquiry into the circumstances of the death of George Harrison, aged 32. The evidence taken on the previous occasion went to prove that the deceased, who had been himself formerly in the army, was on the evening of the 2d instant in company with several privates of the Royal Artillery, in a room in the New Gun Tavern, Woolwich. Same gambling was going on, and de ceased won half-a-crown at cards from a private of the 13ih brigade of Artillery, of the name of James Maguire. Ho then rose up to leave the room, when Maguire got irritated, and said, " Will you not give me a chance to win my money back P'' Harrison said he would not, and that he would leave to go home. Both men had been drinking ale, but neither was drunk. Maguire said, "If 3ou will neither play nor give me 'meek my money, I will knock it out of you." As deceased still refused, Maguire struck him violently on the face, but the noise being heard the landlord and others ran into the room and restored order. Tho landlord had no sooner left, however, than Maguire and another artilleryman seized Harrison by the legs and held him up in the air, with his head towards the ground, and shook him until some money fell out of his pockets. Blood flowed from deceased's nose and cheeks, and he said that he had been kicked in the head. When the money fell from his pockets it was picked up by some person in the room, and it is said that he lost more than the half-crown. Deceased went away severely injured, and complaining of his loss. He died on the 10th inst. from the injuries to his head, which the sur geon who attended him said had been caused by a kick or a severe blow on the eye. Maguire was ap prehended for causing his death, and the whole bri gade, 1,500 strong, was paraded for the purpose of identifying the other man engaged in the affair, but none of the witnesses could identify him. Military Policetiian Push steted that when he was asked by the landlord to go upstairs to quell the disturbance upon its first outbreak, he saw Ma guire and Harrison near one another, as if they had been struggling, but he did not then notice any third person mixed up in the affair. The room was full of soldiers and others, but witness not being on duty could do no more than seize the cards and leave. Maguire had a pass to be out that night. The Coroner's officer said he understood that a man named Murphy alleged that the deceased had taken laudanum the night before hie death. This statement created a considerable sensation in court. The Coroner said though it might possibly be true that the deceased had taken laudanum prior to his death, the evidence of Dr. Harris was clear that the death resulted from the effects of violence. The Coroner's Officer said the man who made the allegation about the laudanum was not present as he promised to be. Inquiries had been made, and so far as could be ascertained the deceased only took a small quantity of laudanum—tea drops—to ease his sufferings. The Coroner asked whether there was any evi dence as to who the other soldiers engaged in the affair were. Constable Pickles said that the colonel had paraded the whole brigade of artillery to give an opportunity to the police to procure their identifica tion, but the witnesses did not recognise any eine of them. There appeared to be no prospect of any evi dence upon that point. It appeared that the deceased man had served in the Crimea, and had received two Crimean medals. He was discharged from the service about 18 months ago on account of weakness in the legs, but ho bore an excellent character while in the army. It was also stated that there had been no cheating or card-sharp ing on the night that he won Maguire's money. Police-constabie Pickles said that the chemist from whom the laudanum was bought stated that he only sold 10 drops, which was insufficient to cause death. The Coroner then summed up, and said that it vas clearly proved that deceased had lost his life through the violence inflicted on him by the soldiers on the night of the 2d inst. The case was not one of mur der, as there was obviously no intention to kill de ceaeed, hut there was no doubt that it was one of manslaughter. '1 he jury returned a verdict of " Manslaughter against James Maguire and a man unknown, for killing and slaying George Harrison." The Coroner then handed his warrant to Inspec tor Linnel for the prisoner's detention in Newgate until his trial at the ensuing sessions of the Central Criminal Court. APPREHENSION OF THE SECOND:OFFENDER. Shortly after the inquest information was received at the police station to the effect that circumstances had arisen which led to the belief that the second offender had been since the occurrence, and was still, an inmate of the Royal Artillery Hospital. This was scarcely believed to 'Se probable, inasmuch that it had been reported to the police authorities that the soldier implicated with Maguire had been an inmate of the hospital, which he left and immediately deserted from the regiment to avoid the charge hanging over him. The accused party was, however, immediately recognised by the witnesses in the case, and being perfectly convalescent was apprehended, and with the prisoner Maguire placed at the bar of the Woclwieli Police-court before Mr. Traill, charged with the manslaughter of Harrison. The same evidence was given as at the previous examination of Maguire at the police-court, and the depositions of the several witnesses having been formally taken, both prisoners were fully committed for trial at the Old Bailey Session. DEATH FROM FRIGHT. --- Yesterday morning Mr. H. R. Walthew, deputy coroner, held an inquest at the White Hart Tavern, Kingsland road, touching the death of a young woman named Priscilla May, aged 19 years, who lost her life through the practical joke of a servant, in diessing up as a ghost. Mr. R. May, a tradesman carrying on business at 145, Kingsland-road, said that deceased, his daughter, was a dressmaker. She was in perfect health when, about four months ago, she went to Mr. Blyth's house in Hyde-park gardens to do some work. She returned three days after wards looking seriously affected in health. She could hardly breathe. Her nostrils were greatly distended, and were plugged. She said that she had been terribly frightened the night before. As she was going upstairs, she stated, with the governess and the servant, past the 'bath-room, the door of the latter was seen to be open. She asked the servant to close the door, and the latter was going to do so, when something all in white threw the door wide open, and appeared from the darkness. She said that she in stantly fell back screaming into the arms of the governess. Blood gushed from her nostrils, and she was carried down stairs insensible. A doctor was sent for, and the servants remained up with her all night. It appeared that the ap parition was a servant, who dressed herself all in white as a practical joke. Deceased never recovered from the shock. She lost her appetite and her mind became affected. She gradually sank, and died on the 19th inst. Sophia Sturgeon said that she was a servant in the em ploy of a gentleman residing at 30, Upper Hyde-park gardens, Bayswater. On the night in question witness was preceding Miss Clarke, the governess, and the deceased up stairs, when she heard a supernatural " scream to imitate a ghost." Deceased gave a scream, like a laugh, and fell. Witness believed she fell upon the stairs. Deceased had bean bleeding from the nose during the day. A doctor was sent for. Witness said that Emma Frisbey, the nursery govverness, came to the door of the bath •room in her white night-dress as a joke. Witness would swear none of the other servants were in the secret. Emma Frisby, nursery governess, said that she made her appearance in white merely to frighten the person going up stairs. The other servants knew nothing of her intention. She told deceased that she was very sorry that she had so seriously frightened her, the whole affair being a frolic "out of her own head." Mr. Waller said, from what he could ascertain, the ghost was not pre-arranc;ed by the other servants. Mr. A. Catterwood, surgeon, said that he was called in to deceased, and found her suffering from loss of blood from nausea, sleeplessness, and want of appetite. Latterly she became affected in her mind. She would not look at witness or answer when spoken to. He believed she died from an obscure affection of the brain conjoined with hysteria. Her death was decidedly accelerated by the fright. The Coroner said that the act of dressing up as a ghost was very foolish, and very dangerous. It several cases it produced idiotcy, and in the present instance it caused death. It was but right to consider, however, that the young woman SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, TIMES.—In refusing to suspend their operations against Schleswig the Prussian and Austrian Go vernments have chosen a part which will excite more regret than surprise in Europe. If it be now likely that blood will be shed, in spite of the con cessions of Denmark and the remonstrances of neu tral States, it must be remembered that the two leading Powers of Germany have gone so far, and compromised themselves so much in the quarrel, that they may naturally think themselves bound to make some display in the presence of the nation they profess to lead, and the enemy which is pre paring to oppose them. The Governments of Berlin and Vienna have in their late acts mortified ex- ceedingly the pride of the minor States by over riding their schemes, and they have also fallen in favour with the German nation generally by the slighting way in which they have received the adverse vote of the Federal Diet. The temper in which the acts of the two Governments are received by their subjects may be judged by the proceedings in their respective Legislatures. The Chamber of Deputies at Vienna is the scene of a discussion directlf censuring the Emperor's policy. A considerable number of the most importan, members, we are told, support a resolution to the effect that the Chamber cannot consider the measures taken by the Government in reference to Schleswig as in conformity with the general interests of Austria, or as calculated to insure peace in Europe. The Chamber will, therefore—so runs the resolu tion—be compelled to decline any responsibility for the consequences which may follow the acts of the Government. Still more important news arrives from Berlin. The Chamber of Deputies ordered the Committee on the Budget to report on the vote on the Budget given by the Upper House. The Com mittee made its report, and proposed that the vote of the Upper House should be declared null and void. The Chamber of Deputies adopted the report, and Count Eulenburg at once read a Royal Mes sage, stating that the Diet would be closed yester day by the President of the Council. Such is the position of the two Governments towards their awn subjects; such are the obstacles to any fair and temperate policy which the chief German Sove reigns have to encounter. It is hardly, then, a mat ter for surprise that they have not been able to yield to their own better Judgment, and refrain from threatening an act of war against the Danish Crown. They have been urged on by the loudest and most general clamour that has ever proceeded from a European nation in our time. The two Sove reigns, though of a firmness which reaches to obsti nacy, and though served by Ministers who value princely favour more than popular applause, are un able to have their own way, even when they are, for once in their lives, supported by the opinion of neighbouring nations, and are only acting in ac cordance with the le quests of allied Governments. But if the conduct of the two Governments be intel ligible, and, to a certain degree, excusable, the con sequences are not the less likely to be lamentable. The Danish Government, which has carried conces sion to a point that has offended its own people almost as much as the Prussian and Austrian Courts have offended the enthusiasm of their own country, is now threatened with an immediate attack. It, yielded the Patent of the 30. h of March ; the answer to this was the revolution of Holstein. It yielded the Constitution of November, merely asking a delay sufficient to perform a public national act in a con stitutional manner; and the answer is that not an hour will be given. In such a ctse there is but one course for the King to take. His honour, his Crown, probably his personal safety depend on his making the bravest possible resistance to an unrighteous in vasion. Atter having given up so much, he end his subjects find that the Germans are so bent on wrest ing both Duchies from them that concession rather disappoints them than otherwise. The consequences may be tatal to the peace of Europe. Tne Prusso- Austrians declare they will not delay the seizure of Schleswig ; the King, acting at the direct request of the Rigsraad, declares that the province shall be defended. We must, then, prepare for an obsti nate contest as soon as the invaders pass the Eider. This event is the more to be deplored as there was a general expectation till within the last twenty-four hours that peace might be preserved. The Cabinet met on Saturday, and it was then, we believe, a subject of congratu:ation that the labours of the British Government were likely to be crowned with success. Denmark had done all that Lord Wode house recommended during his mission, and had offered to confirm it in the most solemn manner by a Legislative vote. Our Government, which, to satisfy the utmost demands of the two German States, had advised the withdrawal of that part of the Con stitution which relates to Schleswig, had apparent reason to believe that Prussia and Austria would be content with the exaction of all they ever asked and more than they had any right to expect after the proceedings of the Prince of Augustenburg. But events have proved that the two Powers are not yet strong enough to be just. They have, in spite, we believe, of the opinion of all the parties to the Treaty of 1852, determined upon entering a province with which they have no concern, except such as is based on a vague claim of protection. They , have announced that no concession, however com plete, will prevent them from doing an act which has been solemnly condemned by Europe—the sei zure of territory as a material guarantee for the ful filment of alleged stipulations. This was the fault of Russia in 1853, and the unanimity with which the Czar's conduct was reprobated should be a warning to the Powers which are now following in his steps. Neither of the two can gain anything by letting loose again the spirit of war in Europe. As for Austria, she is beset with enemies. Italy with 200,000 men is ever ready to fly at the Venetian province. Hungary still gives from time to time a convul sive heave, which shows that the national life is not yet extinct. Does the Emperor of Austria want any more foes? Does he wish to give an opportunity to ambitious rivals, and to alienate the few friends he has left ? If so, let him show himself to the world as sending his many-nationed regi ments half across Europe to attack a little kingdom on the ground of violated nationality. In doing this he will have deserted completely the Conservative policy and the strictness in upholding existing rights:which are traditional with his house. Prussia, too, may well consider before she raises such dis cussions as will follow an attack on the Danish army. If that army only defends its positions with the courage and skill which it has displayed on former occasions, the position of the invaders will be most invidious. Sympathy for a nation strug gling against odds is ono of the most powerful of political motives, and may create an excitement which only some disaster to Germany can calm. We have reasoned on the supposition that Prussia and Austria, urged on by the German patriots re fuse to listen to the remonstrances which will be offered anew by the chief European Powers. We trust it will be found possible to unite France, Russia, and Sweden with Great Britain in a pressing request that the two Powers will refrain from attacking the Danish positions at the Dannewerk. If the collision can be delayed for a time, there may be still hope of avoiding war. In favour of this chance it may be said that the thaw and the activity of the Danish general is w i u t n h l o i u k t e l a y v a e n r y y p e o r u u e d i e d n e t r a c h o man le mlpyrbu preponderance seiorabnwtsaiali have given the defenders so many ad van t ages that i t l nn a edd t A t a aou e ft. k st et f t rro h i rat e ehn m e es. ir a n p i s s e o p t r s e o p m o n e d i i e t r t a l e n t c i e m c er T o h n e are only just making their way to the scene of action, e a i n 3o d r t some e t u i p m p e l i l e o s n a g u e d r m m u u s u t i b t i e o n u e s c o e s f s warary o r I t v h i e t h t r t a h n e telegraph and railway the European Governments can communicate with each other,and;resolve on com mon action before the Prussians and Austrians have carried their aggression to the length of shedding blood. No means should be neglected to prevent so great a calamity. It may be that the two Powers are not indisposed, atter all, to come to terms, and that, having maintained their dignity by refusing d e l a y to D enmark they may be willing to acquiesce i n i t when it is urged by European opinion. In that case things may still go well ; but it is evident that a tingle false step at this crisis may lead to very serious events. _PosT.—The news whi c h we published yesterday of the ref usa l o f A ustr i a and Prussia to delay the advance of their troops upon Schleswig is of the most vital int eres t , and threatens to lead to conse quences of which it is impossible to exaggerate the importance. the most energet i c endeavours:t e eo rea prevent ntetis policy ma t h e k ig n in Ger mans from p l r ' o h s e ee E u t n i g u l g is h the which they appear to be bent. The best means to effect the desired result would be an alliance to secure the integrity of Denmark between Euglaud, ...................M.05........m. ....--------- -- . a France, Russia, Sweden, and Italy. So gr eat measure, however, is difficult of a ccora the short space of time which is apparently allowed before the commencernen;,- of hostilities. if it c u be brought about, the milita:v authorities of Get,: many could never advise their' Gavernnients to a, u ,, on both fie be Dance northwards when threatened can not be and in the rear. But such an alliance, i: 0 13 n -fir st concealed, l presents many difficulties. 10 the. of p ace, Russia, while thoroughly disaPProvlog 41 German policy in the Duchies, holds herself reaco bound to Prussia for the countenance and aidw bi r t. that Power has afforded to her in the Polish qacie9 aoy. She has a debt of gratitude to repaY• ne ' 6l , jo this, it is hard to persuade Russia to take pat' plishment Ida a conflict which may lead to revolutioaaty cialoge,,,,s: .and we may therefore presume that she will pre'',` to bold herself neutral in any hostilities that 0 3 ; arise. With regard to France, her polo is e or and d tly pacific. The Emperor foresaw. th; de. proposed a Congress to preveat it• 1 ate in the to accede to that measure and to col the ithe projects which he wished to carry °tit at close of the last 'year. We still think OP a i,e. measure and those projects, however P r ibe beneficent wishes of their promoter. 8ut.055 course, as however justifiable and aagasitto h naturally had the effect of separating itirrystii3il thediplomatic action of the two countries. 1 ar ig the more deplorable, because it leads the Ge l lieli to believe in the same false and idle delasi°ll:,,ettis and d s the bane of the Emperor Nicholas. "" ct o d Prussia Francewil l notare raeeatlltyegseutpnpeors.in§etthbaitegEcta; fll,/ false. wre Whin the hour comes, the po licy a .rbe Western Powers will be found to be identical. beto. selves of Berlin and Vienna are n ursing t t beit roc pursa°eded, course into the delusion that they _ , o ti urse of aggression uninterrupted anli anilltPtoder l a ey think that England will not go to wa r fr ocel v n e y d circumstances. They imagine that what Italy xe about the Congress, will remain neatrvsoota, will be kept quiet by the Conservative . de 0 Lh n a s t . they may count on the neutral at t ly th. R Russia ; and, in one word, that they lati v i s i t ° hlle t S I frosts Scandinavian Powers to deal with. - y . ati'' eas y victory' tioi osts of winter last they count on , a they stake their prospects on a short eauValialtlig the ewrpn most Prussia et Lo: to evspee osj aiepadceetetai hurries evti eehi decline etg t r et i onh ' h etc e :yo y na- ,osn r epd e ede c kAer k sa. o upt nsei Austria u rNevir p i it o t sit : : eic: t ke b ssar t i : pt i rro fi n :ri feetil e ge :: : the st. ~10; eolf b wu Chambers, and does not hesitate at disoiis6i,,fitteta,4, , d ho tb w e S m ta ay tes al I • listen to wmoonstidbenndley:cpraibuesed, and ovirii,oufii.ddororpiL I t i u t. to the warnings which we so ansiouali ti '' e pte I I sent and f differently uture.s w e osuulrdeltyh el' s v t i br e r : iii ;e o r; i : oe s i cross the Eider, so surely will they . a , e will too them the arms of E gland ; so certaint.l.o,o • find the soldiers of F ri ranee presently raci vl Po (Of Rhine, and the forces of Italy on the y e eetts to 0 tier. W the of'' ere We cannot too often repeat Hungary and Poland. The statesmen (31 , 0 a1e r , 6 , 1 and Pzussia treat them as if they scs 'i oc l t Pepper'sl3l ghosts, instead of being earoes,,"o'o3 tit' indions, eager to rise, and to fight for freeuusoreli fall ependence. Calamity upon calarnitY sc,ibrooo! abe upon the authors of this war if once it 18 , e it e ' most anxiously We, therefore, while there is yet 101: mints s nxiously to impress upon the Gerniali, oit' the fearful extent of the responsibilfilit,°leiii they u seem so ready to assum©. The peac e °' of ' beili c f to t s j e de end which the prosperity and well. te j ote pend, is a sacred trust chiefly commit hands of the great Powers. If by them it i 6 ; S : t e f ill , and destroyed, those who perpetrate the e t ' - ral 3s ' i l have s,A. to pay the penalty. thoseAggresei and t i s; o s hed blood be defeated and punished, and iroall/s,agt in o t o b d e in a wanton and unjust quarrel Wio, il be V last reckoning they theraselves 0 chle • f sufferers. COUNTRY IVLARICTP' -------mi ------ ---- vt ir , COLCHESTEIt--JAN• 23 ' u r O r eili, There was a moderate supply of wheat et our of ,7 4 10 day. The weather has affected the c °l ' di ' l of samples, and prices for such receded is. per a slab.; in good demand, at full rates ;in other o° cl). '" ,' ;2 55 ' ness doing. Beans and peas as of late. Wheat, white ..44s 50s Beans, g 37.3 ' 5311 . , 1 1 : 3 ? '''': c. sel- , 20 ,:: red 4 ' . 4 Barley Oats . GLOUCESTER—JA.S. 2 3 . co of There was a fair show of English , o e , fi a t t her 1 „ ' 13 111° the farmers which met a fair sale at prices c icanc e of buyers. Foreign, wheat dull, with 1 1 ° e 'ry C lll ' prices of last week. Oats, barley, and beans of thepric whiches ot CHELMSFORD—JAN. 2 ' 2 ' , a ir ol o ;t l wheat, At this corn exchange to -day there yv's ,'l'redalloort° Wheat, old white 368 47 5 l " as ' d all 0 0 of grain very inactive, and unaltered in price. 5 1 ?' '39f last a a v rk e e ry t adau;l. saßlearaiteya and , tt e , r , new' % hite ... V' , 64 440 50s V ...... ~ d old red 84s 40s Boiling- • ••• • ''' 0 . 4 A Partridg,e'''..so 410 new 38s 42s Dun ....... • " .. ./ 0 , t 0 Barley 278 37s Ditto new ~';'„:05 Chevalier Grindino ,,, ........ 228 31s no% ' , o 3 ! ,o / Ma1t..... ..288 30s Beans, Tick, ow y .<$ 40 61s 67s Mirror Tic10_,:...,6 9 Chevalier 64s 69s ae'' , 3o Oats 2os 28s Mazagan .."11 K IRKCALDY GRAIN-44'5; s 3 , i ilefi t °t °lir We had good supplies of bark}', oats, an market, with a fair trade. 09 0 : 1 Wheat. I3arley. les First ....35s Od 25s 6d l 6O Gd Second .. 36s 6d 26s Gd o s 0 Third ....39s Od 29s Od COAL MARKgr the I ' l Prices of Coal per Ton at t he close of is s. d. I West liTylaulo '"*. i t Byass's Bebside West i VP' 00 Davison's West hart- 17 0 walls ~ o ley 17 0 Eleog-11 gall.' '':;• .016 Soat h Ne110e..0.1....., Lambert's West Hart- - : Walker Primrose ley 10 0 4S. sold , Ships at market, 53;; -------!--- 'l6_ 9 North iiartleP u eti ' ...A_JsA.. i.i..rii,..l:.e.n_ir. 8. Li..ic.os.a.n, British 1.. 1 1.. 1.. Packsm e ........."!'14 : 1) :", 1 510, ''. 0.5: Eoreigniu lustralia and Mauritius, *t:.. v•Ftiailsrouat:::o::... ii,eb. :4 Brazil and Cape Verde, by --..-------- I . S' Cape of Good hope, an Vet/. , ciF C ,a h ibl i k n rai i, tna i dr 'e , nang, Je ' 3 via Marseillosk; ~..•jo. / ' India (2:32 Islands mv 1i—aay)5,0.au.nt.47.:01.n0...e.: ''''''''''''''''''' 5 . 1 :: vl-t t ll.ri i .b " , t1 : 41 : 13 . 1 , ei : 11 10 : ivee .: 1) :::" °:11 : ; s : .1 1 4; :e 1 : 1): : ; 6 : ' India (Calcutta), PO,Ljz Oporto r ows t r u f.too g tut al dnd . al . : . Nsras id ti sigs 0 N. : . Malt a, Egyl:, andvAia azi.s.eUio.neau.:r.t•isvih.eoia.ain. in:: epss, : it i : a oaa. :: - . 1: 0 i. u a. : r.. ,.. . 0..e.. i will ...e :5: ..: :: ..: ~..lfeeri: ,n3as , via INlarseilles ....: ..f el' B W a . h C a . m of fis A , fvriiacaziE:ow York .......... •• „ 0 Mexico ............................ .. .. . I, eo , t PP All parts of West Indies, including Chili, . j California. and British Coltimbi,"' 1/ _------- ~c 1 1' P e iil i .-------------- ----; i n eat a o bie ti i , el Madeira, .... •S'I;;ICt e t j.ll;:lS.Pit..snl.ll' ‘t.:lje Jan' b''' 1... ,, 5 1.' 5 [ADTERTISEXIENT.]—HoIIoway- otra i, 50 " eti e )) o Given to Save.—The curative powers of tue,4o p rs for t o cements have been tested by the esperiene.icaPproscl.:l, 1113,0 the profession and public. both at home and an d pP d jl), third of a century. kiolloway'6 ointteer" relits,IP(01001 worked their way to fame against vested iate_wo, o f. ~ established a name for curing sores, wounds, it`o, boat 7 : and skin diseases, which no other discover' l o de, l i l f ;dis; affections of muscles, guiders, joints, Ol d . ~in s, e ~.., ,0 0 ,0 essentially benefited by the use of the Purikstt Wl' i'"a ', Those strumous constitutions which are 01 .: tic iag o IS' and doomed to die in middle age, are earilodoof study the "instructions" scoot:opal:013g parations, and to use them accordingly' ------ ' __--------- r Cr dil e Births. th e o- 11 .P.St ARKELL.—On the 23d inst., at 800, P 6— ,e the Rev. John Arkell, of a son. e r'°3 3 CV° ill° BRODRICK.—On the 24th inst., at 2 f ef S.W., the Hon. Mrs. Brodrick, of a seu• , d 110 115 DIUNCO:AOn the 22d inst., at Caraeltor .0, lion. Mrs. Cecil Duncombe, of a daughter.% _„cet, EGERTON.—On the 23d inst., at 35, fair, the Hon. Mrs. Arthur Egerton, ef 3 son' 111 rb4 Marriages. st. DfarVoreci MAY—LEgANN.—On the 21st inst., e ;de, CI,- Reigate, William Holmes May, of SuanY°L.te, to eldest son of Francis May, Esq., of itogiq. cote third daughter of the late F. A. Leinauli,, ',Mli: MERRICK—PIERCE —On the 23d inst., atfti,2, 5t.1,i,; den-square, William Henry llerrick,llato jo lo o Y tine-r Comptrollera, only child of the i „vote , lierttords. Esq., of Accounts, 11. M. 0 don Docks. 0 11 / 1 G AL; the 23a i Ilk 11°Ilse' a inst., Deaths. j t , weeirio. _ .._ s z e. - 7— : ii. d oa i u nii i r pt a sh l he : V t." i 3 l d l i Bankinga i m i is iTe:ho,o;p.a:si,ll;:l,l:o,cise, ciy : , : 100:::), AL o L f O , nsotti;ll jteha2ern4F;tlinint s . , td, ,1\61:61tr.. Win • Cox, o f aa, lIENDERson the 23d ini-Isit).s";:t :11ic'd13drlia 61:35::e'vet:i Admiral George thanderson, aged 7 9 . f lial/' 05 HALL.—On the 9 2d ft:lSt at Pinner, Miss NOY sl. - '' SIX OOP WINTER —On the 20th inst., at Ham Lodg e, reY. Richard Winter, Esq., aged 76. --1., ' -_- _ -----"<s I) 0 - l ilt, Louden : Prlik.;ed and Published In WiLLIA-51,;;iice P 4 of ot No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tax Sorl ':„ ceao ' Strand, in the Precinct of the Java. W' Middle4e .—Ttlefilday, January 26, 1664* I