The Sun. — London, England, 1836-08-19 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, AUMST 18. The Consolidated Fund Bill, the Exchequer Bills Bill, and the Kingstown Harbour Bill, passed through Com mittee. The Grand Jury Pre!;cattnent Bill passed through Com mittee,- and was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. The Pensions' Duty Bill, and the Coal Trade Bill, were read a third time. The Inns and Alehouses Bill was re.:l a third time and passed: The Tithes Composition (Ireland) Bill was read a third time. The Parochial Assessments Bill was committed, re ported, and read a third time and passed. The Public Works (Ireland) Bill was read a second time, and ordered to he committed to-marrow. COMMON LAW COURTS BILL. Lord LANGDALE rose for the purpose of directing the attention of their Lordships to 6:: Common Lair Courts Bill, which had been some little time lying on their Lordship' table, having been brought up from the Com mons and read a first time. The Noble and Learned Lord commenced with stating the origin of fees paid by suitors in Courts of Law and Equity ; and, after noticing. the manner in which abuses had, on that head, crept in am; continued, he went on to say that parties hold ing offices bad dealt with these fees as vested interests. Offices of this description bad been made the subject of grants by patent ; they had been made the subject of bar gain and sale, and they had also been made the subject of marriage settlement. For two centuries there had been a struggle as regarded these fees. Perhaps of all persons suitors to a Court ought to be most exempted from such c harges ; and if the offices were essential they ought to be defrayed by the public. He then noticed, in fa vourable terms, Sir Robert Peel's Bill, of the Ist of Wil liam IV., cap.. 58, which went to abolish a vast number of fees ; and next quoted a part of a Report of the Law Com missioners, from which it appeared that the amount of fees paid in a period of ten years in the Court of King's Bench was 36,0' 7 3/. ; in the Court of Common Pleas 14,878/. ; and in the Court of Exchequer 18,69 a ; making a total of 65,641/., paid ht the shape of fees by the suitors of those three Courts. New, of this 36,0731. of fees to the King's Bench, about 17,0001, of it had been paid for sinecures or services not essential, the payment for the real services being 8,800/. ; and of the 14,875/. paid in the Common Pleas, only about 6,800/. had been paid for services really performed, the rest being for sinecures, or offices not neces sary ; and of the 18,6901. paid by fees in the Exchequer Court, the amount of the real services performed was 8,800/.; so th a t o ut of a total of 69,6411. paid for fees, only 24,400/. were expended in the payment of real services. The Noble and Learned Lord then reviewed those clauses of the Bill which r elate to compensation, saying he could not concur without further inquiry in them.—(Hear.) The persons at present holding offices were to be permitted to have, in compensation, annuities to three-fourths the ex tent they received in the shape of fees, which annuities were to be disposable. They were to be paid by the Ex chequer out of the Consolidated Fund. Such a measure as this, he apprehended, could not be passed at that late period of the Session—( Hear, hear)—and it would be requi site to have further information upon the subject. Un der these circumstances, therefore, he proposed that it should be deferred till a future Session ; and, with that view, he moved that the Bill be read a second time that day three months. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that Mr. Peel's Act had done every thing which could be done in the shape of abolishing or diminishing fees. It was impossible that any measure could expedite that object further than that Act did. He thought it was a fallacy to suppose that the expenses of the future could he diminished in the way that was imagined by some. With resneet to the depart ment over which he had the honour of presiding, he never beard a single complaint against the officers ; but this he would say, that if any complaint were made to him, they knew little of him if they supposed that the sun would set before they were removed. As regarded the compe”sa tion which this Bill proposed, he thought it extravagant -(Hear) —and if the Bill had been moved through its future stages, he had prepared a clause, as far as he was personally concerned, to render it inoperative. The motion was then agreed to, and the Bill was conse quently lost. VINDICATION .OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS. Lord LYNDHURST rose to address their Lordships, amidst considerable bustle in the House. His rising, how ever, was the :signal for instantaneous and general silence. The Noble Lord felt himself called on in honour and duty to be g the indulgence of their Lordships for a s hort time, while ' lle attempted to vindicate himself and some of his Noble Friends who co-operated with him from as foul, and unfounded, and unjustifiable accusations as ever were brought against public men before a public tribunal. This appeal he made to the justice, the honour, and the inde pendence of their Lordships, at least that great majority of their Lordships that would not be quelled into submission by external menaces, or cajoled into the positive abandon ment of old and venerated principles by the syren note of democratic flattery.--(Cheers.) lie and his Noble Friends beside him were attacked in a way that neither the usual courtesies of the House, nor he would say regard for truth and justice, could warrant.—(Cheers.) These attacks were first commenced by the Noble Baron (Holland) in his characteristic strain—a strain not suited to time delicacy, temper, and judgment of that House. They were re-echoed by.the organs of the Noble Baron's party, and sent forth to the country 'with exaggerations and appended false hoods. The • Noble Baron opposite charged him and his Noble Friends with misconduct in the discharge of their Parliamentary duties ; with having used their in fluence as Members of that House in thwarting and im peding certain legislative measures intended for the public weal.—(Hear, hear.) That accusation was as stupid as it was false. He and his friends were accused of rejecting or mutilating Bills brought up from the other House of Parliament. The Noble Baron opposite said, that pursu ing the course he and his friends adopted was calculated to alienate from that House the best wishes, feelings, and ap probation of the people. It would excite, he said, the dis regard of the whole country—nay, more, the Noble Baron, in the phrenzy of his zeal, and in the disease of his libe ralism, went so far as to say that the conduct of ti:eir Lord ships would excite the disgust of the country.—(Hear, and laughter.) Now, their Lordships were the spectators and . auditors of what transpired in that House. They were di ligent examiners of every thing that transpired in that Mouse ; they examined every measure, looked at all its ten dencies.. and scrutinised the motives, at least the probable motiye: , —those that appeared from the dealarations of the ;authors of certain Bill, and from the conduct of some No ble Lords opposite. Baring done this they consulted their own judgment ; they looked forward to the general good ; they considered themselves as raised above the people solely for their defence, and reflecting on all this, they rejected or altered the measures sent up to them from the other House of Parliamer t. Why did they so ? Because they were respon sible to time natiou for their actions, and because to the deci sion of the nation they should yield, and justly yield, for their con;oint interests were bound up together ; and he was proud to say th a t time intelligence, the patriotism, and the vi g our of I the natio n h armon i se d w i t h the decisions of their Lordships'. House.--(Cheers.) For these and other reasons he would take the lib erty o f begging the privilege of saying a few words to flin g b ac k t i me f ol d an d un merited imputation to the quarter from which it first was east.—(Cheers.) Though the contest between hint and time Noble Baron 'night be unerial. still he would venture to meet him foot to foot. Ile and the a line of policy pesatsd with him adopted Wide"; l a v i l i f i fr c en o- t 6 from that pursued by the ' Noble Lords opposite l7 no shuffling, no fraiuf, .en,on:(l,mienxnt(eirliitiys ti able . r Friends conduct used right on. Indeed, their t u h e , t ir w as purely defensive, they only stood for their own, anr,ient a nd accredited rights, without atteniptin, to in.,ld This Constitution. havin.zeed„d t . o e ti the rights of others. were not noir to be trodden under foot by suchvight s' avaricious place hunters or deinagogiu" be they in office pension, e or not.--(Chee t r b s e .; To sue!) base speculators fOr 1l schen not earned by public or private serA, or p owe r. Roguish,ices, hc should ever give Lis moSt'strennous opposition. ambi tious place-hunters. be the plebeian or Noble, be should eve r watch (and this was the principle of his party), o sa u n l ,l Ile should endeavour to trea t them accor ding to their e " It was not our wont," said b e , " t o cast our manila] grapples, and catch rising young men in order . that we may snaffle, and subdue them to our service. No, sty Lords, we never descended to those base arti tifices. We never held out a place as the wages of p ros .. titution-we were no co ncession-mongers."—(Cheering.) Th e Noble, Lord then proceeded to say that the conduct of the Opposition was parliamentary, correct, and liberal. His 4 -t of the House was mild, considerate, temperate, and judicious ; they looked only to the general good ; they had 9 0 vile, no selflsh feeling to pander to. There they w ere, before the scrutinizing gaze of the British people : aye, of the civilised .worrd ;.,and, knowing all this, they shaped their course so as to meet the approbation of the present and every coming age- . First, they looked to the independence and security, the honour d the glory, of their couritry ; • and next, they did not disregard the opinions of posterity — present honour and future and the only used as an ac companiment to the defenc a e r"e liberty—that liberty which liftedan ou t r h n e at te n u f r r i o ty m of barbarismßri sh to civilization, from civilization to freedom and refiasment— as hid, if not checked by the demagogue ou m ld fluence of a sedi tiosis aspirant to power and honour, still u u p i l d us e l s d an u d s tb,e proud position that has marked u s as t h gu ardoand ns of rational liberty through Europe e 'the world. His s id e of the House had acted, he would again sa in ne . . ress , discretion, and forbearance even to the present withesent crnmen;. Knowing the false position in which they stood, and not wishing to distract them, they did not wish 1 ' to upset or disarrange the Councils of the King—they I 7..i , :bed to let affairs take their course, knowing that the blundering imbecility of the Government Would work its • own downfall, and rouse the national indignation. His party used no delusion, they unfurled no deceptive flag, they went right on in the path of honour and duty. They called fraudulently for no reports, made on motions for pa pers which were not to b.. produced, instituted no inquiries that were not to be granted, they propounded no laws that they did net mean to pass, they made no motions that they knew would never be carried—they did nothing fcr humbug, or delusion, or dishonesty ; but they did everything in sin cerity and for the public good, and when the foul mist of delusion was pUrged away from the public eye the commu nity would see their objects, and appreciate their motives. — (Gild cheers.) The majority in that House never set itself in array against the other House of Parliament. They always wished to harmonise with it. But then their Lord 7 ships ever defended their indisputable privileges of sifting end correcting any Bill sent up to them from the other Ilouse. When a Bill was sent up they examined, they scrutinised it with industry, zeal, and integrity—they ap plied to it the whole of their intellectual and moral power. If the principle of the Bill were bad, if it embodied false and dangerous principles ; if it were a Bill calculated to blind the public eye, and deceive the judgment of the peo ple ; if it were found to be a measure introduced by weak minded or dishonest Ministers either on their own mere mo tion, or at the dictation of those who alternately coerced and, reviled them, still it was the duty of their Lordships to stand as a barrier and a fort between the agency of two antagonist principles and powers—the invasion of Monarchy on popular rights and privileges on the one side, and the usurpa tion and tyranny of democracy on the other. To this calm and reflecting exercise of judgment their Lordships would ever cling, despite of the whine of the placeman or the growl of the demagogue.—(Cheers). During the entire • session their conduct (and he meant his own and those who co-operated with him) was temperate and forbearing—for bearing even to the Government. They never showed any disposition to harass or impede it—they knew the King too well to obstruct his wishes or fetter his Ministers, when they were pursuing a useful course of policy. In entering on the defence and explanation that he intended to offer to their Lordships respecting the course he had pursued dur ing the session, he should take the liberty of referring to the speech that his Majesty, of course at the . dictation of the Noble Viscount and his colleagues, delivered at the opening of the present session of Parliament, a speech which was no doubt the index that was to point to the Mi nisterial measures about to be introduced. In noticing that speech, he should of course be compelled to contrast the brilliant prospects then held out to the eager and admir ing view of the nation, with the gloomy and desponding results that had flowed from those boastful promises.--- I Then brilliant indeed were the anticipations and the promises ; but look to the execution—how fallen, how wretched, and how despicable 1 It was lamentable, yet it was somewhat ludicrous too, to contrast the posi tion of the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) at the open ing of the session with his present condition. He was, at the opening of the session, a somebody, a man of name and sta tion, armed .with influence and power ; but what was he now ? Shrunken and fallen, without substantial power ; distrusted and derided by the nation.—(Loud cheer ing.) Contrasting, then, his proud position at the open ing of the session, and his ostentatious professions, with his humble, pitiful condition now, and his wretched failure in all his projects—contrasting, then, he would repeat, the past and the present, and looking at his character in these several points of view, he (Lord Lyndhurst) could not help applying to him the remark which was applied to a Noble predecessor of his in office whose general character as a Statesman and a man were not dissimilar to his own. He, like the Noble Viscount, mercurial, ostentatious, and sanguine, took into his rash hands the helm of State, without knowledge of the present, experience of the past, or fore sight into the future, to guide him in his dizzy course along the eddying current of public affairs. To the Noble Viscount, then, he would apply the words that were applied most pertinently to his abler and no less presumptuous pre decessor—" His promises were, as be then was, mighty ; but his performance, as he is now, nothing." - He would re fer to the King's Speech, and on that authority he would convict the Noble Viscount' opposite, and his defender, the Noble Baron ( Holland), of not only the most egregious mis statements, but of an absolute and indefensible ignorance of history. The most prominent topic that was introduced to their Lordships in the King's Speech, and for which the King's Ministers were responsible, was reform in the Court of Chancery. Public curiosity was excited—the public mind was thrown into a high state of ferment—every one said there must be a thorough and sweeping reformation in the' Court of Chancery. Well, what was tape? Week after week, and month after mouth, passed away, and no Bill was introduced to cure the chronic dlsease of the Court of Chancery. At last a Bill was brought in by the Lord Chan cellor, and be had too much respect for the legal knowledge, the good sense, and the honesty of that high functionary to suppose it was a Bill concerted by biut—thitt it emanated from him exclusively. No—he was sure it was one forced upon him by his toaster, and, more than that, forced upon those masters by their protectors and creators—a Bill which went to degrade the Court of Chancery, and dis honour the legal profession, Well, that Bill fell still-born from the hands of its bungling or unlucky accoucheute ? (Hear, hear.) The Government raised a triumphant shout on the announcement of this measure ; but what class or party supported it in its commencement, its provess, or decline ? Where were the petitions against it ? Whence did they come ? No where. Was it not strange that in the multitude of conflicting interests in the political world, and amidst all the parties complaining of the &lays of suits of Chancery, there could he found none to complain of the defeat of the Whig Chancery Reform Bill ? Un grateful people. Well, he would allow the people were not so ungrateful ; for the amended measure, in pure Whig fashion, made bad things worse, Under the guise of lots provement, it was establishing cruelty end injustice. To this knavish sort of projected reform should Ito ever be op posed. Let Ministers do things always honestly. And he should not oppose them. Let there be no shuffling, snit yelling, and trickery, but let every thing be right on.— (Cheers.) Well, that Bill was rejected. Whom did its rejection offend ? No one cried out against the orn)duct of the Lords—neither Whig ti.or Tory—Conservative ttor Radical. The Government press tiid not speak out— even the uustamped press was silent about the measure. No one said it was a bad act on the part of their Lord ships. With all the machinery of agitation prepnred in the hands of the Government, they could not get up a single meeting or even petition in favour of this Bill. That Was cne verdict of acquittal for their Lordshit;; e The party which he was in the habit of supporting used no influence to counteract the influence of the Government in the way of exciting public opinion; yet public opinion was either so dead to the merits of the Bill, or so tired of the factitious influence used to crutch up the preseat tottering Government, that not a voice Wils raised in favour of the Bill. To show that Ministers were ashamed, if not in dread of their own Bill, he would state as a positive fact, that on the discussion of any Ministerial measure there was as thin art attendance of Noble Lords who usually voted with Government as there was on that occasion. So much for that first clap-trap. The Government did of evidently desire it to pass as a laW of the land—the people, by their i utter indifference, if not their approval of the decision of the majority of that House, looked on the whole thing as a paltry farce. Let that measure, then, rest in peace. He for one would not disturb its ashes.—(Cheers and laugh ter.) He would next, taking the King'e speech as his text, revert to the Bills for the reform of Ecclesiastical Courts. That subject was long under the consideration of Parliament, arid a report was drawn up by a gentle man of large experience, w h o h a d b een d e p u t e d by a Committee of the House of Commons to report (we under stood Dr. Lusiiington). That report was received by the late Government, and transmitted to the present Govern ment with a recommendation for its adoption. The. sub ject was canvassed in that House, a Committee wet ap pointed, and the entire question fully examined in a Coin mittee up stairs. A report was accordingly made to the House, the report was laid on the table, and from that hour to the present this measure, recommended by an able and zealous. defender of Government, and adopted by Go vernment itself, had lain in slumbering inactivity,(Cheers.) This expression he used, as it reminded him of an epithet reported to have been applied by a learned and able sup porter of the present Government to that House. A dis courteous expression it certainly was ; but, frooi his know ledge of the character and high legal discrimination oi: that learned person, lie was sure he could not have used it. The Learned Gentleman, in reference to that House, called it a dormitory. Certainly, so far as the measures wilielethe pre m i to r y. grit Government nominally professed to carry through fer t the thel That ye as an li Independencei in's7(i the pull good, but which they real!) , intended should be nen ea - - after this the S . C '' Rill cushioned weee concerned, it might be eitib4l, 5o far a dor mitory, taaw . .. oitn, ot to as one of the greatest s.l.feS t v i eirlin: n n g a a n r o le w t s l h ii i ni u l :e's wass than for . the last century lo o ked Judges L ' of the liberties t to lit British people. Well, what was the fact with respect ' ? A clause was introduced in titter subversion thatofttnerds 'reedoirs :144 independence which ieZ3Ps a clause rendering and exertissd Fj.th the approbelateirocnisoefdaflolr forte the erldges of the land had t , --t Eentury, de r r e in a g so t n b i e n m g, e it n ne t l i a ; nest, and patriotic 44, subservient to, and dependeoe the C rown . an honest and reflecting man iri'ti Was there iii f.,C4;441a nity who read the history of this country who did i 3 O c b e ai i , ye th a t the perfect independence of the Judges was one of the main buttszs,es of the freedom of the subject ; that by it justice ran in a p 44,.” ,and freer current, neither checked by power nor tainted by vesiss;uv, I.refortner times the term of a judge's office expired with each . new assefaes sion. Put on the accession to the throne of George the TILE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 19 1836. Third, who might be well called, as he was generallyacalled, the lather of his people, the first act of that truly patriotic King was to make judges independent both of Government power and popular flattery, by securing to them their offices ' for life : and it remained for the Whigs and the Noble Baron opposite, who was the very concentration of Whio gery and Liberalism, t o s t r ike down the outwork of British liberty, the• independence and freedom of the administrators of justice. Could it be believed in that House, if their Lordships had not seen and heard it ? Could it be believed in the House of Commons ? Could it be believed by that population on whose capricious will the Noble Baron and his colleagues rested for temporary support? Could it be believed by any one, that the most venerated, the most use ful of our institutions was to be struck down by the Whigs, who in ancient times professed themselves the guardians of liberty, and that the first blow should be given by the Noble Baron, who was the acknowledged concentration of ail the Whaagism and liberality of the nation ? (Laughter and cheers.) If the fact went abroad, no one would believe it ; yet it was so. Base and place-hunt ing Whiggery was the first lever applied to upset and overthrow the old and noble edifice of our Constitution. No man was more diligent than the Noble Lord in de fending the clause in the Bill—a clause which their Lord ships had wisely rejected—for upsetting the independence of the judges. He had passed through only some of these measures, and, by reference to the list, he could prove the utter fallacy and fraudulency of the course that the pre sent Ministers had adopted with respect to the measures which they or their partisans announced, but never meant to carry into execution. Such was the manner in which they had redeemed the pledges given from the mouth of his Majesty at the commencement of the session. There was only one more measure of this description to which he would advert, and that was the Bill with respect to chari table trustees. That Bill they rejected, and they rejected it on account of the vicious character of the principle. By that Bill the election of the trustees was so contrived as to render them of necessity political partisans ; and they were of opinion—and who could entertain a contrary opi nion ?—that nothing could be more vicious than that trus tees of charities should act upon principles of that descrip tion. Nay, more. They objected upon another ground, a ground no less solid than the one to which he bad just referred, and it was this—that a large proportion of the charities to which the Bill applied were charities founded --and declared to be so by the very deeds of foundation-- for` the benefit of members of the Established Church. That Bill provided for the management of the charities, and pointed out the mode in which the trustees were to • be elected ; and by its provisions it placed in a great ' variety of instances the management of these charities in the hands of Dissenters. These persons might in dividually be respectable and honourable men, but he thought their Lordships and the country would be of opinion that nothing would be more unwise—nothing more incon sistent with a due desire to promote the interests of the Esta blished Church, than that charities of this description— particularly charities relating to school foundations—should be administered by the class of persons to which he referred. But more than this, it had been over and over again pub licly declared and avowed that the object was to remodel these schools—to run directly counter to the will of the founder—and to form them on a plan more consonant to ' their own views. He had now run through a few of these ' measures, and stated the grounds and the principles upon which they (the Opposition) proceeded—or at least he might say he had stated the grounds and principles which had actuated him in the course he had pursued ; and when the Noble Baron appealed to the country he (Lord Lynd hurst) thanked him, and joined him in his appeal. They were there a part and one of the great branches of the Council of the nation—they represented the great inte rests of the people, and it was their duty faithfully to dis charge.the trusts reposed in them, and they certainly con sidered themselves accountable for the manner in which ' they discharged those trusts. He was ready further— he was sure the Noble Lords around him were—to meet the challenge of the Noble Baron. They were ready to appeal to the country—they had not slumbered at their post, neither had they listened to the allurements of indolence or pleasure. They had discharged their duties faithfully and honestly, and if they had acted otherwise they must . have forgotten their high station, and the important trusts reposed in them. There were other eases to which he should beg to refer by way of retro spect to the measures already mentioned. A Bill was brought into that House by a most Reverend Prelate, on a subject of great delicacy and importance—a Bill for regu lating pluralities in the Church. Many persons bad 'di rected their attention to the subject, and many who had so directed their attention had failed in the attempt. The Bid introduced by the Right Rev. Prelate was by far the best on the subject. It was supported by that House, and it was taken up by the Ministers of the Crown, as it ' was their duty to alo, in the other House of Parliament. . The moment, however arrived when the Government was told they must proceed no further. A party supporting his Majesty's Ministers interposed, and said they were not willing to countenance the proceeding. Some struggle, as appeared from the votes, was for a time made ; but at last his Majesty's Government, having before advocated and supported the measure, one of so much importance, so es sential to the country and the inteAsts of the Established Church—yielded to the dictation to which he referred. • There was another measure—a Bill framed under the direc tion of the Government to carry into effect the fourth re ' port of the Church Commission—a Commission and report to which the members of the Cabinet were parties—a re report signed by the Noble Viscount, by the President of the Council, by the leader in the other House of Parlia ment, add by several other members of the Cabinet—it was 'in fact a most important and valuable measure of Church regulation and reform. That Bill was brought into the other House of Parliament, and hardly had it been broil& in when a mutiny took place in the camp of the Noble Lords opposite. It became ne cessary to suspend the proceedings, and it became ne a eesaary to hold a conference on the subject, somewhere in the neighboeraped of Downing-street and Whitehell—a conference, as he oaderatood, not carried on in that low tone and well-bred whisper which sometimes marked the aonforances between the House of Lords and the House of Commons, Dnt what was the result of that conference ? ' The Ministers were tall that they must abandon that mea sure, and proceed no further to carry it into effect. Nay, room They were almost obliged to give way in other measures fouewled upon the same Commission, though not on the same report, velathy to the regulation of the sees in England. The result of the c4I6TPIiCe was, that the itna portaat measure in question was abandoned, And thus the Ministers ware dictated to by a section of their supporters in the other House.—a(neer, hear.) But was this all ? A taw days ago there was a Bill 04 their Lordships' table en titled,, ii do Act for the Registration of Voteri," Now, what was the h4aery of that Bill ? It originated in 4 thotunittee appointed by the Government, over which a member a the Government presided, After a long and anxious inquiry and mature deliberation, it came to certain resolutions on the suaaasa, and in conformity with those resoioaens the Bill was drawn up. It was brought in by Lord J. itusaall, by the Attorney-General, and the Solici tor-General. It eattaiply was an excellent measure, and 66 4 .? which, with one or two exceptions, ought to have passed into a law. But again, what was the result ? That class of persooa tp which lie had referred opposed the progress of the Bill ; they proceeded to remodel it ; and they introduced clauses altesiog the right of voting as provided fee it} the Reform Bill. Resistance was for a time made, but the Miniaters were compelled to abandon the gill : and in a mutilated foam it reached that House. He (Lord imlhorst) thought that he wit; entitling himself to the gratitude a the Noble Viscount in the Game he pur rued. His Noble Friend, with his vigorous and manly mind, directed his attention to the Bill ; lie analysed every .clause, and tae result was that he got rid of those inn's). brances which had Loam engrafted upon it, and restored to 'ts original purity the text of the Noble Viscount. Did this meet wish the gratitude of the Noble Viscount ? No. The Noble Viseam i t commenced an attack, and poured iris sarcastic observations own his Noble Friend ; and, the Bill, a:a:ea:ding to the expressioa or .the Noble Baron, was mutilated. What then took place? In a whisper across the table the Noble Viareunt said he abandoned the mails sure s and why was it ? Beeimee he dreaded the resent ment and itsilivation of a class of his sappoatera—( Hear, hear.) Here was a Devernment ! Was there ever sop; gllch a Government as that aemposed of the Noble Lords oppoal ?a—(llear, hear.) In that Lianse they were to tally ineffieleot, Auld could not effect any thing. Thpy (the Opposition) were called pppn, and obliged, to discharge the duties of the Government. They were obliged to go througa tag toil and labour necessary to perfeet the mea sures sent up from the other House—measures which the Ministers advised and propase4, and which they were com pelled tie isbandon, he repeated, at the alietation of a sec tion of their sup - phrtm. Gentlemen! eminent statasmeri ! distinguished persons who, oadar these circumstanaps, eon &vended still to hold the reins of boverementaastrampled upon as ti.eaa ;erg in the manner be had described.—(Hcor, . d h a e r a k r.) iiii S: r m o L i ch e4 as 4 0 ,N 9n1 r 4 f-stir policy. Was that policy relieved by the splendour of their t;tireiga policy ? Was the side of Downing-Strad rdp i eFeil 4 the brilliant glory of tiiii (4141 . MOY.a§ pad ,c)0 Widp and • extensive for him (Lord Lyndhurs4 to ipi.er qppn pp the present occasion, and he should imitate the prudence and re: serve oiaias Noble Duke (Wellington), and he would leave it to each inMilduai ,Zee t a who heard him, and who observed what passed in this country and on aim pzn,tinent of Europe, 1 to say whether the measures and lirap6 of his Majesay's Get;arnMea a t ore calculated to ensure the eeintdencet tad respect of surrimaminaaj.9p7--whethei they were' calcu lated to induce them to court' "Or' to sa l mi our arieive;* to view us with friendship and regard or with "feelliigS of aversion and dislike. But there was a point upon which he must say 4 ;ip i crju word, and that was upon the principle' of intervention which the Government had adopted, con trary"-tO the principles they formerly . proposed, and which. -with respect to one country, had cost England, at a moderate `estimate, between one -and two millions sterling. What bad been obtained in exchange,? Disappointment, defeat, and disgrace. This policy, moreover, had compromised the di g nity of the Sovereign and tarnished the reputation and character of the people.—(Hear, hear.) It was impos sible to look to Spain and forget that it was the field of our most, glorious achievements. In that country our armies, led on by the <Ain of the Noble Duke (Wellington), gained victory after victory, and thus raised the military glory of the country to an eminence to which it huh never before reached. Surely it would seem as if some malignant - demon had interfered to suggest a mode of tarnishing that glory by the sending out of that miserable buccaneering expedi tion, under the patronage of the Ministers of the Crown, which had rendered -us odious to the Spanish people, and ridiculous and contemptible at home. The Noble Viscount being unable to carry his measures through either House of Parliament had but one course to pursue. But these were antiquated notions. Fastidious delicacy formed no part of the character of the Noble Viscount ; and, in spite of the mutinous and sullen character of his crew, he ap peared determined to stick to the vessel as long as a single plank remained afloat. He (Lord Lyndhurst) admired the Noble Viscount's spirit ; but he must offer him a word of advice. Let him get his vessel into still water as soon as possible. fortiter occupy Portum." Let him look right and left, " au sine funibus Vix durare carina3 Possint imperiosius iEquor?" There was something, after all, in the efforts and exertions of the Noble Viscount, not quite unworthy of admiration. It was impossible not to admire a brave man struggling amidst the storms of fate ; but his (Lord Lyndhurst's) con solation and hope of confidence was that the Noble Vis count, whatever his disposition might be, had not sufficient strength, although his locks were not yet shorn, to pull down the pillars of that building.—(Hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord then read his motion, which was as fol lows For a return of the number of public Bills origi nated in this House during the present session, distinguish ing how many passed with and how many without amend ments; and how many were withdrawn and rejected, either here or in the House of Commons, distinguishing the number in each House ; and, also, a return of the num ber of private Bills originated during the present session, in the. House of Commons, distinguishing how many passed with, and how many without amendments ; and how many were withdrawn, or rejected, either by the House of Commons or this House, distinguishing the number in each House." Lord HOLLAND—My Lords, an accidental expres sion of mine being the peg upon which to hang this dis cussion, I feel it necessary to address your Lordships ; and the Noble and Learned Lord having, in a subsequent part of his speech, given a great portion of his observations to the part I lately took with respect to a Bill before this House, I feel personally called upon to say a few words to your Lordships. Indeed, in another part of the Noble and Learned Lord's speech he has reflected, and personally, upon me. With respect to the motion itself, I do not think I shall trouble your Lordships at any great length upon it. I confess I was not prepared for the observations now de livered by the Noble and Learned Lord. I certainly was not prepared for that which I must contend to be one of the strongest proceedings I ever yet knew adopted. I cer tainly was not prepared for an oration like this, in which he would boast of his exploits during the session. Now, though I have been called by the Noble and Learned Lord some , thing like a sophist, I shall not, I assure you, be the lEschines who will try to take off the edge of his speech. I will not say that this is irregular ; it certainly is not ille , gal—l will not seek for any far-fetched phrase to desig nate a proceeding which I feel to be sophistical in itself ; but I will tell the Noble Lord in plain Sand homely Eng glish (and I hope he will excuse me for using such a phrase) that I regard his as a " queer" proceeding—(Laughter)-- , in point of taste and of logic. I think first in point of taste, because I am sure if any expression escaped from me per , sonal to the Noble and Learned Lord, or to others, I would be at the time it escaped, or now, most ready to recall it. I am ready to give credit to Noble Lords that in rejecting measures they, in their consciences, believe they were fol lowing what is the right course in so doing. But, my Lords, I always thought until now that when any Noble Lord felt, or a majority of your Lordships felt, called upon in your consciences and by your feelings to take such view of a subject as to reject the.petitions and the prayers of the people of this country, signified by the legal representatives, that that, at least,.was a duty painful to you to perform, in stead of its being, as it has now been made, a subject for triumph and exultation.—(Hear, and cheers from Ministe rial Peers.) This, however, it is that the Noble'and Learned Lord boasts of—it is upon this he founds his claim for fa vour—this is the, ground for his 'exultation. Now, this seems to me to be rather strange in point of taste, because I should have thought that as to the progeny of our sister House of Parliament, when we were obliged to dismiss them from our doors, we should at least do so with a sigh, instead of doing as the Noble and Learned Lord has done, adding insult, contempt, and contumely to the rejection of their prayer.—(Cheers.) In point of logic, I must say that I do not see any very great merit in rejecting measures, I shall not, as some have objected to it, use the word mutilation of measures ; but it seems that when applied to the Commons the Noble and Learned Lord had no objection to speak of the "mutilations" of the other House of 'Parliament; and this he did with regard to other measures in which the House of Commons exercised a discretion at variance with the opinion of the Noble and Learned Lord.—(Hear, hear.) At the beginning of the Session I ventured to com pare the Noble and Learned Lord to Timotheus ; but at present, (and I hope it may not . giVe offence) I must own that I made a mistake—he has become the Alexander, and he has become so pleased with the sound of his own exploits that he has gratified us with the speech we have just heard— " Pleased with the sound, the King grew vain; Fought all his battles o'er again ; And thrice he routed all his foes; and thrice ho slew the slain ;" (Laughter.) But for what purpose is all this done ? For the purpose of explaining away why it is that all the effarla of the Noble and Learned Lord have been of no avail— my Noble Colleagues have been sustained by what . they regard to be the opinion of the majority of the House of Commons. Thu Noble and Learned Lord seems to think Oilcan antiquated notion, is it an antiquated nation that a Government having the confidence of the people, should regulate their conduct so as to deserve that confi dence ? Is this a new doctrine, or is it an antiquated opinion ? At one time it did not appear to be so very an tiquated to the Noble and Learned Lord.—(Hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord says that my Noble Friend con sults a section of those who support him in the other House at' Parliament. My Noble Friend has the confidence of the House of Commons, and of the people who sent them there.—(Cheers.) I for one, then, shall advise him to ad here to his present station ; and whatever may be the dif fidence felt, whatever the distrust expressed, whatever the sarcasms resorted to by others, I am sure they will always reconcile my Noble Friend to their endurance as long as be enjoys the confidence of the House of Commons ; fur while he has that confidence, lie can defy, even if it be ne cessary, the contempt and the distrust entertained else where.--(Hear.) The time was when even the Noble and Learned Lord would have admitted that in such a notion as this there was some force. But what is the advantage of all that has been done by the • Noble and Learned Lord— of all that has been rejected by him ? I remember to have heard of a learned gentleman, and who was much more known by his wit . than logic—this was the biographer of' -Johnson—and he was so elated at being admitted into the club of which Dr. Johnson was a meniber, that lie was very much in the habit of boasting and•exalting himself on this point, and, enlarging upon the great merits of the club he used this figure of speech, which was •not a little known for its singularity, that " such was the great wisdom and talents of the club that those blackballed as members would make the best society in all Europe."—(Laughter.) So it is in the opinion of the Noble and Learned Lord, This is, he thinks, an excellent hraneh or the Legislature for blank balling Bills, or, by altering and rejecting so many Bills, the Noble and Learned Lord appeared to suppose that all they had refused to sanetior, would f orm an excellent code for any other senatorial body to adopt.--( Hear; and laughter.) Now, my Lords, we are to recollect that these Bills, for which such merit is now assumed in their being rejected, were, even ac cording to the Noble and Le arne d L or d' s own s h ow i ng , no t all bad fills, The Noble and LeartiodLord has admitted us to some of them, that as to the general objects they had in view it was desirable, if not absolutely necessary, that they ought to be . attained ; and yet what have Noble Lords done ? In O'OF " d " 4 "tif 4 IMPITIVP 114 VP 4PttiOl 4io B. 1 1 4 ii t DV 14101 1 4il? 4 . 44 1 1e4 Of 1'4'0.-4 spay have occurred in the discharge of an imperious duty ; but it is one, that Noble L or d s oug ht t o c onsider painful and unpleasant to reflect upon.—(Hear, hear.) . I cannot really follow, the Neble and Learned Lord through the enumera tlion J cannot reel them all tr.). my .. 44 Rpp O'prci 4 fl pot t, 0 2 0 !lot : 1 ,11:1N'. of yot4 1 -?raships aid very' e erect altePtl§ ll : cqrt4ir,i.bt anxious that y ou shouldpass it ; and yet, I must slay, in the recapitulation of the Bills a very large portion of the Noble and Learned Lord's speech was occupied by it ; that Bill ig the Stannaries Bill. Upon my word—the Noble and and Learned Lail must forgitie me for using the exin:b - stitiii tas'inde, 1 must say that that part of it appeared to the to be ludicrous and burlesque in Pie egrerne.—(Hear.) Your Lordships would * SuptiCiselbai t 'fd'it . fotig time there had heeyi held in Cornwall of which the Jude held his oftce during good behaviour, and was removable by the Crown, and that we, by some legerdemain, introchiced a Bill enacting that he should hold office only during pleasure. So far, now, is that from being the case, that we made the Judge more independent than he had been heretofore. There is a court in Cornwall of which the Judge holds office only during pleasure, and is removable by the Duke of Cornwall. I did not positively state its provisions, though I knew them very well, when the Bill was under discussion. If I am wrong, my Noble Friend opposite (Earl Falmouth) is able to correct me ; but instead of making the Judge more easily removed from his place, we made his place more cer tain. That Bill applied a great many restrictions upon his removal, and it is necessary by it to have the concurrence of the supreme authority before the Judge or Vice-Warden can be removed. And yet, my Lords, it is upon this that we have bad such beautiful declamation as to constitutional principles, as if we did not know the common mean i ng o f constitutional principles. But, in connection with the Stan naries Bill, there was one insinuation by the Noble and Learned Lord, which, if founded in truth, was somewhat uncourteous. The Noble Lord says that I talked in a low—in so exceedingly low a tone, that I could not be heard below the bar. Now, my Lords, I do not know whether the situation which the Noble and Learned Lord selects is for the purpose of being beard—(Laughter)--at least, the Noble and Learned Lord appears to be aware, that persons may, in seine places in this House, be heard to more advantage than in others.—(Laughter.) I wish, my Lords, I had the same command of my voice and of my passions that he has. Such as I am, I am now known to your Lordships for forty years, and I ask you whether you ever knew of me arranging my voice very artt ficially, or with a view to be heard by this man and not to be heard by that.---(Hear.) Mark, now, the inconsistency of the Noble and Learned Lord. He describes me, he compliments me, as the concentration of Whig liberty and constitutional principles ; and when he ascribes to me, I will not say Conservative principles—when he says that I dropped my voice upon that occasion—the Noble- Lord, who is so Conservative, who is such a stickler for liberty, what did he do ? You would suppose from the compli ments he has paid to my Noble and Learned Friend's (Lord Langdale's) great abilities in opposing that Bill, that he at least had seconded him—that he had stood up for the Judge—and yet not one word was said by the Noble and Learned Lord on that occasion.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He did not merely let his voice fall, but he did not he not let a word be heard.—(Hear.) No ; he has reserved it all for this occasion, to exalt the glory of this House, and to show the dangers of attending to the wishes of people of England. There was a time when the people of England were not to be distinguished from the House of Commons—the notion was repudiated that any distinction could be made between them. It is almost unnecessary to say, that it was the Tories that would recognise no such distinction. " What !" they were accustomed to say, " do you talk to us of the people of England ? We have the House of Commons; in them we recognise the people of England ; they are them." What has happened since then ? That the people of England speak a little more the voice of the people of England.—(Hear.) Now it appears they are the sec tion of a party ; and the Noble and Learned Lord, with that high degree of stern virtue that belongs to him, de clares that lie would feel himself degraded from the high elevation of consistency that has always marked his inflexi ble nature as a statesman ; he who feels that he has never changed his opinions ; he who never could bend before the authority of the day—he it is who declares he would not brook the interference of a majority of the House of Com mons ; that he would leave office ; that he would spurn it with contempt, sooner than be governed by such cobblers and low people.—(Hear, loud cheers, and laughter.) These are the high notions that the Noble and Learned Lord has of the duties of a statesman.—(Laughter.) I do not fol low the Noble and Learned Lord is his aspiring notions, and for what good purpose could Idoso ? Since, however, the Noble and Learned Lord has expressed his deep cora, passion for the situation in which I and my caea nes are placed, I hope the Nobl e an d L earne d L or d w ill t hi nk that I do not take an improper liberty with him if I give to him a little wholesome admonition, Evan admiring, as I sincerely do, his abilities, and acknowledging the beauty and talent of his speech, yet I cannot compliment him upon his judgment. Ido not understand why he made such a speech—it has always appeared to me to ho conceit to put ourselves in the situation of others, and then say they ought to de '4O and so ; but yet I cannot help thinking that the Noble and Learned Lord does not appear to understand the situation in which he is placed, or he would not have addressed us on a topic which, if in his situation, I should rather have deprecated. I certainly should not unnecessarily do so ; for it was not necessary for him to say all ho has said.---(Hear.) In the present feverish state of the public mind respeetiag the re lative positions of the House of Lords and the House of Commons, I must say that I do not think it was wise or prudent in the Noble and Learned Lord, thus unneeseaa rily, and without being forced to it by any pishlie-rocasure of importance, to come down prepared with an elaborate and deliberate attack upon the House of Commons, cou pled with a retrospective glance in justification of the con duct of this House in those points in which it has differed from the other branch of the Legialat - eee. This is a course of proceeding which I cannot - but deprecate. I have always been ready to admit that th e N o bl e L or d possessed talents of a high degree, and was of no mean authority with the nation, though the weight of that authority must, I sus pect, be somewhat diminished by such a course as he has adopted this evening —conduct which is rather aggravated than palliated by the high abilities which the Noble and Learned Lord is known to possess, With regard to the ex pression of the word ti disgust," which the Noble and Learned Lord finds fault in me for, I beg very briefly to declare, that I did not mean that it should be taken in the light the Noble and Learned Lord seemed to think, nor did I wish that it should he felt so by him. But the Noble and Learned Lord should be aware, and should admit, that there are certain proceedings of this nature which are not nearly so severely felt if done in one way, to what they would be if accompanied by a different demonstration of feeling, and done in a different manner. Though I may regret the rejection of any porticular Bill which your Lord ships may have refused to pass, I regret wire particularly the animus in which that was ;lone, the manner, and the argurnents by which your Lordships' proceedings of this kind him been accompanied. The number of Bills which your Lordships have been the means of throwing out, and the sort of hawk's eye with which you have pounced upon them—pouncing, as it were, upon minor articles in their eonstruetic,n, regardless of the great merit whieli pervaded their general nature ; this is the course which I condemn, and which I think no really wise senators would have'' adopted, With regard to subjects touched upon in the latter part of the Noble and Learned Lord's stte4,ch, I do not think that the Noble and Learned Lord has succeeded in proving its relevancy or esaet connection with the subject matter of the motion with which lie ceaohided his address. In this part of his speech the Noble and Learned Lord touched, very briefly, to be sure, upon the foreign policy of the present Government. Now it may ho very easy to turn up One's eyes, and say the honour of the Crown is falling, the nation is brought into disgrace ; but I would ask the Noble and Learned Lord to look at the actual position of affairs ; lot him turn his eyes to the east and to the west, where he will find, in the connection which this country now holds there, ample proof that the weight of authority and respect amongst nations which England once, as he declares, possessed, is not entirely gone from her.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord alluded particularly to Spain —a melancholy subject I admit, There are others, perhaps, in this House who may be able to bestow praises upon the Noble Duke so intimately con nected by his former exploits with that unhappy country, or bestow them with more discretion, with more nicety of expression, than I am ; but I deny that there is any tote who can more heartily utter the tribute of admiration so justly due to him than myself. Now, what did the Noble Duke do when he came into the Foreign-office sonic months back ? Did he vary in any one point from the policy adopted by his predecessors in office ? Did ho attempt to alter in any one particular the position in which he then found this country with regard to other Powers ? In regard to Portugal, to he sure, I recollect that the Noble Duke commented upon proceedings then in course, in ro. foronoo to that country, and said that Portugal bad been too much divided from this country alieady, and that there must be ,no more division between them. I would ask the Noble Duke and the House to compare the position of Portugal with regard to this country, in the time or my Lord Grey's Government, with its pres,ettt pwition. I may be told, "Oh yes, but this was not all your doing." True, it was not all our doing, but in every considerable point it was our doing ; and exactly the same line of policy are we now attempting to carry into effect with regard to Spain. When we took office we were ,rid that if we kept peace for three months, it vssetld be a matter of astonishment, Why, INF IIAtT kitSiv kept peace for six years,-,4 llear, hear.) I must say, that there ttpt:Wtat to 010 to be some pi oofs in existeee that neither the intliience nor the i n t eres t s o f t hi s country have lost ground within the last two years. Tt,ere is a strong desire on the part of all foreip powers to keep peace with us ; and to be ; 14 "the world is tran quil, and 'lye 119; appsehension of danger," is,, in Vily opining, tl! tryo proof that our forei gn Falley lies not been e entirely ittismat34Pds - s - -s(ChCtlts,) I now to apologise for Itaaimis occupied so m uc h o f t h e t i me o f t h e H ouse , an d for having said so much of myself ; but after what fell from the Noble and Learned. Lord, in allusion to my, c - ,so.ittet , felt. that I . could not mot-Jet tbe waiter lo pass over .tiatvati gs 1 si " tor' DHURST explained that in reference what the Noble Baron had said in the count? speech on the score of hi s (Lord Lyndh.ttryt 1, neglect of duty in not hity;eits i4esi a'nuese part in the discussion on' die ghnnatties Bill, the fact was this — that his Noble and Learned Friend on the other side of the House havlua made a very elaborate and learned speech upon ihe:sUbject, and having been fillowed by hi s Noble and Learned Friend near him, the subject appeared to him to be fully exhausted. Lord HOLLAND did not think the explanation of the Noble and Learned Lord quite conclusive on this point; for if the Noble and Learned Lord had said all he had said to-night on the subject of this Bill, when the Bill was going into Committee on the report, or on the third reading -- which he was very glad the Noble and Learned Lord had not done—yet if the Noble and Learned Lord had done so, 1 1 thought the Bill would have been thrown out, and the co consequences of it averted. Viscount MELBOURNE—It is impossible for me ne t to admit, with my Noble Friend who has just sat do"; the great powers of eloquence possessed by the Noble and Learned Lord opposite ; his dexterity in sarcasm, and his clearness in argument, cannot be denied ; and if the Noble and Learned Lord can be satisfied with a compliment con fined strictly to his abilities, I am ready to render that ho mage to him. But, my Lords, ability is not everythin3 propriety of conduct—the verccandiu—should also to combined to make a great man and a statesman, and n ot 3 Man—Homo duni frontis, perditx audachr. The Noble and Learned Lord has referred, in the course of his speech' to many matters in history, and has quoted Shaspeare, and quoted the parti cu l ars o f a great. number or statesmeu °c former times, to whom the Noble and Learned Lord is pleased to say that I bear some resemblance. 1 bee' in re turn, to refer hi m t o w h at was once sa i d by the Earl Bristol of another great statesman of former times (the Earl of Strafford), to whom the Noble Lord might, I think , be not inapplicably compared ; and of whom it was said " The malignity of his practices was hugely agg ravated by his vast talents, whereof God had given him the use 1 61 the Devil the application;'—(Laughter.) It is impossible to avoid remarking on this stange speech of the Noble and Learned Lord, that it is itself full of strong invective an a attack, and in the course of which he accuses me of maSe j g use of invective and attack, also, in the course of my au' dresses to the House ; it is impossible, also, I think, le avoid contrasting the impotence of the motion with which the Noble and Learned Lord concluded, with the 'porn" pour and threatening language with which that motio n was preluded. W ou ld not the House, on hearing tne speech of the Noble and Learned Lord, have been Pre" pared to hear him conclude by moving an address to the Crown, enTessive of want of confidence in the pr.e" sent Ministers, with a call for their immediate d' e " missal ?—(l hoar, hear.) The House might have expected t° hear *Wetting little short of a criminal charge to wind U 1 A./.IA speech of the Noble and Learned Lord ; and after a 3 their expectations what must the House think of the Noble Lord wh en h e conc l udes his speech with a miserable motion far re t urns, which, from the miserable • detail' entered upon by him in the course of his address, be appears scarcely to stand in need of. The Noble an d Learned Lord then entered upon a long and laboure d . , defence of the w ay i n w hi ch lie and his party had OW in referenee to various measures during the present Se s ‘ sion. Now I cannot help thinking that the very trouble the Noble and Learned. Lord seems to have t a ken 00 this score betrays a little uneasiness with regard to th e light in which this, their conduct, may be viewed by other s ' -„.( Hear, hear.) The Nobl e an d L earned Lord seems t°l think that there is an advantage in having the last wor d ' but I appreh en d, a l so , th at i n many cases the first weir d is a very grea t thi ng . N ow we have have had the firs t word already, and th e app li cat i on and effect of it are n(7 in cours e o f t a ki ng p l ace, so that I should not fear to go trial before any jury in the country, even though' they h e heard the speech of the Noble and Learned Lord, a nd th et a that speech had been suffered to remain without answer an without expl ana ti on i n my d e f ence. —(Cheers.) The No ble Lord tak es cre dit to hi mse l f and to his party for having be' Laved with th e greatest meekness and leniency towards le o and my c o ll eagues t h roug h out the Session ; they ba ps moved for no papers to embarrass the Government •,th vi have brou g ht on no votes o f censure against us. '174% let me as k, w h y was i t that Noble Lords took up this Meet and patient line of conduct? Was it because they were e° „, willing t o t a k e upon themselves the government of the coon try if the present Ministers were remo ve d ? O r was it ° i % they app rove d o f our measures, and were willing to retain i f in office ? B ut if they did not approve of our measures--- they did not a p prove of the line of conduct we have been( pursuing —why, let me ask, did they not make a m otion e t censure upon us, b u t t h at t h ey d i strusted, in fact not, us, bud their power in the country?—(Cheers.) The Noble e n Learned Lord b oasts t h at he and his friends are ready , appeal to the people. Then, in Heaven's name, why de they not d o so ?—( H ear, from the Ministerial benches' ) Why do they not take some steps towards an appeal o this kind, as b y an a dd ress to the Crown for our rem o va l That would be a course of conduct which would v'egf t speedily o p era t e as an appea l to the people ' s feelings,' such as the Nobl e an d L earne d L or d seems so anxiously to are sire, the result of which would be to convineehim that tn country at large has no participation in the opinions Pro' fessed by him se lf an d hi s party. Indeed all the No b le Lords on the' opposite side o f th e H ouse seem to ha v e silently a c k now l e d ge d t hi s melancholy truth, for although th speech of th e N o bl e an d L earned Lord was of a nature ca l eulated to create a very great and deep impressi o n on the min, e of those wh o heard him, I could not b ut o b serve that to: cheers with which he was greeted by those who surrounded him wer e 'faint and f ee bl e i n t h e extreme. For Lord s knew Lor. knew full we ll t h at i f they pledged themselves to the truth of all that f e ll f rom the Noble and Learned Lord, tl?el would not b e d o i ng their duty if they suffered the admler, stration of th e a ff a i rs of the country to remain in the hadou'd of his M a j esty ' s present Government, during the Pe the which m us t i n a ll pro b ability elapse bet Ween this and we next session o f P ar li ament. It certainly appears t 0 be very in cons i stent i n the Noble and Learned to talk in wl way h e h as done, when he k nows a il t h e t i me that blot his fri en d s have not the supp or t o f t h e country, andLioee on that very account they dare not take m ea ns to Py themsel ves i n t h e off i ces of Government, even though i -s tbo w ill might feel otherwise disposed to do so.—(Cheers.) ire . now be hardly ex p ec t e d o f me to go through - the re se t sport of all th a t h as occurred in the course of the 13 1 :e o n o session—if I were to d o so, i t is not probable that IWoo bring a f res h to conv i ct i on any of your Lordship's °leo in regard to those proceedings, and for myself" i l r e , oaty say, that a ft er suc h a retrospect, I should itwiej main of o pi n i on t h at t h e measures which we have esethe have been good and proper ones —measures of avilicf b i e ll country stood in n ee d— an d t h at the arguments by 11 ., of they were supp orte d, were f ounded upon a firm Igtsle truth. Th e N o bl e an d L earned Lord took the truoar to go thro ug h th e Ki ng ' s Speech, delivered at the mencerneat of the session, and observed upon it thok o ks premises which it h e ld out were m i ghty, but that the s e , i se were nothing, It s h ou ld b e recollected, however, that promises wer e w h a t I h a d t h e power of making, hut.si their p er f ormance I cou ld not command —your Lordsiiope t was who interf ere d, an d prevented me from carrying ain works into effect. if your Lordships had not interfec e b 1 the way you have done, and that upon grounds vlh' c te tl, Could hardly have supposed any one would have aueP y of and in which I mus t say you stood entirely alone, °l a not the measure s p ropose d to be carried into effect would4o,o have been i m p e d e d i n their progress. You have tAli the eat the Registrati on o f V oters Bill, though it 113 'th e viously b een agree d to by those of your party ill House of Commons. Lord LYNDHURST—No, no ! eoer Lord MELBOURNE—I say it was agreed to hreodt.) party in the oth er H ouse i n its main features.—(Hear," 0,011 Then there was the Post-office Bill, and the 114 :1 by Catholic Marriages Bill, which were hardly 01) . 1 " se c oer anybody in the House of Commons. You bring things selves then into this dilemma. One of these two, yoa r is Undoubtedly true—either that the gentlemen °' the se party in the House of Cotnnions did not oppos e w eieh measures, because they feared the unpopularity , or to would result to them for doing so, and chose rather leave the task to you in this House—most improper - C ti u tlier ; if it be so—which, however, I will not enter upon 1- ' tw o° or that those whom you consider your friends in the itiop to of Commons differ with you in respect to your otW es _ rse ll these measures—in which case you must admit you, ot o to stand awhile unsupported by your friends in an . u_ ko 0P Parliament in the line of conduct which you have cot; in rejecti ng measures which everybody but ourselv es y tis sider in th e hi g h est d egree important and advantog the country. And, this I must candidly say, is a F lor a t 9 in which 1 would no t w i s h t o see you stan d w ith re „oil the country. I have been accused of en t e rtainin i g, a o a b v re A , to hold up t o con t empt th e H ouse o f Lords, 0 9 . ; is ° I/ : in upon it s const i tut i ona l p owers i n t h e . S tate ; t" Se . s the ease. I kn o w too well the ass i s t ance an d the, t . Te o fin " if rt power which s t u o c t h he a b s r ttt ai t i ceh, andof the know Constitution st f i t o u l t c h a a p t ah : b e ne ° s e t s ° al t ! daring stands in need of all the honest se rv i ce w hi c h it can bat e wand. It is not me, then, who m y our Lordsrl!P s V ol!' to accuse, but your own cond uc t on l y, if Y otl and influeuee with th e p eop l e on the d ec line gs 11), should ever happen that you s h ou ld h o ld o ffi c e 6.llc.idd find yourselves bringing forward those v a v e l be fory' sures which you are now rejecting as you have cle _ o to —(Hear, hear)—it will be much less easy for Yiu.c plain that conduct to the satisfaction of the Pub Standi °I; to 1,,0r and your own consciences, than it is ler me ro d 0 1 erect under the load which the Noble and . 1,0 :, - . Leirn da says I have prvesiag me down. The Noble enu ro j e ra- - 0 L ords txp, the Court of Chancery Bill wag a t be h i ,. himself rtin tro b u u g t ht w had not . suMitthA la carrying into force. thin k *l ble e call to mind tha v,hio h re, gard Noble friend near me, that the conduct .I ' avg to:; 00 Staninllaries in]] l our o ts n B t i b ll e , Isurbejaelcl:o'l, the it :t i e s o is and Learned Lord is hardly borne out in not! b a d e,„w this scheme also under his faithful care as he / ce rto"7, others, and pevented its passing into -a lttr'., t to bito o l " si , 4. 11 1 at a loss to conceive how he will instill' he c to have su ff ered to pass into a Jaw a Bill wpm" (