The Sun. — London, England, 1864-10-13 00:00:00

FRE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 13, 1864. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Visit of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to Lancashire. BOLTON, Wednesday. The public opening of Farnworth Park, a pleasing and somewhat picturesque enclosure, situate within three miles of Bolton, took place this afternoon.. The park, containing from 12 to 13 acres, and very tastefully laid out, is the gift of Mr Thos. Barnes, M.P., to the local bof,rd, for the benefit of the people of the district. Advantage was taken of the visit of Mr Gladstone to give eclat to the proceedings. A general holiday was observed i❑ Bolton and Fern. worth. Processions of Sunday and ragged school children, members of friendly societies, Odd Fellows, and others, accompanied by brass bands, took part in the ceremony. A raised platform at the upper end of the park, draped with scarlet, white, and blue glazed calico, afforded ample accommodation to the numerous body of ladies and gentlemen who had obtained tickets of admission. Immediately behind the platform a specious marquee was erected, where a clejeuner was laid out for 700 guests. Shortly after one o'clock Mr Gladstone, wiih Mrs Glad stone, arrived at the park entrance, accompanied by Mr Thomas Barnes, M.P., Sir 1. P. Shuttleworth, High Sheriff of the county, the Earl of Ellesmere, the Hon. Algernon Egerton, M.P., Lieut-Col. Gray, M.P., Mr Massey, M.P., Mr Bezley, M.P., Mr Pilk ington, M.P., Mr Hibbert, M.P., Mr J. Cheatham, Mr J. B. Barnes, followed by the Mayor and other municipal authorities of Bolton, and several of the clergy and gentlemen of the town and neighbour hood. The Bishop of Manchester was to have been there to deliver a prayer, but he was unavoidably absent. Great delay occurred in consequence of the length of the procession. It was nearly 2 o'clock when the ceremony commenced by the Sunday scholars singing the 100th Psalm. Mr. THOMAS BARNES, M.P., then made the formal presentation of the park to his neighbours and friends, and especially the working men of the town of Farnworth, for their free use and enjoyment for ever. He did so in the firm belief that it would reeterially contribute to their health, enjoyment, and happiness. 'Three cheers having been given for the donor, The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER, who was received with loud and continued cheering, said, — Ladies and gentlemen, I believe that my first and formal duty imposed on me by the appointed order of proceeding is to declare in your presence that this park is now once and for ever opened and dedicated to the public good, (Cheers.) As respects the gift of the park, that has been made in the hearing of witnesses sufficiently numerous by our friend Mr. Barnes, and as regards the acceptance of the park I ask any of those who witnessed the spectacle of to-day, who has seen the whole population, young and old, rich and poor, and not only the whole population of this place, but a good auxiliary force from all the country round. (Cheers.) I can only say that if that does not constitute an acceptance of the park, I do not know what does. (Cheers.) In compliance with the religious and wise custom which prevails, it has been usual that solemn prayer should be made to Almighty God on occasions like this, We have learnt why, mainly through the absence of the bishop, it has been impossible that we should externally comply with that honoured practice ; but, as respects toe sentiments within the breast of every one of as, I am sure that none who listened to the heartstirring accents of the Psalm just sung can doubt that it is the belief and convic tion of this vast assembly that all our works, in order to bring a blessing with them, must .be begun, continued, and ended in the fear and the love of God. (Cheers.) I pass on, therefore, to speak to you, as the time and circumstances will permit, upon the character of the occasion now before us. The pre• sentation by Mr Barnes is happily not an isolated act. It is part of a great system, part of a great movement. He is, indeed, the representative, and the honoured representative, of a principle and a tendency which is among the very best characteris tics of the age. (Cheers.) In this busy, stirring, critical, industrious, enterprising, money-making, money-accumulating age it is well that while these pursuits have full scope given it should not be for gotten that there are other wants and other inte rests; and, in particular, I call Mr Barnes on this occasion the representative of a deep and growing conviction with respect to the relation that ought to prevail, and that happily now to a very great extent does prevail, between the employer of labour and the labouring population of the land. (Cheers.) I think, ladies and gentlemen, that it is about 30 years since a gentleman of high character and of great ability, employed in the public service in Ire, land, created very considerable alarm and apprehen sion by putting forth in a concise and telling form what was thought the somewhat revolutionary doctrine that " property has its duties as well as its rights," The doctrine was received_by many for the moment as revolutionary—as if it were some mons etrous conception aiming at the breaking up of society ; but that dreaded monster, if such it was, has now become a domesticated idea. (A laugh.) It has entered with us into every house, and it lies as quietly by our firesides as if it were the favourite dog or cat of the family. (Cheers and laughter.) Property has its duties as well as its rights, and the relation of the man who employs labour to the man who gives labour never can be permanently satisfactory to secure if the exercise and practical form of that relation is confined to the mere sets Cling of the cash account of the wages of the man, (Cheers.) It is doing violence to the principles of human nature, it is running up a score against ourselves, it is offending against the will and de signs of Divine providence, if we refuse to recog nise the fact that moral associations and social and endearing ties of affection belong to, and ought never to be severed from, the relation between the the master and the workman. (Cheers.) Well, now, circumstances brought about a result which at first did not appear satisfactory to the manufacturing districts of this country, but which I believe was a matter calling for the deepest thankfulness. I mean this—the relation of employer and labourer had never been in this country thoroughly and carefully examined until it came to be examined in the case of the factory system. When it was examined mach was brought to light that was highly unsatisfactory. There can be no doubt at all, as a matter of fact, that partly owing to the state of the law, and partly owing to human in firmity and negligence, much was discovered which called for amendment. It does not follow that the state of the factory system even at that time was in any respect worse than the state of the general relations between the employers and the givers of labour throughout the country—but you were first of all placed under jealous and microscopic examine ation. Much criticism was the result; bugbears were sent abroad through the country. The idea began to be entertained in many quarters that the fac tory population, and those who employed them were a set of tyrants or misers—and, it was believed that there was something hopelessly incurable inehe na ture of the system, and you will well recollect that the ignominious appellation of white slavery was by many persons in the country applied to it. I don't know that it was a very pleasant process for Lanca shire to undergo that examination, but, after all, Lancashire has come better out of it than might have been expected. For what has since taken place ?—the laws have been amended, and with the amendment of the laws there has come—what ? No amendment of the law can of itself secure a wiser, a kinder, a more philanthropic, a more enlightened spirit on the part of the employers of labour, a more orderly habit, a higher intelligence, a stronger con fidence, a more affectionate system on the pert of those by whom labour is given. It is not too much to say, tho ug h I doubt not much may remain to be done, i t is not too much to say that something like a moral transformation has passed over the district in which I ep„kandirn in which suff e ring h as no part of England mor e than here, i n , the cir cumstances of the last f e w years. I say the manner b een met—that ;s urest testuoefw what constitutes the true man—has settled t h e pop lsta ation are question of the estim a ti on tor in which the fac the rest of their fellow-countrto held by ymen. Now let me labour-- turn more closely to the subject t h at h us together to-day. Those employers of a I mean the masters of far,toriei.—wh o were first of all placed under critical and jealous examination, have now become in many instances, in instances daily increasing, the standard-bearers of enlightened improvement as regards their relation to their workmen. It is impossible to overstate the import ance of this fact. Nothing can be more clef, fly proved by a long experience than the nature of that come mercial power, energy, and enterp ise which Pro vidence has imparted to the British nation, be it for good or be it for evil, But I hold it is for good. The people of this country have already become, and are in all likelihood destined yet more exten sively to beccme, workers for the world at large. At this moment, if we are truly informed by the best authorities, of every two loaves of bread that are consumed in this country one is the product of a foreign soil; and perhaps we might venture to say, not with precise accuracy, but for the sake of esta blishing the parallel I am giving the substantial truth, we might venture to assert that for every two yards of cotton consumed throughout the globe one yard is of British manufacture ; if that be so, we must look to the factory system as a system destined for a still further extension, and we might ask ourselves whether we are prepared or mean to recognise it as legitimate —nay, I will venture now to say an honourable and distinguished portion—of the economical and social arrangements of the country. Now, ladies and gentlemen, it is not easy and I am sure you will agree with the sentiment, to make acquaintance with perhaps 30,000 people in the course of a couple of hours—(laughter)—and yet, with a certain allowance and indulgence to the necessities of public speaking, I might almost ven ture to say that I have made acquaintance, through the medium of the demeanour and through the countenances, with the population in the course of this morning of certainly not far short of the num ber I have mentioned. No man could see the faces of that population without being aware that, in point at any rate of general intelligence he had no reason to suppose that they were likely to be line worthy of the noble British nation to which they belong. Well, but there used to be an idea that loyalty and the factory system did not go well to gether. I should like to know what has become of that idea. \Vhen her Majesty, in days brighter for her than now, traversed the streets of Manchester, was it possible anything could exceed the manifes tation of loyalty and love that she received from the highest to the lowest of the population ? '.Vords themselves would fail me if I were to attempt before you to describe the affectionate attachment which pervaded this entire community as between the people and the occupier of the throne. (Cheers.) Nell, but intelligence is a great thing, and loyalty is a great thing, bat there are other things which enter the happiness and wellbeing of the community at large. Now, there has been in former times an impression abroad that the effect of the factory sys tem was to weaken or dissolve the sacred ties of the family ; that it introduced disobedience to nestle like a serpent in the very hearth of the family; that the relations of the young child and the parent and the parent and the child were vitiated and destroyed by the premature independence of your youthful lax bourers. Now that is a fair description not, thank God, of the state of things, but of the impression which once prevailed with regard to the state of things. Well now, I think it may be said that, with respect also to this great and vital question, the ex perience of the last few years has not failed to throw upon it a flood of light. I think it has completely exploded the idea that less attachment is felt by the parent for the child, or less attachment felt by the children for their parents, in the heart of the manufacturing districts than in any other portion of the community. I should humbly presume to say, having had some opportunity of forming a judg ment, that I have been astonished to see the strength, the warmth, the unconquerable tenacity of domestic afLetion among the people of Lancashire employed in manufactories. All these points upon which I may say that the factory system may very well afford to stand or fall, but I cannot help thinking that there aro many things connected with it that may be taken as an example by other classes ; take the spirit of order and discipline which pervades our factories, not the mere restraint which is imposed on the labourer while he is within the walls of the fac ory itself, on the contrary, it is the formation of a habit, and it you ask why it is that tens of thou sands and hundreds of thousands can be simply self governed and self-arranged without outrage, with out difficulty, without disorder, without the appear ance in almost a single instance of the authority even of the police, it is in a great degree on account of that habit, of order, and discipline, which is to be found within the walls of those establishments. But teko a point of still greater importance. If we are to judge rightly the operation of that system, it has this effect—it brings the people together, and they acquire an interest in one another, a public opinion, so to speak, forms itself emong them, and that public opinion is favourable to morality and good conduct, and the person who goes astray is felt to have committed an offence against the cha racter cf these with whom he or she may be associ ated in working ; but it is not possible to conceive a principle more truthful or more valuable for the real advancement and improvement of the working classes than that opinion should thus spontaneously, naturally, and healthfully be engendered among them, according to which the order of working m en and working women may become, as it were, effec tual ministers of virtue, and vice and mtscnief will be discouraged in their first beginning. (Hear.) I will now turn to another matter, with regard to which the factory system may not perhaps stand so well. It may be said with truth that inedoor occu pation has not a very favourable operation on the development of the people. We must speak our minds in an assembly of Englishmen such as this, and it was at one time too true of the factory system that, from defective ventilation and other causes, it was anything but wholesome as regards the bodily health of the population. Now the bodily health of the people is a matter of vital consequence. (Hear, hear.) Wheu God Almighty made man to be a come posite being of body and soul, he intended the wel fare of the two to go together, and you could not have in operation a system which should give y ou a stunted and enfeebled people without finding before very long that the evil effects of that system were likewise leaving their mark on its mental character ; but here, also, I trust we may say that a vast improvement has been effected. (Hear, hear.) There is no reason—at least, so I am given to under stand, and confidently hope—there is no reason in the, nature of things why factory labour should be less favourable to health, when due care is taken, than other in-door labour. I am now at a point when I think we can see the benefit of the munifi cent endowment which Mr Barnes has presented to the community of Farnworth. In-door labour is not of necessity unhealthy, but yet it cannot be denied that it requires the counterpoise of out-door recreae tion. It is desirable that those who spend the great bulk of their time ind oors , w h ether i n f actor i es, in toolshops, or in any of the other great establish ments of industry, should have the means when their labour is done of innocent, healthful, and useful re creation. It is monstrous to suppose that it can be the natural condition of society that one portion should live as if they had nothing at all to do except to seek for amusement from morning to night, and that the other portion of society should find itself shut out from recreation altogether. Such a state of things can neither be pleasing to God nor beneficial and acceptable in the sight of man, nor can it con duce to the prosperity of the country and the sta bility of its institutions. (Hear.) Here is the great feet, recognised by such acts as we are endeavouring to carry out and to plsee in commemoration to-day. Here we have before us a scene in which, as we hope, from generation to generation, the young and old of Farnworth will seek for.health and refreshment after the hours of honest labour have come to a close; but it is not only bodily health which is interested in this question, meptel health demands that communion with nature should not be renounced. This is one of the truths which it has been the obligation and necessity, but likewise the honour and duty, of the present generation to bring forth from darkness into light, I dare soy it is a fact that we do rot even yet fuel that as we ought to do, or give it that effectual application in practice which it requires; bat it is profoundly associated with the well-being of mankind. Communion with nature ; why, the phrase, if used perhaps so recently as a century ago, would have sounded almost like the accents of an unknown tongue. At any rate, it would have been taken as the mere dream of a visionary enthusiast if it had been supposed that it was a thing to be recommended for the health,recreation,and habitual enjoyment of a vast population. Within that time however great changes have taken place. In order to illustrate this point, which is one of deep in terest and importance, I may go a little further. It has been long a subject of discussion among learned men;whether the ancient, who, as you know, in point of genius reached the very greatest heights of which human nature appears to be susceptible— it has long been a question whether these ancients had any love for nature or natural scenery—which we call landscape. That subject is still keenly dis cussed; and I do not believe any one can assert that a taste for the beauties of nature, such as we now understand them, was largely developed among the most cultivated nations of antiquity. Departing, however, from the question of natural beauty, there can be no doubt that the communion with nature which takes the form of natural history—know ledge of plants, trees, and so on—was a thing never dreamed of as forming a part of the patrimony of mankind at large. Some philosopher, giving scope to his penetrating and searching mind, might attempt to register what human knowledge had accumulated on this subject; but one would be laughed at if one were to suppose that it were possible for a Roman or Greek to find pleasure and satisfaction in the familiar communion with nature through the medium of humble and individual objects. Again, it was debated how it came about that is beautiful countries the popula tion did not care for the scenery, and Lord Macau lay, in his "History of England," goes into an ar gument as to why the beauties of the Highlands of Scotland were so long neglected. After some further remarks on the value of public parks in cultivating a love of nature and natural objects, the right hon. gentleman concluded amid loud cheers. A defeuner afterwards took place in the Pavilion, at which a number of toasts were proposed. THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER IN LIVERPOOL. BANQUET IN THE TOWN-HALL. LIVERPOOL, Wednesday Night. To-night the Chancellor of the Exchequer was en tertained by the Mayor, Mr Mozley, at a banquet in the Town-hall. The Mayor presided, and among those present, in addition to the guest of the even ing, were Sir J. Kay-Shuttleworth, Mr Hors tall, M.P., Mr Pender, MY., Mr Bazley, M.P., Mr Dobson, M.P., Mr Jackson, M.P. Mr Robert son Gladstone, and the elite of the commercial aris tocracy of the city, After the usual loyal and patriotic toasts, Sir J. Kay-Shuttleworth, High sheriff of the county, in responding to the toast of his own health, instituted a happy comparison between the Doge of Venice and his colleagues and the governing authorities of the Queen of the Mer sey. The corporation of Liverpool represented the wealth and enterprise of Great Britain, and the vast Commerce of this country was destined to work a revolution in the affairs of the world—due to no lust of dominion or rude grasp at power, they desired no benefit which they did not wish that others should participate in. In fact, it was only in the splendour of his banquetting-hall and in the luxury of his enter tainment, as well as iu the gravity and ardour of those assembled around his board, that an analogy could be traced between the Doge of Mediaeval Venice and the Mayor of the Liverpool of to-day, (Cheers.) In the guest of the evening they beheld a statesman of fertile genius, who was carrying out the freedom of trade, and the agent of a great revolution in commercial and financial policy. (Hear, hear.) The Mayor, in proposing the toast of the evening, " The Health of the Chancellor of the Exchequer," said—l cannot for one moment doubt that the high important position and the acknowledged and com manding talent of the right hon. gentleman will at once insure for him tbat hearty and cordial re ception he is so well entitled to in this his native town, and I think I may say that in this great emporium of commerce it is only natural to regard the exalted cffi?,e of Mr. Gladstone so ,bly fills with peculiar interest, for it should be borne in mind that the port of Liverpool trans• wits a larger amount in duties to the Exchequer than any other community, and is therefore most deeply concerned in all those fiscal arrangements which originate in his special department. (Cheers.) It is unnecessary for me to refer to the past career of Mr Gladstone—the devotion of his high attain ments and great mental powers for so many years to the public service has long been recognised and appreciated. I estimate most highly the great apti tude and skill displayed by the Chancellor in the development of his financial schemes; but as a prac tical business man, considering the care, the dili gence and forethought needful in conducting ex tended operations in our ordinary pursuits, I have been led to reflect on the vast degree of talent and discernment that must be required in the prepara tion of a Budget calculated to insure the approval of Parliament and the country, whether in con• tinning or modifying existing taxation, or by substituting new imposts so as to produce the vast revenue required to meet the annual Im perial expenditure and at the same time to be the least burdensome to the country. (Cheers.) Nor can we fail to admire the correctness of his calcula tions and the success which has attended his finan cial policy —a policy resulting in a large surplus revenue—(cheers)—and enabling him to relieve commerce and trade from some of those imposts considered by the co un t r y t o b e th e mos t onerous and objectionable. (Cheers.) It is not, however, commerce alone which has been benefited by his exertions, for by the removal - of the paper duty and the tax upon knowledge, with others of a kindred character, he hascontributed i n no i mma t er i a l de gree to the intellectual progress of the nation, which may well be regarded as the no bl es t f ea t ure of our age. (Cheers.) By his adherence to a free trade policy, by the aid and support he has afforded to the enfranchisement of commerce from long ex. isting restrictions, and by the treaties entered into with other nations for a reciprocal interchange of products, we are certainly indebted for the rapidly increasing prosperity of our country. (Cheers.) My right hon. friend and guest is:distinguished not only as a statesman, a financier, and an orator, but also as a scholar of the highest order. The important position he occupies in the Government of this Em pire has not been acquired by genius only. Without labour and study natural gifts can accomplish little, and the statesman who depends only on bis ability as an orator will be frequently found wanting in practical experience. (Cheers.) We are all aware of the influence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, one of Her Majesty's chief advisers, and, appreciat ing his true regard for the honour and interest of our country, I felt anxious to assure him of the estimation in which he is held, and to express my warm thanks for the kind and ready acceptance of my invitation to visit Liverpool (cheers), and so afford us an opportunity of paying an humble but hearty tribute to the eminent abilities as a statesman, a financier, a scholar, and an orator (loud cheers) of one whom we may truly say Lip erpool is proud to call her own. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQITER,—Mr Mayor and Gent!emen,—No man could be greeted with the welcome I have secured among you end fail to experience sentiments cf the deepest and liveliest gratification. To that gratification he must add, if he have any feeling at all, the liveliest gratitude to you from whom he has received that welcome, but permit me also to say that in the warmth of your feeling, the warmth of those sentiments which you and other speakers this evening have so generously expressed, there is matter which must also cause the person standing in my position same emotion, and I will even venture to say compunction and shame, for I cannot but be painfully aware thatyou have greatly overrated those services which it may have been my go )(I fortune to have rendered the country, or any hope that may be entertained in connexion with such services to be rendered eta future time. It is but little, Sir, that has fallen to myself to perform in com parison with what has been and may be done by others. I cannot indeed pass over the allusion you have made to Liverpool as my native place. Ignoble must be the mind of any man who can visit without emotion the home of his childhood;' but in my case it would be something more than ignoble. It would also, in the highest degree, and in the greatest sense, be irrational if I were to forget the gigantic progress that this town has made since the time when I was more familiar with its streets and its inhabitants, if I had forgotten that it had placed itself in a position at least to challenge—perhaps which may challenge conclusively —the place of the first emporium of the world. Liverpool has risen to a position in which all those who can call themselves her sons may be glad indeed to claim kindred with her. But in claiming that kin. dred they must not wilfully or unconsciously permit an exaggerated estimate to be made of that merit. I speak the language of the utmost sincerity when I say that in my opinion, after' an experience that has now become a long one, the one standing pain to the political man in England, the one serious drawback to the satisfaction of his public life, is not the fear of criticism by which on every side he. is surrounded, and which I hold to be one of the greatest and most essential advantages he enjoys—it is not the labour,even the exciting labour he is called upon to perform, but it is a sense of the inequality of his best exertions to the arduous duty of government and of legislation. There is no affec tation in that language. It is justified by an appeal to the plainest facts, for I apprehend it to be be. yond the possibility of dispute that this great and remarkable country has undertaken responsibilities of empire such as never before lay on the shoulders or upon the minds of men. What nation in any part of the world has had relations such as we have had in every corner of the globe ? What nation has had its factories, its interests, its ships, its com merce in every part of the habitable world ? What nation has governed, as we govern, distant millions many times outnumberng ourselves ? What nation has claimed, as we claim, to bear the sway in the name of Queen Victoria of so large a proportion of the surface of the earth ? What nation has made itself responsible, as we have made ourselves respon sible, for the welfare of forty or forty-five separate States, in every portion of the world, which we know by the name of our colonies ; and what nation has at the same time had the care of all those direct interests and relations, been charged with the same responsibility in the exercise of its moral influence abroad, in the example it is called upon to set, in the sympathy it must feel with the cause of right and justice and constitutional freedom, wherever that cause is at issue throughout any portion of the world ? I am not one of those who could look forward with satisfaction to the waning of the splendour of the sun of England's prosperity. I hope, on the con trary, it may ever continue, and that the honour of the country may continually grow ; but, at the same time, I do not scruple to say that I do witness with the utmost satisfaction the gradual growth of opi nion and sentiment on the part of the people of England, whose sentiments in the long run govern the course of policy of the Government, the growth of the tone and temper which recognises those facts of our enormous—nay, even our overextended re sponsibilities. It is not very long since, not in this country alone, but in every country of the civilised world, there prevailed what I may call a lust of ter ritorial aggrandisement, and a notion had gone abroad, connected, no doubt, in great part, with false economical theories, that the happiness and the greatness of a people are to be continually aug. mented by obtaining constant accessions to their extent of territorial sway. I hope the time has come when the people of England have tho roughly shaken themselves free from that delu sion—when they have arrived at a solid and mature conviction that a nation may have too much terri tory as well as too little even. However, if you have too much territory you have contracted responsibilities in re• gard to it of which you cannot honourably free yourselves, but you have at least reached the point at which all lust of extended territory has been sincerely and permanently fore sworn. (Hear, hear.) What we have now to do is, I think, to cultivate what Providence has given us ; but not to seek any addition to the sphere of our labours, still further to overtax those human powers which are already charged be yond their true faculty for the satisfactory discharge of their responsibility, (Hear.) I think we may trace in other way s the progress of a true and just political philosophy, the philosophy of practical politics. On the part of the people of this country a great change has taken place in the mind of England within the last three generations with regard to the government of our colonies. A century ago the idea on which our colonial relations were bleed was narrow and sel fish. In one respect, indeed, the administration of the old American provinces were conducted upon a system which might still afford some useful lessons, but it rested essen tially on the idea that, as far as economical and commercial matters were concerned, the inter, sts of the colonies were to be made subservient to those of the mother country, and that the channels of their trade and their industrial exertions were to be forced in a direction different from that which nature might point out, in order to make them tributary to the greatness of the mother land. We have fully and entirely awakened from any such dream. We have given to the colonies practical freedom. I am not prepared to say that we have not something to rectify on the other side of the account. (Hear, hear.) We observe a disposition on the part of some colonies calling themselves our own to set up against the industry and productions of England the mis chiefs and obstructions of an exploded protective system. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the government of these de pendencies in general there is not much to be done. Slowly, perhaps, and cautiously, but firmly and resolutely, we may find it needful to rectify the distribution of burdens and benefits, in order to place the people of England not in the position of ascendancy and superiority, which they have in good faith surrendered, but in that position of jus tice and equality to which they have an indisputable claim. (Hear, hear.) Our duty is to get rid as far as may be of in tetference with the affairs of our fellow-subjects abroad, to afford them the protection and shelter cf the power of this great empire, but at the same time not to consent to be charged with the payment of vast sums of money for the sake cf performing duties which belong to the colonists rather than to us—(hear, hear)—and the performance of which in every case is an inalienable part of the functions of freedom. (Hear, hear.) There cannot be a grosser mis take in politics than to suppose that you can separate the benefits of freedom and its burdens. Is it to be imagined that it would be a benefit to a nation if some unknown and unseen benefactor were to undertake the payment of its taxes ? No, it is necessary, if you choose to succeed to and claim the dignity of freedom, that you should provide the means by which free institutions can be maintained. (Hear, hear.) In this direction we are in one sense moderating our views. We are learning that we have enough to do— more, perhaps, than we can probably accomplish—in confining ourselves to those immediate duties with which Providence has charged us. These duties are not slight. What reve lations have we had within the last thirty or forty years with regard to the condition of England itself I how many sore places have been disclosed I how much has been im proved and refor med I But how much also does the convic tion remain behind that there is still a great deal to be done. In regard to what is called foreign policy, we witnessed something of a similar movement of pubic sentiment to that in regard to the question of our foreign dominions. It is impossible that to a country like England the affairs of foreign nations can ever be indifferent. It is im possible that England, in my opinion at least, ever should forswear the interest she must naturally feel in the cause of truth, of justice, of order, and of good government; but, it is possible, nay, it is greatly desirable, that England should recognise the immense advantages which the Almighty had bestowed upon us in the independence of our insular position. The first result cf that independence is that with regard at least to every European question out of which most of the disturbances of the peace of the world arise England—and England alone—is as a nation essen tially and pre-eminently impartial— (cheers)—but this posi tion of impartiality is at once a position of dignity and of power. (Cheers.) It is a position in which, happily, yo u do not require to be always seeking by artificial means for the creation of influence. It is . a position in which influ ence will come to you of itself, because amidst the conflicts of the passions and interests of others, confidence will be re posed in the judgment of a country known to be free from the influence of these passions. (Cheers.) Therefore, Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, feeling, as I have said on the one hand, the cc solation and the advantage that public men in England must derive from the strenuous support which they receive on all hands from their fellow citizens, and on the other for the chastened humility with which they should regard a function they must know to be beyond their strength, it is with satisfaction I anticipate a state of things growing and consolidating itself in the public opinion of this country from year to year, which tends to inspire be lief that we are shaking off schemes, projects, and ideas that would draw us forth beyond the sphere, that our im mediate day should tend to involve us in continual em barrassments, and that we are consequently setting free our hands and energies for the great works which do still always remain to us in the administration of the British Empire, and in studying the happiness of the people of England. (Cheers.) D o ubtless there is still much to be done—the instinct of preservation has always been the most powerful in this cou n t r y, and justly has it been the roost powerful of all our impulses, because we have had that which was worth preserving; but the instinct of pre servation is best promoted and uphold when dutifully and honestly combined with the instinct of improve ment—(cheers)—and the laws and condition of this country after all that has been done yet mill offer a rich harvest to the wise and judicious efforts of the statesmen of future times, and with the hope that the result of those efforts will be in the future as in the past, not the impairing or dimi nution of the national inheritance, but the rendering it larger and more secure for those who come after us, even as we are happy to see it has been increased in value and deepened in stability by the changes and reformations which during the last 30 years it has undergone. (Cheers.) Mr Mayor and gentlemen, I must, before sitting down, ask leave to propose a toast—it is the health of your respected chief magistrate. (Cheers.) lam much mistaken unless the company I address is prepared to accept that toast in a sense and spirit far beyond that of the mere formal though honourable and sincere respect which every company of Englishmen would give to the representative of public au thority. As the representative of publio authority in the great community of Liverpool, you, sir, are entitled to whatever honour can be paid you—(cheers)—and if I read aright the signs that I find around me in this room, and in this town, there is a disposition to go beyond that merely formal tribute of respect, and to own that you have exer cised authority in the spirit in which it ought to be exercised —(cheers)—in the wise and judicious, the large and liberal spirit which regards authority not only as the means of coercing the evil-doer, but likewise as the means of encou ragement of those that do well, thus binding a cementing harmony and concord among all classes of the community. (Cheers.) I now call on this distinguished company to drink the health of the chief magistrate of Liverpool, who has filled that chair not less worthily than others have done and thus entitled himself to the confidence—(cheers)—of his fellow countrymen. The toast was drunk with all the honours. The MAYOR returned thanks in a brief speech, and proposed " The House of Commons," which was responded to by Mr Horsfall. Naval and Military Intelligence. The Austrian screw steam frigate Schwarzenberg, 50, Capt. Baron Sterneck, and the ironclad screw steamship Don Juan, 31, Capt. Pokorney, from Bre merhaven, put into Plymouth Sound on Tuesday, Oct. 4, in consequence of the heavy easterly gale which then prevailed. The ships having taken in 100 tons of coal, and the wind having fallen, both left again on Friday, the 6th, for Brest and the Mediterranean. When the two anchored in the Sound they saluted theßoyal Standard at the citadel, which was duly responded to. It is customary for all foreign ships of war visiting Plymouth first to fire the Royal salute of 21 guns, and then to fire 17 in compliment to the Port Admiral at Mount Wise, the response being given by the flagship in Ha moaze. Through some inadvertence the Austrian ships omitted to fire the second salute, and if we are correctly informed their officers also omitted during their stay to pay the customary visits to the Port Admiral and to the Commander of the Forcesin the West. The screw corvette Scout, 21, 1,462 tons, 400 horse power, fitting for the first division of the Steam Reserve in the Medway, to take the place of the Clio, 22, 1,472 tons, 400 horse power, Capt. H. B. Turnour, is being pushed forward in the great basin as rapidly as the resources of the dockyard will per mit, and has a large number of riggers, shipwrights, and other workmen employed on board in compiet. ing her equipment. She has got her masts on end, and is getting well forward in her rigging, the whole of her standing wire rigging having been fitted. During the time she was in dock she • was fitted with a poop and also a topgallant forecastle, both of which will prove of great comfort to the officers and crew, the ships of the corvette class being exceedingly uncomfortable in foul weather. The armament of the Scout is to be altered from that she previously carried, but a detailed statement of the new description of guns she will carry has not yet been received at Chatham. The dock at Chatham, now occupied by the screw gunvissel Torch, 5, will, as soon as vacated by that steamer, be prepared for the re. ception of the Ariadne, 26, 3,214 tons, 800 horse power, lately paid out of commission by Captain Vansittart (now of the Achilles), of ter a three years' cruise, in order that she may undergo repair. It is said that she is required for commis. sion. She is one of the finest of the unarmoured squadron of frigates of her class in the service, and will require only a comparatively trifling amount of repair to render her in all respects ready for the pennant. The Torch will be removed from No. 3 dock and placed in the adjoining dock as soon as wasted. The Achilles, 20, 150 horse power, ironclad fri. gate, Capt. E. W. Vansittart, got up steam yester day morning in Chatham harbour. At 930 she left her moorings, near Folly Point, and proceeded down the river to the Nore, in charge of Second- Master W. J. Blakey, Queen's pilot at Chatham, who navigated her to Garrison.point, near which she brought up. The Adder, the Otter, and other steamers were in attendance on the ironclad to render any assistance that might be required, but their services will not be brought into requisition, the Achilles being brought up safely at the moor ings prepared for her. She will swing for the ad justment of her compasses to-day, and after a delay of two or three days at the Nore will proceed thence to Plymouth, where she will receive her final orders from the Admiralty, The Vulcan, iron screw troopship, Capt. Augus tus C. Strode, arrived at Spithead yesterday after noon from the East India and China station. She sailed from Hongkong June 9; Singapore, June 25 ; and Mauritius, July . 19. She arrived at the Cape of Good Hope on the 9th of August, and sailed thence on the 22d of August. She arrived at St. Vincent's on the 20th September, and sailed again on the 22d, She arrived at Madeira on the 80th of September, and sailed again on the Ist of Octo ber. Her Majesty's ship Ringdove, Commander Liardet, sailed from the Cape of Good Hope for England on the 18th of August. The Vul. can experienced very strong easterly winds from Madeira to the Isle of Wight. She will go into Portsmouth harbour this morning, after transferring her passengers and invalids to the authorities on shore, and, after inspection, will dip,. mantle and clear out stores, Sze., preparatory to be paid out of commission, which has been rendered unusually lengthened owing to the exigencies of war in China, New Zealand, and Japan. The duties of the vessel have been very important and have been efficiently performed. The Foxhound, 4, screw gun vessel, Commander Warren H. Anderson, arrived at Spithead yester• day from the Mediterranean, and soon after arrival sailed again for Sheerness, %here she is ordered to be paid out of commission. She sailed for Malta on the 19th of September, and from Gibraltar on the Ist of October, experiencing a thick fog and strong N.E. winds from Gibraltar to the Channel. She brought home four naval invalids, and one invalided soldier from the 91. h Regiment. The Foxhound was commissioned in the autumn of 1860 for service on the coast of Syria, but during the Greek revolu. tion was chiefly employed among the Grecian Islands. The Vesuvius, 6, paddle, Capt. Hamilton, recently arrived at Portsmouth from the North American and West India stations, has been placed in dock at Portsmouth to examine her bottom and survey the damage she received in striking on a rock in the Bay of Islands on the west coast of Newfoundland in June last. The damage is extensive, a large hole having been made under her stern, where she first struck the wreck, while the remaining portion of her keel is ground to splinters. Her' planking, underneath her bilge and abreast of her paddle wheels, is crushed in, and destroyed for a space of eight or ten square feet on each side, where she had evidently hung on the rocks. The vessel was going about seven knots at the time she struck the rocks, and was being steered by the Admiralty charts, on which the rocks are not placed. The following appointments were made yesterday at the Admiralty—Staff Commander Frederick R. Sturdee to the Excellent, for the Royal Sovereign; John Elliot, surgeon, to the Excellent, for the Royal Sovereign; Wm. Horniman, paymaster, to thl Excellent, for the Royal Sovereign; Andrew Watt, engineer, to the Aboukir, for the Onyx; Wm. Crow, engineer, to the Aboukir, for the Net■ tie ; and John Ferguson, engineer, to the Hastings, for the Griper. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Hell oway 's Ointment and Pills.— These direct curatives act on the human body as mighty purifiers and healers, which slowly, gradually, and safely work a change for the better throughout the whole system. The ointment has almost miraculous powers in cleaning and healing old sores and ulcers, which bad defied the highest surgical skill ; but perseverance is necessary to attain this end, as it would be unreasonable to expect that any ulcer or skin disease which had been firmly rooted in the body for years could be cured in a few days. It can not be too much to ask a week's trial of these noble reme dies in any chronic ulceration or other foul wound—in that short time they will prove their virtues. TIMES..—It is rather late in the day, to say the least, for a German to invoke the sympathy of this country on behalf of German aggressions upon Den mark. There are, as there have ever been, many opinions among us respecting the national and dynastic rights involved in the quarrel, but respect. ing the conduct of Germany, as represented by the Diet, or by Austria and Prussia, there has never been more than one, We have recognised through out, in the language and acts of German politicians in their relations with Denmark, a spirit at once so grasping and so shabby that it would have deprived them of all claim to our respect, had their cause been ever so righteous. It is this deep and universal sentiment which Mr. George von Bunsen undertakes to overcome in an after-dinner speech at an agria cultural meeting in Norfolk. Apropos of farming in Germany, he remarked that he felt bound on such an occasion to deliver his testimony against the anti-German prejudices of Englishmen. " Briefly it amounted to this—that the Schleswig.Holsteinera had been and were in the right, that the Danes were in the wrong, and that the Germans were bound by every consideration of self-respect and national duty to sever and to save the former from all connection with the latter." There is something exquisitely self-complacent in this summary mode of stating the case, as if the constitutional question were pre cisely the same in the two Duchies, as if there had been no variation in Danish policy, and as if none but the most unselfish motives entered in.the coun sels of Germany. Every man, however, has a right to express his own demonatrandum in his own way, and it was with real curiosity that we looked to see how Mr. von Bunsen would proceed to work up to it. The report, which we publish elsewhere, will enable our readers to judge of his success for them selves. The point upon which Mr. von Bunsen, as a German liberal, lays the greatest stress at the outset is the impropriety of Austria and Prussia having taken the war into their own hands. He disapproves this, he tells us, as much as we do; to which we can only reply that, in the sense explained by him, we do not disapprove it at all. The only colourable right of intervention in Schleswig belonged to Aus tria and Prussia by virtue of certain engagements contracted with them, and not with the German Diet, by Denmark in 1851. Whether these had been broken or not, and whether the alleged breach of them justified the invasion, we need not here dis cuss, but it is quite certain that no German Power, except those which had extorted these promies from Denmark, had any business whatever to meddle with Schleswig. If, therefore, " the work of sepa ration" had been accomplished " under the auspices and with the applause" of all Germany, the injustice would only have been more palpable and flagrant than it was, even had the inhabitants of the Duchies joined in fighting for their own liberation. We ob serve that Mr. von Bunsen, while he regrets that they were not allowed to do this, and dwells with some force on the proofs of discontent in Schleswig and Holstein, is careful not to rest the claims of Schleswig-Holsteinism on the will of the people. To do so would of course be to abandon the title of Austria to rule Hungary and Venetia, to confess the iniquity of the compact which gave Posen to Prussia, and to justify the seizure of the Rhine provinces by France, in case by organised immi gration and agitation she could procure a majority in favour of annexation. By not doing so, how ever, he forfeits the sole advantage on his own side of the controversy, and renounces the one argument by which he might have palliated the policy which he defends. Few Englishmen would hesitate to admit that if the population of Schleswig were resolved to cast in its lot with Germany and break its connection with Denmark, the separation was inevitable. What we could not understand, and have yet to learn, is what business Germany had to sow dissensions between them and their actual Sovereign, or to confound their position under the Danish monarchy with that of Holstein. We presume that it must be the intricate ques tions arising out of this last topic which seem to Mr. von Bunsen so simple that he disposes of them in a sentence. If they be so it is his countrymen, and not ours, who have muddled their brains about vain subtleties, upon the solution of which, however, Mr von Bunsen throws not the slightest glimmer of light. He asserts broadly, what we have heard a thousand times, that Schleswig-Holstein " is one by right, and should not be divided." The answer which has been given a thousand times, and not refuted, is that the famous declaration made by the first Oldenburg Duke is an inadequate, though it is the only basis for this doctrine. This instrument, as has well been said, did not even purport to create an administrative or legislative union of the two, and was not practically so interpreted. But, more than this, it could not possibly bind the Kings of Denmark to all eternity to cede an ancient fief of the Crown to the person whom the caprice of a German Emperor or the Committee of a German Diet, then in the womb of the future, might recog nise as Duke of Holstein. The essential absurdity of all the reasoning founded on the Royal dictum of 1460 is that it is so entirely one-sided, It inva riably essumes that the effect of the union, though constituted:by the promise of a Danish Sovereign, must ever be, in case of a divided succession, to attach Schleswig to Germany instead of attaching Holstein to Denmark. Let it be openly urged that Germany, as the greater nation, exercises an at tractive force—tJ use a mild term—superior to that of Denmark, and no one can fail to acknowledge the cogency of the inference. But it is the merest hypocrisy to veil this political necessity, if it be one, under the pedantic guise of a legal argument. Schleswig now belongs to Germany by right of con quest. Before the present year she never belonged to Germany in any sense whatever, though she was placed in an anomalous- position by the conflict be tween a tie of one kind binding her to Denmark and a tie of another kind binding her to Holstein. To cite the parallel of Great Britain and Hanover in the way that Mr von Bunsen does is most unfair. Let it be granted that the law of succession in the two Duchies was indentical, and that nothing which passed in 1721, or at any other time up to 1852, affected its application to Schleswig—can it be said that Hanover was ever secured by an European treaty to the line now reigning in Great Britain, or that the present King of Hanover renounced his claims and received consideration for it ? We for bear to dwell on the geographical difference between th© two cases, and will merely ask Mr von Bunsen what his view would have been if by any strange chance the law excluding females had operated so as to sever Holstein from the Confederation and incor porate her with Denmark. As it is, we do not quite make out under what pretence he couples the name of the Prince of Augustenburg with the Duchies as " their Duke"—his father being yet alive—when hie title is still under consideration in the Diet, together with that of other claimants. We are glad to perceive, however, that Mr von Bunsen is aware of the feeling which all classes of Englishmen en• tertain about the behaviour of the German Powers both in the war and in negotiation. It is quite true that we do not attribute th e i r v i c t or ies to any particular bravery of their troops—that we trace in all their proceedings an utter want of mercy and generosity—that we suspect them of sacrificing Schleswig-Holstein interests to their own—and that we greatly doubt whether the King of Prussia, having killed and also taken possession, will relin. quish his hold on the Naboth's vineyard which he has long coveted. Mr von Bunsen meets these alle gations by describing the military virtues of the Prussian army as tested by the campaign; by inti mating to the Emperor of the French that they are ready for him on the Rhine ; by protesting that he cannot verify any outrage imputed to the Prussian officers, and retorting upon the English nation ; by thanking Prussia, on behalf of the Schleswigers, for having fought their battle so cheaply, and by repu diating, on behalf of the King of Prussia, any design of territorial aggrandisement. It would be idle for us to bandy words with Mr von Bunsen on these subjects. Prussian soldiers may be brave, but they would have been cowards indeed if they had failed to overrun Schleswig with such numerical odds in their favour. The comparative prowess of Germans and Frenchmen is as yet entirely a matter of opinion. So is the prospective gratitude of the Schleswigers, and the prospective magnanimity of the King of Prussia. As for the exactions in Jutland and the oppression of loyal Danes we prefer the testimony of English correspondents and the text of procla mations which we all have read to Mr von Bunsen's assurances. Nor can we be very sure that in such matters his standard of judgment would be the same as our own. He tells us that he learnt Schleswig- Hoisteinism in h:s college days. Englishmen, on the contrary, learn in their school days an utter ab horrence of bullying and a chivalrous forbearance towards a fallen enemy, which makes them despise and hate the mock zeal for nationality which cringes before the strong, both at home and abroad, but wreaks a pitiless vengeance on a weak Power un lucky enough to cross its path. HERALD.—Herr von Bismark is taking a holiday. No statesman in Europe has better earned one. If some have worked harder, none have accepted a greater responsibility, and none have achieved a tithe of his success. The Prussian Minister has a good right to his three weeks at Biarritz—a place which he seems to have chosen for two very excel , lent reasons. The first, that a journey through Paris gave him a pretext for seeing the Emperor Napo. leon ; the second, a most natural desire to get es far away as possible from Germany and German politics. The Parisian public, indeed, with that grand disre gard of facts and probabilities which impart such a charm to French political speculation, have sent bim upon a much more romantic errand. Herr Von Bismark. the triumphant, is gone to Biarritz, they declare, in order to throw himself at the feet of a Russian countess, to whom he is paying his ad dresses. Unfortunately for the story Herr Yon mark has already a wife, and although s he has been dangerously ill, it is, to say the least, r ether in3p.r.. ful bable that her husband, who prolonged his the attendance on her. in the depths of Pom crania to _ s day before his Sovereign's departure f or Baden, tin already selected her successor. Without un dertakt,g. any guarantee for the Prussian Minist er', ; eaorala,Y, we may undertake to say that his Sov erei gn wen!' not allow such pranks, and the Minister of Relig w duti Dr. Von Muhler, the author of the heot drunken song extant—quantum mutatus —would cer tainlp enter his protest against them. Herr Von Biser r __' for all his energy, wants a little rest and r ecuutri_e:. atter the wear and tear through which he g e , e 4 He wants it even more to prepare himsel ,f for the very difficult work he will have to emir aplisho_ • rather to attempt, when he gets back With the conclusion of peace with D er anark, a t err internal struggles of Prussia rtcommet ice. "t an Von Bismark has, to speak more pl ainly of politely, made a fool of Austria, and, in defiolic, e the protests of Western Europe, wrest the u e man Duchies from Denmark ; he has now to essaid , for the third time, wi:h such advantages as t h e w , successes may give him, to effect that -reconciliatti. 6 between the King and the .represent.atives of people, or that complete subjection of the lett!: to Berlitino whichever may have been his objet t, which be t e be twice failed to accomplish. The Li l ndtag mos - ia „ called together speedily, not only b ecause the c e . _ stitution, to which the Minister still professes °, render obedience, prescribes it, but because the vernmsnt is in want of mone wl rich it can onu obtain with the consent of the Lower House so lotg as the constitution remains in force. It is true Oat , the Government has been able to rttoet the e ltr u % ordinary expenditure caused by the war wittsbeen nominally running into debt; but it has 0n.19 "! sg able to do this by employing money an d I°l s ot stores which it is anxious to rep lace. It has l e s the whole or a large portion of the °it r easure ad sort of treasury balance, but one quite re l33ef pr .. from the control of Parliament—hoarded. for el3l ",,d, gencies ; then it has used up its military stores.s must renew them if the army is to be kep t t o fitting condition ; and, moreover, it is ansi° e ' obtain money, to put its many fortresses , serious la affected by the recent discoveries in g urinerYi in he satisfactory condition. For ail these reasons t wet Government, inclined as it is to absolutism, elb call the Parliament together, either to ob teitt g e y concession or intimidation from the Lower aro the means which twelve months ago it ref used f o r grant, or to find a pretext in that refusal a coup detat nominally amending be,t p ractically setting aside the constitution, by bringing togethegrf; through the virtues of a new electoral law, 0 h k eti t i e ready to do the Royal bidding. The t k e rß Prussian Prime Minister has before 1 iim is a difficult one, far more difficult than his tria°3Pot over Austria, Denmark, and Europe--i only because he has against him the Prue sian Po? ; but because he is by no means sure of t be Pros si t h King. King William desires to be rent .nciled his people, and there are no other difficrulties io, 1 ; 30 way than his Minister, the democrats, who s' e ., o are weak enough, and the moderate politics whom their policy has personally injured. Th e , r e e p dispute between the King and his people is seehitt tible of a solution which would practicaL l y Ole both all that they care about having; but Herr • - 0 Bismark and his immediate friends are n of the e l e , iifflcult, nie to bring about such a solution. They are ~,,rai st v absolutist in heart than the King hinrsolf. r i ' s shudder at the idea of having to consult the Wi a— t o of a popular assembly, and their personal interesy are strongly opposed to a reconciliation. 1 , il h e e d know that if a good understanding were estab l ' s j e , between the King and the Chamber of DePe'„, -8 ,1 the King, for his own convenience, would sorre.-0 himself with Ministers who enjoyed the icoalid ee n c ia of the house, and, enjoying that confidence , e. v e " ho obtain from the house much more than Mee, "; r were the objects of its dislike. The position 01- ; - i f it. Von Bismark is perilous for himself and for Pr, 11 7,4 He risks the loss of power, and Prussia risks ut3 ;, - dragged by his strong will, and the want of P r "; tical wisdom on the part of his opponents, into leg absolutist regime and the revolutionary str u gli P which are likely to be its consequence. Tierr .„ ° e , Bismark may well seek a little rest, a little ti.'" for reflection at Biarritz. The days are fast c ow l in which he must make the struggle wbich decide for a long time his position and the fo rma % of Prussia. Let us hope for the sake of Pruss ia the, WO' he will die as a politician at the summit of his g and have no time given him to destroy that rePilta‘ tion, of being one of the boldest and ablest stotee'4- men of Europe, which he now enjoys. Two o r thre ! months more of office, and he will have lived Us' long for his reputation. We refer all who sire, to understand this controversy, which, compa re tively unimportant in itself, may be in its cone 8- quences most serious,- to a communication upoa t" subject which we published last Thursday. I: 1 1 writer, who is thoroughly conversant with Pruss ia politics, and in a position to know what ara t he views of the different parties in Prussia, has sketched with remarkable clearness the controversy' and showing how easily a satisfactory compromise might be arrived at, has shown, too, how fa int are the chances of one, and how momentous the cons°. quences of the failure to effect it. COUNTRY MARKETS. BOSTON—WzmizsDAY. At our corn market to-lay the supply o f wheat s t moderate, and sold at fully tormer ratesnew white, to 435; red, 37s to 40s. Barley plentiful, but sales slog D s scarcely so much money. ()Ate steady. Beans and P not much sought atter. YNN—TUESDAY. The weather continues dry, with a north and north-1. wind. At to -day's market the supply of wheat was 6 1 / 3 1 0. The trade was very firm, at rather above late rates dpr . ley met a steady sale, and malting samples fully ef . " Beans and peas a fair sale, late prices being supports 'es White wheat 43s to 45s i Barley . .......... 360 to 319 Red.. 37s to 38s I Grinding ..29s to os Beans .40s to 42s I Oats . . .. ..._...8 22s t° __.o - 01d... Averages --Wheats, 37s Id—barley, 2's 10d --bes 0, 39s Od. ONMOUtH—TITESDAY ceed . a 0 I l ' del t The weather h M as been exingly favourable for fortnight. The local markets have been fairly attellvell by both buyers and sellers during the last six or .1 0 0. days, with a moderate business doing, at former quota' — The average quotations are as follows :-- dz 9 61 I Wheat, white 5s 3d to 5s 9d 8ar1ey...... 3s 3d to c' 04 Ditto red..... Os Od to Os Od Oats .. ..... 2s 4d td 3 6 a. MARKET HARBOROUGH—TvEsDAY- 1 1 1 A moderate quantity of wheat to-day, which met IV le y slow inquiry at prices rather lower than last week. 133 r eg. and oats came freely to hand, but prices as lot W oe . —White wheat,:4ls to 45s ; red, 38s to 43s per 36 et S pa Malting barley at 31s to 34s per qr.; grinding, 2 6 s t er , 3o per 30 st. Oats, old, 25s to 275; new, 20s to 25s p st. ; beans, 368 to 42s per qr. TUESDAY . At our market to-day HULL there was a ra ther short all-PPli . of English wheat, and a fair business was done, at ° ri p e st vance of is on the quotations of last week. Foreign . 11 od was in active request. Malting barley steady; grincliout dearer. Beans, oats, and peas sold moderately, at 8 previous rates. COAL M. itloes of Coal per Ton al .RKET. the close of the market. s. d. Holywell ..18 6 Lambert's West Hart- Walls. End. e, „ i . 6 South Hetton Vi 0 Tunctall .... ...... • • `" 0 Acorn Close 2O 0 Eden 20 3 Hartlepool .... . .... 2l 3 East Hartlepool 2l 3 South Hartlepool... • • • 20 6 Hetton 21 0 Heugh Hall 29 0 Harton 20 6 Haswell Bell Riddell..... Wharneliffe 20 0 ley 19 3 Eden Main 2O 3 Tanfield Moor Butes 15 3 Walker Primrose 14 3 Wylam 18 6 Hastings Hartley l9 6 25; sold, 25. Walls End. Kelloe.. Belmont .. ..20 3 Framwellgate ..20 0 Caradoc 29 3 South Kelloe 20 0 KeiperGrange 20 6 )8 at marke Births. Bel' AUDAIN On the 10th in s t., at Mount Pleasant, nea r - fast, the wife of C o l one l Audain, of a son. chealh BULLEN.—On the 11th inst., at Sheen House, East " f the wife of Captain R. Buller), Royal Eng neers, of son. CRESSWELL —On the 9th inst., at King's Lynn, Wif° of Gerard Oswin Cresswell, sq., of a son. Marriages. , A the'', BRYANT—KINGCHURCH —On the 11th inst., at Edward Ross Bryant, Esq., of Tynemouth, Northui3o berland, to Eliza, youngest daught er o f Henry 1° Kingchurch, Esq., of Albury, Surrey. of VELAsco -BALF.E.—On the 12th inst. , at the ChaPe-dey the Spanish Embassy, Don J ose Bernardino Ferna'' de Velasco, Duke de Fries, to Victoire, youngest " tig pet t ter of DI. W. Balfe, E sq ., of Upper Seymour-btr" Portman-square. Deaths. BARTLEY.—On 'the 11th i ns t, a t 37, L ans downe'r - Oat Notting-hill, Louisa Bartley, aged 63 • also BLAKE.—On the 11th i ns t., at B rompton. F ran ces Dlo p d relict of the l a t e F. B . Blake, RA., of Hillingdo n, Bgw 70. COMRIE —On the 11th i ns t. at at H 1 olloway, James OA second son of the late Wm . . S. Cowrie, of Westraere`6„d, Jamaica, aged 24 , CALLcoTT.--On the 12th inst., W. !lKm Edward, only o t, of W. Callcott, Esq., Su ssex C o tt age , P ar k-villag© e aged one year and eleven months. ~, PALMER.—On the 9th inst., at Do ver , William al on% Esq., of 46, Portland-place, and 24, Bedford-NW) " don, aged 64. W. WiLsoist.—On the 10th inst., a t C avers h a m, Reading , G. Wilson, E• q., formerly of Bristol, aged 67. London : Printed and Prt.tished by WILLIAM ANDia4 of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at I LIE Sur Office No. fi Strand, in the Precpct of the Savoy, n the countY AliddAese,x. —Thursday, October 13,18x4.