The Sun. — London, England, 1838-01-19 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, HOUSE OF LORDS, JAN. 18. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his scat on the Woolsack at ten minutes past Five o'Clock. Earl FirzwlLLlAm and Lord WALLACE took the oaths ani their teats. Mr. Parkinlon, from the Accountant-General's Office, at tended at the Bar, and brought up a return of the sums re oi-ived annually by the Accountant-General of the Court of Chancery under the provisions of the 3d and 4th of WillnAr. 3V. c. 94, and an account of the sums paid annualy thereat salarios, &c., from the 25th of November, 1833, to 25th of November, 1837. DUCHESS OF KENT. Lord MELBOURNE moved the seconl reading of the Seeechese of Ke:.t's Annuity Bile to which he did not knew that seeir Lords' ips would be disposed to rnake any further objection. Lord BROUGHAM s ,id he belisved that he was the on:e nerson mho had offeisd any objection to this Bill, and that Ile ;:.ad said on a former occasion all that he coesidesed it necessary td ejvance on the subject. 'The Bill sees then read a second time. AFFAIRS OF CANADA. Lord E LI, EN B 0 ;Z. 9UG H stated that he was surprised to find that the dates pf tae correspondence relating to the affairs of Canada had not oven printed with the papers which had been tail on their Lordship;' table; and be had under s'ood that they would have been prine.sd yesterday. Lord GLE'NELG said he did nut believe :: was usual to pint the dates of such correspondence ; but however I , c had otdered them to be printed and distributed at the doors of Sit: , House this afternoon. Lord ELLENBOROUGH observed that the corre spondence would be perfectly unintelligible without the dates. But he wished to ask the Noble Lord opposite, if he bad any dispatch or document to prove that he had performed the promise that was given to Lord Gosford in September last. Lord GLEN ELG believed that the dispatch to which the Noble Earl alluded was the dispatch of Sept. 1836. He ( Lord Glenelg) had stated the other night, that if there were any dispatches that would show it they would be produced. He had found there were two dispatches sent off in consequence. one of which was of a private and confidential nature, which he did not think it proper to lay before their Lordships, and the other had been produced. Lord ELLENBOROUGH would venture to make one observation in reply, which was, that although, before the in_ surreetion, it might have been inconvenient and improper for her Majesty's Government to tare produced those dispatches, vet after thee event had taken place, no such objection could have existed. The Order of the Day having been read by the Clerk, Lord GLEN ELG saict—My Lords, I rise, according to the notice, to raove that an humble Address be presented to her Majesty relative to the present situat'on of affairs in Canada. My Lords, this Address generally expresses tli.e regret of the House at the state of affairs in Canada, and pledges this House to support the Crown in whatever measures may be necessary to maintain the integrity of the Empire, and I flatter myself that it will find a ready acceptance with your Lord ships. I shall now take the liberty of reading the Address, which is—that an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, thanking her Majesty for her gracious commu nication of papers relating to the affairs of Canada—to assure her Majesty that the anxious consideration of this House will be given to such measures as the present exigency may require—to express the deep concern of this House that the disaffected party in Lower Canada have had recourse to arms with a view to throw off their allegiance— to declare their satisfaction that this party have been success fully opposed by her Majesty's loyal subjects in North Ame rica, and by her Majesty's troops, and to assure her Majesty that while this House will be ever ready to redress the real grievances of the people or Canada, they are fully determined to secure the integrity of the empire, and the restoration of tranquillity. My Lords, in submitting this address to your Lordships, I trust you will permit me to offer a few observations on the sub jects to which it relates. I think, my Lords, I must so address your Lordships, considering the deep im portance of the subjects to which it relates, and the vast influence it may have with respect to the prosperity of this empire. My Lords, I think it right to re quest your Lordships' indulgence while I offer the observa tions I have to make, because I think it is not possible t 3 pre sent the House with a just view of the measures which the Go vernment intend to propose, or the policy by which the Government had been ,actuated, without trespassing for some time, certainly not long, compared with the importance of the subject. It is not necessary for me, my Lords, to recal your attention to the history of our disputes in Canada—at least, it i; not necessary for me to recal your attention to the earlier period of them. It ie, however, necessary for me, in order to place in a proper light the conduct of the Government, to request your Lordships to refer with me to that period of our history when the present Government came into office. When they came into office, owe of the most difficult questions which presented itself to their attention was with respect to Canada—difficulties, not in consequence of occa sional circumstances, but from causes deeply rooted by both in the frame-work of that State, the nature of its Government, and the situation of the North American Colonies. —( Hear, hear.) The great portion of territory added to our dominions by the peace of 1761, divided into the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, presented at that time a scene of great difficulty and anxiety. With respect to Upper Cenada it was rapidly advancing to prosperity, but there was a coesiderable degree of discontent and animosity with re ference to the Lower Province of Canada, and that par ticularly ' arising from the peculiar situation in which the Upper Canadians found themselves.—( Hear, hear.) In regard to the ce'mmercial interests of that Province, it being surrounded by other nations, and having no means of communication except through the different nations with which it was surrounded, or the river St. Lawrence, they were in consequence regarded with no small &glee of 'ealousy by their brethren of the Upper Province, and so much was it felt that various plans were at different times de vised to escape from the difficulties of their podtion. It is only necessary for me to state, my Lords, that a plan was proposed—on the one hand an arrangement would be made with the United States in order to obtain a com munication with the sea ; and, on the other hand, a plan was proposed for connecting Montreal with the Upper Province. In Upper Canada, also, there was considerable internal anxiety. The House of Assembly of that Province was then about entering into a race of ri valry with the House of Assembly of Lower Canada upon those topics which agitated Lower Canada. But, my Lords, there were cases of still deeper anxiety in existence with respect to Lower Canada ; for in that Province there was that at work which might not exactly be the origin of the disturbances, but which certainly gave them the force and energy which they had acquired,—namely. the division of the two races which had inhabited that province—a division which was not by circumstances at all mellowed, but which had been matured, and had given rise to more heartburnings, and had been the cause of raore disturbances than any political events of the time. In that colony, my Lords, the Constitution was not established on principles which gave to wealth the influence and weight which, in conjunction with other circum stances, would have been beneficial, but which gave the whole influence to numbers alone—the determination of which alone made the elective franchise what it was ; and the case, my Lords, is remarkable, as forming the peculiar politi cal society of that province. The numerical majority—about 400,000—returned by ter the greater majority of the Members of the Assembly ; and the consequence was that one of the races predoeninated to a great extent in the Assembly, from which the other race was nearly excluded. Now those, my Lords. who are thus returned by this numerical mujerity, were those who were attached to the obsolete forms of former times as they prevailed in that colony while under the dominion of France Thry were opposed to all the forms of commerce, to the extension of trade, and the settling of the country by emigration. The leaders of that Assembly so chosen, commanding a majority—commanding their constituents, for whom they required to care but little, as, though they were a most amiable and simple etas', still they were a most ignorant one, and were peculiarly ready to be led away by the prat: ces of designing men—these leaders, my Lords, had the advaltage of fighting wi'h the influence of a popular Constitution on their side, in consequence of the gross igno reuce which I have already mentioned ; and those, my Lords, who were real Reformers—those who were in favour of actual improvement—were compelled to resort to that which might be calle.l the Aristocr ttic party in the province 'thus it appeared on the one band in support it may be said of an oligarchy hostile to improvement, the rights and Irivileges of a free institution were pushed to the extreme ; and, on the other, the privileges generally used not to promote but to retard improvement, were pushed to the extreme by those who were anxious fur improvement. That formcl a remarkable circumstance in the character of the people. But these distinctions were still more aggravated by the circum stance of the differences between the two races in manner and religion, in language, and in general views of political principles; and notwithstanding the advantages that were thus given to one race, the aspiring activity of the other race did gain an ascendancy over those advantages. The English race was in possession of ell the foreign commerce; it was in possession also of some very large portions of the property of S t e country where the habitat's lived ; and thus the illusions with which the leaders of the malcontents flattered themselves of a great Canadian republic were every day fading from their view. —(hear, hear.) Such, also, was the contrast between the two races—the hopes and fears of the two races —that it could not fail to produce considerable animosity; and preparations on both sides were made to assert, by enemy dna in their power, and by such means as they could find constitution illy, the ascendancy which the one de sired to maintain, and which the other desired to acquire. But, my Lords. the Constitution given in 1791 might he said, Fat least in earlier years. not to hare been administered.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) All the emoluments and honours of the country were bestowed on the English, and thus, again, time popular institutions were severed from the honours and rewards that Government had it hs its power to confer. The Executive Government being at that time, in truth, not able to appreciate the gift it had obtained, usurp el practically some of the functions of the Assembly. The money of the --e-Vesiter „Tee in the hands of the Crow r e or rather th e Go /rs, es . ')eree'e:Peenel, hence it followed that abuses crept in, and /4 , ::: —. e- IC:litittis.;t - abuses attained such an extent, that kle .- epe ~esfeetkie nglish united their interests with those e s. `‘ k -e:-, e,?fsf e tilst c rieStli4s order to obtain redress. The French, tot s `e'LC.leeeepteeee9iesseetiorC4th the English, found the advantage . f retteihge,etieive claims, on the ground of real abuses, - - amp': of,*(if,twas given in 18' , 8, when first the subject was .--- 0*;a:: Air ;veliament by Mr. Huskisson, and the resolutions lot - yot e passed were afterwards carried into effect by ity ii)arrriend opposite (Lord Ellenborough) as far as the power and influence of the Crown could enable him to du so ; and the result :.as, that the sensible part of the French Cana- dians quitted the ranks of the agirators, and gave their support to the Government. The English also supported the Gov.rnment, but this was not themcde to sa. munication with that gallant person, that he dal not think it necessary to a:ail himself of the power that hnd been given. Three months afterwards, however, he thought right to exercise that power to the extent of one regiment. At a late period in November he found it necessary to make a demand for a larger force, and in doing so no doubt he was aetuated by a sense of the necessity of such a force being placed in the Province. Now, my Lords, my argument is, that in so acting he acted not hlameably, but from a pe. - suasien of a necessity of the case. Upon that judgment, my Lords, I am boa d to say that until November there was no necessity for fresh troops. But believing this tube the case, I must further add, that distressing as the events that have occurred may be. it is sonic consolation to think that the result in one respost is most satisfactory, namely, that of showing how completely intitled we were to rely on the affection and support of the ' British colonists. I confess, my Lords, that nothing in my opinion would be more to be regretted, than that we should I have despatched an overwhelming military torce with those re solutions which were passed by the House of Commons during the last Session. By adopting such a course, we should have told the world we were satisfied of the impropsiety of those resolutions, as we did not venture to communicate them to the Lover Province without accompanying them by an over• whelming force. The adoption of such a course would have placed us in an improper position in the eyes of the world, and have a tendency to represent that the state of the colonies was such that it could not be kept under without military force. That notion, at last, might have been dissolved ; and, my Lords, it appears that at this moment, whatever may be the discontents of the colonists, the great security of the Bri tish Colonial Empire rests upon the well-tried allegiance and fidelity of our fellow csuntryrnen in the Colonial pos sessions of the country.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I can not pass from this part of the subject without expressing my utmost satisfaction at the manner in which Lord Gosford and Sir John Colborne have conducted themselves throughout the painful times and circumstances in which they have been placed. Lord Gosford has been placed in a most difficult situation; he has been placed in such a position as to be al. roc st compelled to give offence to both parties; yet he has con ducted himself in a manner which will receive the approbation of all. lam persuaded that his conduct will give satisfaction when the asperities of both parties have given way to a better state of things. Of Sir John Colborne it is unnecessary to speak; his character as a military man is too well established to re quire eulogy at my hands.—( Hear, hear.) Such, therefore, being the state of affairs in the Colony, and the district of Montreal—by the late accounts, being in a state of open insurrection—it becomes us to con sider what is to be done in this crisis. With respect to the immediate suppression of the insurrection, it is to be hoped that there are means in the power of Government to carry the question to a satisfactory issue.—( Hear.) But the question then arises what course ought to be pursued with respect to the general Government of the Colony. At present the actual Government may be said to be in a state of abeyance. For some years past the Legislative Council has been superseded by the conduct of the House of Assembly. It would be idle to think of again calling together the present House of Assembly, and it would be as idle to hope for any good result from a new election. It is irapossiblo, how ever, to leave the Government in its present position. It is ne cessary we should have some sort of Government in its place— some legislative body. It will be necessary for us to provide some form of Government, suited to the exigency of the crisis. It is therefore proposed to do by law what practically has been done by the Assembly itself—it is proposed to suspend for a given period of time so much of the Constitutional Act of 1791 as relates to the functions and Constitutions of the Legislative authority. It is proposed to place the Legislative authority in a Governor and Council during a given period of time in three years, and during that period to direct that the laws which may be passed by that authority shall not be of a permanent character, but shall partake of the nature of the authority itself.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It is at the same time provided, that it shall be competent for her Majesty, at any time prior to the expiration of that period, to restore the tree Constitution. such, my Lords, is the temporary Constitution, substituted for that which has been for sonic time suspended. It is undoubtedly, my Lords, a measure of severity—it is an arbitrary measure—(hear, hear, from Lord Brougham)—but, I submit, it is a measure which has become requisite under the ozisting circumstances. It is not enough, my Lords, to provide merely atemporary Constitution. It is right and proper that we should look forward to a period when we may Lave some degree of tranquillity in the provinces, and that the period will come when the functions of a free Con stitution maybe resumed by some part of the Canadians. Let it not be imagined that it is inconsistent with a measure of this na ture to look forward at the same moment to a period when a better system may obtain ; so, that whilst we are neces sarily secure, we may bold in contemplation the hope and the intention to return to a better system. The question then is, what steps are necessary to be taken with respect to the restoration of Lower Canada, and the set tlement of the ques ions which now agitate that Province ? Upper Canada must, of course, be taken into consideration, as its interests are intimately interwoven with those of Lower Canada. The questions which connect them are of such importance as to require great consideration. For instance, the navigation of the St. Lawrence the duties by which their commerce is to be regulated, their railroads, bridges, and internal communication, their monetary system, and other subjects common to the two provinces. It is also ex pedient that the disputes in Lower Canada should be adjusted. Various plans have been suggested for the attainment of these objects. Among others it has been proposed that the Lower Province should be dismembered—that the city and district of Montreal should be annexed to Upper Canada. This, of course, my Lords, is not a plan which we can entertain, and I do not know that it would tend to reconcile the feeling of both par ties, but that it would have the effect of transferring the feuds of Lower Canada to Upper Canada. Another plan which has been much insisted upon is a Legislative Union between the two provinces. To that there are very strong objections. The great extent of the two pro vinces—the difference of habits between the inhabitants, and other objections of a formidable nature—and as the close of the whole it is not likely, my Lords, that the Upper Province would assent to such connection. A better prospect might be obtained by a Federal Union, this would have a very considerable effect in adjusting the disputes between the Provinces. It would give the Upper Province a just influence over those great questions to which I have al luded, and would, I should think, satisfy the demands of the Upper Province. It would, at the same time, by bringing u gether the natives of the two Provinces to discuss subjects of general interest, raise them above narrow and local questions. But in this also I ma not swore that the Upper Province ac quiesce; ; and it is therefore, my Lords, proposed that some thing analogous should be attempted by the Governor who is selected by her Majesty for the government of Lower Canada. It is proposed that the Governor be authorised to invite from the two Provinces persons who may be justly supposed to re present the feelings and wishes of the people of the two Provinces, and consult them as to the measures it may be ad visable to adopt, both for the adjustment of the Constitution of the Canadas, and the formation of an arrangement for the common interest of both countries. If it be asked whst ad vantage is to be gained from this proposal, I shall answer , t hat in some respect=, I have touched on them in adverting to the fe deral union, and I think similar advantages may be obtaine d. At all events, the Governor will ho able to ascertain what a re the opinieas of the two Provinces resp ec ti ng t h e C o nstitution under which we live, and respecting those amendments (some amendments being admitted to be requisite) it may be advisable to adopt. It is at the same time most probable that he may be able to submit to Parliament measures relating GL E N RIPON E enquired to _ t o he f a csadjustment probableu of f these rest diff er ences. time.w i t, d b i vernor to choose the time. The proposal is, that should iu prerogative. which invite the Assembly to nominate a certain number of persons. Lord EL LENBOROUGH—Supposin g the present house of Assembly to be suspended, how will it lie then ? Lord G LE NE LG— If the Legislature of Lower Cartage he he Go suspended, it is proposed that he should endeavour to a' d.ain some persons who would fitly represent the province of Lo srer Canada. It is suggested he should call on the electors of Lower Ca n ' da. There are now five di oricts in Lower Canada from which we propose to have these representatives chosen under the pre sent franchise. Lord BROUGHAM—By the present electors ? Lord GLENELG—Yes. Lord BROUGII A M— Oh, that's absurd.—( Laughter. ) Lord G L EN EL G— At the same time a power to select the bestyLcorrndmt Lords, time i ni e ts ,i proposes of course, which ss e t t ,0 0 e c n a ao l rt l , ya fu ni r ne tno li a n cetl e enactment nt t; assembly of these electors. Such, my Lords, are the outlines of the itr,he p t l i a ,li n set w tic h iri i l c l h the Go haynntehreoy op Lords,so Governmentascek t . h a v meanh i w , 13 'r but t' it m i y s considered to be an essential part of this plan ; hut, of course, statedit vvi will generallybe provided tl, fore manner to meet the present emergency, I shall now merely refer to the motion I intend to propose to your Lordships. Ido not con sider it necessary fir me to say one word on the subject, as I do Thenot A d believedre Address havinget one o b f e y e o n u r r e ad Lordshipsfro from e cti. \ N n ‘ l Lord 81/0 UG HAM said—My Lord s , t h e part which I had the honour to take last Summer in this H ouse, when these ill-fated resolutions were transmitted from the other House of Parliament, to which, and to our concurrence in th em , I trace the whole of the present evils, has impelled me to p resent w y. self thus early hi this important discutsion upon the attention of your Lordships. And, nay Lords, I wish I could follow my Noble Friend over the ground which he has just gone, and confining mys. If to that ground, not to trespass upon other more painful topics, But it never seems to have s t ruck my Noble Friend that when P. Mi iswr of the Crown comes to Parliament with a proposition—not only such as is contained io this Address, but which gives us also notice of measures about to be proposed following the Address of a high t.ssrsgative and unconstitutional kind—it never seems to have struck my Noble Friend that the Moister who comes to Parliament resorting to it for such extraordinary remedies bas another thing to do besides —to show that these remedies are necessary—that he has t o ex plain the conduct out of which that necessity has arisen— that he has to defend himself and those with whom Ijo acts, and the Ministry of whom he forms a part, for having brought our Colonial affa'rs into such a state, that we are assembled at an unwonted period of the wieter, for the purpose of remedying no less th an rebel li nt in our principal province, and adopting prospective m e asures to prevent a recurre nce o f it by snspende l Lords ? Ar e th ese ing the Constitution of that Province.—( Hear, hear .) l A, ll :e tte t s h i e w se tei:erpyisdgtady'sbyoasccuarrsehnacdcosw. , d not to be r egar d e d? Are and i 4 which a Minister of the Crown has Parliament, arid to ask for the pleat a these right t c o i rcu come ms t d s o n w e ens to extraordinary powers they can bestow, and to pass by the i as t 9 vim caused this state aiite s—t yestioil of tni o w hom was Fectent p l at of , the case, and never to answer h the needful previous !isfy the leaders of the disturbances. Those reforms sieve opposed to their objections. They thought that the redress of grievances had been granted by the Par liament and the Crown of this country, not through sense of justic, , , as they really were, but through fear, and they felt that their only hcpe was to urge fresh grievances, having no real existence, whci those that existed had been swei,t away, arid the result which my Noble Friend opposite found . .VAR the applause with which the agitators were received in the (louse of Assembly. Wh2n those fresh questions were advanced the House of Assembly took its ground on principles which involved the independence of the Colony. They demanded that the Legislative Council should be elective—that the House of Assembly should possess the control of the Revenues of the Crown—and they required further that the officers of the Government should be responsible to that Assembly, which would in fact place those officers completely under their control. To all these demands the English were opposed, fur they saw in them the proscrip ti:.n of their own race.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.) Such, my Lords, was the situation of the minds of men in Lower Canada up to time when the present Government entered upon the consideration of this subject. At the same period, in the adjoining provinces, there was room f:ee much anxiety. In Nova Scotia, and in New Bruns wick, there was s.orne agitation—at least the Agitators of Lower Canada thought themselves entitled to claim—or at least they took the liberty to claim for themselves a fellow-feeling on the part of those Pi ovinces—most falsely, I believe— most unjustly—but they did make that claim, and that is sufficient to show at least that there was—and un- doubtedly there was—some agitation in those Pro vinces sufficient to demand the attentive conside ration of the Government. Such were the d,fficulties in which we found these questions when we were called upon to cm- 1 amine into them. I know it may be said that the course which wa had to take was very s'mple—that we ought to take neither one line nor the other. My Lords, it is very easy after a result to prophecy the issue, and to assert what line of conduct should have been pursued. What were the taro courses between which we were to choose? One was, to support the pretensions of the French party. The result of following that line of eonduct, every clear and simple, in one sense, it is true—putting aside for the present what I shall presently advert to—that it would in volve the surrender of the British Sovereignty—the result of following that line of conduct would have been very great injustice to the British residents in Lower Canada. My Lords, justice is the principle on which the Government is bound to act with respect to the colonies of this country. If I we at once had acceded to the demands of the French Cana- titans, the result would have been extremely injurious, to say no more at present, to the British race in Lower Canada. And would such acourse have been sanc- tinned in this country by the Parliament—by the nation ? Would it have been approved of by the rest of our North American Provinces? Above all, would it have been tolerated by those so deeply interested in it ? My Lords, the result of following any such course would have been to involve us in the calamities of a war, to which wo are now brought—but a war of a far more obnoxious and unhappy nature, for we should have been called upon to support the French party against our fel low-subjects in Lower Canada. My Lords, there was another course which might have been pursued, which was, taking the part of the British. It might have been recomraended to as to remove the House of Assembly, and consti tute a new system of representation, with the object of giving the majority to the British party.—( Hear, hear.) Neither was this the best line ; it was surrounded with the same difficulties, with this addition, that if it had been adopted we should have been involved by it with the whole of the French populations of Canada.—( Hear, hear.) The only course which I conceive the Government could possibly pursue was the course of justice and moderation ; to act not as the partisan of either, but as the mediator between bcth. Such a line of proceeding was, of course, open to the censures of persons of extreme opinions, but it was, after all, the only true and safe one, and the only one that was likely to be crowned with success. That line I venture to say was that which the Government adopted, and the results to which it led were the redress of acknowledged grievances, and the investigation of alleged ones. On that principle the Government proceeded, and it was also the principle on which preceding Governments acted, for I do not claim for the present Government alone the credit of such a course, believing its predecessors adopted it, and certainly it was the only one left to us to pursue. In accordance, therefore, with this policy, Lord Gosford was appointed to carry into effect the intentions of Government to redress such grievances as were admitted, and to institute inquiry into those that were alleged. Lord Gosford's endeavours in that province were met, how ever, by the Assembly with conduct which I will not charac terise. It is enough to observe that it was not calculated to maintain that spirit of conciliation and moderation between the contending parties, which it had been the object of the Govern ment to promote, and of Lord Gosford to extend. The truth is. that the leaders of the French Assembly, whom Lord Gosford was called to address, were not disposed to acquiesce in any proposition short of this, to which I have adverted, as involving the surrender of the British pro vince; and after the failure of these efforts the cause was referred to the Imperial Parliament, and last Session the Parliament pronounced its decision. Even after that decision was pronounced, an opportunity was offered to the Assembly to retrace their steps. There were some moderate persons anxious to adjust the differences, but the attempt failed, and the Assembly separated, making the defi nitive demands to which I have alluded. Now, my Lords, such has been the result of the efforts which have been made ; and at this moment I need not assert, because it is sufficiently notorious from the papers on the table of the House, that in one part of the Province there is a direct resistance to the Government of this country. There were circumstances favour able at the time,notwithstanding the calamity is hich has occurred. Deeply as I lament that result, I am bound to observe there are other circumstances which within the last two or three years have occurred. The result of the mission of Lord Gos ford has produced one effect on the feelings of a great portion of the French population of Lower Canada. A few years ago, many of the persons who were scattered through dif ferent parts of that Province, and resident in Quebec, were allied with the interests of those whom now they oppose. But having seen the course this Government pursued, and, observing the sincerity of their inattention to the province, those persons have voluntarily quitted the ranks of the agi. tutors, and are now supporting the Government. The result is, those feelings which spread over the Upper part are now confined to Lower Canada, and in Montreal and Quebec persons of large fortunes and respectability are in a state of perfect tran quillity. In like manner I would observe with respect of the other provinces of North America that a different spirit there prevails. I need but refer to Upper Canada to prove that the feelings of the people are peaceable and loyal. In New Brunswick and Nova Scotia the same feeling animates the people, because the Governors of those respective Provinces state, that it is impossible for any thing to exceed the enthu siasm wi h which the people of both of those provinces are desirous of giving their support to the people of this country and her Majesty. These circumstances are of no small moment, when we are in such difficulties and embarraaments as those which prevail in Lower Ca nada.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, with respect to the insur rection—the revolt which has broken out in Canada, I know it is s lid that the Government has shown a want of precaution in looking forward to what his taken place. It has been said there ought to have been a greater supply of forces in the province of Lower Canada last summer, and that it ni;g,ht naturally be expected that sonic commotion would tate place when the resolutions were made known which w, re passed in the last Session of Parliament. With respect to any want of precaution on that subject, I have to state in allusion to the question that was asked by the Noble Baron opposite, in refeeenee to a dispatch in answer to a letter in the month of SeTtemner, 1836, although one of those was confidential, yet I may say that we fulfilled the p-omise that was given ; and though I am not at liberty to produce that despatch, yet I feel I am at liberty to State expressly that I distinctly referred to the possibility, not the y.robability, the possibility that the arrival of the resolutions in Lower Canada, might tend to produce some local clisturtaneee.—( Hear, hear.) And I therefore pressed on the Governor to communicate with Sir John Colborne, to snake preparations in case such a thing occurred—not anticipating that such serious dis turbance end alarm would have ensued.--( Lord Brougham —the dote?) February, les37.—( Hear, hear, hear.) That letter referred to a letter of Lord Gosford, which trans mitted an account of the meeting and separation of the As sembly ; and it was in consequence of its being necessary to consult my colleagues, and see what steps they would decide upon taking, that I stated I should shortly again address them and communicate what the inten tions of the Government were. No time was lost in maturing those measures, and which were afterwards communicated to Lord Gosford. But, my Lords, the charge made of the insufficiency of the force in Lower Canada proceeded on the assumption of the fact of its inadequacy. Now, I beg leave to deny that it is at all established that the force in Lower Canada was at all inadequate. Certainly there was no proof of that fact ; and an far as the accounts have reached us, it is c!ear that the farce in Lower Canada was adequate in a very great degree to suppress the insurrection. However I may be inclined to bow to the opinion of persons of such weight and authority, I must be allowed to claim for the Government the benefit of the actual state of things in Lovscr Canada. But independently of that circumstance, I may observe as it appears in these papers that in March last I announced to Lord Go.- ford the intention of the Government to send out two more regiments. And in the same month I announced to him that that intention had been reliquiahecl.—( Hear, hear, liner. ) It was argued from this that the Government bed changed their previous intentions, and it was also assumed that they did Ten think it necessary to make any addition to the troops there ; but in that same dispatch there is a letter addressed to .the Governor of Nova S. otia, requiring him to obey the requisition of the Governor of Lower Canada ; and ia that very letter he is most expressly autho r:zed to apply to the Governor of Nuva Scotia foe any force he might require. The change was simply this —instead of sending troops direct to Quebec, the Government decided upon drawing them from the other provinces. 01 order to supply Lower Canada with a sufficient force. But kdeon n t m by‘ y v s theh view to denying as I th e th e f ac t o f th e inadequacy of the force, tch i ro s ovwe e r fnerrootrmainmo of the certainly rather different from that tsetlbfeany these p o r poav ffi rit l oc e fe rs th fo oe r fr n e o sC t " la ann a s v a i lb ng al : lily, but I am sot desiro us t o blame a force when they bad the p ower to have one, ' because they dd :‘ i iare n ti o , t t t h hnk eiauitthonveitcyes to oi, t o o have r d one s te r thwas eexpreorioll};Of was in communication with Sir John C,olbourn ' amtist experienced officer, and Lord Gosford said after coma THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 19, IS3B to be attribute I the breaking out of this rebellion —why it had not been guarded against by timely precautions—and whether the policy which caused it was justifiable or not ? t looking from beginning to end of my Noble Friend's statement—clear and lucid as it eras—to this hour I cannot perceive one explanation given—one defence at• tempted—or one protection of himself resorted to against those charges which have been ringing in the mouths of her Ma.. jesty's subjects against the Government from one end of the Kingdom to the other, and which charges, I will venture to say, point at him and point at his colleagues in this unfortu nate business. My Lords, I cannot dispense with the neces sit/ urCe,- which I feel myself placed, of at once Galling the at tentioa of the House to those matters which he has pa=sed over without a single remark, ns if he were coming down in the ordinary discharge of official duty to move any accounts, the production of which are a matter of course, or to tender any proposition for the supply of the yearly expenses of the State in tranquil times, and under ordinary circum stances. My Lords, there was but one explanation in my Noble Friend's speech to remark generally which I have made. He Bald they had been charged with sending over the resolutions, and sending no force to back them. His defence against that has left, the charge, in my apprehen , ion, isolated as it was. I will now come to that fact, and in doing so come also to the ex planation of the circumstance, which has been alluded to already by the Noble Baron—l mean the extraordinary interval between the receiving of that dispatch of September, 1836, and the answering of it, on the 1 lth of March, 1837.—( Hear.) He atys it is not correct to suppose that this extraordinary in terval took place—that instead of somewhere about four months having elapsed, a lesser period had intervened—for that there was, though he could not regularly or accurately advert to it— there was in point of fact another shorter dispatch—one more meagre or shorter of its natural proportions than the one bearing date the 11th of March there never was—( Laughter)—hut that in point of physical and mathematical dimensions a shorter dis patch had been conveyed to the Queen's Commissioner in Canada. Lcrd G L ENEL G—l beg pardon— I did not say a shorter dispatch. Lord BROUGHAM—WeII, I must say this is one of the most extraordinary modes of preparing papers for the informa tion of Parliament, the exculpation of the Ministry, or the elucidation of public affairs, I ever knew. The dispatch, which is of no value whatever, which tells nothing, is produced— ( A laugh)—the dispatch which may be of some value—l cannot say it is of none till I have seen it—that dispatch is not produced. Why is it not produced? Its production is the only means by which we can ascertain its value. My Noble Friend affirms it is of value, that it is long—( Laughter) —hut he is angry with me for curtailing it of its due pro portions.—( Laughter.) He is, as a parent should be, anxious to protect his child.—( Laughter.) He says it is long but he does not tell us that its value is equal to its length.— ( Hear, and laughter.) But still I will assume it to be of value—l will suppose its value is proportionate to its bulk.— ( Laughter.) I will assume that instead of containing nothing, like its predecessor of the 20th of November, or its successor of the 11th of March, and that train of successors which followed one after the other, as it were, to the crack of doom —admitting it to be of value, and to be as important in value as it is in bulk, why have we not that dispatch, which would tell us something, when all the dispatches are produced that tell us nothing? That is my question; and if my Noble Friend will answer that question in a satisfactory manner, it will preclude the necessity of my entering upon that point of debate—and God knows there are so many points to which it is necessary briefly to advert, that I would most willingly indeed dispense entering upon any that are superfluous.—(Hear, hear.) If a dispatch is called private or confidential, no man has a right to prevent its being produced, if it throws light on the sub ject. Dispatches sometimes commence with "My dear Lord," or "My Lord," and conclude with " I am your's sin cerely," or " I have the honour to be," in all the ordinary forms of office and official communications, varying according to the degree of intimacy between the parties. But the question is, do the dispatches relate to the matter for which Parliament has been called together, and upon which the Crown is to be addressed? If so, I say Ministers are bound to produce them whether they are formal or in formal, whether they are letters, or notes, or official dispatches of the usual formality. It is necessary for the consideration of the subject, that they should be laid before the House, and I never knew, nor did any of your Lordships ever know, that the one which was most material was omitted. Now, in this correspondence which brings before you the conduct of the de partment upon which you are called upon to deliberate —upon which you are called on to address first, and to legis late after—you find that there is the promise in one of the letters (that of the 90th of November), and in that of the I Ith of March there is also the promise of a further communication— the Noble Baron stating, that as soon as he shall be able to communicate the decision of Parliament on these polite, he will send further instructions. When is the decision of Par liament asked upon them? The decision of Parliament on those matters is asked by the 6th of March ; an adjournment takes place during the Easter holidays—Parliament meets again on the 6th of April, and showed no reluctance to sup port the Ministers. Members came from all parts of the coun try. They wore not squeamish as to the votes which they gave to Ministers, as to any part of these dominions, or as to any measure of the Cabinet ; it was carried by a steady work. ing majority, composed of Members of various parties—of Members not too prone to scrutinise any measure of the pre sent Government ; that is, provided it did not affect one par ticular part of the United Kingdon—of Members who did not examine too closely as to the votes they gave in sup port of the Government policy as to any other portion of the Queen's dominions. There could not be much diffi culty in obtaining their votes on these resolutions, and they were carried with almost unexampled majorities.—( Hear. ) Still no communication, nothing but a promise of a des patch—that is all the unfortunate Governor of Cana la has to guide his conduct. My Lords, I cannot understand why a dispatch should be stuffed with notices.—( Laughter.) I can understand why the Order Book of the House of Commons should be filled with notices—( Hear, hear, and laughter) and anything more NI of notices than the dispatch of my Noble Friend, I can no where find but in that Order Beok.—( Loud laughter.) On the first day of any given Parliament, where persons arc brought from all quar ters to discuss measures—where an opposition is looked for— where a difference of opinion is reckoned on, no doubt, I can comprehend why the order-book should be filled with no:ices ; but of what possible use can it be, what purpose can it serve, to give notice to your own agent, to your governor, chose only duty it is to obey, and who is timely enough warned of what your views are when he receives your orders ; that is what I cannot comprehend. Nevertheless the practice of my Noble Friend seems to be that notice after notice should be given of what instructions are to be sent out. And accordingly, on the 29th of April, after eight months have elapsed, this production, this instruction, as it were, this eight-month child—( Much laughter)—is produced, which barely makes a cry to give a sign of struggling for lif e, a nd then he 'is heard of no more.—( Continued laughter.) I defy the wit of man to discover in this which has taken eight months to bring forth—l defy the fancy of man to suggest any one purpose which this dispatch, purporting to give instruc tions first promised in November, 183 ti, then the promise continued on the 11th of March, 1837, by a dispatch containing no instructions, but only a report of the di visions in the House of Commons, which would have been more accurately given by the original document being conveyed if the Newspaper report did not satisfy the Gover nor, and a list of the members who voted on each side. It se, ms incredible, but it will be seen that so was performed the promise which was given in November, and continued and con firmed by the despatch of the 11 tli March. The despatch first alludes to the full discussion of the resolutions in the House of Commons ; it then describes the large majorities by which they were supported, and states that they were all passed. It goes on to say, " I enclose for your Lordship's information extracts from the votes and proceedings of the House, containing a statement of the several divisions which have taken place on this subject since I last addres . sed you." Since I last sent you an account of the divisions with the names of the Membersl—( A laugh. ) Then as to the intro duction of the Bill, it is stated that " it must be postponed till after the opinion of the House of Lords shall have been taken on them," about which there s.!eins to have been g, eat doubt, which I am hardly surprised at, considering that not only had no division taken place on the subject, but mine was the solitary voice that was raised against the measure. Mine was the solitary " No." The despatch proceeds to say— " but I have every reason to anticipate that it will be submitted to Parliament within a very short period." That was on the 29th of April—" So soon as the reso• lotions shall have been disposed of by the House of Lords, I shall address to your Lordship full instruc tions on the steps which should he adopted under existing cir cumstances, especially with reference to the composition of both the Legislative and Executive Councils. I regret that owing to the delay which hiss occurred in passing the resolu• tions, arising in a great measure from the pressure of public business, I have been compelled to withhold these instructions f,,r a longer period than I anticipated; but your Lordship ma y rely on receiving then in ample time to enable you to prepare fur the meeting of the Legislature." Did he? I shall show to your demo Lerd nstrate p that not shis at he haying clidno r s e u e c e h ive th d in t g h , es a e nd in ! shall presently structions had a most fatal effect on the state of affairs and the peace of that colony. The dispatch thus proceeds Whether that meeting should be postponed until the time w hen the law will require that a session should be held, or should be fixed for an earlier time, is a question which must depend to a certain degree on local circumstances, of which your Lordship will have the means of obtaining a fur m ire accurate acquaintance than I can. I shall, however, dis tinctly advert to this point, in connection with the other mat ters on which I shall have to address ysur Lordship, and I only refer to it now that ;ou may be aware that it will no t b e ove:looked." Really so many thinge had been referred to be fore by my Noble Friend, all of which had iii regular suc cession been overlooked—( A laugh )—that I am rather appre hensive this reference must have frustrated its own object, and taught him to expect that it would be also overlooked, folow jog the fate of its predecessors.—( Much laughter)—" and that your own att t e o n ‘ t v i h on at ?msaayysistsiiedirGeocyteedrutoor youin tliiieuemetautlid :nine e n ' o "—t thinle " i ye t t " .—(Laughter.) How am I to direct my at tention in the meantime, to what you withhold from ray know ledge?--( Renewed laughter.) Why, the thing seems utterly incredible, and one must keep ones eyes fixed upon the pas sage, lest his unbelief should get the better of him. " With y i eee t' pee on the dispatch ;so that tbpre a view, with w hi c h Lord Goeford , s ettentioe was in the meentime, welting the uncertain period of the arrival of unknown instructions to be directed to that which he could on the face of the dispatch have no possible idea of, and to which he therefore could not possibly direct his atteetirp. And what my Lords i t i t le yipw with .Lossl friOefeedli ett i eet!p . n . le'tlitie directed towards the d av i t ?—(Lat4ghter.l Nil at is the reason that his attention should be fixed upon darkness, andabsolute and necessary - un certainty ?—( Much laughter.) " With the view," concludes the despatch, "to the sound exercise of that discr . etien which September, my Lords, the Earl of G o s ford states that he is it may probably he expedient to leave in y our Loruships hands disposed to think he may be under the necessity of suspending w ith regard to it." S. that my Lord Gosford is toll in the the Cohstitutian i . This, my Lords, cannot be described as an despatch of the _9th April, that he will at some future but indication that t ilegs were going on in their ordinary course undefined day, be informed of something which he is to attend —this does nut betoken perfect quiet and tranqui l li t y. Ag ain, to, but which is in the meantime carefully conceded from on the 9th of September Lord Gosford states that up to that him ; the reason for telling him this, howeve r, being that he time (so that it was not new, it had been going on from day to may occupy . the awful interval between despatch which tells him nothing, and the future de naSch missed. And for what, my Lords—for what (Alice ? The which possibly may tell him something, in making up l mind magistrates for attending illegal assemblies, end the guerre;guerre;how he shall act in unknown circumstances, upon undisclosed for taking l part in treasonable proceedings, again, a, . rny instructions—( Laughter) —and in exercising a sound discretion Lora s, surely betokens no perthesly tranquil . state of flaire with regard to " it," the nature of " it" being precisely that How, my Lords, it that this piece of inlormation got printed with he ; here ?—how is it that it was not kept out, seeing that h it tells h eti 1 with which he is left altogether unacquainted, and is by no means certain will ever be communicated to him.-- . a tile ?—( Hear, hear, hear. ) First it tells us Wat hits veil. on in the province for a considerable time back, and (Laughter.) This, my Lords, is the plain and manifest un- ; port of the dispatch of the 29th of April, to which the atten- g ne oi x t t 'g it, shows us that information must have reached this tion of Lord Gosford was so carefully called—by which the ; country from the province which is n u t furnished to the exercise of his sound discretion was to be guid, d.—( Hear, House. —( Hear, hear.) Lord Gosf uhl afterwards ' states that hear.) My Lords, let us, in justice towards an absent man — , a Central Committee had been organised by the disaffected, towards a man who has been assailed in terms not very consist- to which " the" Local Committees reported. Here, my Lords, cut with proper courtesy and fairness—and by a process not the use of the definite article clearly infers that something very complimentary to human justice, which always supposes about these Loesl Committees must have ave been mentioned be the absent man to he in the wrong-( Ideate hear)—let us, in fore — tha t this was not the firer time the facts concerning tle e n s common justice to Lord Gosford, pause a moment to consider had been reported to the home Government. A that, even if he has disappointed the expectations of his which states that "a " Central Committee 'mad been countrymen, if he has failed to satisfy the employers who formed, which issues instructions to " the'. Local Corn commissioned him, he is not the person whom the country has , mittees, absolutely demonstrates to us that this is not the to blame, or, at least, upon him must the blame be lightly vi- I first time on whieh Local Committees h ave b een name d to sited.—( Hear, hear.) Mark his situation—sent to the out - i h er Majesty's Ministers ; and whether this i n f orma ti on post, to the advanced post, of our empire, at a distance from I was conve y ed in p rivate familiar notes, or long formal the wisdom, from the vigour, from the resources of the Go- dispatches, the iiiformatioa is not slight in importance whi .h vernment Councils at home—(Great laughter)—left with I discloses an organized system of insurrection. Indeed it is a no other than the ordinary resources of the colony—( Hear, : feet which I know, and which has been stated by the agents, hear s —intended only fur peaceful times, to meet a crisis that instantly after the account of the resolutions and the pro brought on, I might say, by his employers ; but, at all events, posed Bill was received in Canada, the whole of some o f a crisis of colonial affairs of a most unparalleled character ;to tne provinces, and a great pmt of many others of the dis meet a state of thi ngs whi c h he himself gave the home Go- affected districts, were divide I under a system of accurate vernment unequivocal intimation of in his last dispatch, organize ion. In each parish, local or parish comm i ttees where he told them that the public peace of the colony i were formed ; in each district, district committees ; and, which had been committed to his charge was in the greatest finally, a central committee was formed, wnich issued in point. Mark, I say, the situation of this Governor so situated. structions to the district committees, which then again forwarded so unaided by the taouncils at home, so unassisted by extra- to the central committee. Again, there was another part of ordinary forces to meet the extraordinary exigency of the chi- the system organized under which persons were appointed un sis ; the only communication he has from his employers being der the designation of aimables compositeurs, friendly peel& a direction to wait for "it"—to wait for instructions till an caters or arbitrators, to whoiw all the disputes of the dis uncertain day arrives, while, in the mean time, the party who affected among themselves were to be referred, instead of to sends him such a despatch either cannot or will not give him the King's Courts; and the patriots passed resolutions that an inkling, or a guess at what it is he is to direct his attention it was contrary to the allegiance due to their native country to. My Lords, I say it is not Lord Gosford only whose for any among the patriots to have recourse to the King's position you are to mark, but it is the position of the colonies courts instead of to the aintables compositeurs, the inhabitants themselves. If you will have plantations in every clime, if who had recourse to the King's Courts were waited upon and you will have subjects by millions in opposite sides of the globe told, you had better not do so again, and whoever among them —if you will undertake the administration of the affairs of. an committed this so stated offence a second time, some of his empire extending over both hemispheres, over an empire on cattle were injured ; and on the third occasion all his cattle which the sun never sets—it is well—whether such a deter- were houghed. Now, my Lords, there, is no doobt but this mination on your parts be prudent or impolitic, whether its system was organized at the period to which I have adverted effects be beneficial or detrimental to our highest interests, I —the early part of September. My Lords, there are some will not now stop to inquire—but if you make up your minds things which, from their very nature, take so much time in to this, at all events it imposes on you the absolute and pare- completion, that if, at any given moment, we find them arrived mount necessity that you shall be alive, and awake— at a certain height—we may calculate pretty nearly the time (laughter)—and vigilant at all times : that you shall not they have occupied in so doing—and if there be anything which sleep and slumber—(renewed laughter)—that you shall more than another carries within itself the proof of its existence not, like the sluggard, let you hands sleep before you, as if for sonic time, it is the organization of Committees such ass you were administering the affairs of a parish, or even of a these, communicating one to the other, and, above all, the or kingdom near at home, to which, and from which, the pest ganization of a judiciary system, having for its object the ad. goes and arrives every day in the week.—( Hear, hear.) That ministration of a mockery of justice by violence, and to super is one condition of holding such an extended empire, difficult sede the public courts. I therefore, think, my Lords, that it to grapple with, dangerous to be possessed of—not, perhaps, is self-evident that this organization, both executive and wholesome either for the parent State, or for the colony it judicial, must have proceeded to a considerable extent before self, that they should long remain together so connected ; the period at which we have any indications of them in any of but, at all events, that which I have insisted on is the the despatches. But, my Lords, this system was not confined bounden duty—the condition, the sine qua non—of those to committees. There was a force appointed by the patriots, who undertake the administration of such extensive and ar- stationed as a police force, in order to keep the peace, when duous affairs. But, my Lords, the resolutions passed the all these magistrates were removed from the commission, and Commons on the 6th of March. Parliament re-assembled all these military officers were compelled to resign, or base on the 6th of April after the recess, but the resolutions their commissions taken from them. It is clear, my Lords, were not submitted to your Lordships until the Bth and that ever since the arrival of the Resolutions in Canada, the 9th of May, on which day they passed your Lordships' whole country was in a state of organization. Tribunals of n House also, with but one dissentient voice against them. voluntary kind were forced upon the people, and a system. of Now, Lord Gosford had been told, Parliament had been levying men for the purposes of police, as it was called; but told, that as soon as the two Houses should have agreed in who, my Lords, can for a moment doubt the purpose was re. these resolutions they should be followed up by action, by a volution—(Hear, hear)—was carried on under the very nose Bill, by legislation. Was this done, my Lords? No such of the Government. My Lords, why do I speak with such thing. Day after day passed, week after week ela p sed, and confid ence as to the inevitable result of these resolutions? My up to' the middle of June, when the lamented and unhappy reason is clear; it is contained in these despatches. Lord demise of the Crown took place, which was said to alter the Gosford himself has asserted that the effect of the arrival of state of things, no one step had been taken to follow up the re- those resolutions, particularly the eighth resolution, was this, solutions by a legislative enactment. Yet, did any man doubt that even those who were most adverse to the party of t h e what the effect of these resolutions was likely to be ? Those C ana di an ag it a t o rs, who most warmly had opposed the French resolutions were not conciliatory ; they were not intended as party, and who had been the stedfast an d uny i rs i d i ng friends conciliatory—( Hear, hear) —they were coercive—( Hear)— of the Government of the mother -country, were loud and una. they meant repression, or they meant nothing—they meant nimous in their disapprobation o f the, eighth resolution. a refusal of the long-pressed demands of the Lower Cana. Nor, my Lords, do I marvel at all this ; to me it is no surprise diana—they were harsh and coercive—there was no infusion of —I expected this. I argued against the resolutions—l pro tenderness or kindness in their composition, Wh a t was thi s tested against them—l earneseny though humbly besought cherished object of the House of Assembly of L ower C ana d a ? your Lordships not to plunge the country into that quarrel The desires of the Lower Canadians were unequivocally ex- which I saw was absolutely inevitable if this Bth Resolution pressed in its House of Assembly by majorities unexampled, were passed. In addition to injury of the deepest character. comparatively speaking, in the Legislative Assembly—by ma- that which was worse than all injury, mockery and insult, jorities of 80 to 11—by majorities representing, not, as in for- were added. To tell men you gave them the English Con mer cases, say two to one of the natives of the province, but stitution—to tell men that they have no longer had it in form, after the House of Assembly had been dissolved, a general but that they have it now in substance—to tell men that they election took place, and the result was, that in place of a ma _ have now the same command over the Government, the same jority of Representatives representing 300,000, as compared t o power over the public purse which the Commons of England your party representing 160,000—there was in the new As- i n P a rlia me nt assembled enjoy, and which is the very founda sembly a majority representing 477,000, prepared to make the tion of the charter of their liberties--to tell them that, and to same demands as the former Assembly, as compared to your tell them that you gave them that power for the purpose of party, which now only represented 34,000. In that proper- their using it to protect themselves against grievances, to ob tion was the public voice in favour of the cherished desire of taro redress of grievances, to extort from the Government the the Canadians. And let this never for an instant pass out of possession of their owns rights, and to prevent their rulers from your Lordships' mind—by this vast proportion of the Repre- tyrannising over them and encroaching on those rights—and sentatives was the public voice of the Province declared t o be then the very first time that they exercise the authority you in favour of the cherished object. What said the resolutions gave them, the very first instant they put that power in force, of the British Parliament ? How were the declared wishes the very first time they use that power which you boast of the Representatives of fourteen to one of the Lower you have given them for the purpose of obtaining a redress Canadian population responded to in England ?By resolutions of those grievances —to obtain and secure the success of which passed in your Lordships' House with but one dissentient voice ; you have been braggi ng y ou gave t h em t h at power — an d the and in the other House, oy majorities nearly as great as those very first time they use th a t po wer as y ou meant it, you do not which in the Canadian Assembly expressed the voice of 14 to take it from them, but pass it by and seize hold of roue money. lof tlio Lower Canadian population—resolutions which dc- You take by main force and by a file of trofspg that fund stared to the people of Canada that any idea of attaining an which you said they, and they alone, were t have the option elective Legislative Council was, as far as the mother country or discretion of using or not. All this, nny Lords, is neither was concerned, henceforth entirely hopeless. But , my Lords , more nor less than a mockery and - en insult in the outrage o us was there, on the other hand, no tenderness exhibited, no kind- nature of which the real Nor, done to those people merges, ness, no boon, to counterbalance the repulsive , the offensive, and is wholly lost. But it was deemed necessary t o d o ; the irritating, the vexations effect of turning a deaf ear to the and, accordingly, the wisdom of Parliament being c onsu lt e d, deeply-cherished and almost universally expressed desire of both Houses almw: ‘ , unanimously agree d t o t h at course. I t the Lower Canadians? Yes, my Lords, there w a s a b oon is t oo late now __i t is unavailing now to lament it; but this at granted. You gave the House of Assembly, in 1831, a power least we ;,,ay say, that, when you did take that course as recom over the public purse—you told them that they should stand mernled by the Government, who had notice of it long before towards the revenue of the colony, as we, the Parliament of you knew it—who knew it before hand—who had been think the mother country, stand t owar d s t h e re venues of the mother ins of it from the 20th of November, 1836, up to the date of country ; that they should have the power, like us, of grant- the nnknown withheld dispatch of the middle of July, 1837, ing, adjourning, and withdrawing supplies; henceforth consi- and u p t o the date of the 6th of March, and the subsequent der yourselves as the same as ourselves ; henceforth you . shalk date of the not very instructive, but at least forthcoming dis have no reason to complain of having but an imperfect 411adow patch—( A laugh)—of the 11th of March—the Government of the British Constitution ; that h ence f o rth they Should have knew what it was about, was aware of what it was going to the substance of that shadow, the power which controls and propound, knew the effect that was to be produced by it—it se t bounds to the power of the C,rnwit, the absolute power of must have made up its mind to the consequences, having resolved giving, withholding, end Adjourning the supplies. Having to give the insult and inflict the injury—and was ever yet imbe this Constitution they were told that if they hod a grievance cility—was ever yet confusion and insufficiency of ideas—was unredressed, they should have the same remedy as ourselves ; ever yet unintelligible policy (if I might prostitute such a name they were told they might refuse the supplies if they deemed to such a use)--( Laughter)—was ever yet anything of the kind fit. They were told this in dispatches to the Governor, in in the history of human blundering equal to this?—that of messages of the Governor, in speeches from the viceregal offering insult and injury, and yet taking no step against the Throne, in tiaceehee of the Colonial Secretary of the day, inevitable effect of it to prevent tumult and quell rebellion.— that if they felt themselves aggrieved the remedy was now in (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) In other words, the their own hands, the same rein ely which the Constitution people of Canada were told " you shall be injured, you shell gave to the people of England by means of their representa- be insulted, you shall be oppressed, you shall be goaded to t i ves in Parliament, that of refusin g the supplies till their resist, but care shall be taken all the while that no provision grievances were redressed. But what do you do in 1837? By shall be made either to prevent that discontent which we know way of sweetening the bitter pill, the nauseous potion which we are giving you, or that dissatisfaction which we are aware you compel them to swallow, when, by unheard-of majori- our proceedings will excite from breaking out into revolt, and ties, you declare that, as far as you are concerned, th e y if it should so peradventure break out to prevent that revolt s h a ll never have the fulfilment of th e ir wishes._( Hear, beiag successful, and to prevent the shedding of blood." hear.) By way of meeting this bitter dreught, though you (Hear, ) There have beer, many men minded to play a d a i k ng, de in will not repeel the Act of 1 83 1 , or specifically deprive tyrant's part, resolved to oppress the enoffen them of the power of withholding supplies ; yet because ternained to trample on th e righ ts o f men, m they have exercised the power which we gave them for the their minds for some foul purposes t o encroach ong up hu declared purpose of so exercising it, because you find that they man liberty, and w hil e they increased the list of injuries have takes us at our word, a nd h av e re f u sed the supplies, you to aggravate aad exasperate the feelings excited by injury anti take the supplies assay from them, you seize their chest by a n by still more intolerable insult; but I will venture to say, that armed force, whether they will or no. This, my Lords, is this is the first time such a coarse was ever adopted without at what was done by the eight Resolutions of 1837; this, my learn some little foresight, some slight precautions to enforce Lords, is what you sent out as a sweetener for the bitter potion the policy which has been resolved on, and to preclude the which you have administered to the people of Canada, by possibility of successful resistance. I will venture to say, that telling them that you altogether refuse to mak e th e L eg i s l a . compared with that kind of policy to which I have now been tive Assembly elective. But, my . Lords, w a s t h ere ever a soliciting the attention of your Lordships—compared with such human being in the world moon stricken to the excess of doubt_ policy as that which 1 now advert to, all the most timid, vacil ing for an instant of the effect which the arrival of those Reso- lating, inefficient, and impotent rulers that ever disgraced or l ut i on s in Canada must p roduce ?—( Hear.) Some perso ns , my d egra d e d t h at stat i on — t h e Ri c h ar d C romwe ll : t h emselves, and Lords, there may be, who viewed those Resolutions with; a more the King Johns themselves, were consistent, and vigoroue, favourable eye than others ; some who thought them necessary and powerful.—( Cheers and laughter front the Opposition and justifiable, while others held them to be tyrannical, and benches.) My Lords, these resolutions are said by my Noble without a shadow of justification; some elm expected n more Friend riot to have been accompanied by an increase of mili immediate, more general, and effectual result as their con- tart' forces in Canada for various reasons, and that the event sequence than o th e rs anticipated ; but was there a single has proved that there were already sufficient forces in Canada man—and this is the test of the conduct of the Government— to put clown the revolt I hope and trust it is so. Ido not was there a single person, either among the authors of the lament that diet revolt has been put down, if it has already met resolutions, or those who voted for them, or among the the fate it deserved. But my No le Friend said there were men bystanders—the liberal portion of whom were astcnished enough out there before. flow, then, will he meet those QCO.• and dismayed, and the illiberal portion rejoiced at seeing noinists of our resources—those who pre so niggardly, and the friends of liberal principles placSd in so complete e di. most justly so, of the public treasury—those who are so jealous lemma—l ask, was there a single man among all these, of the increase of the military establishment, that they will not endued with sufficient understanding to make his opinion vote one pound or one man more than is absolutely necessary wor th having ? Was thorn one of those who do u bt e d t h at t h e fir the protection of the colonies and the mother countey--- arr i va l of those resolutions in Canada would b e , if no t th e how are they to be met ? Because if it turns out that eou had signal for revolt, at least the cause of wide-spreading discon- so huge a force in Canada—but if a most unexpected crisis tent and dissatisfaction? Arid, my Lords, such anticipations arises—if all but rebellion is expected to break out—if civil were fully justified by the event I f or no sooner did t h e reso- war is on the point of b e i ng declared —that :Here are still quite i lieions arrive n Canada than they produced very natural soldiers enough there, without sending out another man or and ver y general discontent and dissatisfaction. I might another gun—how is the question to be answered—" Why is refer your Lordships to all the organs of ordinary inter- it that in ordinary, peaceful times a force so efficient to carry on 'nation, to the newspapers of Canada and of North Ame- a war is kept up ?" If that question had been put upon any Other rice, from that time t o the present, to what was the subject occasion than the present, I know what the answer would have most private been, because I have heard it answered a hundred times, both matter of conversation in all p o liti ca l an d circles since those resolutions passed, for a cenfirtnation of my while I held office and while in opposition. The answer statement ; but I will only link you to look at one or two parts eould have been " there are only men enough to meet the of these d 'spatchee, and I call on my N o bl e Fiiende to say ordinary demands of the service in or di nary t i mes ." B u t you whether, in the face of what they have themselves produced, arc not to keep your men always on a war establishment in they have any right to be astonished that the resolutions the midst of peace—in the bosom of peace, any more than you caused that discontent and dissatisfactien which has now burst are entitled to have a holiday in rebellious times. But ac forth into open revnit 1 !.—( Hear, hear ) I may observe that cording to rug Noble Friend's argument, in the most quiet there nee some things printed among t h ose d espatc h es w hi c h timee there, are never fewer men kept up in Canada than might possibly, without any great aggrava tion of the imper- were there when th e revo l t b ro k e out , an d yet we ar e told feet character of the printed documents, have been e,mitled, that when a crisis cif the most unexpected nature to the Go while others are omitted which w ou ld hagg thrown consider- tecnment aria( a—though expected by every one else—there able light on the subject.—( a etw, hear. But among those are quite men enough to put down an insurrection without ad documenta wbigd, are printed find, in despatches of the forces.—( Il ear, h ear. ) B ut, my L or d s, t h ere i s an 9th, and 9th of' September, 1837, indications eabitsh as other argument of my Noble Friend, of a most extraordinary strongly as any of those whiell Innve leiely epp eared, since kind, and which 1 . 4%s surprised me even mare than the one I the plot hats heeken ous ?WO open rebellion—indications I say, hasp juet advert e d t o . H e t e lls you that it would have had an as plainly exhibiting the direful e ff e cts of the resolutions ai exeneilingly bad e ff ec t i n d ee d, t o h ave sen t over an y men at any of the recent rnelanchol/ Gazette accounts ; kng 4se 2 a till, because it would bg admitting they were in error—(Hear, ,`'