The Sun. — London, England, 1836-02-20 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEERUARY 19. The LORD CILANCRLLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at lye o'clock. ' AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. Lord BRAYBROOKE presented a petillon from Essex, complaining of agricultural distress, and praying relief. Lord WYNFORD presented a similar petition from Nor thampton. CLERGY OF TUAM. Lord RODEN said, that as he had given notice of his intention to present this day a petition from the . Clergy of Tuam, he felt bound to state, that on looking over the petition, he found there were some verbal faults which were neces sary to be corrected before be could present it to their Lordships. He should therefore return it to the petitioners, and upon receiving it again he would take the first opportunity of presenting it to their Lordships. AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said that he should have made the motion which he was now about to make last night, bad it not been for the flat contradiction he had re ceived from the Noble Viscount opposite, with respect to the answer received from the Queen of Spain relative to the dis charge of the 27 Spanish prisoners to whom he bad adverted. He maintained that those unfortunate individuals had been taken prisoners against all principles of international law ; upon that subject the Noble Viscount had flatly contradicted him. It was not.for him to discuss with the Noble Viscount what was the law of nations, but he was empowered to say that it was the opinion of one of the highest judicial authorities in the country tat the capture of these persons by the Royal Tar was an act of positive piracy. The transactions were such as, in his opinion, loudly called for the interference of the Government. Upon his pressing this subject last year, there was a communication made to him which gave him to believe that the Government would take decided measures for the liberation of these persons, but up to the present moment those persons had been confined. He moved for the papers of which he had given notice, for the purpose of seeing whether it was the intention of the King's Government to use their efforts, and the power they possessed over the Queen of Spain's Government, to have these persons liberated. He could not believe, with the powers they had, and the means they possessed under the quadruple treaty of stopping the means of carrying on the warfare, that is justice they could do otherwise than use every effort to liberate these un fortunate individuals. The generals of the Queen of Spain's army had first established this horrible warfare, and there fore they ought to be the means of putting an end to it. When the paise-rs came before the House, he should consider what steps ought to be taken for liberating these indivi duals.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Marquis con cluded by moving, " That an Htimble Address be presented to his Majesty, requesting that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to order that there be laid before the House a copy of a letter sent in or about September last, from his Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to the Spanish Government, interceding for the liberation or exchange of the 27 Spanish passengers taken on board the Isabella Anne, about February, 1835, and still retained as prisoners, together with the answer of the said Government to the same." Viscount MELBOURNE had no objection whatever to the production of the papers, and when they were produced, the Noble Marquis could take what steps he might think proper. He was sorry the Noble Marquis considered he had been guilty of a want of courtesy towards him upon a former occa sion, for he could assure the Noble Marquis he had never had any such intention. ENGROSSMENT OF ACTS OF PARLIAMENT. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved that certain re solutions that had been come to by the House of Commune relative to the printing of Acts of Parliament, and other Par liamentary documents, should be referred to a Committee of their Lordships' House ; and that they should report their opinion thereon.—Agreed to. Their Lordships then adjourned till Monday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, FEBRUARY 19. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour, when Mr. HORSMAN was introduced by the Lord Advocate and Mr. Stuart. He took the oaths and his seat for Cockermouth. LONDON AND BRIGHTON RAILWAY. Captain A ',SAGER presented a petitio'n for leave to bring in a Bill to form a direct line of Railway from London to Brighton, according to the plan proposed by Sir John Rennie —Referred to the Standin g Order Committee. DURHAM HARBOUR BILL. Sir F. FRENCH moved the second reading of this Bill. Mr. PEASE stated that he should object to this Bill aho gether, as his constituents had informed him it was of no use whatever.—The Bill was then read a second time. . LONDON GRAND JUNCTION RAILWAY. Mr. 0. GORE brought up the Report of the Standing Order Committee on the petition with reference to this Railway, and leave was given to bring in the Bill. ,ST. PANCRAS PARISH. Sir S. WHALLEY brought up the Report of the Commit tee upon the St. Pancras Paving Bill, and obtained leave to bring in a Bill. BRIGHTON-RAIL-ROAD. Captain PECHELL presented a petition from acme place in Sussex, in favour of the Brighten rail-road. GLASGOW WATERWORKS. . Mr. OSWALD brought up the Report of the Committee on this Bill. DUBLIN AND KILKENNY RAILROAD Mr RUTHVEN presented a petition from Dublin in fa vour of a railroad from Dublin to Kilkenny. COURT OF REQUESTS. Mr. HUMS presented a petition from certain inhabitants of Westminster, praying the House to pass a Bill to amend the Court of Requests. Mr. PEASE presented a petition from certain inhabitants of Durham in favor of the Durham Railway Bill. Mr. WILKS presented a petition in favor of the Holborn Improvement Bill. Mr. CLAY presented a petition respecting Collier Dock. Several Hon. Members presented petitions respecting rail ways, but they were completely inaudible in the gallery. SHEFFIELD AND BIRMINGHAM RAILWAY. Sir G. STRICKLAND presented a petition praying for leave to amend the Sheffield and Birmingham Railway Act. MR. BUCKINGHAM'S CLAIMS. Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE presented a petition film the East India Company, praying to be heard at the bar against Mr. Buckingham's claims. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Nottingham in fa vour of the Bill for compensating Mr. Buckingham far the losses he sustained in India by the harsh conduct of the Government. Also cne to the same effect from Norwich, signed by the Mayor, many of the Council, &c. Petitions to the same effect were presented by Col. Thomp son, from Portsmouth, by Mr. Parker from Sheffield, signed by 1,300 persons of all politics, and by Mr. D. W. Harvey from Portsea. EDINBURGH AND LEITH RAILWAY. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL presented a petition for leave to bring in a Bill to make a Railway from Edinburgh to Leith. Sir HENRY PARNELL presented a petition for leave to bring in a Bill to light the town of Dundee with gas. Petitions were presented by Mr. Barnard, Lord Arthur Hill, Mr. Lefroy, Sir Wm. Molesworlh, Sir M. W. Ridley, and some other Hon. Members, but from the noise prevailing in the body of the House, we were unable to catch their purport. LIVERPOOL DOCKS. Lord SANDON presented a petition from Liverpool, pray ing for leave to bring in a Bill relative to the Docks of that town (as we understood the Noble Lord.) Mr. EWART made an observation against the principle of the Bill. Lord SANDON did not expect that any discussion would have taken place on the presentation of a petition for a private Bill, and he believed such a course was almost without prece dent. As another opportunity would be afforded for discussion, he should not follow the example of the Hon. Member opposite. Sir J. Y. BULLER brought up the Report of the Stand ing Orders Committee on the Seaham Harbour Petition. Leave given to bring in a Bill. Mr. G. F. YOUNG presented a petition praying for leave to bring in a Bill for constructing a new market at White chapel. On the motion of Mr. EVIIIIT, the Committee on the Pri soners' Counsel Bill were empowered to send for persons, pa pers, and records. NEWSPAPER STAMP DUTY. Mr. HUME presented a numerously signed petition from a place in the county of Norfolk, praying for the total repeal of the Stamp Duty on Newspapers. As this was the first opportunity he had of alluding to the subject, he begged leave to say that he trusted Government would feel themselves enabled to remove the duty entirely. —( Hear.) One reason for supporting it was this, viz. ; that notwithstand ing the increased activity to put down unstamped publications, their number had annually increased, and also the number of persons who had been punished for selling them. The result was, that those who paid the tax were defrauded of half their profits, and many persons were now conducting papers at a very con siderable loss, in consequence of being anxious to act up to what the law. required, while other publications were pub lished unstamped, by which the legal trade was much da maged.—( Hear, hear.) Was it not also proved by expe rience how hopeless it was to expect anything to be done by imprisoning those persons? The presses had been seized-- individuals had been imprisoned for six months, and fines of 6001. had been imposed, but all would not put an end to the pub lication of unstamped papers; on the contrary, if the Govern ment had been obliged to propose the suspension of the collection of tithes, because they were unpopular, it became them, after the great proofs they had had of the impossibility of put ting down unstamped publications, to propose the total repeal of those stamps.—( Hear. ) The returns laid on the table showed that from the 24th of March, 1834, to the 7th of September, 1835, there had been 218 prosecutions for selling unstamped newspapers ; and the total number of pro secutions since 1831 was 729 ; they had also confined the per sons prosecuted for more or less periods from seven days to *ix months, attended with fines. When he stated that all they could do was not able to correct this, but on the con trary had tended to increase it, it was hardly necesasry to say that the tax ought to be taken off.—( Cries of " Hear , hear. ") Major BE AUCLERK supported the prayer of the peti tion, and exp resse d a hope that his Majesty's Government would carry their feelings into execution, and give up this most shameful tax. There were many Acts which fettered the press, prevented the circulation of knowledge, and he hoped to see them all repealed. The petition was laid on the table. CLERKS OF ASSIZE. Mr. HUME moved for a return of the names of all cle; ks of Assize, the amount of salary they receive, and by whom they were appointed. RESIGNATION OF LORD SIDMOUTH'S PENSION. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved for a copy of the Treasurer's minute to carry into effect the offer of Lord Sidthouth to resign his pension of 3,000/. He was anxious to take the earliest opportunity of bringing this subject before the House, and he did so in consequence of a letter received by the head of the Government from Lord Sidmouth, in which he begged to resign the pension of 3,0001. which he received for the duties he had performed as Speaker of that House. The day before yesterday that Noble Lord (Melbourne) received the following letter My Lord—l request the favour of you to lay before Par liament the resignation of my pension of 3,000/. a year, granted to me by his late Majesty, George the Fourth. " SIDMOUTH." It was his duty, in making this communication, to say that Lord Sidmouth had acted in a manner most praiseworthy, and which entitled him to the best thanks of the House.—( Cheers) Mr. HUME—This information was most satisfactory.— (Loud laughter.) He hoped every other individual who re ceived pensions that were not required, would do the same. —( Hear, hear.) He could not let the opportunity pass without mentioning with high respect the name of the Noble Lord who first set the example, he meant Lord Camden.— (Loud cheers.) That was the most disinterested Act that had taken place since he had been in public life. He be lieved the amount thus given up was 250,0001.—(L0ud cheers.) Notwithstanding this, instead of giving him credit, observations had been made on his conduct, and his example called a bad one.—(A laugh.) He (Mr. Hume) considered it an excellent example ; and, like him, he considered that the resignation of Lord Sidmouth's pension did that Noble Lord the greatest credit.—( Cheers. ) Sir E. CODRINGTON said a gentleman named Mars den, who was entitled, on his retirement from the office held by him, to a pension of 1,500/. per annum, had relinquished it on a principle of conscience, that he should not receive money when he performed no service in return. RAILWAYS. A petition having been presented on the subject of a Rail way Bill, Colonel SIBTHORP said he considered railways a delu sion upon the public, and only iplculated to fill the pockets of attorneys and engineers.—(Laughter.) As he passed into the House he found the lobbies crowded with persons anxious to forward such Bills ; and in point of fact they pushed them in without giving Honourable Members an opportunity of examining their provisions. He was laid hold of by the attorneys and engineers of whom he spoke, pressing him to look at their plans, but he was determined to give them every opposition in every stage. He could not leave his bed in the morning without being besieged by such persons— ( A laugh)—but, though he was told the Railways would benefit his property, he should nevertheless oppose them, as he had never allowed private interests to stand in the way of his public duty. He gave notice, therefore, of his in tention to move, whenever a Railway Bill came before the House, that the Company should no be at liberty to sell a single share until the works would be completed.—( Hear. ) He thought them a dangerous system of gambling, and he should obstrUct their progress in every possible manner. PAPER DUTY. Lord F. EGERTON gave notice that he would, on Fri day next, present a petition from certain paper manufacturers, praying for a reduction of duty on that commodity. TURNPIKE TRUSTS. The Hon. F. MAUL E rose to move the second reading of a Bill for the Consolidation of Turnpike Trusts in England. The Hon. Member entered into a detailed statement, show ing the expense which the present system entailed on the public. The system was so bad, that if Parliament did not interfere, it would go on from bad to worse, until at length public communication would be put an end to altogether. The chief evil of the present system arose from the irrespon sibility of trustees--( Hear, hear, hear)—the want of some public mode of inspecting the accounts, and the want of a proper check in the hands of the local authorities, upon the officers employed in the execution of the powers of the trust. There was also a system of jobbery carried on to an extent of which the public was not aware. He would just mention one in illustration of the system. There was a certain trust the manner of which he should not mention (nor was it necessary for his purpose), in which cue of the trui , tees died insolvent, with a balance of 1,500/. in his hands. No security had been taken from this trustee, although the Act oPParliament expressly required it. A return had b.-en made, signed by the Chairman of the Board of Trustees, and I ow did the House think this 1,500/. was accounted for? Why the item was clearly omitted altogether in the statement of the Board. Several other instances might be adduced to show the evils of the existing system, and the • object of the present Bill was to remedy this defect.---( Hear, hear.) "The course proposed was to establish a Board of Commis sioners, to consist of the Home Secretary, the Post-master- General, the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, and six other individuals named by the Treasury, in whom the public have• confidence, and who are acquainted with the local trusts. It had been asserted that the object of the present Bill was to increase the patronage of Govern ment; but the best answer to this charge was the fact that a single salary was not to be given under the Bill. The great object of the Bill was to consolidate particular existing trusts. The Turnpike Trusts will be managed much better on a large scale than in their present circumscribed one. He trusted, therefore, the House would agree to the Bill being read a second time, and sent to a Committee up stairs—bearing al ways in mind the vast advantages it would confer upon the entire country, and the tendency it had to remove the burdens under which the agricultural and rural population laboured. The Bill was then read a second time. On the motion that it be referred to a Committee up stairs, Sir JAMES G RAH AM dissented from the proposition of the Hon. Member with respect to the advantage likely to ac crue from the present Bill. Whether consolidation or not was expedient, depended on the terms of the consolidation.— The Hon. Member did not approve of central management, and yet Clauses 17 and 19 of the Bill recognized the principle of central management. He had all the advantage of the re cess, and of his official information to bring forward the mea sure which he now admitted to be very defective, and having obtained far it a second reading, he proposed that it be sent to a Committee up stairs. He ( Sir James Gra ham) thought the measure should have been founded on a re port of a select Committee; the inquiry should have preceded the introduction of the measure. If a full inquiry had been gone into in all its details, and a recommendation in shape of a se• ries of resolutions submitted to the House, a Bill might then have been introduced. If ever there was a principle which should be enforced by the House, it was that of the enquiry preceding the introduction of the measure. It would have been much better if this matter had been submitted to a Committee of the whole House. He suggested to the Hon, Member to with draw his Bill, and move for a Committee of Inquiry. 11r. HUME did not see anything contradictory to the prin ciple that had been stated to the House, that a general controul over the roads would be beneficial to the country.--( Hear, hear.) The Bill had been referred to a Committee up stairs merely to save the time of the House, and any Honourable Members taking an interest in the measure, could make any suggestion they thought proper. No man could doubt that a large portion of the pub lic money was lost. But a few years ago they had no con troul whatever, and it was asserted they had no right to call for the production of accounts.—( Hear, hear, hear.) When he (Mr. Hume) had called for a return, it had led to great alarm, and very curious disclosures. The Kensington trust had a debt of 5,0001., and their income was 14,000/. per an num, and a balance f 6,000/. remained for five or six years in the hands of the Treasurer. When the Chairman was exa mined, it turned out that there were no accounts at all ; that he was the cashier, and held this large sum in his hands, paying five per cent. interest for the debt. There were many other instances of the same sort.—( Hear, hear.) Reform was just as necessary in the country as in the metropolis, for he supposed they were just as honest in the country as in London. The Turnpike Trusts were a great nuisance to the country.—(Laughter.) He was the advocate of good roads, but bad ones were a waste of the public money. He did hope there would be no objection to this Bill going into Committee. Lord G. SOMERSET begged the House not to take the character of all country trusts from the description given by the Hon. Member of the metropolitan ones.—(Hear, hear.) He Would suggest that the Bill be sent to a Committee up stairs, where the clauses acknowledged to be bad might lie struck out: the Bill would then be printed, and would come before the House in a better shape from its consideration. He had no objection to the union of trusts ; but he had a great objection to the manner in which it was proposed to do so. Mr. GUEST was perfectly sure that there were many trusts in the country where jobbing was carried on as well as in London. A measure on the subject was absolutely neces sary.—( Hear. ) Sir M. W. RIDLEY agreed with the Hon. Gentleman opposite—there were many trusts in the country which were much abused. The clause for the consolidation of the funds of the Trusts was most obnoxious, and he trusted it would be struck out.—( Hear, hear.) By it the burden of the debt of one trust would be thrown upon another. The poor trusts would be supported by the richer ones. After a few words from Mr. ntexismost and Mr. HAWES, Mr. F. MAULE said that he moved the second reading of bill merely with a view of going into a Committee pro forma. He would adjourn all further proceedings in the matter till after Easter. Lord G. SOMERSET said that if it were understood that they were going into Committee pro forma, be it so; he had no objection to that course. The bill was then read a second time. NEW HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. HALL wished to know, previous to his making the motion of which he had given notice, whether it was the inten tion of his Majesty's Government to permit the unsuccessful plans to be exhibited with the successful ones, Mr. S. RICE could not give any answer to the Hon. Member's inquiry. He hoped the Committee would be able to meet next week. Mr. HALL said he would be obliged to persevere in his motion. Mr. HAWES seconded the motion. He felt most grateful for the promise given by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that night, and under all the circumstances he would givo his cordial support to the motion. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER made a few observations, after which the motion was withdrawn. RUSSIA. Lord D. STUART rose pursuant to the notice he had difficulties,a In a u n s d s i ng more th p e s a e r c subjects f r o h m e laboured w e n d d g e e r given to call the attention o f t h e H ouse to the pol i cy pursue d p by ec ß ul u ia s r si which prevailed of the interest, not to say the enthusiasm, with which he viewed all subjects connected with the subjugation of Poland. He begged therefore to state at the outset that he viewed this question not merely as connected with that unfor THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1836. most important consideration for England; but there were many more of equal if not greater importance. Nothing could interest the trade of Great Britain more than the possession of the Dardanelles by Russia. The Turkey trade was of great importance to England in point of value. It was also a great and moreover an increasing trade. The trade to Russia, on the contrary, at no time great or very valuable, was daily decreasing in extent as well as importance. If any Hon. Member doubted it he had only to look to the Russian tariff. He would there find every commodity profitable to Great Britain prohibited, and only those admitted which she required as imitations or patterns in her own growing manufactures.— ( Hear.) Of all tariffs in existence the Russian tariff was the most obnoxious to British trade. Turkey, on the contrary, admitted all our manufactures without duty, or at most with a nominal one. The subject was one worthy the attention of his Right Hon. Friend the . President of the Board of Trade ; and he trusted that a dile consideration of it would have the effect of strengthening and drawing closer the alliance between this country and Turkey, and of preventing a hostile nation from deriving advantages from England at her own expense. —( Hear, hear.) If Russia held the Dardanelles, England would also lose the trade through Turkey to Persia ; and, as Russia would then have the mastery of Persia, England would also:lose another important branch of commerce—the trade with the Persian Gulf. Indeed, he was informed that that branch of our traffic was growing every day greater, and that it employed hundreds in Devonshire in the manufacture of coarse fabrics for that market, while large ships were being built in the ports of that county for their transport to the Per sian Gulf. But what would be the effect of such a position o n the part of Russia upon ohr Indian possessions ? He (Lord 'D. Stuart) had heard with great satisfaction of the election of the Noble Lord who lately ruled that extensive empire to the representation of Glasgow ; he wished he was in the House to bear testimony of the correctness of his views. The instant Constantinople came into the possession of Russia the moral effect of the circumstance would be such, that Persia, now standing alone in opposition to it, sustained by England, would become spiritless ' • all enterprise and energy would become ex tinct in her ; an d not many years would elapse when that country would sink into a Russian province as completely as any one of those at present under the subjection of that empire. Russia once in possession of Persia would be in immediate contact with the British possessions in India, and would have full opportunity of tampering with our Indian population. Would it have no effect at Calcutta ? It could not fail to be remarked by men of observation that all the native Powers in Northern India who were dis 'satisfied in any way at the results of British policy as affect ing their particular interests turned their eyes to .Russia as their only hope, as the only Power capable of interfering with England, and as such it would ever form a rallying point for the disaffected in that portion of our empire. Mithin the last two years, the progress of Russian influence 'Viet part of the globe had been rapidly increasing. It had been justly said that our empire in India was one of opinion, one founded on the conviction of British power and supremacy uncontroul. able. But if Russia, with gigantic strides, and 4 -grasping arms, be suffered, unopposed, to manifest her posvakin Persia for the destruction of this opinion, what would become of the empire founded upon it ?—( Hear, hear.) It would escape from our grasp, and melt away ere an efficient efforttcould be made to retain it. Once permit Russia to attain a footing on our frontiers, and an immense force must be sent out and maintained there, to prevent her from passing it. Ten thou sand men must, at least, be sent out there for this purpose; and what, he asked, would the expense be of shipping such an armament to the East Indies ? Gentlemen, who are more in the habit of making accurate calculations of this kind than 'he was, estimated the cost at 1001. per man landed on the coast.--( Hear, hear.) Here was an outlay, in advance of any subsequent operations, of a million of money.—( Hear, hear.) When it was also considered that the cost of maintain, ing soldiers in India was treble that of keeping up the same force in Europe, and that the waste of life was enor mous—the prospect of maintaining an army of that extent in the field there, would be enough to appal the most cou rageous Chancellor of the Exchequer.—( Hear, hear.) He had not dwelt on the facilities for invading India which Rus sia would possess, from her occupation of Persia ; but those ought not to be overlooked, in forming an estimate of the dangers to which our empire would be exposed in, such a juncture of affairs. The possession of Persia would give Russia all the facilities which she desired, and remove, in fact, the the only serious obstacle which had hitherto stood in her way. Though Engliihmen might think that the privilege of passing through Persia was a matter of trifling consequence it was not not thought so lightly of at Petersburgh, where there existed in the War Office special maps and plans laid down, having reference to this darling object of Russian policy.--( He.) There was not merely devised therein a plan of one road to British India, but several. The knowledge of all these inten tions on the part of Russia could not but produce serious mo ral effects on the population of our empire ; that was much to be deplored as very probable ground of future disquietude. He would now come nearer home. He looked with anxiety to the augmentation of the forces of Russia in the vicinity of the Dardanelles, and to the expression of dissatisfaction which she did not hesitate to manifest at the posture of affairs in the Peninsula. He thought we might be prepared to witness Russian interference in hal}, if any disturbance afforded the slightest pretext. In the case of an excuse for a Continental war, we migh t expect to see her occupyieg Gallicia, threatening Austria, tal. ing Greece into her hands as a matter of course, and appropriating all the resources of the European provinces of Turkey on the score of protection. Austria could not make the slightest demonstration without forfeiting pos session of all her territory on the east of the Adriatic. F.ance herself was not free from the threats of the Autocrat. In such a position of affairs we should not lose a day in increasing our naval force in the Mediterranean, not by five or ten ships merely, but by the maintenance of a large and effective fleet. _lndependent of the loss of national respectability by the absence of a competent naval force, our revenue was seriously diminishing from the want of efficient protection. It was presumed that Russia had no design on the Dardanelles ; but what proof had we of that ? On the con trary, we might observe an accumulation of her naval forces at Sebastopol, which rendered her proceedings with regard to them highly suspicious. She had already quite sufficient there to accomplish the possession. Fifteen line-of-battle ships and fifteen frigates, which, with the winds that prevailed in the Black Sea nine months out of the year, could be brought to bear in three days on the castles of the Dardanelles.—( Hear, hear.) The forces at Constantinople would not be likely to offer any resistance. The Turks were in the habit of seeing ships of war constantly passing the Dardanelles—that is, Turkish ships of war, not British.—( Hear, hear.) And they might pass through unnoticed in the night, and take, possession of the castles before any effective efforts could be made to save them. Neither were there any forces at the Dardanelles ca pable of making resistance to a strong maritime attack, though the castles had been lately improved by the kindness of Rus sia, who had lately landed engineers there for the purpose. Russia once in possession, could not be dislodged without a general war.—( Hear, hear.) Was any one desirous of be holding that ? It could not be maintained without a large army. Did any one wish to incur the expense of raising it? If they did, how were we to obtain the necessary funds ? 3,000 or 4,000 men at Malta would be altogether incom petent to effect anything useful ; 20,000, at least, would be wanted there. Before ships could be got ready to convey these troops thither, time would inevitably be lost ; or, if they proceeded by land, before they could cress the Con tinent, Russia would have an immense assemblage of troops prepa re d t o res i st our tar d y d emonstrat i ons . Sh e had already a considerable force concentrated on the shores of the Black Sea. Besides those now at Sebastopol there was a large quantity of shipping constantly in readiness and available at the port of Odessa; along the line of the Danube 200 sail were to be found at all times, and, in short, before England or France could bring a single squadron into action on the shores of the Dardanelles, Russia could have 200,000 men encamped there to defend them. —(Hear, hear.) It should not be for gotten, also, that Russia was the highly professing ally and protector of the Sultan from the ambition of ,Mehemet AR, who, though not perhaps going to invade him again on the same line of attack, would probably soon give occasion for the renewed interference of the disinterested protector by ad vancing on some new line of invasion. Russia, so prettily characterised by some statesmen as a stranger to aggrdhdise meat, love of conquest, unjustifiable encroachments, or quarrels amongst neighbouring nations, would speedily claim to inter fere to restore peace, and settle all disputes in its own amicable way, terminating ,so happily for the consolidation of Russian power and influence. However, he now passed to another subject—the Prussian Commercial League —which was well worthy of a separate and serious con sideration, and which he hoped it would receive in that House, threatening, as it did, to overthrow our Continental commercial intercourse and prosperity, and force us into the adoption or recognition of contraband arrangements. Why were we so anxious to put down the exclusive system of Na poleon if another might now be tolerated, based on similar views? It was said, in consolation, that the smuggler would lessen the evil; but he (Lord D. Stuart) maintained that he could not render it innocuous. If a nation must pay 25 per cent. (for instance) to the smuggler, it diminished the profits o f its trade by so much. Though the manufacturer might obtain greater profits, it might yet be worse for the labourer, for that system was not the best for a nation which gave the greatest profits to an employer, but that which occasioned the greatest employment, and enabled the manufacturer to give the greatest wages. But to return to the Prussian league. I t wa s plain that it had been got up at the instigation of Russia, and tended still more plainly than ever to show that Prussia was merely her creature, to be sacrificed like Saxony and Denmark, to the convenience of her European policy. How was this to be accomplished? Russia knew that the Prussian league must destroy the independence of the sepa rate States of Germany. The power of imposing taxes was the best characteristic of the independence of any State. With it independence is gone. How were the States of Ger. many to be reconciled to that? They gained no financial advantages in return for this concession. There was nothing to compensate them, but the idea of raising Germany to the rank of a great nation, by the formation of a grand Confedera tion of all the States, and thereby insuring to all greater im portance than ever in the scale of European policy. Russia was well aware that in the progress of this confederacy all the rest of Germany would become jealous of the preponderating influ. once of Prussia, and would eventually look to Russia as a me diator, a deliverer, and a head. Another- and a favourite pro ject of Russia—one that more than any other involved and sought support in national feeling—was that of uniting all the great Sclavonic nations in a single empire, with the Autocrat for its head. Such had e ver been the g ras p i ng and swelling a mbition of that aspiring nation. ,It was Muscovy—it is the Russias—and it aims to be Sclavonia.—( Hear.) It was worthy of notice how sedulously the power of the Greek Priesthood was everywhere maintained over the people by the policy of the Russian Court, and its influence propitiated in every corner of the empire by showering favours, presents, honours, and privileges on their order. A constant inter- nate country. His object was of a more extensive kind. It comprised not only Poland, but Russia, Turkey, India, England, and Europe. He would intreat the House for a moment to consider the present position of Russia. The empire of Russia rules an extent of territory in Europe greater than any other European Sovereign ; and her Asiatic possessions are more extensive than her European. On the north Russia came within 30 miles of the western part of Nor way, where the harbours were never frozen, and she was then not farther from Scotland than Lisbon is from London.' She approaches within 70 miles of Stockholm, and possesses a frontier but one hundred miles from Dresden ; she was but one hundred and eighty miles from Berlin ; had crossed the Danube, and Kalisch was nearer to Paris than it was to St. Petersburgh. When Catherine the Second ascended the throne of Russia she was the mistress of a population of 22,000,000 ; Alexander ruled over 56,000,000 ; and Nicholas held undisturbed sway over 54,000,000, exclusive of his Asiatic possessions. Russia had an army of 700,000 men on foot ; and though he could not state the exact amount of her navy, he believed it to be at the least sixty line-of-battle ships and frigates. The people of Russia were a people completely devoted to the Sovereign who held the sceptre—all eyes looked up to him as the chief of their race, the first of their nation, and the head of their Church. Thus they were bound to him by a triple tie—the lie of chieftainship, the tie of lan guage, and the tie of religion. All property in the country was held under him : without his consent there was no possi bility of retaining an inch of ground; and if the proprietors displeased him he had the power of removing them by a single word, and sending them to the ends of the earth. The po pulation of Russia were entirely military ; there was no pros pect of honours or advancement in life except in the service of the State. The very Clergy were made subservient to disci pline, and were decorated with military orders. Such an organi sation had the necessary effect of turning the minds of the en tire people. One enthusiastic feeling consequently pervaded the nation—it was the superiority of their own country, and a de sire to see it paramount among the nations of the world. The very climate encouraged the feeling of military movement, for wherever a Russian chanced to go he was sure to find it far superior to his own country. And the Government did every thing in its power to encourage that feeling, for among other inducements, it had given the powerful one of increasing the pay of the soldier the moment he left his native land, to four times the amount that he received while serving in it. Ali these things combined made territorial acquisition an absolute necessity for Russia. A century and a half since she was scarcely considered in the account of the States of Europe ; since then she had spread her arms abroad on every side, and grasped all within her reach to such an extent as terrified all the rest of the European States together.—( Hear.) He hail a list of the acquisitions of Russia from the time he had men tioned, which he should read to the House. In 1721 she ob tained by treaty, Livonia, Esthonia, the peninsula of Jutland, and a portion of the neighbouring territory. In 1772 she ob tained a large portion of unfortunate Poland, in the first par tition of that country. In 1774 she got Crim Tartary and Azoph, with access to the Black Sea. In 1783 she took pos session of the Crimea and the Taurus. In 1792 Odessa, and the territory adjacent fell into her hands; and in 1793—he would beg the House to remark the circumstance—by the second partition of Poland, she got possession of another large portion of that ill-fated country, with all the Ukraine. In 1795 she had another large slice of Poland. In 1809 she obtained Finland. In 1812 she seized Bessarabia ; and in 1814 she extorted from Persia all the provinces belonging to that kingdom south of the Caucasus. Did she stop there ? He would proceed to give the House a practical answer to the question. In 1815, by the treaty of settlement, as it was termed, the territory of Russia was extended to the North See ; in 1828, by its irruption into Persia, it acquired all the terri tory to the Araxis and beyond it; in 1822, she got the Delta of the Danube, and all the Asiatic shore of the Black Sea, a distance of more than two hundred miles ; in 1832, by the or ganic statute of the empire, Russia converted the independent kingdom of Poland into a province ; and, in 1834, she had an additional cession of a portion of Turkey in Asia, and the command of the passes leading into Turkey. Looking at the map, it would be found that Russia had now a greater extent of territory in Europe than any other State, end it extended in one uninterrupted line from the North Sea to the Euxine. —( Hear, hear.) He would just glance at the position of Rus sia in 1815, when the settlement of Europe was made and the balance of power regulated. At that period France resie-ned Italy and Belgium, with all the provinces on the Rhine; Ewe_ land also gave up Java, Bourbon, and a large portion of the West Indies, all of which she then held; Russia gave up no thing—but, on the contrary, acquired Poland on certain con ditions, since basely violated.—(Hear, bear.) She had nov, Poland as a province—the ground was laid for the 'establish ment "of her ascendancy in Germany—Moldavia and Wallachia were Russian in all but the name—Silistria was Russian also— the right bank of the Danube was abandoned to her altogether— Greece was subject to her influence—Egypt was a mere agent in her hands—and the strength of Persia was so impaired that what remained of it was only preserved by the interposition of England. Comparing the state of things with the state of Russia in 1815, would any one be bold enough to say that the balance of power as settled then in Europe any longer existed? Did Hon. Members believe that Russia was satisfie d with such enormous power and extent of territory, and that it was not striving every day to add to the one and the other? He seas sure in; one was so blind. When the knowledge of character was arrived at so far as to perceive that certain ends were in the view of an individual; and that to attain those ends parti cular means were of importance, could there be a doubt of his-using them? The only doubt which could exist would arise from a scruple of conscience or honour. If, however, that individual were proved to be unscrupulous, thou the con viction was complete. There were two narrow channels vvliicl commanded that mighty empire, and the non-possession of which cramped its operations. Every port, harbour, arson" 1 dockyard, belonging to it was circumscribed within their limits. There were on the north the Sound, on the south the Dardanelles. If proof were wanting of the sense Russia en tertained of their importance, Hon. Members had only to con sult the page of history, and observe her conduct hitherto with respect to them. Peter the Great sought to (Main the com mand of the passage of the Dardanelles; Catherine the Se cond attacked it with the view of getting it into her posses sion ; and Alexander, who denominated it the " key of his house," demanded the dominion of it from Napoleon, and offered to relinquish Egypt, Greece, and a great many others of his conquests, in exchange.—( Hear, hear.) But Napoleon —that great man—had views too profound to be misled by the arts of Russia, and lie refused to accede to the demand of Alexander. He rejected his proposals, and he saved Europe from Russia by it. Had Nicholas no desire to obtain posses. sion of that which Peter, Catherine, and Alexander sought with so much earnestness? The late war with_Turkey would best and most convincingly answer the question : and the re cent publication of the very secret despatch of the most able of the Russian diplomatists would corroborate the inference. The treaty of Unkiar Skelessi and the conference at Toplitz would also say something. There was no doubt but Russia would seize that important pass the first opportunity : her people sought and expected it—her best interests absolutely required it. What was there to gainsay these facts, and the natural inference consequent to them ? Nothing but the proto cols and protestations of Russia. Did any one believe these protestations ? If lie did, he would only refer them ,to his Majesty's Speech from the Throne on the 29th of July, 1828, when he prorogued the Parliament of that year. Nothing could be better authority for facts than his Majesty's Speech. On that occasion his Majesty said— " His Imperial Majesty has consented to waive the exercise in the Mediterranean of any rights appertaining to his Imperial Majesty in the character of a belligerent power, and to recal the separate instructions which had been given to the Commander of his naval forces in that sea, directing hostile operations against the Ottoman Porte." On September the 12th the news arrived that the blockade of the Dardanelles had been established, so that at the time his Majesty made that statement on the faith of Russian protesta tions, Russia had determined upon exercising those " belli gerent rights" which she made believe she had " waived." In consequence of this, at the opening of Parliament, on the sth of February, 1829, his Majesty was compelled to come down to the House and confess he had been deceived by the false protestations which were addressed to him by Russia. His words were— " His Imperial Majesty, in the prosecution of those hostili ties, has considered it necessary to resume the exercise of his belligerent rights in the Mediterranean, and has established a blockade of the Dardanelles." These were striking examples of the good faith of Russia, and strong data to form an estimate of the value which should be set on her protestations. The whole history as a tissue of perfidy. Without referring to her perfidious conduct to reee bindinge . un happy Poland, conduct by which she lulled Eur o p e t o s l ee p by stating that she was only fulfilli ng the a rti c l es o f th e treaty of Vienna, and thus prevent e d a ll interference—without tre ferring even to her, well k nown per fid y towar d s S we d en, he would simply adduce, as a pr oo f o f i t , h er con d uct towards Tur key. She first stirred up a n i nsurrect i on i n G reece, and then offered her mediation to s e ttl e t h e diff erences. When that herselfwas(He ah declinednoetart2 interfere In rf arbecameAaprbiyl forceshe the io p gf r n o ea t dr t m e a S s t r in es he quarrel s ofG protocol, be tween the Turks and their revolted subjects ; yet in De cember, she broke through that obligatio n . I n June she signed a declaration binding herself to interfere by force of arms even if necessary should any disturbance of the settled order of things take place : and yet in the October followi ng her Admiral, in the battle of Navarin, helped to dest roy the entire Ottoman fleet in a time of profound peace. H av i ng succeeded in detaching France from her alliance with Turkey, she drew Turkey into a war ; and, on its termination, by the treaty of Adrianople, she found herself in possession of some of the most important of the Turkish possessions. (The Noble Lord then read to the House some extracts from the Treaty of Adrianople. They were to the effect that Russia should take possession of the Delta of the Danube ; Silistria, the key of Circassia ; two hundred miles of coast on the Black Sea; the nomination of the Hospodars of Wallachia and Moldavia ; the right of collecting a certain tax, which formed a large portion of the revenue of the State in those Principalities ; the power of expelling from them all Mussul mans, and liberty to demolish all fortresses in the country.) That treaty contained another article, by which the Sublime Porte acknowledged the right and the justice of reprisals on the part of Russia, if any of its stipulations were to be infringed, without the fullest satisfaction being offered the Russian Resident, at the Court of Constantinople. That was the treaty of 1R29.—( Hear.) On that treaty being con cluded Russia had the assurance to put forth a Manifesto, declaring that she always remained a stranger to every desire of foreign conquest. He would next consider the conse quences to England and Europe—England especially—if Russia obtained the darling object of her desire—the posses slot) of the Dardanelles. The very first m oment s h e had' ob tained it she would have made a large stride towards becoming a great naval Power.—( Hehear.) In a sh ort t i me she Power. — ( Hear would have a fleet of 100 sail of men-of-war, That was a course was also kept up with the Clergy of that Church in other nations, and they were everywhere encouraged to raise themselves above the Established Church in the country in which they happened to co-exist. He was sorry to find that the policy of Russia had been so far successful in France and various parts of Ger many as to induce writers to advocate this Sclavonic Union, as if any good was to be expected to arise to Europe from it. As the case stood, the position of Russia to Austria was such as threatened to overthrow it also ; and he lamented that the overtures made on the part of that country to this by an enlightened statesman had not been acceded to. Prussia was a great nation, and at present useful in promoting the views of Russia ; but she would not long be able to resist the intrigues of the latter for her degradation, and then they might expect to see the Prussian ports of the Baltic seized on by Russia, which had always aimed at the attaining the character of a great maritime nation, and the ability of resisting the power of England by sea.—( Hear.) Russia had at present from 10,000 to 12,000 men, and a flotilla of 400 vessels, at the Island of Alan, in the Baltic, within fifty miles of Stock holm ; and a few hours' sail would enable her to make a descent on the Swedish coast (unprotected as it was by rocks or shoals) at any time her policy might invite it. She also held at her disposal 15,000 troops in Finland, whom she lcd in the last war against the brave Poles by a subterfuge of the Autocrat, who declared that he wanted them to march against France. Again, looking to the coast of the Northern Ocean, the western boundary of Russia approached within thirty miles of s'n excellent harbour for line-of-battle ships on the coast of Norway, and roads would only have to be made to enable her to avail herself of their tempting proximity.—( Hear.) With the resources of Norway and Sweden at her com mand, she might calculate on being furnished with the best sailors and shipping in the world.—( Hear.) In such a position as Russia might then assume—her fleets joined perhaps on occasion by those of. America and " our faithful ally," Holland—England would repent her former oversights and her present tranquil neglect of precaution too late.— ( Hear.) What were the results throughout Europe and Asia as far as its power extended ? Commerce restricted and production monopolised—a savage tyranny blended with an odious corruption—a debasing espionage and mean spoliation pervading every department—vassalage legalised—improve ment deprived of its stimulus—barbarism and superstition en throned with mutual honours—and all the moral and physical degradation that marked a state of slavery widely diffused over a vast empire.-- - -:(Hear, hear.) Napoleon, and many of the ancient conquerors, distinguished themselves by the ame liorations and improvements which they introduced into their conquests; but, be would fearlessly inquire what good had Russia ever brought to her captives? We had been accus tomed to • bear of the civilization which it was predicted Russia yvould introduce ss i plongst the Turks, but their former eulogists were now ashassted of themselves, and prudently said nothing more on that subject. But what could be said in defence of. Weir barbarous treatment of the noble Poles— (Hear)—who" had 'endured oppressions unheard of for fifteen years, and did not take up arms till goaded into self-defence by their oppressors —( Hear.) And when they had within their power the brother of the tyrant who had wasted the country with fire, and sword, and watered it with the tears of its inhabits s, with rare magnanimity they suffered ni t him to go peaceably away. What did Russia do for Poland in return.? SWwered on it confiscations, forfeitures, impri sonment, exile; and every species of oppression that could be I inflicted{ on- ,the unfortunate. Children were torn from the 0 antis ttlr parents, and all the ties of nature were burst asundet.'4 ' urches were desecrated, altars pillaged ; the very langti* of Poland abolished as far as possible, and cruelty of every kind practised to a degree that had justly sufficed to make the name of 'Russia clebrated as the enemy of mankind. —( Hear, hear.) These things were now known. Formerly all statements upon the subject were, met by " Ifs." " If the statements were true." But now they were admitted to be true. They were no longer doubted, or pretended to be doubted. This, then, showed the character of the Govern ment of Russia ; but he should not farther expatiate on so frightful a subject. It must excite the indignation of every man in the House. No man in that House oesired war ; but if the crisis had arrived when war became necessary for the honour of the country and the safety of Europe, then he was sure there was no man who would shrink from the contest. —( Cheers.) Some persons entertained the hope that Rus sia would fall by her own weight. But this was a false hope. There was no instance of any country raised to aggrandize ment by such means as Russia had adopted ever falling by her own weight. la such means there were sown no seeds of decay. The Autocrat of Russia was neither an Alexander, a Tamerlane, nor a Napoleon. No : Russia was a Govern ment progressing onward in her aggrandizement by a regu lar, steady, and systematic course. He should read a passage from a most valuable publication, which every Gentle man who was desirous of understanding the real policy of Russia, and indeed of Europe generally, should study—he meant the " British and Foreign Review."—(The Noble Lord then read the passage, which described the power of Russia as progressive and measured, not hurried, but yet rapid in its march. Not the conquest of a petty leader, but the progress of a cautious invader of the liberties of other nations; one whose chains did not clank—whose thunder gave no cag e and whose hand, while stretched forth to grasp, produced it shadow to give caution.) It did not suit a country like Eng land, which held in her hands the balance of Europe, to tem porize. Napoleon had reduced Russia to a second-rate Power —the utmost that she ever deserved or should be permitted to be ; but still Russia did not give up her designs. She had stopped only to consider how she could the more safely and steadily advance. She must, therefore, be checked at all points. We must not only protect Turkey, but we must also protect Poland, which was the door to Turkey. There was no pretence that Russia did not avail herself of to seize on and possess herself of neighbouring States. She had used the pretext of the plague to seize on Wallachia and Moldavia by a sanitary cordon. If, therefore, we did not lay hold of every opportunity to protect the nationality of Poland, we could no longer boast of the power to hold in our hands the balance of Europe. He had thought it his duty to bring this subject before the House, and perhaps it might be asked why he, who was so inadequate to do justice to the subject— ( Cheers, and cries of " No, no")—should have taken it up? It was because he did not see that any pther Member felt dis posed to do so, and he was desirous of awakening the country to a sense of the danger that Russian power threatened to Eu ropean liberty.—( Cheering.) There had been no motion made in that House for a whole year on this subject, and be felt that it was one which should not be suffered to slumber longer. He did not wish by this motion, or any other pro ceeding of his, to embarrass his Majesty's present Government —quite the reverse. He was one of their most zealous sup_ porters, but he was desirous of seeing them take that line which he believed to be the best calculated to protect British interests.—( Cheers.) It was because he wished for economy that he would at once arrest the progress of Russia, by adopt ing a high tone, becoming a great nation.—( Cheers.) H e would rather risk a war than show submissiveness..—( Cheers.) It was impossible to have peace respected unless it was ho nourable and secure.—( Cheers.) He hoped, for the honour of the Government, that some of its members would express their opinions on this occasign. He hoped also th a t t h e Ri ght Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, who had left the House, would return, and give his opinion in so important a discussion. He hoped, too, to hear the sentiments of the Noble Lord, the late Secretary of the Colonies, the Member for North Lancashire (Lord Stanley), and the opinions of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Cumberland (Sir J. Graham). He- was sure that his Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs aimed at a higher and more noble ambition than re taining his place on the Ministerial bench. He was sure his Noble Friend looked to th as the p e ro fm t a ect e o w r hoifchthfuetuirnetehriesstotsryowfotuhlde Cheers) —whose profound views ma i nta i ned bestow ßritish e u m po p n iro h_im ( her dignity and upheld her honour.—(Cheers.) He had to apologise for detaining the House so long.—( Cheers, and cries of " No, no.") He should now proceed and move for the papers of which he -had given notice, and he could not think that it was intended to resist his motion. He should first ask for the treaty of Unkiar Sklessi and the correspondence connected with it. The effect of that treaty was that not one of our ships of war could pass through the Dardanelles without the permission of the Russian Govern ment. But this applied to merchant ships as well as men-of war, because if merchant ships destined for the Black Sea attempted to pass the Dardanelles with their convoy, they could not do so without Russian permission. How, he would ask, did it happen that the Ambassador from England to Russia condescended to leave the frigate that conveyed him at Constantinople, and embark on board a vessel unsuitable to his character ?—( Cheers.) How was it that Lord Durham was obliged to proceed in the Pluto, a disarmed vessel, from Constantinople, before he would be permitted to enter Sebas topol ?—( Cheers.) Was not this bringing an indignity on the flag of England ?—(Cheers.) Our Ambassador, too, was compelled to enter that port without a salute being fi re d by the Russian authorities, and what was the reason they assigned for this neglect, bordering very closely upon insult ? Why, that they thought the Pluto was a merchant vessel. Was not this part of the consequence of the treaty to which he alluded? At this very time, too, and since, Russian men-of-war, fully armed, with their pennons flying, passed unobstructed through the Dardanelles to the Black Sea. This, then, was the way thatßriti m sh e m n- e o z w ofa-r were f war were av tr o e u a r t e e d. treated, andthis Whate frotohte mustway thatno not Russian this have upon the Turkish Government and nation ? Must it not exhibit to them the power of Russia, while attt er same betrayed by this the the treaty power o of f timeßus it hadsia demanding thee s 2 elusion of all men-of-war, and to_ assist in executi ng th e treaty,:if Turkey h e it le lf s h ou ld not be enabled to carry it into effect, in the event of Russia being at war with any other nation. Russia was now at war with Circassia, and might she not, therefore, demand the execution of the treaty ? The treaty stipulated that the two nations were to assist each other against all attacks, and Russia, while she left Turkey t o adopt oth er means o f d e f ence, was to, have the exclusive privi lege of possessing the Dardanelles. Another treaty, a copy of which he should ask, was the Treaty of St. Petersburgh, signed in January, 18.34. This treaty had been alluded to in two separate Speeches from the Throne, first, on the 29th of August, 1833, and, secondly, on the 4th of Feb., 1834. In both those Speeches his Majesty expressed his determination not to suffer any further interference with the independence of the Turkish Empire, and yet in the same week in which the last of these speeches was delivered the Russian Government concluded a treaty with Achmet Pacha, by which a large ter ritory, giving a direct entrance into Turkey, was ceded to Russia. This treaty, then, at once affected directly the sta bility of the Turkish empire, which his Majesty expressed his determination to preserve unimpaired. He also wished to have the correspondence relating to this treaty. The Govern ment ought not, it could not, refuse it. There were other papers referring to Poland which he thought ought not to be refused ; but if the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Foreign Department would say that negotiations were still going on, on the subject of Poland, with the Russian Government,lhe would withdraw that p i z d t o o of hishe her barbarous, oußs,ussia fore, there was a prima facie ease made out for calling on the ,in remorselessspite s o y f s t a e l in l r ho interference, thon gh there fore, Government to be no longer supine on a subject that so deeply involved the interests antf honour of the nation. He belonged to the Liberal party ; he belonged to the Whig party—that, party which had done m o r e f o r the wellbeing and benefit 0 . 1 the country th an any o th er , an d w hi c h alone, he believec_ i could govern th e na ti on w i t h a d van t age . B ut w h en he recol lected the conduct of that party towards Poland he could not but feel that there was a blot, a stain upon their character , . which thei r f u t ure con d uct a l one cou ld e ff ace. Th e y had already to answer for the sacrifice of Poland. Let them net also have to answer for the sacrifice of Turkey as well as Pe" land. The Noble Lord then moved for the production of-- Ist. The treaty of Constantinople of the 28th of July, 1E 133, called the treaty of Unkier Skelessi. 2d. The treaty of St. Petersburgh of the 29th of January, 1834. 3rd. Any corre- - , spondence betwe en thi s G overnmen t an d t h e G overnme nts of Russia and Turkey relative to those treaties. 4th. Any cor respondence with the Government of Russia relating to the conduct pursued by Russia towards Poland. Mr. T. A TTWOOD seconded the motion. He was sure that the people of England would support the Government in carrying on a war with Russia for the independence of Poland. —(No, no and hear.) The Noble Lord ought rather to pawn the Crown jewels than let England be brought to such a state in which she could not vindicate her own independenc e or the independence of her allies.--( A laugh.) The Noble Lord must take care to prevent RuSsian intrigue operating.o n his mind. The Noble Lord had more than once insinuated that his (Mr. Attwood's) wish for a war with Russia aros e from an anxiety to get paper money, and also that his consti tuents might get orders for arms ; but he would not say tha t Russian influence or intrigue had operated with the Noble Lord when he suffered that Power to attain such a sway.- - (A laugh.) He (Mr. Attwood) could not help saying, that by pursuing the course that had been followed, the honour of England had been sacrificed. He charged the Noble Lord with having been guilty of a dereliction of duty in not watch ing sufficiently the interests of this country. The Noble Lord long ago ought to have laid on the table papers calling for an addition of men to the army; and instead of 'fitting out a fleet now, it had sailed two years ago, the Russian fleet never would have been at Sabastapol, and this nation might hav e done what she pleased there. It was said that this country could not support the expense of a war so long as w e bad a gold standard, but she could do so with good p a per. - --' (Great laughter.) Now the Noble Lord had called for an addition to the fleet ; he trusted that the Noble Lord woul d not do as Lord Liverpool did—n ame ly, h es i tate to do ant' thing. He would tell the Noble Lord, if he did not intend to war to the knife, he would recommend him to be qu iet.-- (Laughter. ) If they proceeded firmly, they would make short work with Russia. This country had submitted for 1 1 P• wards of twenty years to the grossest insults from th a t p o wer; and we had allowed her to go on gaining in influence and strength, but if the Noble Lord would show the spirit of an Englishman, or, aye, of an Irishman--( Great laughter) this country would humble Russia to the dust. The sooner England struck the blow, the more easy would success be; He trusted that there was not a man in that House who would not admit that England had been grossly insulted by Russia and if there was such a man, he did not envy either his hear t or his head.—(Laughter.) He was sure that a war with Russia would be the most popular war that ever was entered into , " (No, no.) He had good information as to the feelings of the people of England ; he was. sure, that in case of such a war' they would get any number of s tilors they might require al volunteers from the merchant service. The chief enemies 0 ' such a war were the Jews—(Laughter) —by the J ew s be meant the remorseless money grinders.--( Renewed laughter.) No man should be allowed to sit in that House, who was a holder of a large amount of Consols. No man who was in terested in the national burdens' should sit in the House.--- (Laughter.) No man interested in Consols should be allowed to administer the law or have a voice in vindicating the honou r of England. They were aware, that in case of a war, Con sols might again fall as they did in 1796, to 58.—(A laugh.) In 1817 a treaty was entered into between France and Eng" land, and Russia, for supporting the independence of Greece , and the latter party engaged not to pass the Pruth. Inimed i : • ately afterwards the English fleet destroyed the Turkish fleet at Navarino, and soon after this was done Russia said that she had a private ground of quarrel with Turkey, and sen t her army across the Balkan to Adrianople, which she nev er would have done if the Turkish fleet had not been destroyed. The Duke of Wellington was then at the head of affiirs—b e l and a worse man than the Noble Lord, who was at the bea u of the Foreign Department, he meant Lord Aberdeen —re fused to go to war. Count Nesselrode imposed upon theol' and stated, " Oh we have a private quarrel with Tin-kg - ; our honour is involved, and you ought not to prevent us vindli eating it." This sati s fi e d t h e D u k e o f Well i ngton an d Ler Aberdeen, and for which he (Mr. Attwood) would never fa' give there.—(A laugh.) The Duke of Wellington had su b ' mitted to insults which no man with the blood of an Englisu" man or an Irishman either, in his veins, would have borne. He forgot that it was a question of English honour a s well as of English interest. If the Noble Lord at present at th e head of the Foreign Department, w ou ld d r i ve th e b ar barian s back to their wildrness, if he would show his sincerity by blockading the Baltic, he (Mr. Attwood) for one, would re turn him his most sincere thanks. Lord POLLINGTON could not agree with the 'kJ': Gentleman who spoke last, that a war with Russia would be desirable. The House, however, was greatly indebted to the Noble Lord for calling their attention to this important sub' ject. The Polish nation must feel grateful and proud that the attention of a British House of Commons was thus drawn t 0 theirad proved cause. mostTlie iapathynjurioonfs .E 1 thiscountry v o is n i t t e b d e subject the s a t; v i h t p n o e s r s o e s figssio n n o o Dalmatian f Russia since Greek ]a last t se ssion, who and was not desiroush e could to s . h t t fer his allegi ance f rom Vi enna to Russia, as being of the trans ng religion. Mr. B. HOY did not wish for war, nor did he believe the people of England wished for it. There were only three 0 8 1: in whi c h B r i tis h i nterests in India could be injured. F i rst' by interf er i ng w i t h the religion of the natives. Secondly, by colonizati on . Th ere was no instance of a colony having be en colonised th at did not ultimately separate itself from them ther cou n t ry . Th e t hi rd was by degrading their own ser vic in Indi a to t h e l evel of the natives. The moment th i s was done their hold of India was lost. He considered - the dsZ very dist an t i n d ee d, w h en R uss i a should be able to i n vade India successfully. He could not approve of the policy P i c sued by England towards Turkey. They had no more rig to assist in the separation of Greece from Turkey than Turkel would have to separate Ireland from England. No countrY, in Europ e was worse treate d t h an T ur k ey. They h a d t o co L n e tend at the sa me ti me aga i nst E uropean a lli ance, aga i n st tn . , Pacha of Egypt, and ag a i ns t S erv i a . B es id es t hi s , t h e y were alway s o pp resse d by a system o f quarant i ne. The N o bl e L talked of the aggressions of Russia ; but let him look at England, a n d s ee th e ex t en t o f h er aggress i ons i n I n di a sir% the time of Lord Cli ve . S u ffi c i ent at t ent i on h a d not bee_ paid to their for e i gn p o li c y s i nce t h e quest i on o f Ref 4; began to be agitated in that House.—( Hear, hear.) Noble Lord who brought forward this motion seemed to thing that it w ou ld no t b e a difficult matter for a fleet to pass the Dardanelles at night. A sho r t ti me b ac k h e p rocee ded to the Dardanelles in a Maltese vessel. It was dark when they SE : proached. A li g h t was i nstant l y di sp l aye d, an d i n a f e w 0 , 1 „' mites several shots were fi re d. Thi s , with the Turkish o'7 tonments stationed in the plains of Tr o y an d i n o th er parts a t e t jacent, proved that the Turks were not so inattentive to t', l passage ao the Noble Lord seemed to suppose. If war sho al become necessary, he hoped En g lsnd would stand alone in the contest, as she had done before. Lord PALERSTON said, however he might admire thetei M ability with w hi c h t h e N o bl e Lord i ntroduced and support his his m o ti on —h owever far he might concur i n some parts o f speech, or differ from other parts of it—there were two so; timents uttered by the Hon. Members who followed him in the debate f rom which he must entirely diss e nt. Th e Honourah'_, Member f or Bi rm i ng h am expressed a des i re to see th i s cou nt" , as soon as possible engaged in a war. He by no means e°, 4 _ 1 curred with him.—(Ch eers .) O n t h e contrary, i t was his most sincere wish that they should continue at peace.— ( Lo u cheers.) If, however, it should be their fate in consequell'ci either of a ggress i on or o f provocat i on, to find themse ff" f engaged in a war , h e wou ld not concur in the wish a the Hon. Member for Southampton that they should ste n , unassisted.—(Che ers .) H e truste d , i f . they d i d go to that the friends they had formed in peace by dignity and red tegrity of conduct would not be indifferent spectators, a nd t a war which would, and could, be only just, should be sq; ma ported, not o n ly by th e sympat hi es of nkind, but by t!"„ active exertion s o f f a ithf u l a lli es . Hi s N o bl e F r iend wn; brought forward the question, said it was one of great nlf tiortal importance. In that o pi n i on h e fi rm l y concurred. iiaf e _ i f there was any man who th o u g ht th a t th e f ore i gn re l at i on s the country were Matters i n diff erent , t h at person must -- looked at the affairs of mankind and of nations with little profit. Nor could lie agree with his Noble Friend in thinkinge that the attenda nce o f late years in that House w hen subjec t relating to the f ore i gn policy of this country were brought ft) - 1. 1 ; ward favour e d th e suppos i tion that there prevailed either l e the House or in the country any indifference to those cll:', e be tions. He cou ld never concur in the notion that either 4f nation or Pa r li ament h a d f e l t i n diff erent as to the a ff a irs o f Europe, or of other nations ; for, on the contrary, he was ‘b e opinion th a t if anything more peculiarly c h arac t er ised I _,, people of this country from th ose o f o th ers , or t h e d e liber tions of the two Houses of P ar li amen t,;i t was an extreme e% xiety to give an earnest attention to the events passing aronbues them. So much so, indeed, bad thi s f ee li ng preva il e d, t il e the nation perhaps on some occasions had r a th er gone be the Government, in a keen perception of coming events, n o s an eagerness to grapple with them, than they had stvAln o f disposition to lag behind in the discussion of questions r a foreign policy, or an indifference to their fate. If he 010 Palmerston), were permitted to give an explart a d of the indifference, apparent only, to which his Noble frr al o alluded, importance but of ro th , : a g c r o e n a fi t questiondenee t : : had referred, he would say that he thought it arose, not n' t a w n bi tse h n i s s ib N il o it b y le to Fr t io h n e d Government—(Hear)--4rom a conviction on their parts L a d the manner in which the foreign policy of the countin g* , been administered under their management had been su e lief that t h othes subject, i t pe e c u e rt t p, i on without goadingot h t e itsG o b v o e ini r n n gm order e n n e t o w e t so a s s a snyt induce uh d ca i e o t u t shlye theym i s r ai o e It : hi : : t same time th a t t h ey preserved to have secured the p reva l ence of peace, and in the "% e a undergo to (Il e honour, the di gn i ty, and the interests of the f peace, also to preserve t country.— 0 hear.) If the nation had thought that the foreign no" e " r the country was b e i ng ill administered, the House w ould e u e ep Willy not have been so empty as it had generally been "" c : 5 - questions re l at i ng to it were brought forward. Whenever al; e , satisfaction bad from time to time on former occasions Poby veiled, the ffouse had invariably been much fuller when s e re jects c onnecte d w i t h t h e f ore i gn policy of the country vide brought forward than when occupied by questions of a i