The Sun. — London, England, 1838-04-27 00:00:00

places in which none but persons of good character should ever be employed. He also hoped that the operation of this Bill would bring about a uniformity of discipline, which had long been a desideratum in England. Ti.ere were various other clauses introduced for the accomplishment of special re forms in prison discipline, but they could all better be dis cussed when the Bill was brought in. Mr. HAWES was disposed to think that all the prisons ought to be placed under the care of the Sc.•eretary of State, and then some r.-gularity of discipline might be attained. Mr. HUME was sta. y that Lord John Russell had not gone a little further, and fullo; , -cd up his own re port, adopted by the select Committee of which he was Chairmen, in 1828, with regard to the merits of the separate system. Govern ment ought now to take up the mutt( r decidedly, and afford a fair trial to the system they approved, beginning with the con victs of the Central Criminal Court. The resent Bill of the Noble Lord, however, appeared not framed to effect anything of itself, it merely gave the power to tile magistrates to reform elle prisons —if they pleased. He would say, let there be a gold prison built purposely to try the effects of the approved system, and in the meantime let the Penitentiary be appor tioned to its fulfilment as nearly as possible. lie calle I the attention of the House to the excellent effects produced by the superior administration of justice in the Home Circuit. two counties only in the kingdom (Middlesex and Surrey) Was crime shown to be decreasing. This he attributed to the great etL7.e•T of the police, and also to frequent gaol deli veries. Hewotil.4 beg to ask the Noble Lord if it was his intention to build a n; 4 . el prison, that all doubts might be practically resolved ? Captain BOLDER() had lately visited several prison?, with the especial view to the observance of the punishment endured by military offenders, and was sorry to And that there was no uniform system whatever adopted in their treat ulf:at. It was strict in one place and relaxed in another. The Penitentiary was the only es•ablishment in which he found decided order, cleanliness, and uniformity of labour eelaielished, without the employment of a treadmill. The lalechlr enforced in Coldbath-fields was very irregular, and the etraets of the treadmill particularly severe ; for even on a ve ld, w i ee ie del-, the parties, on ending their tasks, appeared muc h di str „.,sd, Pe felt that this species of punishment ought to be done away with in the case of females, and, if persevered in for the male prisoners, ought to be applied to some useful purpose, not in the ridiculous arrangement of pulling against each other. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the Penitentiary was not or ginally intended for soldiers, but for the better class of civil prisoners, to whom it was desirable to impart instruction, with a reasonable hope of reform. It was chiefly to relieve the (mellowing county prisons that soldiers was sent there, but he hoped to see that crass of offenders provided for under an other Bill. lie certainly had brought forward the resolutions in Committee touching the deplorable state of Newgate, but the City treated (he question as one of economy, and would not act on the advice of the Committee. So matters rested, for be could not build anothor Newgate for the City, or oblige them So rebuild it for themselves --they declared that the two systems (the separate and silent) had not yet been sufficiently tried. For his own part, he would feel disposed to make a large experiment in prison discipline ; but he feared his Hon. Friend near him (Mr. Hume) would not be disposed to grant the funds. —( Laughter.) It certainly should not be done suddenly or expensively. Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL then moved for leave to bring in a Bill for establishing a prison for juvenile offenders. Sir E. WILMOT strongly recommended that juvenile offenders should not be sent to prison, but tried at once, and so disposed of. It was a serious thing to find on record that they had to deal with 358 offenders under twelve years of age, and near 3,000 under sixteen. A contrary mode had been lately taken with juvenile offenders placed at an asylum esta blished in the county of Warwick ; out of 150 convicted of various offences one-half had been reformed there. Last year he was happy to say that, by a perseverance in the mea sures so happily employed, all the boys had been completely reformed and retured to society.—( Hear, hear.) The good done in this way was incalculable. He knew a head clerk in a bank at that moment, who was a similarly reformed boy. He beseeched the Noble Lord (J. Russell) to turn his imme diate attention towards a subject which, if properly worked out, would be productiue of very great benefit to the commu nity.—(Hear, hear.) ' Mr. A. CHAPMAN agreed with the Hon. Baronet in the principle of which he had recommended the adoption, and confirmed his statements with reference to the general preva lence of juvenile delinquency. Mr. GIBSON had lately visited the Asylum at Hampton Wick, and was there informed that, in spite of the severe punishment of the treadmill and of the silent system, unless some plan of emigration were adopted, all their efforts to re form the juvenile population of the country would be in vain. He hoped the Noble Lord would make some attempt to carry out the recommendations of the Inspectors of Prisons upon this point. - Lord J. RUSSELL agreed with the Prison Inspectors in recommending that, with regard to young offenders, the best course would be to make some part of their punishment com mutable into a removal to a celony, provided such colony were not a penal one.—( Hear, hear.) At the same time, if they were to establish a general system of removing juvenile Wenders to the colonies, they would be giving such colo nies the character of penal ones, which it was very neces sary should be avoided as much as possible cn every account. When juvenile offenders came out of prison, they were taken possession of by those who availed themselves of their ser vices in perpetrating crimes; and if, therefore, something could be done which would have the effect of removing them where they would have at the same time both honest employ ment and instruction, either in some of the colonies or else where, there could be little doubt that much good would re sult from the experiment. With respect to adults, .he enter tained in moat cases very little expectation of reforming them ; but certainly the State bad very much in its power with respect to persons below a certain ege.—(llear.) With respect to the observations of the Hon. Baronet the Member for War wickshire, he' c.-)uld only say that he should feel, and had felt, cons:derable difficulty as to introducing a Bill upon this sub ject, however anxious he might be to see one introduced, and to which he promised the Hun. Baronet he would, if brought forward, lend his best support.—( Hear.) All he could say at present was, that it was his intention to devote the establieli merit at Parkhouee, in the Isle of Wight, which was formerly a military depot, to the trial of an experimen t with reference to youn offenders, and he trusted that the residt might be round to be benficial to the community and advantageous to the criminals themselves.—( Hear, hear.) Sir R. PEEL said it was possible to mal;e very great im provemeee. in juvenile offenders after conviction, and he heard with great satisfaction that the Noble Lord proposed to estab lish a prison for the purpose of making the experiment.— ( Hear, hear.) Yet it must not be expected that that alone would go very far towards remedying the existing evil. The real contamination was caught before trial—( Hear, hear) — and it was scarcely possible to conceive the difficulties which stood in the way of a remedy for that. He ( Sir R. Peel) thought that after conviction by far the best plan would be to make some security to prevent the contamination of children within the gaols. Among the class of juvenile offenders there were many who acted under the evil guidance of other persons— ( Hear)—and it was very difficult by law to determine what were juvenile offenders. Under all circumstance,: he thought the best plan would be to hand them over to the most sum mary jurisdiction that could be establiehed, and if they could ensure the impartiality of that jurisdiction much good might be derived from it. He was so sensible of the great evils of contamination that he touch wished that something could be done to distinguish the different classes of young offenders, and to separate the really vicious from the unpractised and less i.nmoral offender. After a few words ;Tom Mr. Hume, Mr. Hawes, Sir E. Wilmot, and Mr. A. Yates, leave was given to bring in the Bill. COSTS AND RECOGNIZANCES IN ELECTION PETITIONS. Sir R. PEEL then rose, and said that, in undertaking to eonsider the amendment of the law with regard to contro verted elections, he had thought it best to commence, as any other individual would in any other matter, with the very be• ginning of the evil to be remedied.—( Hear, hear.) His great object was at present to attempt to diminish the expensive costs of election petitions, and the expense of entering into re cognizances. The Right Hon. Baronet then proceeded to say that, in laying his views before the House, he would divest his arguments of all party feeling, either with reference to one side of the House or the other—( Hear, hear)—but lie thought that when they reflected upon many cases that had occurred— upon the Sligo and Portarlington cases, and many others— they must all agree in thinking it f,r better that the appeal to that House should be prevented. lie thought that so de sirable an object could be attained. If they looked at the statute of George 111. they would find that it provided that recognizances should be entered into before a Master in Chancery or an offic.r appointed by the Speaker, and yet there had been cases in which the parties had applied to the Sneaker to accept this security before ascertaining whether th 7 e recognizances were sufficient.—( Hear, hear.) In cases where the parties resided forty miles from London recogni zances might be entered into, perhaps, before a magistrate, and he only wished to show the necessity for some short enact ment of the law for the purpose of enabling parties to decide questions arising out of the recognizances without an appeal to the body of the House upon the subject. The adoption of such a course would have the effect of checking fraud, and of encouraging parties who were acting bona fide and with Ito re:sty. Besides residence the law required that the addition nt the name should be given. Now it seemed to him to be sufficient for the purpose of determining as to the sufficiency of a surety that there should be the means, first, of inquiring into his pecuniary solvency, and next that his residence should be (wide known to the parties interested in prosecuting that i e „ e. !t ~ vas quite proper that the residence of the ro il" v st, gull be given, but why his name in addition vv . a' a 1 hs to understand. The law, bowe -1 e r.a; eecel .:rt additional reason for nopointing such a Cornmitt,e he proposed, he might state that there were great imperft ctions in the manner in which recognizances were entered into by sureties. In a case which occurred last Ses sion—the Ipswich case—it was held by the Court of Common Picas that the recognizances were defective in point of form, and the defects were pointed out by the judges. It was there fore desirable that the form of the recognizance should be amended so as to obviate this difficulty, and there was another doubt which had arisen which should also be set at rest, and that was as to whether the :Masters in Chancery were entitled to take emsain fees made payable to them. An Act had passed some time since brought in by Lord Brougham, which prevented the igastess in Chancery from taking fees ; but as a doubt ex isted on she subject it was only right that the law should be cleared pp. There were other points respecting which he proposed the Committee should inquire. The taxation of cos ts was one. There were two heads of costs ; first, the legal expenseh foe' fees to solicitors and Counsel, and next the expenses of wit,:Vses. Now it was important to witnesses that as early a decision as possible should be obtained as to the sum to which they were entitled for their attendance. This was a subject which he intended should come under the consideration cf the Committee, and it was one which a former Committee had recommended to the notice of the Heuse, at the same time that the Chairman of that Committee pointed out the inconvenience of the proceeding and the delay and ex pense which it entailed on the parties. Now, an officer was a; pointed some time ago, on the motion of an Hon. Gentle man opposite, to superintend the passage of private Bills— for the F urpee of preparing the " breviates of private Bills —and it was only justice to that officer to say that no one could discharge his duties more satisfactorily, or with greater advantage to the public. It was a question with him whether or net it would net he advisable to devolve on this officer the duties of taking recognizances and taxing costs. There would be great advantage in employing a prrson acting under the authority of the Speaker, and responsible for his decisions to that House, in this way, as be could apply his mind to the duties which lie was required to perform with more certainty add effect than a Master in Chancery could be expected to do. It might, too, be fitting to consider whether some new arrangement ought not to be made with respect to the payment of costs. At present costs were not paid unless the petition was reported to be " frivolous and vexatious ;" hut that was open to objection, and might admit of some qualification, as, for instance, if the proceeding were vexatious, if it should turn out that there were no grounds sufficient to warrant a party in being put to expense, or if the seat of a Member were controverted without a reasonable hope of success. There was a reluctance on the part of Committed to find petitions against returns " frivolous and vexatious ;" but with respect to the question of costs, the rules of Courts both of law and of equity were more explicit, for they adopted a graduated scale with regard to the pay ment of costs. This, however, was a matter for future con sideration, and at present all he desired was that the Com mittee should enter into the subordinate matters with reference to the mode of entering into recognizances and the taxation of costs. In moving for this Committee, his object was to clear up the obscurities of the law, and in order to include those points in the Bill which it was his intention to introduce, if T leave his m fo e r a t s h u a r t e, p h u e r p i n c t s e e nd w e e d r , e j i uu v l e d n e h m i m, o b r. n e n t t h h 10 ee wholeth o w May. , e _ lating to controverted elections. The Right Hon. Baronet r concluded by moving, " That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire respecting tke costs and recognizances incidental to the trial of election petitions." Mr. HUME had been a member of the former Committee, and they had gone into the consideration of the question, as to how far the losing party ought to pay the costs of the party who succeeded. They came, however, to no decision on the point, but contented themselves with merely calling the atten tion of the House to the subject. He submitted that this ought to form part of the present inquiry. Lord HOWICK concurred in all that had been stated by the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, with re spect to the defective state of the law relating to controverted elections. In dealing with these difficulties there were some clauses of the Bill of his Hon. and Learned Friend who had just left this country which were deserving of attention. The object of that measure was not to shut out parties who had a real and bona fide intention to prosecute the petition, but to prevent the necessity of their being obliged to come down to that House to apply for an enlargement of time for putting in sureties. The appeal to that House was highly inconvenient, and at his suggestion his lion, and Learned Friend had intro duced clause. into the Bill on the table by which the deposit of a certain sum of money in the hands of truetees to abide the event should answer instead of sureties. This was the system which had been adopted at the War Office with respect to regimental paymasters, and it was found to work so well, arid afford such security to the public, that he theught it would be a good principle introduced into any measure where se curity was necessary. It was a matter which he hoped would not be overlooked by either the Right lion. Baronet or the Committee. The motion was then agreed to, but the naming of the Com mittee was postponed. THE STANDING ORDERS. Mr. S. LE FE VR E moved for a Select Committee to con sider the Standing Orders of the House of Commons relating to private Bills, and to compare them with those of the House cf Lords, with the view of assimilating as much as possible the Standing Orders of both Houses. The Hon. Gentleman said that on the whole the Standing Orders of the last Session had been found to:work well, for, although there had been 150 private Bills, difficulty occurred in the construction of only three of the Standing Orders. By the Standing Orders of that House notices of Railway Bills were required to be given in February and March, but the House of Lords required ! that such notices should be given in October and November, and the question was, whether the better way would not be to assimilate the Standing Orders of the two Houses. This was done for the protection of the landowners. They were bound to see that all such Bills were bona file, and that they were not brought in by parties of swindlers, as was the case during the last Session. Lord SANDON wished to know if he were to understand that the labours of the Committee would be confined exclu sively to the object of assimilating the Standin g Orders of the House with those of the House of Lords? There were many points arising out of the Standing Orders of that House besides those which had been mentioned that occasioned difficulty. Mr. S. L EFEVRE wished the attention of the Committee to be directed to every thing in the Standing Orders which gave rise to doubts. If, however, the Noble Lord would in quire, he would find that no difficulties had arisen u nd e r an y of the Standing Orders, except in two or three instances. Mr. HUME thought the present practice of the House of Lords with respect to private Bills ought to be taken into consideration by the Committee. Mr. P. THOMSON was glad the present motion had been made. His Hon. Friend had alluded to the time when notices were to be given, but for his own part he was unwilling to make any alteration in the arrangement of the Commit tee of 1836, confirmed by the Committee of 1837, with regard to notices. At first the House of Lords agreed to a uniformity of practice. They had since departed from it, but still he hoped that the Committee would be able to induce them to return to the practice originally agreed on between the tee o Houses. He was unwilling -to alter that practice, because he believed that much benefit had resulted from it. Obliging the notices to be given in February and March afforded time to consider the nature of the scheme before the shares were sold in the market, and this was the only effectual way in which the bubble system could be prevented. It also enabled the engineers to consider the country through which a railroad zees intended to pass, and he knew of several :stances in wbieh it had led to an alteration of the original line for c4:O ; I that was better and more practicable. With these remarks he should assent to the motien ; but he could not do so with out bearing testimony to the admirable manner in whi.il pri vate business was conducted by the Noble Lord the Chair main of the Committees of Ways and Means in the house of Lords. After a few words from Mr. AGLIONISY, Mr. FINCH, and Mr. WARD, The motion was agreed to. JOINT-STOCK BANKS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose for the purpose of moving the r e-appointment of the Committee which had sat last session oa the subject of joint-stock banks. The House was aware that the session before last, on his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) motion, a Select Committee had been appointed to inquire into this subject. He was bound to say that this Committee had conducted their proceedings with the greatest labour and diligence. Indeed it was impossible fur any Committee to have devoted themselves with more sedulous attention to the objects committed to them. From day to day the proceedings of the Committee were never conducted without a full attendance of the Mernhers of the Committee. Last year this Committee had been revived, and had pro• ceeded to continue the examination of witnesses, and the evi dence was about to be reported to the House when the circum stances occurred which had led to the early termination of the Session, and no report was consequently made. When he moved the re-appointment of the Committee last Session, he had stated that his sole object was to enable the Committee to perfect their inquiry. The first object of the inquiry was with respect to the state of banking in Ireland ; the second object was with respect to the relations existing between the Bank of Ireland and the public, a subject which would be likely to come before the House in the course of the present Session of Par liament. The third object was to inquire into that part of the transactions of the Bank of England which related to its branches in the country, its effects on the circulation of the country, and the bearing of the whole system, with reference to Joint- Stock Banks. In reviving the Committee he hoped to be able to bring before the House in the shape of a recom mendation that (as wo understood the Hon. Gentleman) some law. i he inquiry t should y ld take place with regard to the state of the which he proposed should take place before the Committee was merely supplementary to the examination that had already taken place. Having explained the objects of the inquiry, he should advert to a notice of an amendment to be proposed by his Hun. Friend the Member for Kilkenny, who, it appeared, intended to move that the inquiry of the C m _ 1 mittee should be extended to " the state of banking in Eng land generally, the fluctuations in the amount of currency, arid the causes of such fluctuation since 1833." Now, as his 1 Hon. Friend's object could be as well attempted in another way, he would ask him to make his motion on a future day in the shape of an instruction to the Committee. It would lead to no result if they were to go partially into the discussion, as there were many gentlemen absent who would be anxious to express their opinions on a future day. He hoped, there fore, his Hon. F'riend would acquiesce in his request, and postpone his motion to a future day. He would say one word with respect to the composition of the Committee. He thought the enquiry would be more speedily concluded by leaving it in the hands of those Gentlemen who had already applied themselves to it with so much assiduity and attention. If new members were added to the Committee much of the same ground would have to be gone over again. lie would conclude by moving the re-appointment of the Select Cons - mittee, to take into consideration the several Acts relati g to joink-stock Banks, and also to consider whether it was ( x pedient that any alteration or amendment should take pl cc in the state of the law with respect to this subject. He should merely propose the re-appointment of those who were members of the last Committee. The question u iIE i having said thatbeen put, before Mr . u he could agree u s t e o h tl i i s e a p m r e e n p d o : sition of the Right Hon. G ent l eman to itd m ehac e eyt n ,e t dt b i tiyeo motion w Ri : a ifog y onhr o t pa f rH a icn n oocnm i i ni). Committee Ge t i r , te u tbn c eet t eci i e o awm n uasas t en o fihn ire t s h e Committee on a future fix ue%u, egdh t that it t wasd forwarday . only n he ye en When ,hd .: u t b s e t b 1 r i culated to withdraw the attention of the country from the real cause of the evils under which they were suffering, namely, the operations of the Bank of England, and to induce those who are but little acquainted with the subject to believe that they originated in the system of joint-stock banks, If the Right lion. Gentkolan would afford him an opportunity of l.aviog the whole question fully di:cussed within a fortnight, that would meet his wishes. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that r. his Noble Friend (Lord John Russ.:ll) was not in the House, he could not name a day then, but he should be pre oared in tl:e course of to-morrow to fix an early and conve nient day for taking the subject into consideration. He could assure the House he had no pos,ible wish to avoid tlTe most ample discussion of the question. The motion was then agreed to. On the names of the Cc mmittee being about to be road, Mr. HUME rose, and said that lie thought the Committee was scircel) a fair one, there being no Scotch Member on it, nor any Member connected with Joint Stock Banks. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said Honourable Friend was not correct. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had himself been concerned in the manage ment of a Joint Stock Bank, so also had the President of the Board of Trade. Mr. Matthias Att.vood, a member of the Committee, was a Direcior of one of the largest Joint Stock Banks that existed ; Sir Thomas Fremantle. another Memo2r of the Committee, was also connected with a Joir.t Stock Bark. Mr. FINCH could assure the Right Honourable Gentle. man that one objection, which was very strongly entertained on the part of persons interested in Joint Stock Banks in the country was, that there was no Member.connected with those Banks on the Committee. The names proposed were again about to be read, when Mr. HUME suguested that, in accordance with the rules of the House, the Committee ought not to be named till to morrow. After a brief conversation, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER expressed his perfect readiness to give notice of the names he intended to propose instead of nominating the Committee then. Mr. FINCH then said that as Sir John Wrottesley and Mr. Hamilton, both of whom were members of the former Committee, were no linger Members of the House, he should to-morrow move that his own name, and the name of Mr. Ormsby Gore be added to the Committee in lieu of those gentlemen. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER appre hended that it was not competent for the Hon. Gentleman to propose himself. Mr. HUME: Then I will propose the name of my honour able Friend. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 27, 1838. METROPOLITAN SEWERS. Mr. WA RDmOved for leave to bring in a Bill for the im provement and better regulation of metropolitan sewers. The Bill was founded on the report of the Committee which had considered the subject in 1834, and of which he had been ths Chairman. Leave given. Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE, in the absence of the Honour able Member for Worcester, moved the substitution of Mr. W. Wynn fur Mr. E. J. Stanley on the High Sheriffs Bill Corn mittee.—Motion agreed to. KINSALE ELECTION COMMITTEE. On the motion of Mr. D. BROWNE, the evidence taken before the Kinsale Election Committee was ordered to be printed. The Clergy Residences Bill was read a third time and passed. The House then adjourned at Half-past Nine o'Clock. JOINT STOCK BANKS. The Chancellor of the Exchequer last night gave notice of the nomination of the following Select Committee on Joint Stock Banks : —The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Poulett Thomson, Sir James Graham, Mr. Clay, Mr. Goulburn, Mr. Baring, Mr. Loch, Mr. John Abel Smith, Mr, Pattison, Mr, Matthias Attwood, Mr. Striitt, Sir Thomas Fremantle, Mr. Shaw, Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Jephson. Mr. Finch, —To propose to add Mr. Ormsby Gore to the Select Committee ott Joint Stock Banks. Mr. 1 - Ittme,_To propose to add Mr. Finch to tho Select Committee of Joint Stock Banks. IMPORTANT MEETING OF BIR MINGIIAM MANUFACTURERS. (LAST NIGHT). (BY EXPRESS.) Yesterday evening a highly important and numerous nate iag of merchants and manufacturers took place in the Court room of the Public-office, called by Richard Spooner and James James, Esqrs., to consider the best means of sapport ing the Bill introduced by Mr. Hawkes, Member for Dudley, for the protection of British manufactures from tie frauds which are practised to a great extent by foreigners in forging the names of English masters, and which threatens seriously to diminish the export trade of this country, and particularly in the town and neighbourhood of Birmingham. At half-past six there being a large number of gentlemen in attendance (amongst whom we observed Thos. Hawkes, Eeq., M.P., and Joshua Scholefield, Esq., M.P.) RICHARD SPOONER, Esq., was called to the Chair. JAMES JAMES, Esq., then came forward, and having read the advertisement by which the meeting was called together, said that most of the gentlemen present were aware of eaten sise frauds having been practiced by foreign manufac turers, in marking their goods with the names of British makers, and selling them as the manufactures of this country. Several facts connected with these frauds having having come under the notice of himself and Mr. Spooner, they thought it their dutc to convene a preli minary meeting, fur the purpose of ascertaining the opinion of the inhabitants as to the best course to be pursued with re spect to the Bill introduced into Parliament by Mr. Hawkes in reference to the subject. The first question that presented itself to them was, whether they would consider the present a preliminary cr a general meeting? As Mr. Hawkes was present, be would perhaps have the goodness to state to them few of the facts which had induced him to introduce the Bill to which he had alluled. The CHAIRMAN said, for the reasons assigned by the last speaker, he had joined Mr. James in calling the meet ing, and he had no doubt as the object was one interesting to the manufacturers of the country generally, that it would meet with their approbation. He bad received letters from Mr. Price, Mr. Chance, and other gentlemen interested in this question, respecting their approval cf the objects of the o o f f . meeting, and retire tin; their inability to attosid. tei T nl l ; ° : l h k o s ul H el A. n w ot i( h E a g ; intruded l P him t s h e e l f n tlc o e s r e e talinadt said , eten evening e had he theirnot t o b w e n e n o requested der t t i o , a t do he e o by might many g of e the manufacturers explanation the subject which had called them toeether. his attention had been first called to the subject in his own neighbourhood, and he found that locks, screws, files, and various other articles, bad been manufactured on the Continent with the names of the aeoet eminent British manufacturers marked upon them. The Sheffield manufacturers also suffered to a great extent from these frauds ; they bad counterfeited the names of their beet makers, sent the goods to England, bad them bonded, and then sent them out in British ships to the Colonies as British manufeeturcs.—( Hear, hear.) They not only robbed the British manufseturere of their trade, but they destroyed their reputation, which at great expense and labour they had raised to great and deserved eminence. He would ask was this a state of things which ought to exist in the pre sent dei,ressed state of trade ? lie considered it his duty to sift this ma ter to the bottom, and with this view he went, accompanied by several wholesale iron-merchants in London, to the agents who exported the articles of British manu'acture, and he found that they were made is Belgium and other parts of the continent.—( Hear, hear.) He found especially that an immense exportation of niatchets was carried on, these articles having the name of " Gilpin and Co." upon them. They were inferior in quality, being made, not of the British iron, but of the iron of Leige, and considerably under the price at which the British manufacturer could afford to sell them.--( Hear, hea-.) He had called the attention o f the manufacturers of Sheffield to the subject, and he got per raissioa from the Board of Trade in London to examine a num ber of packages in the Custom-house, and they found various articles of cutlery bearing the names of English manufeetu. rers ; and he also ascertained that in the course of two months not less than 4,950 dozen of " matchets" had been ex ported to the West Indies, which ought to have been distributed amongst the the manufaturers of England.— ( Hear, hear.) As he observed before, he had attended that evening at the request of many Gentlemen, and he should be happy if he could contribute in any way towards pro:noting the interests of the working-classes, and of the trade and manufactures ef Birmingham.—(Cheers.) The Bill he had introduced had been read a second time. He did not know what a'teratione the President of the Board of Trade would make, the nor trade did andlie care, com so lone of as theite k e c p o t u country.—( in t. Applause.he interests) view of He believed that trade was never worse than at the present m t the u .N t f a e c n t l u b r e i r n s g of in t the e res tit-117[1e ear, C h c o a m r s( l ) e n a s r , o mo ment, and he certainly conside re d th a t it was t h e impera tive he held th e s i tuat i on h e t h ere occu pi e d andat i t v t e e n d s d o u te t i y ] o t n h o g e f he trusted lie should always uphold that interest.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman then read aletter from a highly respec table house in London, urging him to attend the present meet ing, and assuring him if measures were not taken to prevent t':e frauds committed by foreign manufacturers, the destruction of grea=t a r N t o i osn stated, ot tl r in tradeinevitable.corrwcbasorat in of o what had been stated by the Hon. Gentleman, tha t many years ago they guns Were f ret i mporte d into were in the habit o f m a k in g on the Continent an immense quantity of guns, with the names of the best Birmingham e makers upon them. These The exported as British manufacture. ro w E a n s g n l a o n t d , a and t ow nt eo gland more inte reste d i n th e su bj ec t i n than Birmingham. Mr. EDMUND lIEELEY considered the present meeting suffi ciently numerous, and perfectly competent to entertain the sul ject to which their attention had been called by the Hon. Nleniher for Dudley, awl proposed that Mr. James and the Chairtean should lay before the meeting whatever of plan operation they had decided upon. Mr. . I ,tmEs then read the following resolution, which was unanimously agreed to That the practice of marking articles of foreign manu facture with the names and marks of British manufacturers, and by these and other means characterising them as articles of British manufacture, being fearfully on the increase, and tending materially to diminish the sale of British manufac tures and injure the reputation of British manufacturers, this meeting is of opinion that the British manufactu rers and the consumers of British manufactures ought to be protected from on the following il such impositions, and that Mr. Hewke's Bill being calculated to prevent these frauds , this meeting is determined to support t h ey p o r u i n n d c e ip d le up o o f n th t a b t e ß a il b l o b ve y every legalmeans nowittsogpo.pweet petition n was agreed to ;-e-, " The humble petition of the undersigned manufacturers and others of the town of Birmingham, • and neighbourhood thereof, " Humbly sheweth,—That lour petitioners have discovered that various articles of foreign manufacture have been ad mitted in bond to this country, and afttrwards exported to the British Colonies and elsewhere, having the names and marks of English manufacturers impressed upon them. That such imitation of the names and marks of our petitioners is not only prejudicial to the interest of your petitioners in the sale of their own article of manufacture, but from such articles being mostly of bad workmanship and materials, is also very injurious to their character and reputation as manufacturers. " That your petitioners have observed with much satisfac tion that a Bill has been brought into your Honourable House for the prevention of these obvious frauds, and a proper pro. ' , action of British manufacturers and the consumers of Briti,h manufactures, and your petitioners humbly pray that your Honourable House will be pleased to pass such a Bill as shall effectually prevent the frauds complained of. " And your petitioners will ever pray," &c. Joshua Scholefield, Esq., M.P., having been called to the chair, a vote of thanks was Oren to the Chairman, and the meeting separated. DINNER OF LORD PALMERSTON'S CONSTITUENTS. (From the Western Times.) TIVERTON, APRIL 25. The Noble Lord arrived at Clare House, Tiverton, the re sidence of W. Hole, Esq., on Tuesday evening, and left again at midnight on Wednesday. His reception was most enthu siastic throughout the town. Colonel PELL in the Chair; and W. HOLE, Esq., Vicc- Presilent. On his Lordship's health having been drnnk, Lord NLMERSTOri rose and was received with great cheer ing. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen— I can assure you that it is with the sincerest gratitude I rise to return you thanks for the honour you have just done me in drinking my health ; but indeed the many marks of kindness which I have experienced from my good friends at Tiverton, arc such that it is scarcely possible, repeated as they may be, they can add to the feel ings of thankfulness which I entertain towards you all. I can assure you that it affords me very great pleasure to have an opportunity of meeting you again. It is a practice highly de sirable that Members should have frequent opportunities of personal intercourse with the communities which they repre sent.—(Cheers.) It ie -satisfactory to the Member to have these frequent opportunities, and it is right that the elector on the other hand should have opportunities of expressing his opinion to the representative of the manner in which the trust conferred has been performed.—(Cheers.) I think these meetings are constitutional and proper—l need not say that to me individually meeting you is always a matter of great pleasure and delight. Gentlemen, you have no doubt all of you attended to the course of Parliamentary business since the commencement of the session, which as you know began earlier than usual. You all have seen that we have not been idle or inattentive to-our duties, that Parliament has been laboriously and assiduously employed, and I trust that in the period which has elapsed since the meeting of Parliament, we have been enabled to de some good service for the country.— ( Hear, hear.) The first question which we had to consider was the unfortunate disturbance, which had occurred in our North American colonies. The subject was very painful in its nature, and at first somewhat uncertain as to its final ex tent, the course which the revolt took, the manner in which it was met by the great body of the people of these colonies, the facility with which it was put down, the total want of sympathy on the part of the inhabitants of the province, which was ex perienced by the leader of the revolt, showed in the most une quivocal and demonstrative manner, that the way in which those colonies had been administered, did credit to the Go vernment —for the persons who began that revolt were com pelled almost immediately to fly from the country, and in Upper Canada the rebellion was put down by the spontaneous impulse of the people themselves, without the assistance of any regular troops, and that fact demonstrated convincingly, and in a manner I would almost say unequalled in history, the loyalty and attachment, the contentment of the people of that province.—( Loud cheers.) Now we have been very much attacked in consequence of our Co lonial Administration, and it was thought that it was a point on whieh a vote of the House of Commons could be obtained adverse to our continuance in office ; but the discussion which took place on that subject, both in the arguments by which it was cart ied on, and by the rote which followed, showed that so far from our Administration of the Colonies offering any just ground of censure, ie truth it appeared that they had been governed in a manner congenial to the constitutional principles which you all profess, and in a way which has ob tained for the Crown that attachment and that loyalty which have been so recently and so widely shown by the people of that province. —( Hear.) Now, gentlemen, these things are deserving of attention, because what a Government does at home, is done under the constant and (daily attention of vigi lant enemies and watchful friends—one impelled by animosity, and the other by a sense of duty, to see that the Government treads rightly, and does not go astray.—(Hear.) Therefore I give more credit to a Government for acting properly in more remote places, where their acts are less exposed to ob servation, and where frequently errors, if committed, are not discovered and animadverted upon, until they come up in evil consequence to the national interest.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.) Well, gentlemen, we proposed a Bill in order to provide for the emergency in Canada, and that Bill QS yo, well know, passed, comparatively speaking, with very little difference of opinion. It was a painful duty that de volved on the Government to have recourse to a measure that was exceptionable it, its nature, and a departure from the or dinary principles and practices of the Constitution ; we were obliged to establish what you would call a Dictatorship in Canada, but the differences which had arisen between different parties, rendered such a measure indispensably necessary, in order to arrive at some final settlement which would he satis factory to both parties, arid which might combined have a just regard for British born subjects, and for those of French ori gin ; the administration of that Government has been confided to Lord Durham, and the well known principles of the Noble Lord had been considered by every body as a sufficient gua rantee that the great and extensive powers which, under the Bill, are confided to him will not be abused, but will be turned to good account by making a satisfactory settle ment. I cannot quit this topic without wishing you to at tend to the contrast between late events in Canada, and circumstances and transactions which have taken place in other countries. We see in other parts of Europe the re mote provinces of great empires kept in tranquillity only by the presence of a large and imposing military force ; we see 20,000, or 30,000, or 50,000 of regular troops, constantly stationed in such provinces, under a notion that if they were withdrawn the peace and tranquillity of the country could not be maintained; the whole of our force in the Canada, Was net more than 4,000 men, but were sufficient to put down the few intriguing and designing men, in Lower Canada, who by no means represented the feelings of the mess of the people ; and in Upper Canada, the people themselves, without one single soldier, dispersed the revolt—they said they gloried in belonging to the Crown of England, and were proud of their connection with :his country--(Cheers)—and they repelled with disdain the attempt to set up the government of the Pa pineaus and Mackenzies.—( Cheers.) It is due to the Go vernment of the United States to say, that their conduct has been honourable to them, and such as the understanding be tween the two countries might have led us to expect, and in that respect we (the present Government) are entitled to your approbation—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—for it is but recently, it is but within a few years past that those mutual feelings of reciprocal resentment which sur vived the contest which led to the independence of the United States—it is only within a very few years, that those feelings have been obliterated on both sides of the Atlantic—( Cheers) but they have been obliterated and a feeling of good will has grown up between the people and the Government in Eng land and in the United States—and this feeling has shewn itself with respect to their late transactions is North America. I say this for there were appearances which indicated the con trary, it is true that along the borders of the United States there have been collected bodies of adventurers who, one after another, have kept the people of the Canadas in a state of defensive preparation, but I can assure you, Gentlemen, and I state it on good authority, that this was by no means the feeling of the masses of the people or of the Government of the Union. Lord Gosford was, when passing lately through the United States, received with the greatest kindness and distinction by all the people wherever he travelled, and in the most cordial manner by the Government in Washington— the American Government has done its duty by taking fresh power to prevent violation of our territory, arid all respec table persons in the Union have expressed the greatest disapprobation of those outrages committed by a few adven turers on the frontier.—( Hear.) Now, Gentlemen, to do things well in Parliament, takes some time, and we thought that the best course was to do a few things, and to endeavour to accomplish them in a satisfactory manner. There was an other point of great and pressing importance which the Go vernment felt it a duty to bring before Parliament, that was connected with a matter of the deepest interest in this coun try—l mean the law which passed in 1833, for the ultimate e mancipation of the Negroes in our Colonies. Great com plaints had been made of abuses in the Colonies, and that the intention of the Legislature for finally emancipating the negro, and for regulating their temporary apprenticeship had not been fulfilled ; in many cases the apprentices were in fact treated with as much severity as they had been, when in s lavery ; this question had been inquired into on a former occliJon, fact 4 had come to the knowledge of Government, and it was deemed necessary to bring in a new law. Many of the grievances that were to be redressed could only be set right by the Parliament of this country. A Bill had been passed and has become law, which when it comes into operation, I think will be found to afferd practical re medies for all the grievances which appeared on investigation really to exist. In the course of the discussion on that Bill, a question was raised upon which it was the misfortune of some Members of the Government, and of many who v,:eed with the Government, to differ with the constituencies who had honoured them with their general confidences. A proposal was made to abolish immediately from the lst of August next, the state of apprenticeship, and to declare from that time for ward entire emancipation of all the negroes in our Colonies. Now, undoubtedly, this was a very tempting proposal, be cause there exists in the minds of all men in this country, an abhorrence of the state of slavery. Nothing, therefere, could be more gratifying to any rime's feellege, thin to adopt a pro posal which should tend to consecrate by practice the g,reet so cial principle of the country.—( Cheers.) The country had, at the recommendation of the Government in 1833, made 01 great and noble pecuniary sacrifice, it was thoogbt by many that for that sacrifice we had not received a due equivalent, and whereas the nation had consented to give twenty millions for the ultimate emancipation of the negroes, and for their good treatment under a temporary system of apprenticeship.— , (Cheers.) Many people thought that nevertheless the rlgrn. had been eentiniied in a state of suffering fully equal to that which they had endured previously to the passing of the Eraan cipation Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Gentlemen, when the question came to be discussed in Parliament, my opinion is, awl I listened to the debates with great attention—that it was satisfactorily ;hewn, that that which it was alleged to be the rule, was in fact only the exception; that in general the treat ment of the apprenticeship was very different from what it was represented, and which indeed had been showed to be the case ; but there did undoubtedly appear to be full and suffi cient reason for the interposition of Parliament by the regula tion which the Act to which I am alluding, and which has just past, contains.—(Cheers.) But the first point to be considered when the nroposal to which I allude came before the House was, whether in truth Parliament and tae country were free to entertain it. We were asked to abolish the apprenticeship on August the Ist, 1838. instead of leav ing it to continue till August, 1840—were we free to make that change ? I think we were not, and I will tell you why—if the Parliament bad entered into an engagement which no longer left them free. to make the change, if we ware bound in honour and good faith by a bargain to which all parties had consented.—( Hear, hear.) I am quite sure that you will all of you think that whatever might have been the imuulse of feeling, on that subject, it was impossible for Parliamsnt to break faith and do that which justice end equity precluded them from doing —(Cheers.) Now the history of the Act in 1633 was this—that the Government of that day, Lord Grey's Government, were determined to take up the great question of Negro Emancipation; but you must all of you at once see that a Bill simply to emancipate the negro, was necessarily destined to encounter the greatest possible op position. Any Bill of that magnitude brought in by a Go vernwent, would of course have been opposed by the party who were acting against the Government; therefore the ordi nary opposition which the Government would expect to meet on any great measure which they originated in Par liament, was to be expected against that Bill ; but besides that, there was the body of the West Indian proprietors, and not merely the proprietors alone, who were a large ,and influential body, but all the various mercantile con :elected with the West Indies, who, in their ramifications, extended much further than the West Indian body itself. Now these men had acquired by the law of the land— I will not inquire what the fairness of the original principle was— but they had acquired by the law of the land a property in slaves, and it is obvious that it would not have been right to deprive them of their property, for we have no righl to be generous at the expense of justice—we had no right to de prive them of property which they had obtained by the sanc tion of law. The original sin of slavery was plunder, and it would not have been right to have destroyed slavery by re peating the original sin which created it—(Cheers)—but even had it been just to do so, it would have been impossible, for there would have been such opposition in both Houses of Parliament, that no Government could have carried such a measure. Well, then, we proposed to arrange quickly the West Indian interest by giving them such compensation as would be adequate ; but there were two parties to be consulted on the question—first, the West Indian body, who were to be sufferers—next, the body who were advocates for emenelpas tion, and whom it necessary for the Government to earry with them on any question of compensation ; fur if we had proposed such a compensation as tq satisfy the West Indians, but so great as not to be sanctioned by those who wished to carry the measure, we should have been defeated by those very friends whose support we stood upon,—( Hear,) It was necessary, therefore, to fix a sum which would not be thought too great by those who wanted emancipation, and yet would be accepted as sufficient by the West Indian body, upon whose interests emancipation was to bear. There were several arrangements proposed, which I will not trouble you with going over ; at last, wnen Lord Stanley was Secretary for the Colonies, both parties were brought to acquiesce in the pro posal which was made.—Mr. Buxton, and those who went with him, acquiesced to give their support to that measure, which would give the West Indians twenty millions paid down, and the services, the limited services, of the slaves, in the altered character of apprentices, during four years for household slaves, and during six for the field labourers. They con sented to th's ; they gave to that which would give freedom at the end of four years to the domestic slaves, and at the end of six to the field labourers.—(Cheers.) The West Indians accepted the bat gain ; they said we are content—we submit to this measure—we think it fair and just, and your Bill shall pass through Parliament without opposition on one *le or the other. So it was—the Bill did pass; there were minor discussions on it, but it passed and became law.— (Cheers.) But there was one circumstance which took place in the discussions which ought not to be forgotten, for it was proposed to limit still further the apprenticeship—to make it, instead of four years for the domestic slave and six years for the field slave, two years for the domestic slave, and four years for the field slave. But this was objected to by a great majo rity of the House, who affirmed that the compact which we proposed was a fair and just one, and it was carried into exe cution. In the course of those discussions, Lord Stanley, in whose department time matter was, said that he considered the services of the negroes as apprentices during the limited num ber of years to be part of the compensation given to the master for the ultimate emancipation of the negro,—( Hear, hear.) Well, then. gentlemen, Parliament, after having passed in full deliberation upon a full understanding between two great bodies of men—for there were on the one hand the party of emancipationists in the House, and the great body of the people of England, who were all for the measure— and, on the other side, the West Indian proprietors and than mercantile interest, whose fortunes and interests were annected with those colonies.—( Hear, bear.) Those two parties, with the Government as a mediator between them came to au agreement, and that agreement wait sanctioned by the law of the land.—( Hear, hear.) In soy opinion Parlia. ment was not now free—Parliament could not venture to alter those terms unless they were prepared to open again the question of compensation, and give further pecuniary com pensation to the West Indians, for any diminution which may be made in the period of apprenticeship as fixed by law—.but it is hardly necessary to say how unlikely it is that the House of Commons would give their consent to any proposition such as that. Well, this Government thought that we were precluded from entertaining the proposal, and however irksome it was to resist a proposal, which came recommended by every feeling of humanity, and every principle except the single one ofjustice, yet we felt it our duty to resist the proposal—and if among the Government, and among their supporters, there were many persona who were placed in painful collision with the feelings and opinions of their constituents, we felt we might place confidence in the justice and generosity of the people of England, to make allowances for opinions which even those who differed from us must respect. They would think the worse of those whom they sent to represent them in Parliament if fur any interest of their own, they had sacrificed the clear opinion of their consciences, and done that which they thought an act of national injustice.—( Hear, hear.) I hope, however, gentlemen, that the law which has passed, will have a very important effect in improving the condition of those negroes. Already we have had instances of persons who have on their own account granted to their apprentices entire and immediate freedom. We have instances of Antigua amid enteller island, in which the Government and the people of the island had themselves anticipated the period of ultimate emancipation, and said we will have no aporenticeship, the negro shall at once be free—those concessions have been found to be attended with no inconvenience. It has been found that ti , e negro has at once fallen into the habits of an industrious peasantry, and although it may be argued that there is some differ. ence between their circumstances of those small islatsea and Jamaica, yet I cannot but entertain the hope that the example of these islands, and of the individuals I have al luded to, and the provisions of the law which has just passed, will have the effect, if not of bringing about the emend , pation of all the negroes, at least of piecing them at once in the enjoyment of those comforts which were intended by the Government and Parliament, wl.en they passed the law in 1833. Gentlemen, there is another part or branch of this subject which has attracted attentioro—and has been made a subject of discussion in Parliament—l mean, not the negrocs, who are apprentices, and have been slaves, but the question of the slave trade in other parts of the world. Endeavours have been made to show that the Government is indifferent to the subject—that we have been lax and supine in following out our principles in relation to it—that our endeavours have, at all events, been fruity ss, and that this great evil exists now as much as it did before, in our own islands—at d with regard to our own subjects, the " Slsve trade was abolished"—( Loud chi ors)—Now this being a matter which very much regares my own personal conduct, arid my own ollo:al exertions, I beg to assure you that nothing can be more unfotruled than such a charge. We have laboured incessantly to bring othet countries into treaties with this, for the purpose of entirely abolishing the trade—we have to a great degree succeeded, and when it is said the slave trade exists to the same ex tent as formerly, the persons who persuade themselves of this, cannot have cast their eye over the map of the world, and the American Continent.--(Hear, bear.) For think what would have been the state of the slave trade now, if England had not abolished that trade, and persuaded others to do so too. Why, you would have had bowie all your own, all the French, all the Dutch, all the Danish, Portuguese, all the Spanish Colonies affording an immense market for slaves, and for one slave now carried acrossve c the lid Atlantic, you taking ffi w e o e u i l T 0 r have 3, hadas forty. to persuade y. ! The F fi r r a s n t c t e o h t in thine the a w t i r i e ic a h ty b u e sf u o for 18wo e hart abolition of the slave trade....... a N eg . ing desired, but never before been accomplished, and the reason was this—the foundation of such a treaty was necessarily a mature right of search. But the two countries had been FO long enga ged in nav a l war, an d had so many recollections connected with that war, that they could with difficulty he brought to such an arrangement which must naturally w ound the professional pride and rouse t h e j ea l ousy o f t h e naval service on both sides —but we accomplished it; eve proposed an arrangement which obviated that difficulty.— ( Cheers.) The cruizer of each party was to exercise the right of search, not as a cruizer of h is own country, but by virtue o f a search warrant given by the Admiralty of the other. country, by which each cruizer became the special eorists ble, as it were, of the country—therefore, the French tra ler was not searched by an English ship under a warrant ema nating from our country but from his owp, by this means the slave trade under the French flag has been entirely put down— (Cheers)—and has quite disappeared—,,before that time the French flag was mu c h enzaged in covering the s l ave tra d e. We then set to work w i t h S pa i n— f or t h ere s l ave triades ex pelled from one flag, they take reftige under another—and the Spanish flag became fl general peotector. Now tho Spa niards have riot feelings we have' upon this subject—titey do no; regerd the sieve trade as being the crime we deem it here--,they have an interest in carrying it on—they have the great Island of Cuba not half cultivated—they are anxious to increase the number of labourers there—and these colonists who have a deep interest in it, as far as. men can be said to have interest in crime, parry it on far the purpose ai bringing their lands into cultivation. The English Govern_ meet ha f ve long been trying to get alpain to agree to an amended treaty:. We ha'd a treaty with Spain, but it was inpfficigni-,,at last we got from Spain as Good a treat/ sit kI„A* possible to make for the purpose—the slave trade very soon found if the flag of Spain would not do, that they could take that of Portugal—and I am sorry to any, that the flag of Por tugal is now disgraced by being a cover to the slave-trading: pirates, who belong not to the nation, but are the outcasts of all nations—and carry on in Cuba and the Brazils their abomi liable trade. We are now engaged in applying to Portugal the same screw we applied to Spain—and cannot but hope we shall be equity successful.L-(Cheers.) Portugal and the Brazils are now almost the only two countries whoie flags arc used for the purpose. All the powers of Europe have been led to adopt the better feelings on that great question—and we have from time to time induced the smaller powers to accede to the treaty between France and England. And although it has been represented in some quarters, that we mske an unnecessary boast of the accession of Naples, Sardinia, and the Manse towns, yet the flag of one nation, thsugh small, is as good for this purpose as that of another, however great. It is, therefore, necessary to obtaii the consent of all powers, to ensure the abolition Of this traffic. I mention this, to show you that the Govern* ment is as much alive to the question of the slave trlde, as it is to the question of slavery in o ur own colonies, A' ell s gentlemen, there was another important question, which halt occupied the attention of the Government and Parliament-7( mean the law for establishing a modified system of relief in Ireland for the destitute poor —at first there were great objec tions to it—and I, for one, long doubted whether any such sys• tem could be established in Ireland, consistent with real advane tage to the poor, and without any great and serious injure:, if not ruin, to the owners of property—but further re f ,ieetion satisfied me that not only such measure could safely be adopted —but that it was absolutely necessary to ad s opt it an d that such a measure was the foundation oss',y on which we could build our hopes of the permaneet improvement of the social c ndition of Ireland. A Bill was passed after mature discus sion and consideration, and it is now exciting the approval of the other House ; and I cannot but hope that a measure which is so necessary for the good of the country, will come down to us without any material alterations, or at least with none to defeat the objects of those who framed the measure. There was a measuse proposed last year which applied to England, I mean t h e plan for the abolition of church-rates. You know that at different times various plans were suggested on this subject —but they were found not to answer. We proposed a plan last year which in our opinion was calculated to produce several useful results —i" the first place, to reli eve th ose w h o now contribute to Church rates fr . otnfuture payments.—( Cheers.) I e the next place, to giva additional security and value t o t h e property of the Church ; and thirdly, to give an opening to great improve ments to those lands now 1) , la under the inconvenient tenure of the Deans, the is'hapters, and the Bishops_( Hear)-- there are few people who have ever passed through towns surround'' by property of that d escr iption, but must have asked themselves the question, why do not these towns el .- tend—l have gone frequently through one of those towns, alai during my life I have hardly seen a new house added to it—while other towns in the neighbourhood daily increase. It turns out that the greater part of the land is tied 12 1 3 , in this sort of te nure . W e ll, one part of our plan wo ol° have been to give scope to great improvements in se"' ral parts of our country—and in agricultural districts to give opportunity of improving land which the present tenure would not induce the holders to spend money upon it ' for if they did they would have to pay for their own improve" ment, then made by their own capital.--( Cheers, and hea r ' hear.) But the plan met with great opposition, entirely from misconception. Lord John Russell has a notice standing fe e next week for a Committee to inquire into the facts, for vv• were met with a denial of our facts. We were told our pro mises were erroneous, and therefore our conclusions were not correct. I cannot help thinking that the Committee will re move those prejudices, (honest prejudices I know them to be on the part of many persons)—will remove I say, those pre judices which gave rise to great part of the opposition 11 . 1 " year—and should it lead to the settlement of the much digs puled question of church rates, I think we shall have contri buted much, not only to the peace of the country, but al5O to the interests of th e E sta bli s h e d Church.—( Hear, hear.) Nyell gentlemen the best way of doing business is to take measure r up one by one and di s p ose o f t h em, mak i ng them as coogr et, and satisfactory a s p oss ibl e . If you h ave a great many irons g , In the fire at once, y ou cannot h ammer out any o ne them entirely to your satisfaction, and therefore, though soloni: people hav e b een p l ease d to accuse us of wasting our ti and not doing enough—l think the measures I have pointfeadr out to you pretty sufficient answer to that reproach —g° from consid e ri ng i t a j ust reproach, I think we are better consulting our d u ty i n propos i ng to Parliament measures which we have well matured, and seeing what improve rpcnt Parliament can make in them, rather Hand d what s° 1 1 1 . „, people do, bringing in a Bill one day, and going a broad the next, leaving them without any possibility of being brouAn i to a satisfact or y conc l us i on. G entlemen, we trust --the ci T es vernment trust—that we h ave acte d upon t h ose Prin sP.,ye which induced th e country to place their confidence in ass' by no means thi n k we have forfeited that co n fidence , because on certain qu es ti ons we h ave not b een able to command those ,• n i a • great m a j or iti es w hi c h use d i n former times to fo ll o w ters,—( Hear.) It was st a t e d i n b r i ng i ng i n the Ret°' nd Bill, that the p rac ti ce o f P ar li ament wou l d b e c h an ged, 6 . 1 , that we sh ou ld no l onger see t h ose l arge ma j or i t i e s whit followed f ormer G overnments—t h at t h ere would b e a goo d deal more of separate a n d i n di v id ua l act i on among men t h at s h a des of difference would increase, and th a t G overnment cou ld not really reckon on large majorities, but must be content with such as would enable them to carry on the affairs of the country. We have not had, like the Adminitration of 153 5 ' to carry on the Government by the aid of large minorities- -- (A laugh)—but we have on all occasions, fortunately for ou r measures, been supported by m a j or iti es o f t h e H ouse ; and trusting to our honest desires to administer to the country Bei cording to the wishes and principl es w hi c h t h e great bulk of the nation have sanctioned.—( Cheers.) Trusting, that tht will continue to ensure us the support of Parliament and tha its support will b e res p on d e d to b y t h e sanct i on o f the Peop le s we shall fearlessly p ursue t h e same course we have hitherto followed, and w hi c h h as b een atten d e d w i t h t h e confidence of the country.—( Cheers.) So long as we do receive the F 0 ; 1 _ fideuee of the count r y, we s h a ll persevere ; when we fe el have lost th a t co nfid ence , we s h a ll d eem it a duty—respect fully to retire.—(Cheers.) The N o bl e L or d h a ving uu!' ‘ P ro. posed the heal t h of th e H onoura bl e an d G a ll ant Chg"' n ' (Colonel Pell) concluded amidst loud and continued cheers. The violent gales of Sunday week seem to have embraced in their range nearly the whole of broad Scotla,nd . , n Several wre c k s h ave occurre d on the coast of Ayrsh i re , and ► Loehryan Bay no f ewer t h an f our vesse l s (one of the m .: goodly ship of 600 tons burthen) were placed for a ti racl a the greatest je o p ar dy. T rees uprooted, however l arg e, le common occurrence, and we h ave no reco ll ect i on o f a i, stn) period in which the forests were shorn of so many bougits• . EGYPTIAN VISITORS.-Ediletn Bev, an EgyP tl3 ,, general of artillery, inspector -general of the Egyptian arT r i o and one of the deputation from the Pasha of Egypt, w h° r oe in this country for the purpose of inspecting our manufsetn and works, visited the New Bailey on Saturday. He we e r i on, turban and a dres s o f li g h t bl ue, made i n the Turkish fas”l„,,e with a silver lace g i r dl e roun d hi s wa i st. After s i tt i n g s° te time on the bench, h e v i s i te d t h e pr i son, and afterwar ds wi to in the visitors' book, in his own language, what we supposeo ha remarks on the gaol. lie expressed himself highly P lc d ha with the condition in which he found the prison, a nd sal never was in s o l arge a one before.—Manchester Guar dia ' t. 1 , THE DUCHESS O F M ARLBOROUGH ' S CORRESPONDENCE._We observe, with pleasure, that a irbe edition of this delightful work has already appeared. s,ril age to which this correspondence belongs forms a most one liant era of E ng li s h h istory ; nor do the intrigues at b a le. constitute a less int eres ti n • g portion of ou r d omes tic an y i . e . Many histori es h ave b een written of these times, but 0'1'1)-1.4 sent letters throw a light upon transactions which are . a n, dimly sh a d owe d f ort h i n the vague details of the bitcritiito y They let th e rea d er b e hi n d the curtain, they lay open t° ,: t - he the true spri ngs o f act i on, and all the secret machinery °` f Court intrigues. In point of interest and the developml:e, character, state of parties and public manners, the respondence rivals that of Walpole himself. o re NI Rs. S. C. H ALL ' S NEW WORK.-We ' l ; r i s h been at all times pleased with Mrs. Hall's sketches of 1 a life and character. There is a truth, a fidelity, and wit ha b i c h generosity, in h e r d escr ip t i ons o f t h at traduce d l a nd vv ,on reflects credit upon her judgment. She does not seiz eet a nd „ the less amiabl e a t tr ib utes o f t h e c hild ren o f t h at of " drag their frailties from their dread abode," with the l ' e t ber showing only the dark spots on the picture; they are r ' „n 1 n 1 shadowed f or th t o pl ace i n hi g h er re li ef the bright an": , the,. side, so that their imperfections are nearly forgotten et lustre of their good qualities. The " Lights and Shaa ° f t he Irish Lif e ," just publish e d, w ill certa i n l y b ecome oil ° hag most popular of Mrs. Hall's works. The principal sti le of been already dramati se d w i t h great success, un d er the tt " The Groves of Blareey," t tile To the inquiries o f our correspon d en ts 3 sa d Guards' Club, the War office, Hounslow, Hyde - Pa' l : m ieg Regent's-pa r k Barrack s , & c ., re l at i ve to the f o rtbc novel, entitled " Hussars, Guards, and Infantry," We C r th e erply that, un d e r the assume d name of Ilarry_Aust' n ijorf Author is understood to h a v e wr i tten hi s own e xtramt Tee adventures during a most eventful active military life- un til Gallant Author, it is believed, intends remaining ineo9. o t he it be seen how far the predi c ti ons o f hi s f r i en ds, as t o triumphant success of his work, may be realised. EIGH T-D A y C L 0C K y „re to strike the Hours and Half-hours, Five Guineas each. T h e y in elegant cases, abo u t 71. inches high, suit:abl.e either to sta ir " 011 sk• bracket or mant e hpi ece, an d ars Warranted, at T. C°'°' Lon VORY'S, Working Goldsmith, & c . &e., 47, Cornhill, Lo (Seven D —A pamphlet containi ng d raw i n g s an d a detailed 11 , 1 ,. be atc prices of Sil ver Pl ate, Plated Goods, Whes, Clocks, eze.. ll `, I 1 0 o• had gratis, or will he for ard lin answer to lost-paid at BIRTPS. At Liverpool, on th e 24th inst.l tadv bf Thomas T od 41, rsool of a son. At Stocken Hall, ',lib lion. Mrs. Ireathcote of a daughter:____. R IR. On the 24th inst., at F MA ryern ß Barn et , Francis William Stanhltei; Esq., of Newcastle-on-Tpo, to Constance Louise, eld est da g of G. C raws h a y, E sq ., o f Colney Hatch, Middlesex. of gpcls~ On the 23d lost., at Ecclestield, Thos. Atkinson, Escl , leigh-st ree t, T av i,t oc k- square , t o Eli za b e th, on ly daughter 01 • Sni;th, Esq., of Barnes Hall, Yorkshire. At Asewsien, on the Bth of February, Lieutenant 11. P. De 6" eharep3, commanding IL M. B. " Bouotta," aged 35. On the 18th inst., at Livezpool, Mary, wife of Thomas Cl" Esq., aged 37. —.— London; Printed and Published by Al U DO Xt I U G, of 11% Strand, at Vie Sun Office. No. 11 4 , Strand, in the eountf Of Middlesex,--Friday, April 27, 1838. •