The Sun. — London, England, 1836-06-01 00:00:00

F., r SUS- 0 FFI CE, Seven o' Clock. N 4 , IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, HOUSE OF COMMONN. The SFrAtER took the Chair shortly before four o'clock. The Midland Counties Railway Bin was read a third time and passed. The. Irish Waste Land Improvement Bill was read a third time and paseeti. The Deptford Pier Junction Railway Bill, after a few observations from Mr. BARNARD, wr.s read a third time and -passed. On the motion of Mr. lIODG ES the South Eastern Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. Afte, some observations against the Bill by Mr. LUSHINGTON, _ GLASGOW AND FALKIRK RAILWAY. Mr. HOPE JOHNSTON moved 'that the Committee on the Glasgow and Falkirk Railway have leave to report on or before the 10th inst. After a few words from Mr. WALLACE and another HON. MEMBER, the motion for the ,extension of time to the 10th inst. was agreed to. • GLASGOW AND FORFAR RAILWAY. Air. S. MACKENZIE presented three petitions against this Railway, from the owners of land along the line. BRISTOL AND HUDDERSFIELD ROAD BILL. On the motion of Sir G. STRICKLAND, the Bristol and Huddersfield. Road Bill was read a third time and passed. GLASGOW BRIDGE. Mr. OSWALD brought up the Report of the Committee on the Glasgow Bridge. DUBLIN AND DROGHEDA RAILWAY. Mr. O'CONNELL brought up the Report of the Dublin and Drogheda Railway Committee, recommending an extension of time to the 20th of June. The Hoc. Member gave notice that he would move to-morrow that the time should be extended, in pursuance of the recom mendation of the Committee. MERTHYR TYDVILLE AND CARDIFF RAILWAY. 'On the motion of Mr. NICHOL, this Bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. POWER presented a great number of petitions from the County of Wexford against the Lords Irish Cor poration Bill. Mr. WILLIAM ROCHE presented a petition signed by 9,000 inhabitants of Limerick to the same effect. The petitioners prayed that the national rights and national honour of Ireland might be respected. Ireland had per formed her part of the contract of the Union, and was de termined to stand or fall upon the principles of equality. They also prayed for the abolition of Tithes. Mr. ORD presented a petition from the Corporation of Newcastle, in favour of the Irish Corporations. Mr. GRATTAN presented a similar petition from Wicklow. They also prayed for the total extinction of tithes. Mr. M'KINNON presented a petition from the glass manufacturers of the county of Middlesex, praying for pro tection to the patterns they produced. The HON. MEMBER also presented a petition from an individual complaining of the expense of obtaining a patent, and praying that some alteration might be made on the subject. Mr. S. CRAWFORD presented petitions from Dun dalk, Iniskillen, and Templecrone,.in the county of Done gal ; Strathbannnn, Gormanstown, and Kilsarron, in the county of Louth ; and Ballymacher and Drumbronen, in the county of Meath ; praying for the total abolition of Tithes, and for Corporate Reform. The Hon. Member gave notice that it was his intention to bring forward the ques tion of a total abolition of tithes, in pursuance of the motion he had already placed on the Journals of the House. Mr. BALL presented petitions from Clonmel, praying the House to take steps to render the Established Church available for the payment of its own Clergy, and for Cor porate Reform. Also a petition from Thurles, for the abolition of Tithes. Mr. H. GRATTAN presented petitions from Long. ford and Meath for the abolition of Tithes, from Longford praying that alterations might be made in the mode of collecting Tithes, and for the introduction of Poor Laws into Ireland. The Honourable Member called upon the English Members on the other side of the House to recol lect, that during the time his father sat in that House a Bill was introduced on the latter subject, which was kicked over the bar of the Irish House of Commons, and was ordered to be burned by the common hangman in Palace-yard by the English House of Commons. Which of these precedents would the Hon. Baronet (Sir .G. Sinclair) advise the House to follow ?—(Loud cheers.) Jf he would tell hilt, either in public or private, he would be prepared to act accordingly.—(Loud cheering.) Sir G. SINCLAIR would tell the Hon. Gentleman publicly what course he would advise the House to pursue. They had often heard it said that the peti tions that were presented on that (the Tory) side of the House, were hole and corner petitions (Loud cheering from the Ministerial side of ace House) —but he thought he might say that they were line and cry petitions that were presented on the other side.— (Cheers and laughter.) He had seen it stated in the newspapers—(Cries of " Oh, .oh !)—and he had received printed documents, showing the exertions that had been made to excite in Ireland feelings that did not exist.— (Cries of " Oh, oh I "and cheers from the Tories.) With respect to this measure, the public feelings were very dif ferent from those that had been attempted to be esta blished. The SPEAKER said he thought that the Hon. Baro net was going to answer a question.—',Loud cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) Sir J. SINCLAIR said that sometimes a question that was very short, required a long answer. He would require a longer time to answer this question.—(Laughter.) He would take a future opportunity of answering it. TITHES. Mr. M. BLAKE presented a petition from Galway, praying for the total abolition of tithe. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL presented a petition to the same effect from Cahir, and other places in the County of Tipperary. IRISH CORPORATIONS. Lord ACHESON presented a petition from Armlgh, praying that House not to receive the Irish Corporation Bill as amended by the Lords. MUNICIPAL - CORPORATIONS (IRELAND.) Mr. O'BRIEN presented a petition, praying the House not to sanction any amendment made by the Lords in the Irish Municipal Corporation Bill. Mr. POTTER presented a similar petition from Ro chester, agreed to at a public meeting. The Hon. Member said that an Hon. Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir J. Sinclair) had denounced such petitions as hue and cry petitions ; but be was glad a hue and cry had been raised, and he trusted it would continue as long as justice wag withheld from Ire land.—( Hear, hear.) , Mr. BROCK LtHUIIST presented several petitions from Macclesfield and other places, against the Lords' Irish Municipal Bill ; also a petition, praying •for a 'Fen Hours Factory Bill ; and several petitions against the pre sent Tithe system. Mr. 'MAHER presented several petitions praying for the abolition of Tithes. • Lord G. SOMERSET presented - a petition from the town of Gloucester, praying the House to pass the lush Municipal Bill as amended by the Lords. The petition was signed by no less than five magistrateS, 21 clergymen— (lronical cheering from the Ministerial benches)—six sur geons, six bankers, 72 gentlemen, and 200 other respect able individuals. Mr. FIUME be g ged to ask the Noble Lotd whether the petition was agreed to at a public meeting, or at a hole-and-corner meeting? Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET said. it had been got up in consequence of a meeting held by the other party, and he believed it fully expressed the opinions of those by whom it had been signed. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL presented two petitions praying for the abolition of tithes. (EASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY. On the motin❑ of Sir C. B: VERB, the Eastern Coun ties Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. IRISH CHURCH BILL: Lord JOHN RUSSELL said the Noble Lord opposite (Stanle%) had given notice of an amendment which he in tended to move on the Order of the Day for the second reading of the Irish Church Bill—the amendment was for leave to bring in a Bill to commute the tithes in Ireland into a rent charge, and for the more equal distribution of the church revenues in Ireland. He wished to state to his Noble Friend that if his object was to bring in a Bill for such a purpose, (Lord J. Russell) would not object to such a course ; but he would take the same course as he had done last year on the motion for the second reading of the Tithe Commuta tion Bill, brought in by the Hon. and Gallant Member o pposite (Sir H. Hardinge) ; that was to say, lie would offe r - no opposition to the bringing in of the Bill—(Hear) — But, of course, if his Noble Friend persisted in bringing on the meico as an amendment to the motion of his Noble Friend (1.0,-(1 Morpeth), then he must oppose it. He merely stated this in order that his Noble Friend might decide upon wLat course he should pursue. Lord STANLEY said his wish was to bring in a Bill in conformity with his notice of motion. He had no other intention whatever than to take that course which would be most cow% enient to the Government and to the House, so that he might have his Bill under the consideration of the House along with that of the Govern ment, for which he meant his to be a substitute. He -.should not then object to his Noble Friend's proposition, f he would consent to postpone the second reading of the •r \ • Government Bill for three weeks—(Oh, oh !)—so that .botlii4 might he fairly before the itrITIO!--(Chee• ) Lord J. RUSSELL moat undoubtedlTcaiTTl sent to postpone the second reading of the Bill. It had been for a very considerable time before the Douse, and it. was now absolutely necessary that they should come to a de cision upon it. It was Lis intention, dale second reading was carried, to postpone the Committee for sonic time. But be could not co::scnt now to I:ostpone the second reading. --(Cheers.) Sir It. PEEL—The Noble Lord spoke of taking the same courl:e on this occasion as he had done last year upon his (Sir R. Peel's) Bill for the Commutation of Tithes. Upon that occasion the Noble Lord distictly said he could not agree. to the second reading of the Bill, fir that would acknowledge its principlc—(Hear, bear, hear)—then how could he call urinal to give this Bill a second reading ? If, therefore, the Noble Lord intenled to pursue the same course as he pursued with respect to another Bill last Ses sion, he could not object to postpone the second reading of this Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL said he could not posiponc the second reading of this Bill as a matter of course. Sir ROBERT PEEL said he did not ask the Noble Lord to postpone the second reading, but he objected to its being treated as &matter of course. Lord MORPETH moved the reading of the order of the day for the second reading of the Church of Ireland Bill. Lord STANLEY then rose. He hoped the interest he had at all times taken in subjects of this kind, and the part he had been led to perform on various occasions would at least vindicate him from any charge of presumption, if lie offered himself tos the consideration of the House at this early period of the discussion.—(Hear, hear.) . Ile could assure his Noble Friend that be felt compelled to come for ward on the present occasion, on account of the overwlieming importance of the subject.—(Cheers.) He wished the sub ject was in other hands, for he felt he was taking upon him self a task for which lie was unequal, and which lie would not undertake, except upon the consideration that it was the bounden duty of every man who felt well to his country to do all in his power to settle a question affecting Go vernment after Government, and Administration after Ad ministration.—(Cheers.) The present question, as long as it remained unsettled, affected materially the interests of Ire land and the nation at large, and fostered and kept up enmities, excitement, and differences, not only between parties in that House, but also between the two branches ofthe Legislature. If he thought the present state of the law safe towards the Church, creditable to the Government, and consistent with the maintenance of peace and tranquillity, his task on the present occasion would be,easy and short. There would be little difficulty in exposing the vices in principle, and the grievous and many faults in the details of the present Bill so as to justify the straight-forward and simple course of moving the rejection of the Bill on the second read ing. But he did not feel that the present state of the law was safe to the Church, creditable to the Government, or consistent with the welfare and peace of Ireland. It was true, that by the Act which he had been fortunate enough to be the instrument of passing, the clergy in a great portion of Ireland had recovered their in comes with comparative ease, and were now restin g from their collisions with the peasantry, and, in point of fact, were in possession of a considerable portion of their incomes. It was true, that by the active and extraordinary remedies in the courts of law, the rights of the clergy were vindicated under circumstances of great difficulty. It was true, also, that by the patience, forbearance, and moderation of the Clergy for the most part of Ireland—(Great cheers from the Oppositiela of the House, which were answered by ironical 64;ra from the other side)—he thought that the worst enemies 'of the Church could not deny that great mode ration and forbearance—( Cheers, and cries of ," Oh, oh !") with which the great. -majority of the clergy had borne the sufferings and privat4'-vis inflicted upon them individually and collectively. If any Gentleman wanted to know—if they wanted a clear and convincing proof of the feelings that this conduct had excited, he called upon him to look at the extraordinary liberality that Protestant sufferings forbearance and patience had called forth among their Pro testant bethren. Whilst they relieved the distresses of individual clergymen, they had given a striking and con vincing proof that they would not allow the Church to be overborne by the machinations, the fraud and the vio knee of others.—(Loud cheering from the Opposition.) It was because the clergy had been relived thus liberally and kindly—it was because their moderation had elicited this liberality—it was this that induced the friends and members of the Church to exhibit that moderation in their demands and concessions which the clergy were pressed to do in their hour cf need.—(Hear, hear.) It was because the Courts of Law had in some cases pro cured a partial remedy that he did not desire to see those extreme remedies brought into operation, and it was be cause they stood in a better situation' than they stood last year that he desired to come forward, not opposing the second reading of the Bill with out submitting some distinct and tangible propositions to the House, but lie asked of the House leave to state how far they were prepared to go. He might be asked why did lie not take the course taken by his Right Hon. Friend - the Member for Tamworth in the course of last year, and agree with him to go into Committee on this Bill, or to move an instruction previous to going into Committee, for the purpose of separating_ those parts which they objected to from those parts, and some there were to which they acceded. To that lie would say in the first instance, that his Noble Friend had so ingeniously trived to mix up throughout the whole of the Bill the ob jectionable principles to which they could not and would not consent—(Loud cheers from the Opposition)— he had embarrassed the principle, already so vi cious, with so much new detail, as to raise that almost to the rank of principle, that it was impossible to separato the portions of the Bill which, they had at tempted to separate last year.—(Hear, hear.) But again, his Majesty's Government were placed in a different po sition to that in which they stood last year. (Hear, hear, hear.) They had not forgotten the coarse which his Majesty's Government had thought it their duty to was a strange idea of duty in his mind to pursue, when they refused the great practical boon which both branches of the Legislature had consented to, unless it was accom panied with the assertion of a principle which they admitted could barely be brought into practical operation, which was mischievous in itself and pregnant with infinite danger.—(Loud cries of hear, hear, hear.) It was his duty, after the course. which his Majesty's Government had announced it their intention to pursue, to appeal to the Government and the House of Commons with reason and moderation, to state what they were prepared to do, —frankly deal with the grievances which frankly they acknowledged, and to declare that they would go so far and no further. ( Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) Perfectly sensible as lie was of the difficulty which any individual Member of that House had to contend with in bringing forward a proposition of thiS nature, he had, not withstanding, felt it his duty to make the attempt, and he trusted that although the House might not agree in his proposition, yet that they would give him their patient at tention while he stated the course that the Legislature had hitherto pursued upon this question, and how trifling a practical result it was upon which they now differed. In legislating on the subject of the revenues of the Church three things were to be taken into consideration—first, the amount of tithe revenue ; secondly, the distribution ; and thirdly, the appropriation. Upon the two first of these points, there were two Acts which bore distinctly upon it. The Church Temporalities Act, introduced by his Noble Friend (Earl Spencer), and the Tithe Composition Act. With respect to the question of pluralities and other points which were common to both countries, it was not his intention to deal in his present Bill. The tithe CompositiOn Act had made a most important alteration, Tithes were no longer a tax upon industry, it was con , nected with a rent-charge payable by the landlords, and, as far as the interest of the Tithe-payer was con cerned, they stood in a much better situation. With regard to this Bill, and the payment to be made by the tithe-payers, there was no other alteration in the Bill brought forward by his Noble Friend than that in consi deration of the charge being thrown on the shoulders of the landlord he would receive an increased reduction from the amount of tithes he was bound to pay.—(Hear, hear.) But it unfortunately happened, that in addition to that question various other interests were brought to bear. Interests as various and conflicting as possible— some dealing with the amount and others with the distribu tion, and thereby prevensing, the settlenient of the whole, or any part of the question. And, most unfortunately, for Ireland—most unfortunately for them, and most unfor tunately for the well-being of the country, his Majesty's Ministers, in an evil hour, for political purposes— (Tremertous cheering from the Opposition) bound themselves down to that princ;ple which his Noble Friend so feelingly declared his inability to shake off,—(Renewed cheering.) They would not give peace to Ireland until a principle was sanctioned, which they must know could not be sanctioned by the Legislature.—(Cheers.) Who were the parties concerned in the question, and what were their interests ? The landlords and tenants were only concerned in the amount of the burden on the shoulders of each. Those also were concerned, who, from religious or other motives, were anxious to destroy the Church off reland. There were also those sincere but mistaken friends who desired to reform the most glaring abuses of the Church, and thought that such was necessary to effect their purposes. There wa); also those economical ,politicians who thought they could screw out of the Church, to effect some pitiful economy that would never be felt—(Great Opposition cheers)—a sum of 50,0001., to promote education, or assist the estimates, and who brought that forward as a reason which should lead that House to refuse a settlement of the tithe question. It might be said, that the Tithe payer had an indirect in- XEDNESDAY. JUNE 1, 18:_ [ll4 E SUN, 1-CON DO reret4 in I.nArkin . t settlement of the Tithe question, xin; it up with th tion of education. But had the teolNillif Irelatrolittaty i:, nto doubt. the readiness of'Par, Lament to uppriate a stun fiu• such a purpose ? Had hey shown any disposition to give large and liberal -rants out of the public purse ?—( Hear, hear.) Ha be lieved no lion. Member of that 'douse, not even the Hon. Member for Middlesex, would refuse 50,000/. for the pur poses of national education rather than screw it out of the revenue of the Church of Ireland. The Irish tithe-payer> had, he feared, an interest in avoiding the payment altogether, t hrongh the agency of turbule.nee and disorder.—( Opposit ion cheers.) It might ba their object to keep up the excitement —to excite the deluded peasantry to resistance, which such a course—he asked them whether they woold (mite in keeping alive that excitement by postpaning the settlement of the Tithe question. The only question that affected the Tithe-payers was merely as to the amount they were to pay It was a fallacy and a delusion which he was sure his Noble Friend would not lend himself to keep up—it was ..t fallacy to say that the tithe-payer would benefit one farthing whether the Church were plundered of 50,0001. or 3,0001. But between the Church and the State the matter was dif ferent ; it was undoubtedly the interest of the State that the Ministers of her religion, who are now in such difilculties as to justify what had been said ,of the Church—that it was a Missionary Church on the outposts of Protestantism.— (('beers.) It was the duty of the State to see that gen tiemen of education should be induced to enter into the ministrp—it was the duty of the State to place them in such a situation as to leave them to support their families (for our "Church did not enjoin celibacy), free from anxiety and care—to- exe:cise hospitality—to deal out charity with a liberal hand—(Loud cheers and " Oh, oh")—as they were mmg the few, and in some places the only resident genfemen. It was for 'the best interests of the State that the Ministers of tne Church should be kept as fee from luxurious affluence as from sordid poverty. If' any one doubted his readiness to effect both objects, he asked them only to hear him to an end of his address, they would be convinced of their error. In this case the State had an interest both, in the amount and the distribution of the re venues of the Chinch. Some thought the State had a pecu niary interest. He contended that it had not ; but no one will say but that that interest was very insignificant compared to the other interest. The question of amount and distribu tion had been dealt with in the Church Temporalities Act. With regard to the amount it proceeded upon the principle of there being large deficiencies in some parts and extensive superfluities in others, which justified the measures they had taken ; -that Bill relieved the people of Ireland so far as was consistent with the rights and maintenance of the Church. He never thought that the maintenance of the Church should be impaired—the main and permanent object which he had in view was to reduce here, for the purpose of ' augmenting there.—( Hear.) He had never cut down for the pleasure of cutting down alone— (Hear) —he had cut down in one place merely for the purpose of beneficially applying surplus elsewhere. In the first place, with regard to amount, it was pro posed to reduce no less than ten bishoprics by that Bill ; it was also proposed to relieve the people of Ireland frOm the payment of a tax for the maintenance of their own clergy to no less an amount than 60,000/. per annum.---( Hear.) The owner of Bishop leases were enabled to acquire a permanent possession of that of which they had only a leasehold before.—(Hear.) There was also provided by the Bill the augmentation of benefices, the erection of - churches, and the erection also of glebe houses when required. Such were the objects which they bad sought to obtain by the reductions they proposed, in varioui matters in the revenues of the Church of Ire land. Now tbe first reduction was the one he had al ready stated—of the abolition of a certain number of Bishoprics. The next in amount was the tax imposed after the termination of existing interests in two other Bishoprics. There was also a graduated tax hn • posed on all benefices beyond a certain amount—the object of that tax was not to produce a. complete and general equality among all livings, but to take a large portion from those who could better spare it, and apply the surplus to I (LEFT SPEAKING.) His Majesty's birthday was celebrated on Saturday at Paris, by a splendid fete champetre, given by Lord and Lady Granville, in the hotel of the British embassy. The company commenced arriving at three o'clock p.m., and by five there were near 1,800 persons assembled. Dancing was to have taken place on the magnificent lawn in the garden, which was supplied accordingly with what was required for the accommo dation of the company; but the coolness of the temperature drove the dancers into the ball-room. At six o'clock a dinner, called a &leaner, was served on a multiplicity of tables, laid out in the State dining-room and different other rooms. At eight more company arrived, and dancing was resumed, and kept up until midnight, when the music ceased, and the com pany began to take their departure. INCENDIARISM.—Monday evening the inhabitants of Aston•le-Walls were aroused from their slumbers by a cry of fire, which was found to proceed from the farmyard of Mr. G. Bliss. A straw rick at the back of the premises was first oh - - served in flames, which speedily communicated to the barns, stables, hovels, cowhouses, &c. ; the whole, with, other out buildings, were entirely destroyed. Great exertions were used to prevent the spreading of the flames to the dairies and dwelling-house, and pigsties were pulled down to destroy the communication, notwithstanding which they several times caught fire, as well as some buildings in an adjoining farm yard, and were as often extinguished with but little damage. No doubt is entertained that it was the work of an incendiary. Although at the distance of nine miles from the scene of de vastation, the flames were distinctly seen at Banbury. The damage is estimated at about 4001. THE LATE DISCOVERY OF GOLD.—At an in quest which was held on Saturday, at Great Stanmore, Mr. Stirling, the Coroner, was applied to by Giffkins and Elliott, the coachman and gardener of the Rev. Mr. Chauvell, the Rector of the parish, for the gold which they were the fortu nate finders of in March last, under the very singular circum stances that came out during a lengthened inquiry at the time, and which was laid before the public. It will be remembered, that the result of such was, that a part of the money was awarded to the Crown, as treasure trove ; but the gold found by Giffkins and Elliot, amounting to near 5001., was not con sidered by the jury as coming within the meaning of the Act, and consequently it became the property of the finders. Mr. Stirling, who has had charge of the last-named sum since the inquest, has within the last two days communicated with Mr. Maule, Solicitor to the Treasury, and received an answer from that gentleman, to the effect, that the Crown had waved all claim to the gold; and in reply to the application made by the two men for the money, said they should receive it forthwith. Since the inquest, about 15 or 16 more pieces of foreign gold coin, similar to the former, have been found—the result .of unwearied search made on and about the spot by the inhabitants. EXCUSE FOR A Ho L I DAY.—The Winchester (American) Republican has the following neat article:-- `• Our office has not been cleaned for two years. In order to begin the year like .civilized people, we have determined to have a general cleaning, to wash and scrub the faces of our types, and to put- a fresh. shirt on our devil, &c. In conse quence of these doings, and to allow all hands a chance of keeping Christmas, we have issued only a half sheet this week." The Knightsbridge-barracks, which for nearly 200 years have been appropriated for the accommodation of the three regiments of Foot Guards, are at length to be abolished. Four companies of the Coldstream Guards, lately quartered there, marched yesterday to the barracks at St. John's Wood ; one to St. George's barracks,. Charing-cross ; and the remainder of the troops (consisting chiefly of recruits) are ordered to Croydon. It is stated that Lord Grosvenor, the ground landlord, intends to convert the site of the barracks and some other adjacent property into a fashionable square. THE AGE OF CHIVALRY NOT QUITE GONE. —The town of New Ross has published a challenge, offering a bet of 100/. that a handsomer lady will be found therein than in any other town in Ireland. A young gentleman hiss left his name at our office . , who not only accepts the above offer, but has authorised us to propose the following :—He is the re presentative of nine. He proposes to bet, on the part of him self and friends, two hundred pounds to ono ; he will only take one street in Newry (Hill. street) ; he will allow his op- - ponents to 'take the whole town of New Ross; and he undei takcei to select out of this street three ladies, the least beauti ful of whom will be to the Wexfordians like the " lily among thorns," or any other of the thousand and one similics that have been said and sung in celebrating the beauty of lovely woman. —Newry Telegraph. A very melancholy accident occurred on Thursday last, on one of the Earl of Lonsdale's pits near Distington. The pit had lately been sunk to coal, and the quantity of water produced being very great, all draw operations had been sus : spencied to allow the water to be n off by the pumps. No fire or other noxious damp had ever been observed, a strong current of air being. always found at the foot of the shelt when the men were employed there, On Thursday the engine had been stopped to allow some necessary repairs, and a man called Leeson was auspended for several hours in the pit, about 20 feet froth the surface, repairing the tackle-folds of the pumps, when about four o'clock ha was heard to moan, and a man named John Stainton, looking hastily down, observing that Leeson had tainted, immediately slid down the rope to assist him. George Patterson; the engineer, who bad charge of the repairs, happening to reach the place at the same time, instantly followed him, but had not descended so far as Lee son, when both he and Stainton lost hold of the rope and were precipitated down the shaft. Leeson was then drawn up by the rope (being so tied in the loop, that although insensible, he could not fall), it being evident that the shaft had suddenly become charged with choke damp (carbonic acid gas). It required several hours to displace the choke chimp sufficiently li to allow persons to descend, and the last body was not reco vered until four o'clock the next morning. Inquests were held during the day, and verdicts of " Accidental Death" re turned.—Carlisle Journal. BRICKLAYERS' STRIKE.---Most of the building operations in this town have been at a stand during the week, in consequence of' the builders refusing to accede to a demand for increase of wages. The demand notified by the men to their employers, on leaving work on Saturday, was four and sixpence a day, instead of four shillings, the previous price of labour. The hodmen, and other subalterns of the brick and lime fraternity, have joined the strike ; these latter demanding threepence per diem additional to their previous wages.—Sheffield Mercury, IMP ERI AL PARLIAMENT. HO USE OF COMMON .S, MAI , 31. The SP2AKErt took the Chair at the usual hour On the motion of M. HUME, the Metropolitan Suspen sion Bridge Committee had leave to report until the 13th of Jane, on the ground of many of its members being on other Committees. _ _ _ On the motion of Mr. P. M..STE WART the Liverpool Fire and Life Assurance Company Bill was read a second time. Mr. HOPE moved the third reading of the Gloucester Water Bill. Read a third time and passed. Mr. CLAY presented a petition from the Tower Hamlets. praying for an improvement in the manner of recovering small debts. Mr. C. B CIL IsE presented a petition to the same effect from certain inhabitants of Westminster. Referred to the Committee. On the motion of Mr. SANDFORD the Parret Naviga tion Bill was read a third time, and passed. Sir A. LEITH HAY presented several petitions on the subject of the statute labour in Scotland ; and one praying that the House would take measures for securing the right of exporting cured haddocks to Russia. Captain BERKELEY presented a petition from Glow. cester, praying for the abolition of Church-rates. Mr. ROBINSON presented a petition from a public Meet ing held at Worcester, where there was no dissension— (Hear, hear)—praying that Ireland might have the same municipal institutions as other parts of the country. Ho fully agreed in the prayer of the petition, and was sure every honest Reformer in the kingdom would do all in his power to obtain for Ireland the same measure of Reform as England and Scotland. Mr. BARRY presented several petitions from places in the county of Cork, praying for the same measure of Corporation Reform as England and Scotland, and praying for the ex tinction of Tithes. Mr. H. GRATTAN presented petitions from places in Meath, against tithes ; and from Antrim, in favour of the Irish Spirit Bill ; and one from Meath, praying the House not to pass any Bill for Municipal Reform of less magnitude tlnin those for Scotland and England. Mr. HOWARD presented a petition from the Council of Carlisle, praying the House to give Ireland the same equal rights as England and Scotland. He thought these institu tions a part of the old Constitution, and was glad to see the spirit shewn by the English Corporations on this subject. Mr. THORNLEY presented a pet ion from Wolverhamp ton, praying for the equalization and 'duction of the duties on Sugar. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the Guardians of the Poor of St. Luke's, Middlesex, complaining of the amount they had to pay to the county-rate, and praying that the rates of the county might be transferred to responsible hands. . One from the county of Argyle, complaining of the statute labour, and one from Mr. Haydon, on the subjeel of the arts, and praying that due encouragement might V given to native talent. The Honourable Member gave notice that to morrow he would move for the appointment of a Select Com mittee to consider the state of the coal trade, and he would also move for certain returns connected with the subject of cor poral punishment. Sir WILLIAM GEARY and Mr. HODGES presented petitions in favour of the South Eastern Railway Bill. Mr. HUME wished to correct a mistake which he had been led to make in his evidence before the Military Commission. He had stated that a native in India had been sentenced to 1,900 lashes, of which 1,250 were inflicted. He had the official returns, and found only 650 were inflicted. He felt obliged to the House for allowing him to correct the error. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL presented a petition from Et'•'nburgh, agreed to at a public meeting, and signed in a few hours by 12,000 persons, praying that Ireland might enjoy the same blessings of Municipal Government which Scotland did. Mr. BERNAL presented a petition from the inhabitants of Rochester, Stroud, and its neighbourhood, in favour of the first Irish Municipal Reform Bill. MIDLAND COUNTIgS RAILWAY. Mr. J. PARKER presented a petition from Sheffield against the Midland Counties Railway Bill. IRISH MUNICIPAL BILL. Mr. POTTER presented a petition from Wigan, praying the House to reject the Lords amendments to the Irish Muni cipal Bill. LONDON AND CROYDON RAILWAY. On the Order of the Day being read, this Bill was post ponedUNTlES' RAILWAY. unt m illhis day week. DLAND CO On the Order of the Day for the further consideration of the Report on this Bill, Sir R. FE RGUS SON moved the omission of several clauses. He did not oppose the whole Bill ; but as the road was diverted from its original course to benefit certain collieries, he felt it his duty to propose an amendment to those clauses of the Bill. After a short conversation as to the propriety of recommit ting or postponing the Bill, the Hon. Member moved that the Bill be recommitted. The Earl of LINCOLN said that the Committee had endeavoured as far as possible to make their Report in con formity with the wishes of all parties. Sir R. FERGUSSON withdrew his motion for recom mittal, and the Bill was read a second time. LONDON AND DOyER(§OUTEI EASTERN) RAILWAY. An HON. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, moved the further consideration of the report of the Committee on this Bill. Lord MA HON rose to oppose this Bill, not from any private interest that he had in opposition to it, but from a strong sense of public duty. He opposed the Bill on two grounds— first, because there was already a full and efficient means for the conveyance of goods ; and secondly, because this railroad could only be of advantage in time of peace. He ought to add, that as far as regarded the opinions of the owners of property along the line, they were not in favour of the present Bill. He had stated his objections to the Bill at an early period, and it could not -now be said that the House was taken by surprise. Looking at the fact that if a war broke out, all the contemplated advantages would be annihilated— looking to the vast amount of capital to be embarked in the speculation—looking to the circumstance that only a minority of the landed proprietors on the proposed, line were favourable to the measure—and looking at the narrow divisions in the Committee, he felt himself justified in calling upon the House for further delay. In his opinion, it would be ruin to those who had embarked their capital in it. The amount that would be required, was not less than one million and a half, and he thought that the House should pause before it sanctioned so enormous an outlay.—( Hear.) The question of delay was as nothing when compared with the mischief and danger which would result from the prema ture adoption of an injudicious line. The Noble Lord con cluded by moving that the report be taken into further consi deration that day six months. Mr. O'CONNELL must protest against the time of the House being taken up in discussing the merits of rail ways, which have already been fully considered in a Committee up stairs. The Noble Lord was defeated in the Committee, and now he came to the House, and asked them to reverse the decision of the Gentlemen who had all the facts before them. The Noble Lord also called upon the House to protect the poor people wbo bad subscribed a million and a half for this railroad. Were they lunatics, that they could not protect themselves? It was a most strange mode of reasoning which the Noble Lord had adopted ; because there was water communication to Dover by the Thames, there could not be any occasion far a railroad there. Now that was the first time he had heard that the Thames went to Dover—that was new to him; however, even if true, it was not -a good reason againat the present Bill. He must protest against this waste of the time of the House. Mr. BE RNA L said his Hon. and Learned Friend had a very ore rotunda manner of disposing of matters, but he hoped the House would not be led away with it.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The House had a duty to perform ; they were bound to enquire into the feasibility of every scheme which was presented to them. This was one which he felt convinced would never be carried into effect ; or if so that it must be a dead loss to the proprietors. If Hon. Gentlemen would look at the report, they would find that there were four tunnels required on the line, one of them nearly a mile long ; now to make one with such odds against it was ridiculous. Besides, this railway avoided all the great towns in Kent, which should have the advantage of any road which went through the county. , He thought it was not an unreasonable thing to pro pose that the further consideration should be postponed for some period of time. He thought also the House was doing wisely, honourably, and justifiably, in warning the people out of doors against a project like the present Bill. Mr. O'ONNELI4 .. observed thirt the Hon. Member utterly wronged him, if he thought he had any interest in this or any other railway. Mr. BERNAL sail that he had not intended, nor did he state, that the- Hon. and Learned Member had any interest in the Railway. After a few words from Mr. hector, Mr. Richards, and Mr. Hodges in support of the Bill ; and from Mr. Plumptre and Mr. S. Lushington in support of the amendment, The House divided, when the numbers were— For the report Fur the amendment 34 Majority The reports on the Merthyr and Cardiff Railway Bill, the London and Cambridge Railway Bill, and the .Eastern Coun ties Railway Bill were reconsidered. PRINCE PQLIGNAC. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE—In rising to invite the House to concur in an address to the Throne, having for its object " To beseech his Majesty to use his good offices with his ally the King of the French, for the liberation of Prince Polignac and other exiled Ministers of France," was too well aware of the delicacy and the numerous difficulties that surrounded the question n,ot to feel sensible how greatly he stood in need of the indulgence of the House, while he stated as briefly as he was able the grounds upon which he thought England might offer her mediation without offence, and France accept that mediation without compromising either her dignity or her independence.—(Hear, hear.) When the House looked back to the political career and the past lives of these misguided men, he hoped that in advocating their release he should stand acquitted of being actuated by any party motiVPs,' Ar biased by any political prejudices in their favour,—( Hear.) He stood there to recommend their release on higher grounds—he asked for it in the name of even-handed justice and humanity. The Hon. Member said he might be asked what right did we possess to interfere with the domestic policy or the internal ar rangements of another country, or what precedents there were that could be adduced in support of his proposition ? With regard to the right that we might have to interfere with the in ternal policy of another country, he must say that he thought such a question came rather too late ; it was true non-inter vention had been their precept, but how far it had been their practice—( Hear, hearhe might safely leave either to Spain to answer, France to alustrate, or the House of Bourbon to acknowledge. It was now nearly six years since the British public heard with admiration and •delight of the glories of July and the triumphs of the barricades—when the citizens of Paris rose almost as one man, and proclaimed that '•.the will of the people" was the only legitimate title to the Throne. The successful struggle made by the French nation upon that occasion caused an excitement here which he thotigilt those who witnessed it would not easily forget. lii short, from that day England seemed to feel that the liberties of France must thenceforth rest upon the same foundation as her own. But when this excitement began to subside, and the trial of the Ministers to commence, Englishmen began sriously to reflect upon what description of Constitittion that was which would make the servants of a monarch deposed, of a power that had ceased to exist, responsible to those who were profiting- by the change. They had then to learn in what new charter this' double responsibility could be found, whereby a King could be superseded and his Ministers impeached. Many then began to suspect that either the advantages of that eventful revolution bad been exaggerated, or the punish. ment of its authors was ungenerous and unjust.—( Hear.) However, the trial proceeded, and whether that trial had been a legal or an illegal one—whether the tribunal before which Prince Polignac was arraigned had or had not b,!en legally constituted—he would not pretend to decide ; suffice it to say, that the Ministers of Charles the Tenth had been condemned, and were then in the dungeons of Ham, suffering for having only attempted that which their more fortunate successors had been able to accomplish with a severity and at force which he should leave to other and wanner admirers of this Citizen King's reign to palliate and explain.—( Hear.) For the credit of France he wished most sincerely that she had listened to the counsel of a Noble Lord upon this sub ject. He alluded to a speech of Lord Grey, made by him in the other House of Parliament a short time previous to the trial. That Noble Lord had said, " I am far from wishing by any observations of mine to interfere unbecomingly in the affairs of a neighbouring country; but I believe I may say, that there is not a friend of liberty in Europe who would nut feel gratified if 'he could see mercy extended to criminals who may be thought by some least to deserve it ; and that the re. volution so nobly accomplished might be freed from any pro ceedings which can have the appearance of being dictated by motives and feelings of vengeance."—(Loud cheerina•.) He would ask any man (let his politics be what they might) to point out, unless vengeance were his object, what was to be gained by this imprisonment? And here the Hon. Mem ber would wish to take the opportunity of stating, that when he alluded to the subject on a former evening, he did so with out any communication, direct or indirect, with the prisoners themselves, and the only communication that had since been made to him was a letter which he received shortly after wards from the Princess Polignac, expressive of the gratitude. of the prisoners at the kind mariner in which the mention of their misfortunes had been received . by the enlightened assem bly which he addressed. Mr. Duncombe then read the fol lowing letter :--. Ham, March 4, 1836. " Dear Sir—Those alone who have experienced severe af fliction can understand how more than consolatory, how grati fying it is to learn that friends still remain who are not indiffe rent to our appalling misfortunes. It was under these impres sions that I perused your generous speech in favour of the pri soners at Ham, and learned the flattering attention with which it was listened to by an English_ assembly. Receive, Sir, on this occasion, my best acknowledgments ; they will, however, be inefficient when compared with the secret satisfaction your own conscience must afford you for having made a courageous effort in behalf of those who linger in confinement. It is, doubtless to the remembrance of having, in days of prospe rity, contributed on various occasions, to many philanthropic acts, both on behalf of his own countrymen and of foreign ers, that Prince Polignac owes that serenity of mind which has contributed to -support him in adversity, and with which he now waits the further decrees of Providence. " Allow me to subscribe myself, dear Sir, " Yours truly, " LA PSSE. DE POLIGNIrC." " To T. Duncombe, Esq., M. P." This letter was written by the Princess, Prince Polignac being sentenced to civil death, not having been allowed to communi cate with any one. The House was, no doubt, well aware that the fortress of Ham was situated in the most unhealthy part of France, in the midst of marshes and morasses ; but to re main at large within the fortress seemed to have been thought too lenient a punishment; for within the fortress a small prison bad been where these unfortunate men were confined almost in secret, without any means of exercise, excepting upon an elevated terrace, about thirty paces in length, and surrounded by stagnant water. At certain hours in the day a few persons were allowed to see them, but at five o'clock they were committed to the dungeons, where they dine alone, and after that hour, under no circumstances of domestic affliction or of sickness, is any friend or relation allowed to visit them to interrupt the cheerless solitude of their cells. He would ask if persecution like this could be necessary to the ends of national justice ? Did it not savour rather of revenge Be fore he sat down the Hon. Member begged to observe that there were precedents for this motion. Similar addresses had been moved in that House in 1794 and 1796, by Mr. Fitz patrick, for the liberation of General Lafayette and other Frenchmen confined in the prisons of our ally the King of Prussia. He (Mr. Duncombe) had adopted the form of that motion—a motion, too, which had been warmly supported by all the leading Whigs of that day (as he hoped his would, 1 3e by those of the present time), that motion had been sr;pported by the present Earl Grey, by Mr. Whitbread, !fir: Wilber force, Mr. Sheridan, and Mr. Fox ; and Mr. Fox, when speaking in support of it, said The customs of civilized na tions presented no obstacle to our interposition. In the case of Sir Charles Asgill, applications were made by this country to a Court with which we were then at war. The good offices of the Queen of France were solicited, granted, and proved, effectual, and America, the ally of France, yielded to an inter position in behalf of humanity." The Hon. Gentleman, in con clusion, then moved the following Address—" Humbly to submit to his Majesty the propriety of his Majesty using his good offices with his ally the King of the French for the li. beration of the Prince de Polignac and Messrs. de Peyronnet, Chantelauze, and Guernon de Ranville."—( Loud cheers.) Captain BERKELEY seconded the motion. Mr. P. HOWARD trusted the motion would receive the sympathy of men of all parties in that House, Mr. WARD was inclined to vote for this motion, as far as mere motives of humanity were concerned ; but he did not think it at all prudent for this House to interfere between great political offenders and the country which had con demned them. He did not wish to speak needlessly nor harshly of the crime for which they had been condemned, but he must say, that in his mind, it was one of the deepest poli tical die. Prince Polignac played for the highest stake fur which a subject could play—to be absolute Minister of an ab solute Sovereign, with the risk, in the event of a defeat,....,i incurring hardships even greater than thase to which they were exposed ; and when the Flat] ie recollected the nuimber of lives sacrificed in the struggle that took place h consequence of the advice which Knee Polignac volunteor e 4 to his Sove reign, it might be doubted whether a miter degree of pu nishment had been inflicted upon him and his associates, than was requisite for the safety of their persons ; nor must it be altogether lost sight of, that the hardships of which they now complained were a commutation of a much severer sentence. Sir IL INGLIS believed the people of England would learn with very peculiar satisfaction that the King of the French had been advised by his own Ministers to concede the point now at issue. Lord PALMERSTON sald—speaking for himself, and lie might undertake to say also for his colleagues, nothing would give his Majesty's Government more sincere pleasure than to learn that the Government of France had thought it expedient to advise the King of the French to exercise his prerogative of pardon towards the persons who were the objects of this motion. Such an act on the part of the King of the French would, he knew, meet with the approba.tiee, and excite the satisfaction of all persons, not only in this country, but gene rally throughout Europe, beeause, speaking individually on this matter, he could not conceive, wh a t ever m i g h t have been the political offence for which Prince Pelignae and his associates were condemned, that there now existed any neces sity for continuing a punishment so severe and so long endured, or that it was at all consistent with the generous and high minded feelings which so peculiarly distinguished the French nation, to continue a punishment after it ceased to be neces sary for the purpose of example, and when any fear of a repe tition of the crime was out of the question. A generous oblivion would under such circumstances be far more conso nant to their feelings.—( Hear.) But however becoming it might be for the 'Hon. Member who entertained principles known to be peculiarly favourable to the lillerty of the subject to stand forward as he did on the present occasion as the advocate of mercy, yet he was sure the House would be of opinion that notbinix pallid be so inexpedient, or so dangerous in its tendenoy, as for a British,House of Comm ons t o a dd ress the King of England to interfere in a matter connected with the domestic concerns of another eountry.—( Hear, hear.) He apprehended no precedents could b e f oun d f or any such step. In the case alluded to, General Lafayette, and a cer tain number of persons with him, quitted the French army with an intention of proceeding to Holland, and were made prisoners of war by some outposts of the Austrian army. They were prisoners of war , therefor e , an d t h e Hon. Mem ber's speech on the occasion alluded t o said exnrossly that he supported the motion, because General Lafayette was not a subject either of the . King of P r u ss i a or the Emperor of Austria, nor had he violated any law to which he was sub ject, and, therefore , a s a mere pr i soner of war. England being art ally in that war, had a right to mediate on his behalf ; hut here was a case where the subjects of another country committed what was adjudged by a competent tribunal in that country to be a crim e o f a very grave nature, and who were now suffering the mitigated punishment awarded to them by such competent tribunal. Indeed, even with a view to the object which the Hon. Gentleman himself proposed, it would be most wise and politic not to press this motion. The French people, though generous and chivalrous, were highly sensitive as to their national honour; and though likely to be swayed by the expression of the opinion of the Members of a free assembly in a friendly country, yet, should that assembly proceed one step further, and do anything which might appear like dicta tion or interference, their pride would most likely be raised, and the effect preduced tie directly the reverse of that intended. He ther e f ore b egge d hi s H on . F r i en d to content himself With having elicited from the House expressions of entire sympathy and concurrence in sentiments which did him much honour. Mr. R. PLUNKETT wished to assure the Hon. Nl'ember for Finsbury that there were several Members on that (the Opposition) side of the House, who, though not professors of liberalism, were quite ready and desirous to vote for so truly liberal a motion as that which he had made, Mr. C. FE RGUSSON said it appeared to him that the opinions expressed by the 11j g i,k .o f d (Paitnerston) was much more likely to effect the olliect which they all seemed to have in Yi,9lv the %93. roMe4 to be Vi*etz, L should give a similar vote to ti' s Lord JOHN Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, ai for these • larSSIFL reasons stated by him. Whatever his sympathies - unfortunate prisoners, he thought it was not prope r TO inter t re h l O c u g w h i t s , h moreover eo d v o e n ; , e s thatt ic concerns s present G anothe r ol.ern Government justice ou', anal anb:7,u was disposed to consider this question in a spirit oe's, humanity.--( Hear, hear.) It happened to him to be in after the Revol u ti on o f 1830, an d w hen the na o tu pi ra nr a u ft i. e v r a as very popular—an opinio n , t oo , whi c h was very volution whi c h cos t so muc h bl oo d an d so m any lives, that the Ministers x who advis e d th e co u rse w hich Charles X. a were amenable to capital punishment on the scaffuld e .n ip ' pored to be asked by p ersons near ly connec ted with Princ e_ Pulignac and his associates, t o asce rtai n ' what was likely to be the issue of their trial. H e cer tainly could not pretend c. to have any influence with p ersons w ith w h o m he was quainted in France to prevail on them to alter their intuit- tion, but he had sufficient influence with the Ministers and the Court to ascertain what their sentiments were for the satisfac tion of those who inquired; and he knew that the enlightened Sovereign who now ruled over the French people, and the Ministers then his advisers, contemplated with horror the idea of any capital punishment being i n flicted ; and that all their influence with the Chambers would be used to prevent their coining to any decision by which the lives of these viduals might be affected. He took care to convey this inF.nr oration to those who were so anxious on the subject ; 'out it was stated to him that, if even that should he done, and The Chambers were to decide that the lives of the ex-Ministers were to be spared, it was feared that a popular insurrection might arise—that the National Guard might be fcrced, or might allow itself to be forc e d, on th e prisoners being taken to or from the Chamber ; and that those whom clue Chan .ber bad spared would be sacrificed to the fu7-- y and the ven.g.tance of a sanguinary mob. It was his c . - ate at that time to he inti mate, and it was an intirno ... , y with pride and satif:„tio„, which he should always, confess with General Lafayette—(Hear, hear)—who then commanded the National Guard. He wrote to him to solicit an interview, and the General did him the honour to visit him. He stated to the General the danger apprehended with respect to the lives of the prisoners then on their trial. The General certainly stated it as his decided. opinion, and asked him if that would not have been the op - , nions of Englishmen, at least in former times, that the offerx* which the Ministers had committed was art offence punishable with death; but went on to say that as a question of hu - nanity he never would promote - or be a party consenting to the pu nishment of death being inflicted; and when he put co him the question, " May there not be some danger that the National Guard may be forced, and violence committed ea the persons of the prisoners?" the General answered, with great emotion, "No that must not be—that shall not be !"—( Hear. ). Such ' was the answer of General Lafayette, a brave and honest man, a republican undoubtedly in his opinions, but a sincere: and humane man. He would ask, therefore, the Hon. Mem ber for Drogheda whether, such having been the opinions off the Court, the Ministers, the Chambers, and the Commander s ... in-Chief of the National Guards, and their sincerity havi been fully borne out by their subsequent conduct, whethe r an imputation of cruelty, especially considering the provocnt'.o n of the recent revolution, could justly rest upon a nation of whom the King at present reigning over it, and Gen. La',ayettc, now no more, were the most distihguished ornament s ? He did not agree with the motion now before the House:, for the reasons stated by his Noble Friend ; and he would. aid, that if it had been proper to interfere in cases of this description, there were other occasions of persons condemned in former days, and who had suffered a long and grievous imprisonment, not because they had been parties to ordonttanees, but because in truth they were too sincere friends te, liberty. He should vote therefore against the motion if pressed to a division s but begged to state that he syinpatUsed entirely with what ap peared to be the prevalent feeP, ng of the House on the subject. Sir E. COD RINGTO I :`.; was in Paris' at the same time with the Noble Lord, anti could fully confirm his observations. Mr. G. PRICE will-lady complimented the Hon. Member for Finsbury for the trimmer in which he had brought the sub ject forward. Mr. A. TREVOR could not help saying that, let the' offence of the prisoners be what it might, justice had been sa tified by the punishment which they had already received. Mr. POULTER thought that the most appropri'ate oston sible ground on which the prisoners could he reletaed by the Government would be a demonstration by that gouse, (pehich was esteemed by the countries of the Continent to oe the great defender of the principles of liberty), of its desire te see the further prosecution of the punishment awarded to Prince Polianac and his comp an i ons rem i tted. He therefore put it to the House whether dais motion of th e H on . Member for Finsbury should not l:Je acceded to ? Dr. LUSHINCiTON said, the interference of that House would be eakolated especially to excite the jealousy of a -na tion like tire French, nor was there any deTence for a co - arse of:proceeding which-propos e d t o violate the, laws of natior. s , by inducing the interference of the Legislature of one courary in the internal administration of the other. His hope was that the expression which on the present occasion had been made of the feelings of that House on. the subject would not be lost on the mass of the French pf.:ople. Mr. W. ROCHE thooght that a direct interference would be highly impolitic on the part of that House ; but that, on the other hand, the universal and unanimous expression of feeling which the su bj ect h a d ca ll e d forth on this occasion wonild'prove most beneficial to the prisoners. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE should beg leave to withdraw his motion. He could not do so, however, without expressing his gratitude for the sympathy in the object of the motion which. had been shown from all parts of the House. BUSINESS OF. THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL took that opportunity of saying that as there was an impression that the debate on the Irish Church Bill, fixed for to-morrow, was likely to last more than one day, he proposed to make a different arrangement with respect to the Irish Municipal Bill. He did not, that being the ease, in tend to bring forward that measure on Thursday. On Friday his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer was. to bring forward the question of the Stamp Act ; on Mondaw he (Lord J. Russell) proposed to bring on the Bill for Registration of Births and Marriages ; and he the re ( .ore proposed to postp one t h e I r i s h Municipal Bill until Thtersday week. Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN appealed to. the Noble L.ird whe ther the House would be acting properly 1 0Y the people of Ireland in keeping them so long in Faspens;e as was now proposed? Mr. IIU?,IE conjured the Noble Lord not to delay the con sideration of the amendmr.ints sent down from the other House, and to postpone any measure, be it what it might, whether th e Stamp Act or the 1;i11 for the Registrati on of Births and Mar riages, for all were of inferior importance to that measure which so l'auch interested the Irish people. T• An. HON. MEMBER—There i s . no quest i on b efore the .louse.-( Hear.) Mr. HUME—Then, Sir, I ask you why you permitted the Hon. Member for Limerick to address the House ? The SPEAKER—The Hon. Member is perfectly justified in asking me that question, but I am sure be and the House will at once see that there is a material difference between allowing an Hon. Member personally interested in the matter communicated to the House by the Noble Lord, arid allowing that which is stated as a matter of convenience to be made the subject of general discussion.—( Hear, hear.) On the motion of Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN, leave was given' to bring in a Bill to regulate the medical eharities.supported by county assessments in Ireland. Mr. HUTT moved for a return of the number of ships' reports that required amendment during the two years ending the sth of January, 1836 ; the date of each ship's arrival, and the date at which the amended report was completed, stating the nature of the error in each case. After some observations from Mr. F. Baring, Mr. Ewart, Mr. Hume, Mr. Robinson, Mr. Thorneley, and one or two other Hon. Members, the motion was agreed to. NAVAL AND MILITARY PROMOTIONS. Mr. BANNERMAN rose to call the attention of the House to the situation in which many officers of various ranks, belonging both to his Majesty's land and sea forces, were now placed, and whose length of service seemed to entitle them to the consideration of Parliament and the country. It was not his intention to bring forward individuai cases of hardship, but' to treat the subject of promotion genes ally ; and, in the outset, he hogged distinctly to state that lie brought his motion for ward without - the sanction of his' Majesty's Government. There were in the navy no - fewer than 78 captains of thirty years' standing. Most of their were between sixty and seventy years of age, and although they might not according to the rules and regulations of the service be fit for effective service, still there was no good reason that he could see why the addi tional half-pay which superior rank would give them, should be withheld from them. The complaint which prevailed in the navy in reference to the subject of promotion, also existed in the army, and therefore the same observations which ap plied to the one service would also apply to the other. He thought flint the senior officers of both navy and army were fully entitled to the additional pay which promotion to the rank they ought to hold would give them ; and as this could be done for 20,0001. or 25,0001. in the navy, and a similar sum in the army, he submitted that this act of tardy justice should be done to them, especially as the amount would be reduced at least one half in the course of two or three years. The lion. Member concluded by moving for a return of the number of flag-officers, captains, and commanders, who had. died since the Ist of January, 1831, and the corresponding, saving which had been effected in the amount of pay ; and also a return of the number of officers, of a similar rank, who hod been appointed since 1831, together with the increase which& their pay had occasioned. After an observation from Mr. HusrE, - - Mr. B. HOY rose to support the motion. The hr..rdAip upon officers of the army from the want of adequate promotion was4nuch greater now than formerly, for there were now no battaliims into which an Qfficer could retire upon full pay. By an order made in 1830 no officer was .entitled to retire upon half-pay until such time a s the expense of that branch of the public expenditure should he reduced from 140,0001. to 4mt)o/. He could not see any reason why the officers of either service should not be held as much entitled to conside ration as the services of the officers engsged in a civil capt city. Now, let them, for example, tP2iie the case of an adju tant-general thirty years in the se* vice, whose pay was 600 L a-year. Upon his retirement, he would be entitled to a re tiring pension of 14e,1. a-year, whilst a clerk in the civil sec , - vice, receiving the like salary, would be after the same perio a of service, entitled to a reting allowance Of 450 L a-year. With respect to the slowness of promotion in the navy, ho 'could mention the case of an officer in the navy who was fort y years in the service, and who had been thirty-four times 'engaged. His last service was on the coast of Africa, and he bad returned home with health impaired; and had been subjected to law suits in consequence of circumstances that had occurred in the execution of the command that he held under the Crown. Yet this individual, notwithstanding that long period of service, was still in the rank of Commander. Lord HOWICK felt, in common, 'with other Hen. Mem.. ~~ be t! too ! Ou I tpo ►h, MI