The Sun. — London, England, 1838-05-17 00:00:00

COURT CIRCULAR • WEDNESDAY.—Her Majesty held a Council at two o'clock yesterday at the New Palace. It was attended by the Lord President, the Lord Chan cellor, the First Lord of the Treasury, the Secretaries of State for the Foreign and Colonial Departments, the First Lord of the Admiralty, the President of the Board of Trade, the Secretary at War, the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, and the Master of the Horse. New Seals for the Chancellor of the Exchequer, for the Court of the Exchequer in Ireland, and for the Council Office, were submitted to her Majesty in Council, and were approved of. The Earl Talbot took the oaths as Lord Lieutenant of the County of Stafford. His Lordship was also re-sworn of the Queen's Most Honour able Privy Council. The Hon. Wm. Bathurst was the Clerk of the Council in waiting. Her Majesty gave audiences to the Marquis of Lansdowne, Viscount Afelbourne, Earl of 3finto, and the Marquis of Conyngham. The Court was attended by Viscount Combermere, Gold Stick in Waiting; the Marquis of Headfort, Lord in waiting; the Comptroller ofthe Household, and the Hon. Sir Wm. Lumley, Groom in waiting. The Queen took an airing in the Parks yesterday afternoon in an ° pen carriage and four, attended by the Countess of Charlcmont, Hon. Miss Murray, and the Baroness Lelizen. The following joined the Royal dinner party yesterday—the Earl of Uxbridge, Viscount Melbourne, Lord and Lady Suffield, Lord Gardner, and the Hon. C. Murray. The Band of the Grenadier Regiment of Foot Guards was in attend. anee during dinner at the Palace. The Countess of Charlcmont and the Viscountess Forbes, succeeded the Marchioness of Tavistock and the Hon. Mrs. George Campbell, Yest erday, as the Lady and Bedchamber-woman in waiting on the Queen ; and the Marquis of Headfort and tha Hon. General Sir W. Lumley re. Placed Viscount Torrington and Sir Frederick Stovin as the Lord and Groom in waiting on her Majesty. The Duchess of Cambridge, accompanied by Prince George, and attended by Baron Knesebeck and Colonel Cornwall, rode out on horse kick in the Parks yesterday. T he Duchess of Gl ouces t er v i s i te d t h e D uc h ess o f Cambridge yes. terday. The Earl of Munster and Lord Adolphus Fitzclarence had an inter. view with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday in Doweing.street. The Spanish Minister and the French Charge d'Affaires transacted business yesterday at the Foreign Office. A deputation, i nc l u di ng th e E ar l S t. Vi ncent, L ord Seaford, and Mr. t ur ge, had an interview with Lord Glenelg yesterday at the Colonial Office, The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council resumed yesterday the °PPeal from the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, " Barker v. Butt." Ur• Addams havii g finished on the part of the appellants, the Queen's Advocate commenced his address for the respondents. Their Lordships rose at four o'clock. TIIIIRSDAY.—Her Majesty honeured the Concert of Ancient Music, at the H anover.square Rooms, with her presence last evening. The Ro yal Suite, o ccupy i ng three carriages, included the Marchioness of Lans downe, the C oun t ess o f C h ar l emont, Hon. Miss Murray, Lady 1 .. 10 ra Hastings, Marquis of Conyngbatn, Marquis of Headfort, and Lord Alfred Paget. Viscount Melbourne had an audience yesterday of the Queen. thHer Maj es t y honoured Mr. Sully, of Philadephia, on Tuesday, with e sixth and final siding for the whole-length portrait of her Majesty, In the robes of state. HThe Duke of Cambridge gave a grand dinner yesterday, at Cambridge on. as Director (for the evening) of the Concert of Ancient Music, t ° their Royal Highnesses the Princess Augusta and the Duchess of G louc ester, attended by Lady Mary Pelham and Lady Georgiana Ba_ tirst ; the Archbishop of York and Miss Vernon Harcourt, the Duke of Devonshire, Earl Howe, Lord and Lady Burghersh, and Mr. Knyvett, cond uctor of the c oncer t. Th e D u k e an d D u chess of Cambridge, P r i nce ueore.. of b. Cambridge, and the whole of the guests, afterwards went to the Concert of Ancient Music. . 114 Duke and D uc h ess o f Cambridge, attended by Miss Ker r an d ), ifarorl Knesebeck, were present at the performance of Norma, at her a i e stY'a Theatre, on Tuesday evening. de putation from the merchants and traders of the cities of London and W estminster, consisting of Alderman Copeland, M.P., Mr. Am. Pors 7.•r0 set Moore, Mr. Cox, Mr. Saunders, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Stewart, Mr. Forster, and M r . L ew i s , h a d an i n t erv i ew w i t h Vi scount Mel b ourne to ste rday, in D own i ng s t ree t , respec ti ng t h e numerously-s i gned pet i tion , th e Quee n pray i ng for a postponement of the Coronation, and an ob et:ance of the ancient usages. It A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon at the Forign office. WaB at by all the Ministers except Viscount Duncannon. The 'Mined sat two hours and a half. cei r ?esPatches from the Governors of Ceylon and St. Helena were re (l yesterday at the Colonial-office. , Ow ne House. 14:the Judicial C omm itt ee o f t h e P r i vy Council sat yesterday. The rd s present were Mr. Baron Parke, Mr. Justice Bosanquet, the Judge i v ` : he Admiralty C our t , an d th e Chi e f J u d ge i n Ban k ruptcy. T h e H on. .., 11i am Bathurst w as th e Cl er k o f t h e Counc i l i n wa i t i ng. The Queen ' s p",vocate, followed by Sir William Follett, w as h ear d for the respondent, .:.Baker V. Batt, Prerog a ti ve C our t o f C anter b ury. D r. Add ams re . "td for the appellants. The Court then adjourned. SHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE. ARRIVALS. , L ady Reresford, in Portland-place, from Paris : Earl and Countess of o ath, at F enton ' s Hotel, St. James's-street, from Kilruddy, Ireland ; and Lady C. Talbot, at ditto, from Margam, Glamorganshire ; Mr. 411 (1 Mrs. Duff Dingwall, at ditto, from Aberdeen ; G. O'Higgins, Esq., 4t ditto, from a tour ; Hon. W. Rous, at ditto, from Norfolk ; Charles Milner Esq., at ditto, from Preston, Kent; T. W. Roberts, Esq., at ditto, from Glassenbury, Kent ; W. Hanham, Esq., at ditto, from the dale of Wight; Charles Knox, Esq., at ditto, from a tour ; Mr. and Mrs. Winston Barron, in Old Burlington-street, from their seat in Ireland. DEPARTURES. The Rev. Sir Thomas Cullum, Bart.. Lz.cly Cullum, and suite, from the Green Park Hotel, Piccadilly, for Hardwicke.Louse, Suffolk ; Right, " 4 ). W. Y. Peel, from Fenton's Hotel, St. James's-street, for Bone.bill I:Tnworth ; Major Johnstone, from ditto, for Ireland ; Chas. Tyrell, ci g., from ditto, for Hawleigh, Stowmarket ; Sir G. Stirling, Bart., from s t°, for Scotland ; Francis Darby, Erq., from ditto ; Hugh Pattison, and Miss Pattison, fram Nerot's Hotel, for Ireland : Mr. and 14 ; 8 . Alison, from the Brunswick Hotel, Jermyn.street, for Scotlanh ; and Mrs. Buttenshaw and Miss Edmeads, from ditto, for Black- Gbier. and Mrs. Saunders Davies, from ditto, for Suffolk ; Mrs. from ditto, for Manchester. ANCIENT CONCERTS. the sixth Concert of the above series, took place last night at the aoov er_square Rooms, under the direction of his Royal Highness th e D uke of Cambridge. Her most gracidus Majesty, the Queen, honoured the Concert with her presence, and was enthusiastically cheered by the asse mbled throng outside, both on her arrival and departure. The de 4toostrations of loyalty within the room, however, were not so pointed a, without; the company stood up on her entrance into the Royal ho l, but no cheering whatever took place. Her Majesty remained t hroughout a long, and in our opinion, somewhat heavy performance. There were also present amongst other distinguished visitors, his Royal highness the Duke of Cambridge, her Royal Highness Princess Augusta, her Royal Highness the Princess of Cambridge, the Duke of Devonshire, Lord Burghersh, Earl Cawdor, the Bishop of London, &c. &c. The Concert opened with the " Coronation Anthem," which, we need not 'a?, was finely performed, for if we were not so at the Ancient Concerts, *here could we expect to hear it in perfection? Pergolesi's " Cujus 4n iMarn" was splendidly sun g by R u bi n i , an d " Q uam M oere b at " tNually well by Lablache, with th e d ue t " Q ues t est h omo, " b y t h e :" g e ntlemen named. These partie s , w ith G r i s i an d T am b ur i n i , v 4 nit here void] the express permission of M. Laporte, who, how. tr 7 chary be may be of g ran ti ng th a t perm i ss i on on ordinary b,,, q ° 55 5, it se ems canno t re f use the high behests of the Noble hire of the " Ancient." The duet " No, non credo," from Cima matrimonio segreto," by Mrs. Alfred Shaw and Signor Tam /414, did not go quite so well as it ought. " Non piu Andrai," by Gri s ;: h e, was peculiarly effective, " Let the bright Seraphim," by c0n 11 , 4. " . , 3 not so, although aided by Harper's inimitable trumpet ac. to th e ", a nent. By the bye, why w a s thi s we ll - k nown song consigned sr, ato n a nds of a forei g ne r , w h en we h ave severa l E nglish singers who °f th te to sin gitin a style far superior to th a t of G r i s i ? Th e f i rst part Don con cert concluded with the Finale to the first act of Mozart's sel ect ? Cliovanni," which we certainly never expected to hear in this gi, in t° h, and have to congratulate the Noble Directors on this further Dar t c)4,,way of" ancie n t" p re j u di ces. It wen t very we ll . Th e second th er h n th e concert ope ne d w ith th e su p er b over t ure t o • Anacreon, o f \Nr e -4 " it 'l, Played in the most admirable manner that can be conceived. It R' Willi4,l al so Guglielmi's " Gratius Agi mus ," b eau tif u lly sung b y M rs. Bishop, and d e li g htf u ll y accompan i ed on the clarionet by Mr. br as 41 4 8 r as, the leader of her Majesty's private band. A Trio of Cur Mi, `'hetti P l ayed in great perfection, by Messrs. Lindley, Crouch, and Dra. ( lerv s 6de The conc er t conc l u d e d w i t h a c h orus of Handel, from " Dry- The next meeting will be o n th e t wen t y- th ir d ins t an t , t h e '4%4 taking place now on every succeeding Wednesday. l‘to st CA- day:,,, Dl : 4 L CuatosirY.—At the North am pt on Dinner, at which Earl i n ' ta n' Presided, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, Strand, yester. t ortaine add it i on to a selection of songs, glees, &c , the company were en l'orn,e,. by a singul ar nove lt y. M r. Charles Tully, the eminent per. rzeco,i: on the French-horn, played several solos on that instrument, taste, f an Vng himself with the guitar! Ile displ a yed ver y considerable t wo Well as gre a t i ngenu i ty i n t h e perfect command he evinced over adtni t rurnents at once. The pure open tone of his horn was much ai rs e d, unincumberecl as it was by artificial shifts and stoppages. The selectedno were, Bellini's March from Puritani, the beautiful air " Oh Ttll n ever mention her," and Weber's Huntsman's Chorus. Mr. !Xei t make no doubt, judging from the extraordinary sen sa tion he 04144 P nn this an occasion, will be often called upon to repeat his extraor. erformce. ?. la the following names were yesterday placed in our It,: Tories — we s h ou l d have sa i d doubtful :--Sir G. Heathcote, G. ir t e, Lord G. Le nn o x, L or d A . Lennox, W. Long, W. Noel. hei ; " r tElV IN ST. JAMES'S PARK.—This morning, i roeZ t , h e Queen' s bi rt hd ay, t h ere was a grand rev i ew o f t h e household Genet " ni St. J ames ' s Park, before the Duke of Cambridge, Lord Hill, triebral balbiac, and their respective staffs. As it was generallyru. a Breed that h er Majesty would herself review the troops on this occasion, o'eL:ek.concourse of people were assembled on the parade as early as nine Th e be reh Earl of Leicester's birth-day was celebrated at wt he a m. on the 7th i ns t ., w h ere a b out 120 of the gentry an d occupiers ei ght beighh ourhood met at the Assembly Rooms, to do honour to th e 8 51 5 3flwriii anniversary of this greatly venerated nobleman. In con. i letai,; e of the ser i ous i llness of his lady, Mr. Brampton Gurdon was Astl ey et t i n town and the presid. nt's chair was taken by Sir Jacob t qci s I , w ho came f rom L on d on t o b e presen t a t t h e festivity.—A - ;eircury. 1, 48 on I ROBERT PEEL ' S COMIC POWERS.—But it e°o‘u n ,, the Tory side of th e H ouse th a t th e e ff ec t s o f Si r Robert Peel's was , - ""te acting w ere on thi s occas i on mos t v i s ibl e. Th ere, t h ere t he gamPi errec t tempest of ag it a ti on . had a s t ranger c h ance d t o en t er o h th e tY at the time, there would have been no resisting the conchs. 4 ecou n 'ttt he Tories were all labouring under the influence of some im ,hat : 11 8ht t ,: ale a gency. For some time they literally "roared out" their e h - ; and dozens of them, whose voices were never before heard in "'Rs. showed that if they were not orators, it was from no want of *ith ed . AS for their bodies, again, they moved backwards and forwards . kre e , : f3 'ing celerity, their heads vibrating as regularly between their " h(1 the backs of their seats, as if they had all been moved by I, ll l' _ ve r!,/ body in the House l au ghed : °'o:latighed who never laughed before, rir i s ti '," ;s " those wh o once h a d l aug h e d , now l aug h e d th e more. " annher l ' a ll. lam confident that had the celebrated weeping philo fr,, joi o n f in an!iq u i ty himself been present, lie could not have refrained ileoriehdiountaonisgtienartsli,e and universal laugh. He would, for the moment, have given full play to his risible faculties. In truth, flyin g being could have heard and Seen Sir Robert Peel,. without for th e a t a tangent into a violent fit of laughter. It was fortunate leh,e Per that it is no part of hi s d u ty to call the House to order hav, h ha s been th rown into a state of merriment ; for he could not om e j s etr formed that duty. Even his gravity was upset ; while the poor nor "„ of t he House, whose duty it is to see that there be no laughter, ord„. Other noise among strangers, instead of being able to keep the ' were linable to ' preserve it amongst ' themselves. They joined in 0 g e neral l f angh ; they committed the very offence, for the preventio . n I °o4 kl ~ on . the part of others they are appointed and paid. Indeed . it ecisely as if everybody had been striving to gain some prize be st ad been promised to the party who should prove himself the IV% r• Random Recollections of the Lords and Commons : CITY OF GLOUCESTER ELECTION. WEDNESDAY, MAY • 16, 1838 The following Correspondence has this day taken place : " TO THE INDEPENDENT ASSOCIATION. _ _ " Wednesday, Half past Ten o'Clock. O " rmrt.EmEN,—You must be well aware that nothing but strict unanimity amongst the Liberals can secure the return of the individual chosen by you as a fit Representative of that portion of the community. During my canvass, I have ascertained that there arc many in the ranks of the party, who will sacrifice all other considerations—who prefer to swell the Tory numbers on the present occasion, unless I will pledge myself to vote for the Immediate Abolition of the Apprenticeship of the Negroes. This pledge lam not prepared to make. You called me for ward, and I leave the decision in your hands. But I will not consent to trouble my friends, or disturb the tranquillity of the town, by an useless contest. Nor will I ever consent to go to Parliament, a pledged and fettered delegate. " Your obliged and sincere friend. " M. F. F. BERKELEY To the above communication the fillowing answer was sent : " The Independent Association beg to acknowledge the receipt of a communication from you, in which you propose to decline the situation of candidate for the representation of this city in Parliament, on the ground that some portion of the constituency require that you should pledge yourself to vote for the immediate emancipation of the appren. ticed negroes in the West Indies. " But the Independent Association regarding you as the staunch and fervent supporter of many other and important political questions, canrn t agree with nom who would consent to sacrifice their hopes of returning you to Parliament, merely because you do not accede to the judgment of a few on one specific point. " The Independent Association most earnestly entreat that you will enable them by your presence and sanciion still to persevere in their en deavours to secure your return, which they have much confidenca in expecting to do from the present result of the canvas." " To the Hon. Captain Berkeley." Since the above, the following Address has been issued by Captain BERKELEY " To the Electors generally of the City of Gloucester. " Gentlemen,—Since the letters of this morning that have passed between myself and the Liberal Club, I have ascertained that there is a wish on the part of some influential gentlemen of the Liberal party to bring forward another Candidate. " Convinced that want of unanimity in my favour must be ruin to the Liberal cause, I must resign all pretension to the high honour of being your Representative. " I shall ever entertain a lively gratitude for the very many kind feelings that have been expressed towards myself personally. "No change has taken place in my politics. I have run a steady straightforward course. If ever again I appear on the political stage, I shall continue the same line to the end of my career. " Your most obedient humble servant, " Gloucester, May 16. " M. F. F. BERKELEY." Last evening the Rev. Mr. HINTON commenced a Course of Lectures on National Religious Establishments, at Devonshire-square Chapel, Bishopsgate-street, avowedly in answer to the recent Lectures of Dr. Chalmers on the same subject. There was a very full attendance of most respectable persons. At seven o'clock, The ItEV. GENTLEMAN acencleti the pulpit and said—lf I have teken the occasion afforded by the recent lectures of Dr. Chalmers for deliver ing the present course, it is undoubtedly not through fear of the effect, either of discussion in general, or of this discussion in particular. I an , rather glad that the question of National Religious Establishments should be discussed in any and every form—and this for two reasons : partly because I have not the spirit of a partisan, but shall rejoice in the progress of truth, whatever be the fate of the company with which I am associated—and partly because i have the spirit of p partisan, and entertain a conviction, that of the beneficial parts of such discussion, we shall have (to use the words of a Right Rev. Prelate on a recent occas eion) " the lion's share." We hail the agitation of this quest ion, there. fore, in any quarter, and no where more than in those elevated re. gions in which it has now for the first time been mooted. Our opponents having thus spoken, and spoken so loud, it is of course both justifiable and imperative on us to speak also. After the appeal already made to the public ear, no complaint can be made against us, if we do wh a t we can to engsge still further attention to the subject; whatever wrong may attach to the aggressive party in this case, it does not lie at our door—we are only making our defence. Remark, at the outset, the new position of the question—not now assumed as incontrovertible, or asserted by high authorities merely : there is now an appeal to the popus lar mind. The time was when the propriety of national establishments was not questioned, and any one who disputed it was borne down by authority ; but now the subject assumes a different character and the question of national religious establishments is not to be settled by dogmatical statements, but by an appeal to the judgment of the people. There is something very instructive in this. There never would have been an appeal tothe popular mind on this subject, if the popular mind had not been wrought on to such an extent as to impede the exercise of authority. The State carriage of the Church, like the car of Jugger naut, has stuck fast, and cannot venture further in opposition to the public judgment, which is itself appealed to as the final umpire. So it should be. We are glad that we have brought our adversaries to this pass. The first effort they make is certainly a very determined one. It must have required no little resolution, if it did not rather indicate tome some huge perplexity. They have chosen for the advocate of the religious Establishment in England a member of a Church in whose nostrils prelacy is offensive, and by which the English Church Establish. ment is especially abhorred; and a Divine, whom his admiring patrons could not admit into their pulpits, from his want of apostolical ordina tion. Nor can it have been without sorrowful misgivings of their wisdom, if without keen smarting for their folly, that they have listened to a defence of religious Establishments founded on principles which they reject, and forfeited by the renunciation of all they revere. They have maintained the immeasurable superiority of Episcopacy over every other form of ecclesiastical polity, and the divine right of its territorial establishment. Dr. Chalmers assures them that it is only one of half a score of sects, of such nearly equal value, that any one of them might indifferently have been chosen for the State Establishment. They have prided themselves in the fancied possession of a mysterious power derived by an unbroken chain of succession from the Apostles—dplea which their lauded champion cooly advises them to abandon. They have spoken vehemently of the sin of schism, and in terms which 1)r. Chalmers affirms fail alike of hi s sympathy and of his comprehension. A n d th ese are the things which the friends of the Church of England have caused to be sent forth in the name of her champion—which her clergy and prelates, Reverends and Right Reve. r nds, Nobles and Princes, have heard in the high places of her metro polis, and have applauded to the echo. But Dr. Chalmers holds the principle of an Establishment, and this he has come to defend. It is well it is acknowledged that the principle is attacked---is in peril—and needs defence; and of this they may be assured, that should the result of this discussion be to convince the people of Eng land of the impropriety or the unfitness of the Established Church, there can be no question that it will not long stand. And for my own part, I believe that there is no greater ob. stack to the spread of religion than the existence of an Establishment, and that there could be no greater means of promoting religion than by the removal of such establishments. Clearly this matter requires energy. It is of great importance to the friends of the Establishment, for the fate of such institutions is suspended on the decision ; and of no less, for the cause of true religion is at stake, on which Establishments are so power. fully acting for good or evil. We do not say that they are too earnest, and most assuredly we ought not to be less earnest than they. We shall bear in mind, however, that this is a question of a sacred character—not that we venture to assert that all who take part in it are pious, although the piety of some is undoubted. To us it is not a question of partisan. ship, of state craft, cupidity, or ambition ; but as a question between Christian brethren ; for as such we recognise even those who are most opposed to us upon this question. We shall neither repeat, nor retaliate, nor retort, the harsh and unwarrantable epithets of our Scottish antagonist; but shall endeavour to speak in the spirit of love, through Jesus Christ, to all our brethren. As it is Dr. Chalmers's avowed design to vindicate the principle of establishments, and as we must suppose that he has put :the subject in the newest and most approved light, it will be proper to pay some at tention to his mode of treating it, although we are not bound to confine ourselves to his line of argument. He very singularly begins by re. moving an objection which has no manner of relation to his theme. He tells us of certain religionists who hold that the immediate interfer ence of the Spirit is constant and all sufficient, and that the use of human means is not necessary. It is strange that Dr. Chalmers does not know that the religionists by whom this preposterous notion is held constitute a mere fraction of the Dissenting body, and that they are as numerous in the Church itself as out of it. But if it were held by all—what then ? It is an argument against exertion In general, but it is none against an Establishment in particular. Nor has it ever been used as such, except in the visions of this imaginative Divine. We are obliged tc him far tearing the flimsy sophism to pieces. But at the same time we deny that he has proved any thing so far in favour of Establishments. Nor shall we admit the conclusiveness of his defence, unless he can show that Establishments are the only means of exertion for the spirit of religion. He then gives us Isis definition—a very important thing in this, as in all other controversies; and concerning which he shows a remarkable and characteristic weariness :—" We should assure them," said he, "as the basis of our definition for a religious establishment, or as the essential property by which to specify and characterise it—a sure legal provision for the ex. penes of its ministrations." There is surely a great deficiency in this definition—a pecuniary provision is not the whele of a national esta blishment— there is another element, vital and essential—there is the idea of national authority, or the authority of the State. Dr, Chalmers evidently designs to keep himself clear of this, as a rook on which he would have dreaded shipwreck; but we must maintain that it belongs essentially to the idea of a religious establishment—we cite obvious facts. Look at all such establishments in existence—State authority forms an actual part of all. The Church of England is the nearest and the most prominent example. In England the Sovereign is the head of the Church in all matters ecclesiastical. Its articles and prayers books are enacted by Parliament. Look at the Church of Eng land or any other. Wherever there is an established religion, there is an exercise of authority in matters of religion. Dr. Chalmers, indeed, in a very extraordinary passage, claims the Church of Scotland as an exemption. He gives a long story of a divine of Maryland, who had taken fire at the notion of Church and State, but who failed in making the requisite distinction between the act ofaGovern inent in giving food and raiment to ministers, and the act of a Govern ment in assuming a lordship over the creed and the consciences of mi. resters. And then he gives a passage from Sermon 13, vol. ii., in which he proclaims the independence of the Church of Scotland. "There is to each of its members an independent voice from ; and from without there is no power or authority whatever in matters ecelesisasti cal :" and he quotes a celebrated saying of Lord Chatham, as true in all parts of the Church to which he belongs:—." In England, every man's house is his castle, not that it is surrounded with walls and battlements. It may be a straw.built shed. Every wind of heaven may whistl e round it ; every element of h eaven may cu t er it ; but the King cannot, the King dare not." Nothing can be more preposterous than this notion, when not a General Assembly of the Church of Scotland can be held without a member of the Royal Commission presiding over it. A n d from without," says he, " there is no power or authority whatever in matters ecclesiastical"—that is well said. The distribution of patronage in Scotland is so mischievous, that the General Assembly passed an act to render it somewhat more conducive to the spiritual good of the parishes, and the Civil Court have decided that the General Assembly had no power to regulate the patronage of their churches ; a n d o f the thirteen judges,eight pronounced their opinion, that the Church of Scot tree:er t is a o the c oxen.fac t land was nothing but the creature of the State, and that the S overeign was head of that Church as well as of the Church of England. I can only suppose that Dr. Chalmers wrote this before the case of patro nage i n : . I. i e f m it rarder authority had noccurred.ato,al Butasestliislin a , that state authority in religious matters is now asserted and cl ung to al iirntths another of proof religion,that h refer by the advocates generally of religious establishments. The exceptions a c few, but the reasons of these exceptions are very obvious. Th ey find that it thwarts them in some or other of their designs. Thu s we have conservative churchmen, who are ever angry and grieved that there should het n any manner nationa. authorits in the Church, while there is a liberal ministry in office, but who would hug their chains again if the Tories should come into power. And there are others, very evan gelical men, who are thwarted in their religious endeavours, and they feel that national authority in Church and State is nut in all respects a very good thing. But generally the advocates of religious establish ments contend for, and cling to the doctrine of State authority in mat ters of religion. Pamphlets are es - en written enforcing the entire obe dience of the subjects of the realm to the established religion, on the ground of the duty of obedience to civil rules. And on the same ground it is that the Dissenters have so often been charged in a mass with disloy alty. We have had the broad principle laid down, that if a man is a dissenter, he cannot be a good subject—that if he does not belong to the Church he must be a traitor to the State—that the Church and State are one, and that if he does not love the Church, he cannot love the State. This is even the feeling of the advocates of the Church Estab lishment at this time. State authority, in matters of religion, there fore, is an element of rational Churches. Now Dr. Chalmers' defini. tion of Na'i net establishments not including this element, is altogether defective, and his argument is utterly void. It matters not what he has said—he cannot have said a single word to the purpose, through his entire failure of the definition of National Religious Establishments. Dr. Chalmers has not omitted this element intentionally or inadver tently. " The theory we deprecate (he represents this American as saying) is the authority of the civil magistrate: in matters of reli gion; but we should be thankful to him, or any one else, for giving us what he termed on organised provisions for clergymen." " Now," (says Dr. Chalmers) this organized provision is truly all that we contend for." So that lie is keeping clear of the question of State authority in matters of religion. It is not, then, national religious establishments that the Doctor pleads for, but he wants a thing of this sort —a Utopian affair, utterly unlike anything that ever did exist in the world, or that ever can xist ; for there never can be a body of lucrative clergymen who are ex empt from the authority of the State which pays them. It is not, then, a national religious establishment that he pleads fur—yet he professes to vindicate national religious establishments. How strangely must his claim of independency have sounded in the ears of such an audience! Yet they applauded him! Were they then infatuated by his eloquence ? Or are the senses of noblemen and princes so little exercised in the judgment between good and evil, that they really did not see the nature of his statement ? Or is there growing up in high quarters a wish for the separation of Church and State ? And are the Bishops and nobles aael Royal princes and uncles of the Sovereign forming a conspiracy to eluck from the British Crown the jewel of Ecclesiastical supremacy ? Let it be well understood that in this principle we agree with Dr. Chalmers. Independent the Church of Scotland and every Church ought to be. This le our principle ; but in holding it the Doctor abandons the entire cause of national religious establishments. In this path other advocates of the system will not follow him. We shall still hear of the claim, though hehas renounced it, and it will be as well for us to grapple with those who ccupy this ground before proceed further in considering the question of expediency as argued by Dr. Chalmers. For this purpose we may take he language of the present Chancellor of the diocese of Winchester, Dr. Dealtry, arid I take it in the form of a track circulated oy the Society f r Promoting Christian Knowledge, entitled " Religious Establish ments tried by the word of God, by Wm. Dealtry, - D.D. At the ninth Page this tract we have these words :—" The legislature of every country is assuredly bound to consult in all things the public wet. fare. It may doubless fail in the proper discharge of its functions, but the obligation itself is one which, as a government, it is not at liberty to cast off. ls religion of importance to society ? No Christian will as sert the contrary. For what reason then is the line to be drawn so broadly between matters of a purely civil and those of a religious rm. Is tare, that oil the one side of the line the authorities of the State are to expatiate in perfect liherty, but are on no account to do good by passing over to the other ?—to be allowed the privilege of enacting waolesome laws for the regulation of secular concerns, but to be prat'. ',sited from taking any measure for diffusing that sacred knowledge, and - orne surprise has been expressed that Sir flobeit Fetl was so uncourt eons towards Sir Francis Burdett as to prevent the old renegade from speaking on Tuesday night; but Sir Robert had his own reasons. He had reason to know that Mr. Shell was lying by fordo occasion to fall on Burdett, and would have followed him ; and that if the Right Hon. Baronet wished to speak himself, it would be necessary to tdjourn the debate. But then an adjourned debate would have in. terfered with Sir Robert's grand dinner yesterday; and thus poor Sir Francis was muzzled. That the old renegade might have damaged the Tories by his twaddle may be true, but this was not the reason for shu'. ting him out, LITERAT URE. TILE DUBLIN REVIEW. No. 1111. Hooker and Dolman. There is one thing about this Review which commands our respect—it is intensely, thoroughly, and we had almost said, exclusively, Irish., It appears in the character of a semi-official organ of the " seven millions ;" end they have just cause to be satisfied with the zeal and ability with which it defends their faith, depicts their patriotism, pleads their wrongs, and gives expression to their feelings. Though personally detesting all theological controversy as the bane of Christian charity—of that brotherly love which should glow in the heart of every believer in the leading doctrines of our holy religion--we do not blame the Catholics for occasionally retorting with interest upon their polemical traducers. Their's is a warfare of self-de fence, and, therefore, in all respects, justifiable. They are the aggrieved, not the aggressors. This, after all, is not generally speaking, the result of any deliberate malice on the part of their assailants. The truth is that they can not help it. This may sound oddly in the ears of some persons ; but we will make the fact intelligible to their com mon sense in a moment. In what way can our young Divines convince the world that they know anything about dogmatic theology, and arc, therefore, fit and proper objects for preferment in the Church ? Why by exposing some lurking deformity —some latent or invented error in the doctrines of the Church of Rome to be sure. The reading of a school-boy would suffice for an attack on more modern sectaries, and besides it would be difficult to find room for the employment of the inventive faculty ; but to write stories about the tricks of Monks and Nuns in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries—the very idea is irre sistible! Then suppose any number of mistakes—all, of course, unintentional—relative to the doctrines and prac tices of the Church of Rome, excessive zeal for the triumph of the Reformation in Ireland is always an ample and jus tificatory apology. The true test of that evangelical sanc tity which never fails to befriend a young aspirant for pre ferment in the State Church is less a love of God than a hatred of the Pope. Then, as regards the converts from the Church of Rome, who so foully abuse her, their slan ders are intended as a peace-offering, which they are ex• pected to lay upon the altar of their new faith, in proof alike of their sincerity, their good sense, and their entire community of sentiment with the Church of their adoption. We can readily imagine the existence of converts of a far different stamp. We can suppose men of a delicacy so refined as to shrink, with a feeling approach ing to horror, from an invitation to test the strength of their convictions, however sincere, by defiling the shrine before which they first bowed in homage to their Creator in the innocent singleness of an infant heart. Lonely must have been the hearth which fostered the growth of the Irish convert to Protestantism, who can without reproach designate as idolatry the simple piety which prompted the nightly family recital of the Padreen Partaugh, notwith standing its inclusion of the widely-denounced invocation of the prayers of the Virgin. For ourselves, we envy no convert from any form of Christian worship—and much less a convert from a religion so mixed up with venerable asso ciations as the Catholic—those feelings which manifest themselves in a virulent attack upon that faith whose prin ciples formed the first lesson of maternal love. We can distinguish, and we trust so can the bulk of our readers, between simple conversion to any form of religious belief— the result of long, deep, patient, and painful inquiry—and that harlequin zeal which spurns the ashes and dishonours the memory of the dead, in order to pass current for a saitable atonement for " errors," the mere " accidents of birth." These general remarks include the only notice which we feel disposed to bestow upon the articles entitled, Tracts for the Times," " Catholic Missions," " The Bishop of Exeter and the Catholics," and the great bulk of the review of Dr. Meyler's fictions about " Irish Tranquillity under Mr. O'Connell, my Lord Mulgrave, and the Ro tmish Priesthood." They all display great ability, but we rather lament that there should be any occasion for them, than desire to inoculate our readers with their polemical spirit. We except a passage in the last relative to the Vice-regal government of Lord Mulgrave. "The first head of the tergeminous monster which bars the access of the Orange faction to their lost Elysium, is that which grows upon the shoalders of ' My Lord Mulgrave ;' and his Excellency is consequently the principal object of every attack from that quarter. He would be, in truth, unworthy of the place he holds in the respect and affections of all true Irishmen, if every currish scribbler that either volunteers or is hired to vilify our country, did not rusts in the very first instance at him, by the same instinct that makes a gypsy's or a poacher's dug bark at an honest man. We hold it to be an impossibility honestly to carry out the principles on which the Noble Earl undertook the government of Ireland, and not be hated and abused by its ancient oppressors.. To ad minister impartial justice, and extend protection to all men alike ; to love mercy and practice it ; to curb and chastise the insolence of petty tyrants ; to proceed with honourable consistency in the course on which he set out, by selecting for office, and distinguishing with his confidence, men capable of executing, in good faith, the details of his enlarged and comprehensive policy ; and to give effect, without paltering or equivoca tion, to the objects of the Reform Act, and the spirit of Catholic Eman cipation,—these arc ditties from which Lord Mulgrave has never swerved, and which no man in his situation could perform without drawing towards himself the implacable hostility of every thorough. going Irish Tory. The acrimony with which he is regarded by that ruthless faction, is the best possible test of the genuine excellence of his government. For, if he were only such a Reformer as some of his prede cessors were, the opposition to the measures of his administration would be tempered by a show of tenderness towards himself; and many a staunch old Orangeman would be found dangling about his Court, pro. fessing, in the words of Swift, to " Do the most that friendship can, To hate the Viceroy—love the man." But they hate both, because they know that his heart is on the same side with the politics of his party ; and they hate him the more, for the virtues which adorn his private life, and add a lustre to his pubic con. duct. His manly and intrepid character; his generous compliance (which even many of themselves have advantageously experienced) with every reasonable request;*• his unaffected courtesy of manner, such as could only proceed from an ingenuous and kindly nature ; and the ele. mercy of his rule, extending itself irrespectively and alike to all par ties ; arc qualities to which, in ordinary circumstances, the. Irish heart, whether it beat under a green coat or a blue one, warms of its own ac cord; but the presence of these virtues in Lord Mulgrave serves but to increase the ill-humour of his detractors, and to draw out their inutile verjuice, just " As Heaven's bless'd beams make vinegar more sour." Lord Mulgrave has well merited the praise which the Reviewer here bestows upon his administration. 1 - lis Lordship is perhaps the only member of the present Go vernment, no part of whose public conduct gave rise to even momentary distrust on the part of the staunch Reformers of Great Britain and Ireland. " Mehemet Ali" is more a biographical sketch of the far-famed Egyptian Viceroy than a review of Mr. LerP's " Maniiers and Customs" of his Highness's subjects. It is vividly and forcibly written. The description of the wholesale slaughter of the Maineluke Beys is particularly dramatic. Notwithstanding the magnitude of the Viceroy's crimes, the Reviewer would rejoice to see him recognized as the lawful Sovereign of the kingdom of the Pharoahs ; and after witnessing all that his Highness has done to ameliorate the physical, mere), and intellectual condition of the victims of six centuries of grinding oppression, we have ourselves arrived at t'se conclusion that the crown of Egypt could not be better bestowed—now that all Eerope has agreed that it can never be recovered by the Porte, We understand that so anxious is Mehemet Ali to procure the recognition of his claim to the dignity of an indepen dent Sovereign, that he would readily concede Candia to England, as a boon for being the first royal State to acknow_ ledge him to be in fact what he is, and must continue to be in name—King of Egypt. The " Miseries and Beauties of Ireland" is an able and elaborate review of Mr. Lien's very clever and very impartial book upon these fertile sub jects, to the merits of which we long since endeavoured to do justice in the columns of The Sun. " Irish Novels and Novelists" is a review of the leading national characteristics of the novels of Maria Edgeworth, Lady Morgan, Banim, Carleton, Griffin, and Lover. We select as interesting specimens, the Reviewer's estimate of the nationality of the writings of each : TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sir,—Principle has prevailed over policy and expediency, and shuffling " shilly shally" Ministerial manceuvres—Captain Berkeley, of the house of Segrave, has, at twelve o'clock this day, resigned his can vass, finding his constituency against him, because he would not vote fr r immediate abolition of slavery. He certainly has acted nobly—he could not rote unless he displeased his masters the Ministers—so he preferred the honourable course of resigning his pretensions. Noble man ! he preferred giving up the honour to the loss of the commonalty !! Colonel Webb is sent for post-haste; but he will not do if he is not an Aboli tionist. Your's, most sincerely, A FREEHOLDER AND ELECTOR. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. have remarked, within the last fortnight or three weeks, in the neighbourhood of ray office, which is contiguous to the Bank, nu. merous announcements of lost children being discovered, which an nouncements have been sometimes made by printed handbills, indif ferently written notices, and sometimes a scrawl on the wall of a Church with chalk, conveying a description of the little foundlings ; as a pa. rent, I can to some extent enter into the feelings of distraction and alarm which must overwhelm the paternal breast at the loss of some fond darling from the domestic circle, and it appears to me an act of the highest philanthropy to assuage as much as possible the fears of the anxious mind. lam surprised, that amidst the resplendent wisdom and benevolence which adorn the metropolis, no plan should have been de vised by some Howard of the nineteenth century to meet this necessary desideratum ; may I, with all, deference to the numerous charities which gild the sympathetic character of my country, be allowed to sug. gest the establishment of a building, in some central spot, where lost children could be brought on discovery by policemen and humane indi viduals ; a system of correspondence might be preserved through the medium of the metropolitan police, by means of which the very earliest intelligence of the little missing darlings might be accessible to afflicted parents, who would immediately know where to resort with great chance of success, in search of their children. The :idea is rude, and hastily formed, but I venture to think prac ticable, anal is respectfully suggested, with a sincere hope towards the al leviation of human misery, whether bodily or mental. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, V*/ M. FA RRE N. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Ste—Knowing the dauntless vigilance with which you regard every manoeuvre of the Tory party to establish a despotic system of government I hope the following may meet your approval. Within the last fort night a great outcry has arisen from the Opposition party, relative to the approaching Coronation of our young and beloved Queen. Con scious of the liberal mind of the English people, and supposing that, as formerly, they can be influenced by mere sound, they have cunningly affixed the epithet of " shabby" to the present Ministry, because of their laudable endeavour to curtail useless expense and barbarous dis. play from the coming festival. Their underhanded design of embar rassing Government, and winning to themselves the hearts of the gene rous people of England, would meet with the silent contempt it de. serves (as their real design is so well known), were it not that they had altogether adopted a new plan of procedure. They, the lofty, unbend ing aristocracy of Britain, pretend to be influenced by a regard for the interests of several trades. In a Morning Journal one of these conde scending Noblemen declares, " that lie will hold himself in readiness to act in his public capacity under the direction that the trades may point out, for in his opinion they ought to be minded." Yes, my Lord, they ought to be minded, and they will be; but allow me to tell your Lord ship, in the name of the independent tradesmen of England, that they expect to be considered, but not as idiots, to whom a bauble is thrown, that the fetters may be made faster. We will not uphold years of des potism for the appearance of advantage—in plain words, we will not re store the power to Tories, which they have justly lost, though, with all the pomp of wealth, and all the meanness of ambition, they falsely pre tend to consult the interest of the people. Tradesmen of England!—Expecting the events of a defeated Minis try and a dissolved Parliament, the Tories are throwing out every feeler, and exerting every energy to ensnare and take captive the accustomed prey. They stigmatize a Government as " shabby and un-English" for endeavouring to lessen expenditure, to which they contribute a most disproportionate share, and then, with effrontery which they hope likely to succeed from its very excess, they assume the garb of patriots, and declare themselves to be influenced by regard for trade. Brethren, for get not the adage— " When the devil fell sick, The devil a saint would be; But when the devil grew well, The devil a saint was he." Forget not that there such a thing as clothing a footman in rich livery, that he may more patiently suffer the cane, an experiment doubtless tried often in Tory establishments; but let us show these proud aristocrats that we are no footmen ; as public men we barter not freedom for ficti tious splendonr; and as tradesmen we behold their bribe, and declare the proffered advantage to be wholly partial and fallacious. Tradesmen of England!—Resist alike the frown of Oppression rampant, and the smile of Tyranny couchant. Remember we have children, and shall we sell their birthright for a mess of pottage ? Far better things believe we of you, fellow-workers in the cause of freedom. Yet suffer a word of ad vice. There is no great political topic before the people at present to compel them to speak out, and the Tories take advantage of supposed supineness. Be on your guard. I defend not the present Ministry, far from it ; but at all hazards keep out the Tories—the plunderers of industry—the murderers of liberty—and the refuse of mankind. We cannot too watchfully guard against that gentlemanly footpad, Toryism. London, May 15. JUSTITIA. SOCIETA ARMONICA. The Fourth Concert of the series given by the Society designatcd by the above title, took place on Monday at the splendid room in the Queen's Theatre. A highly fashionable auditory were present upon the occa sion ; the room and end boxes being well filled, without being inconve niently crowded. The institution, if we may judge from the quality of the entertainment of Monday night, is carried on with great spirit, and on a very liberal scale. A most excellent band, amongst whom we recognised many of our first-rate musicians, occupied the orchestra ; and the singers were—Madame Albertazzi, Made moiselle Caremoli, and Mr. H. Phillips. Mr. Mori was the leader, and Mr. Fombes conducted. The concert opened with Beet hoven's Symphony in F minor. We will not pretend to say that this elaborate composition went quite so well as at the Philharmonic; still considering its difficulty, and from its length the energy required in every department to carry it successfully through, it was performed in a vary creditable manner. Rossini's duetto from Semiramide, " Bella immago," was next sung in a very beautiful style, by Albertazzi and Phillips. Mademoiselle Caremoli next gave Belloni's aria "Le Romeo," from the opera of Capuletti. This lady sings with great po. ,wer, and occasionally with exquisite expression, but her voice to unequal, and not of the most pleasing quality. 'The next piece was a manuscript cantata, by Barnett, called "Orpheus," the first time of its performance. Although aided by an obligate accompani ment for the violoncello, played with his accustomed ability, by Mr. Lindley, it was not, in our opinion, very successful. As a whole, it was tedious and heavy, and the air itself did not possess any very striking in. terest in respect to its melody. " Nacque al Affanni," from Rossini's Cencrentola, better known as Non pin mesh:, exquisitely sung by Albertazzi, elicited an unanimous and enthusiastic encore. Weber's spirited overture to Euryanthe, admirably played by the orchestra, con. eluded the First Part of the Concert, Cherubini's Overture to Euryanthe, with which the Second Part commenced, was very well performed. The simple notes of the horn, so effectively introduced in the opening slow movement, were played with great power and purity of tone, by Mr. Rae. Mademoiselle Carensoli next gave Vaccai's " Ah se to dormi," in a beautifully expressive style, and was encored. A Fantasia on the horn, by Signor Puzzi followed. It was a piece calculated rather to show off the extraordinary ability of theplayer, than the beauty of the instrument. The Signor executed some very difficult and rapid variations with great facility, but the effect was not so good as usual, from the too frequent repetition ofchromatic intervals, and artificial intonations. A scena from Balfe's " Maid of Artois," "My thoughts which forth have wandered" was better sung than it deserved to be by Madame Albertazzi ; but the trio of Mercadante " Dopes due lustri," by Albertazzi, Carernoli, and Phillips, was very indifferently executed. The concert concluded with a very characteristic overture by Lindpainter, a German composer, which, as usual, was wholly un heeded by the audience. The concert upon the whole was very grati fying to the audience, and highly creditable to the institution. The next meeting takes place on Monday, the 9.Bth inst. LORD BROUGHAM'S DRESS.—Lord Brougham now dresses rather smartly. Until the commencement of the present Session, he was seldom to be seen since his return from his Scottish tour in 1834 without his tartan trousers and waistcoat. He is said to have bought as much cloth when in Inverness as would make a dozen pairs of the first, and a dozen of the last. Now he has put them aside, at least for a tune, and appears in cloth of a more usual kind. At pres.snt he is partial to having his w a i s t coats made in such a way as to button close up to his chin. On his bre-:st is displayed a very hand some gold chain. This chain, however, does not, as is usual in such cases, answer the purposes of a watch -guard, for it has no connection with his watch. His watch-pocket is in the old-fashioned part of his wardrobe, not in his waistcoat ; and it its locality is indicated by a rib bon about three inches in length, which suspends a trio of the most massive watch-seals which ever rega!ed the eyes of those who are par tial to such articles of jewellery. His Lordship h as a most decided an tipathy to showing the collar of his shirt ; and not less great is his aversion to fashionable stocks, or anything which would give him what is called a stiffneck. His neckerchief is of black silk, and is always put en loosly and carelessly.—Bandon Recollections of the Lords and Com mons; .Y(to Series. GIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, MAY 17, IKIB. LECTURES ON NATIONAL RELI eatencling those heavenly principles, which, even as it respects the laws themselves, can alone secure order end obedience." In short, it is this. The Legislature of every country is bound to ettiliilt in all things the public welfare. Religion is for the public welfare ofa country, and the legislature of every country is bound to take care of religion. There is candour in putting the propostion thus generally. Sometimes we hear of the obligation of Princes and Statesmen. The question, however, r laves to the objection of Princes and Legislators as such, inasmuch as it is out of their position as rulers that the alleged right and duty arises. They must pertain to all rulers or none. The first sentence I have read contains an important phrase, " The Legislature of every country i. assuredly bound to consult in all things the public welfare." This we deny : we limit this phrase, " The Legislature of every country is as eitredly hound to consult in all things civil the public welfare," but in no other thing. " Now," says Dr. Dealtry, " for what reason is this line drawn so broadly between matters civil and matters religious ?" We will tell him. First, because religious matters are wholly beyond the just scope and design of human Governments. There were, Indeed, times when the theory was maintained as an incontrovertible proposi tion, that kings had a divine right to reign; and when it was admitted they had a right to reign direct from God, it might be pretended per. haps that the right Divine extended to religious as well as other mat ters. But I don't know there arc any politicians who hold the " right divine of kings to govern wrong" in this clay. The theory of Govern.. meat, apart from the exploded notion of a divine right of kings, excludes religious matters. Government is a system of restriction on our na tural rights. Our right to food and various other natural rights are all equal; but the rights of property are limitations upon the rights of nature, and Government is altogether a system of restriction upon our natural rights, to which every man submits, and surrenders a portion of his own natural rights for the purpose of securing the rest. We all agree to surrender such portion of our natural rights and bow ourselves to such restrictions ; and the State is fully bound to secure us in the remainder of the rights which we do not surrender. Government is a state of restriction upon our natural rights, every in dividual giving up a part for the sake of securing the rest. It is only a portion of our civil rights that we thus surrender. None of us mean to surrender any portion of our moral or religious rights into the hands of any person whatsoever. None of us mean to do that, and if we did we could not, because God would not permit it; nor could it be carried out even if we were to try, because the State has not anything to give us for such a sacrifice. The Government in this respect receiving no trust, is under no obligation to exercise care. Its whole case is to be confined to the civil welfare of the kingdom. We draw this broad line between civil and religious matters. Secondly, we say that it is limited to things civil, because religious matters are ' practically beyond the reach of human Governments. Religion is essentially a matter of opinion, and as such can not be reached by the machinery of human information. They don't attempt to reach any other matter of opinion. Would they enact that all men should be Baconians and Aristotlelians ? It would be quite preposterous to at tempt to pass any law that the subjects of the realm should be of one particular religious persuasion. The actual effect of all such enact. mews would be, not the protection of opinions, but the protection of conformity. They may say that such a religion shall be the religion of the country, but they cannot say that any man must adopt it—that is a question between himselfand his God. Thirdly, Wedraw the line between the civil and religious, because the processes of human legislature arc in religious matters utterly inapplicable and mischievous. Laws are worth nothing, which have not an executory principle—there are rewards and punishments in human laws. But would it not be absurd to say that a man should have a bishopric for becoming a Christian, or a dungeon for becoming an Atheist ?It is horrid to think of such a thing—it would bring into operation the worst of mischiefs, and would tend to make us , nothing but a nation of hypocrites. We draw the broad line be tween civil and religious, fourthly, because, in religious matters, the authority of God is paramount and exclusive. To no ether are we responsible for our conduct, in religious matters. To no other aro we bound to listen, for human authority to interfere is to supersede his authority, which men ought not to do, and God will not permit. We owe it to no man to state why we entertain certain religious opinions : we are bound to render to no matt an account of our faith ; all we are bound to do is to ask " What saith the Lord ?" and we arc at liberty to entertain our own opinions till " thus saith the Lord." No man has any business to ask me what my religion is, no power has dominion over the consciences of men, but that of the Great Jehovah. Fifthly, we draw the line between civil and religious, be. cause our decision in religous matters involves a responsibility which the State cannot assume. If the Government dictates my religion it ought to be able to secure me against the consequences of a wrong choice. I have a soul to be saved ; and if the Government say I am to be of a certain religion, I ask, arc you sure that it is the true one ?--are you sure it is the one by the means of which I shall be saved ? Or, if it turn out to be the one through the operation of which I shall sColuerlsg2y you have take been care go to hell, I as k , will you go in my stead ? And if they say they won't, then I say, h o ld your tongue. This is so true, that you will doubt less recollect u p on a certain occasion the Church put forth this very notion; and in order to make peopl e goo d i n your parishes the foundofthesaying, Church w hy , t a r n o d u b w l ee wilwill yourselves take a a r b o o o ti f t yor o u ti souls. Such professions are most awful and horrible, and it is involved of necessity in the constitution of a National religious i.stablishment. Now I sly that such a responsibility cannot in point of fact he assumed ; no Clergyman or State can insure me against a wrong choice, and if they cannot, what right have they to dictate to me that I must adopt one species of religion, arid reject all others ? Sixthly, We draw the distinction between civil and religious, because if authority in religious matters be allowed to Governments it sanctions the establishment of all false religions. Governors, if they act at all, ought to act honestly. Ought a Government to establish Christianity which believed Maho. medanisin ? If such was to be the case, we should have the Sultan commanding his subjects to be Moslems, and the Emperor of China adopting the religion of Confucius, none of the rulers exceeding their rights, bat all fulfilling their obligations. We should have 1,000 false religions by the adoption of such a principle, while only one or two Go vernments would establish the true one, and this is sanctioned by this principle that Governors have a right to care for the religion of their subjects. You are not entitled to say to them they are wrong, because they are all carrying out their devices according to the plan laid down by the Chancellor of the Diocese of Winchester. Such arc our reasons for drawing the broad line between civil and religious matters. Now, what are Doctor Dealtry's reasons for oblite rating them ? These are his reasons—first the necessity of oaths in civil proceedings; this is not only sanctioning an arrangement, but the principle of it. "It is difficult to imagine," says Dr. Dealtry, " that those who exclude the magistrates from all concern between man and his Maker, and require him to abstain entirely from interference in re ligion, can have well considered the length to which that principle will carry them. Without something, for instance, in the nature of an oath— sonic appeal to Almighty God, as to one who knows the truth, and will punish falsehood—no man could have the security of a moment, either for property or for life, and the framework of society would be dissolved. It is absolutely necessary, therefore, with a view to the welfare of a nation, that the sanctity of an oath should be respected ; and hence that all classes of subjects, from the highest to the lowest, should have a just sense of their accountableness to God." And therefore there must be an Establishment, a State religion, costing the country upwards of four millions a year, to support 40,000 clergymen, to teach the people the sanctity of an oath ! An expensive apparatus, truly, for such a purpose. Does Dr. Dealtry think that it adds to the security of truth ? If he does, I think there are some gentlemen of the law who would tell him the contrary. Will he tell us that he is prep are d to say there is no truth in civil transactions but where oaths are established ? Or does he believe that all who take oaths have a just sense of their ac. countableness to God'? or does he think that this sense of accountable ness to God, is practically instilled into the people by a National Este. blishment ? What, I would ask, would be clone by a Pagan Establish ment, who insist upon having an Establishment of Idolatry, for the pur r.e of leaving the people the sanctity of oaths for the security of civil property. The second argument he use s i s thi s —Th e d uty of parents in relation to their children. He says, "It was doubtless, from the be. ginning the duty of every master of a family to bring up his children, and to train his household in the fear of the Lord ;" and then he goes on to say, that that which was the duty of a private family, was equally the duty of the King upon the throne. Now, admitting that it is the duty of parents to bring up their children in the fear of the Lord, here is no exercise of authority in religious matters—there is no dictation. The question is whether parents have a right to dictate the religion of their children ? We say no. Parents have only to put their children in the best position of judging for them. selves, and to persuade them to what they think best. What would follow from allowing such a right to Pagan parents ? They do not do so, but on the contrary, our Missionaries go forth prohibiting any such dictation, and calling for a free exercise of the judgment of the children. All attempts at authority in religious matters on the part of a parent would be impracticable and unrighteous. The third argument is with respect to the Jewish National Establishment. lie says--" Here was a religious establishment most intimately connected, an d even incorpo rate,' with the State; and unless it can be shown that the adoption of such a system under the new dispensation contradicts some positive command, or is opposed to some moral principle, the question has been here settled by Jehovah himself." This is an instructive rs.ference, and shows what the friends of the Establishment hanker after. Even if this were a Church Establishment, we say it was God's own do ing. Dr. Dealtry asks triumphantly, did the Almighty forbid the civil a u thority to i n terfere with his Church ? Cert a i n l y h e di d, be limited them by his express directions ; but he does nothing of th at ki nd now, There is no alternative in religious matters, between theocracy and ty. ranny, if there be authority exercised at all. We deny, h owever, that the Jewish was a r eligious establishment. It was typi ca l , and therefore, necessa rily secular. The whole subject has been t rea t e d of in Ers. Line's "Character of the Jewish System." There wer e no i nstitutions for instruction—there were no places of worship ex cept the one at Jerusalem — there was no use of the. Sabbath for edification —there were no reli g ious results for obedience or disobedie nce t o the Jewish l a w. The Jewish establishment affords therefore no example t o our pre. sen t controversy. vlt leaves the subject also to be t reated anew, by Christ and his Ap ostl e s . Hence, there is no force in the argu men t that the friends of the Establishment have no need to refer to it for an authority. All that Dr. Dealtry says respecting the obligations of pi ou s princes is beside the question; and wherever it may be applicable, it must stop short at the limit between carnal and spiritual weapons. Thus we endeavour to make out the general principle that human Govern ments ought not to meddle with religious affairs, and therefore, not with Christianity. This seems painful to our brethren—not merely as it might be painful to a Turk, to argue such a conclusion in Turkey, but as men deeply concerned for the best interests of their fellow beings. Indeed, an Establishment might do much good. But it is wrong, and may not he. We have no need to argue the question of its expediency, yet we are willing to meet our antagonists even upon this louver ground, and we will proceed to do so in the next lecture. SP ORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMARKET SECOND SPRING MEETING. - Newmarket, Wednesday Morning. The racing to daywill be confined to a Handicap Plate of £Ol., which excites little interest. Handica (Furthe r p ar ti cu l ars o f T u esday's racing.) R.M. Plat e. —Tableau made the play to the I'. Y. C. post, where Paganini to o k i t up, followed by Quo M inus, but had b eaten all his horses at th e b ushes, and won easy by a length. The tailing was very distinct. Abing on and won cleverly b y a mile1 1: 1 o i te r : t . i o i e u r t e T h e e N h v o o i r •k se , w fo e l i l i o t lA a 'ec h l ea b d y , R I i , n e b d y , i n t f o r o tl n i e t a fewstride s , and then gave up. Riot resumed his lead, El waiting t o t h e cords, whereshe shot by him, i' length. The winners made the running in both the matches, the first only being well contested. The weather is fine but cold, the wind being due north. Owing to the debat e in the House of Commons, and the unattractive cha racter of the list, the show of company is thin. The rin g i s so small as to put the D er b y b ett i ng out of the question_. 7 to 2 offered is on the field 17 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's D'Egville—take 18 to 1 20 to 1 agst Lord Stradbroke's Beggarmin 20 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Alemdar 50 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's Richard Roe 11 to 1 laid agst Berarman and Alemdar Nothigg done on the Oaks. MISS EDGEWORTI-I, " Though Miss Edgeworth's excellent understanding' may have been in Ireland, we much doubt whether her heart has ever accompanied it. In the ` Absentee,' of all her works the one which displays the most sympathy with Ireland, although she tells many useful truths, and ably exposes the short-sighted selfishness of absenteeism, there is still no warmth of indignant patriotism, no identification of self with the country, liqle more, in ghost, than the cold and half-contemptuous pity of a shrewd and right-minded stranger. When Miss Edgeworth had attained the full maturity of her genius and her fame, the Irish Catho lic was still degraded by unjust laws—the Irish Protestant snore degraded by an unnatural ascendancy. Did she lend her powerful aid to forward the.good cause of the oppressed ?—Did she record her protest against the monopoly of those whom the laws made o pp ressors ? Alas, no. Nor can there be a stronger proof of her want of national feeling —of the slight hold her country has always had open her affections—than the circumstance of her writings being totally silent on a subject of such overpowering interest to Ireland. A critical examination of the works of Miss Edgeworth would, at this time of day, be as tedious as a twice-told tale. We shall, there fore, confine ourselves to a tew general remarks. Of Castle Itackrent,' we believe the earliest of Miss Edgeworth's works, we are not inclined to think very favourably. It professes to be a picture of the manners of a past age and generation, of which we know but little; but we have reason to believe that it Is highly overcharged in its details, and the characters are certainly crudely and coarsely drawn ; whilst the story, if ' era,' is anything but vraisonslable,' and its revolting unpleasant. ness is unredeemed by any sparkles of wit and humour. This, indeed, is a common Emit with our author; her description of the condition, 4,41 . - manners, and customs of the Irish peasantry is generally her•hands their quick and racy humour degenerates into\ lug, whilst the deep well-spring of fec:ing that gushes is to h,2r a fountain sealed. But If her Irish peasants ape king, but vapid caricatures, we must allow that she successful in drawing the characters of a higher class ; her Vi l t‘h.... and Sir Ulick O'Shane in Orrnm d,' aro perhap; the most finished' portraits she has ever traced, and as the representatives of two widely' different, but still both genuinely Irish classes, can scarcely be surpassed." LADY MO RG AN. " tier novels arr, indeed, thoroughly Irish in matter, in character in their dry humour, and cutting sarcasm ; no less than their vein!, mence and impetuosity of feeling. It should never be forgotten that although writing, at a period when, if it was not actually considered ' treason to love Ireland,' to defend her was to incur suspicion, Lady Morgan never hesitated to express her indignation at the wrongs of her. country—that she continued to expose its misgovernment, and to win sympathy for its suffnings, and that she pursued this con rr , e regardies: of the obloquy it entailed upon her, and careless that she has thus pro voked the enmity of those, high In station, whose good-will and power ful patronage a different line of conduct would have speedily com.- manded. Lady Morgan has powerfully advanced the cause of her country ; she has been its unbought and unpurchasable servant;• and we, therefore, in common with the Irish public, consider that the pre_ sent government, in bestowing upon her a pension, has dune itself high honour, and to her but a tardy act of justice. Would that such names alone were to be found upon the Pension List, and it would soon cease to be a bye-word and a stumbling block to the people:" g -.14 ~. _ %' r' ;bttt Y~ ~~j-~ s rr- ~ ~~~ ~j~ 'Y l ~ /J~ MR. BANIM. " Without possessing the polished correctness of Miss Edgeworth, or the epigrammatic brilliancy of Lady Morgan, Mr. Banim surpasses both in vigour of conception, in depth and energy of feeling, and in the power of working up incidents to a pitch of intense and overwhelming interest. There is a truth and verisimilitude in his occasional sketches of the interior of a lowly Irish family, the fire-side of a snug farmer or industrious 'cattier,' not easily to be met with, and which proves him one that has mingled much and familiarly with the class he describes. He shows, indeed, on all occasions, that he considers himself of the peo ple, and that he feels with andfor them. His love of country breaks forth in almost every page of his writings. He has vehement indigna tion for her wrongs, deep sympathy with her sufferings, nor does he shrink from entering into what arc sometimes painful and revolting de_ tails, when it is necessary to expose the ill-doings of her oppressors. " To balance his many striking perfections, our author is not without some glaring defects. He elaborates a subject too much, and occasion ally destroys the effect of a striking passage or a fine situation, by over working the details. But his chief defect is the want of humour. Of this, in our opinion, he does not possess one particle; and yet, by some unhappy perversion of judgment, comic scenes and comic characters hold a most prominent place in all his tales; although the latter arc, without exception, bores of the first magnitude, and the former excite no feeling but that of titter weariness. In his hands the wit and humour of the Irish peasant evaporate, and are replaced by low buffoonery, couched in a jargon meant for the Irish dialect, but more r;membling th 2 slang heard in the suburbs of a great city, or the pur lieus of provincial town, than the genuine language of the unsophis reated peasantf;'," MR. GRIFFIN. " There is cme praise vv:;711 the least interesting of Mr. Griffin's works may safely claim—and it is the highest of all praise —that not one of them contains a ' line which dying lag may wish to blot ;' they breathe the purest morality, inculcate the higl;cst principles, and ex press the deepest religious feeling. Their author is erldently a practical, as well as a professing, Catholic ; and boldly stands forth on all occa sions to avow himself as such." MR. CARLETON. " We know nothing of the private history of Mr. Carleton, but from his writings we should gather that he is one who had left the religion in which he was brought up, from motives in which pique strongly pre dominated, and this we infer from the extreme bitterness with which, in his first works especially, he assails the Catholic faith and its minis ters. We are bound to add, in justice to him, that his later works do not display this uncharitible feeling, but that while he still speaks as sr Protestant, he uses no language which can be offensive to a fellow - Christian. Such being the case, we shall not dwell upon those writings of Mr. Carleton in which he has calumniated the religion and religious feelings of at least three-fourths of his countrymen, but gladly turn to those other works in which he displays brilliant talent, and strong natu ral feeling. Yes, wonderful as it is to Ascribe such feeling to an IrisA Conservative, Mr. Carleton is in heart and soul an Irishman—thoroughly understands, and heartily sympathises with, the faults, the virtues, the joys and sorrows, of his countrymen. So much is this the case, and so fearlessly does he reprobate the heartlessness of Irish landlords, that our only wonder is, that the party to which he belongs, who are noted for nothing more than their contempt and dislike of the country of their birth, and the people from whom they derive their subsistence, should so long have endured him amongst them ; and we are quite sure that they would not have done so, but for the paucity of talent which their ranks present, on which account they cannot afford to lose the services of a man of undoubted genius." MR. LOVER. " This gent'eman has been long favourably known to the public as st distinguished artist, and a poet and a musician of no trifling merit : but, although he had previously published some admirable comic sketches of the Irish peasantry, this is his first appearance as a novelist. ' Rory O'More,' although not possessing a story of very deep interest, has many passages of great power; is written in the very best spirit ; and is full of amusing incident, well-drawn characters, and dialogue of great point and humour. It gives a very faithful picture of the state of land just before, and immediately after, the insurrection of 1798—mid it is impossible to read it without blessing Heaven that we arc fallen upon happier days; The hero of the novel, Rory O'More, is an excel lent impersonation of the best qualities of the Irish peasantry —so racy is his wit—so impenetrable his good humour—so fertile his invention-- and so unimpeachable his honour and fidelity—that whilst be amuses, be, at the same time, fills us with affection and respect. Solomon, the tinker, is a being of a very different order, but equally well drawn incident of his death, frightfully revolting though it be, is, we fear, the too faithful transcript 0: a frequent occurrence in the guilty year ninety-eight. l'helim O'Flanagan, the school-master, is a capital chr racter. ; his pedantry, though quaint, is not overcharged ; and his pc culiariiies, never obtruded upon our notice, are, when occasion serves, brought forward with very comic abet. None of the other characters require much notice." ESSAYS ON NATURAL HISTORY. Longman, London, 1838. We have read this little volume with considerable plea sure. It is the production of Mr. Waterton, of Walton Hall, whose " Wanderings in South America" attracted some years since the attention of the reading public in no ordinary degree. It was indeed the most attractive book of the season, containing, as it did, not a few incidents of a nature almost unprecedented—such, for instance, as the author's embracing a huge snake with both arms i❑ the re cesses of a jungle ; and riding across a river on the back of an alligator, with the animal's fore-paws brought over his neck so as to serve the purpose of a bridle. The volume before us contains no marvels of this sort ; nevertheless it. is full of interesting information relating to natural history. It is introduced by a brief auto-biographical sketch, in every page of which Mr. Waterton shows himself to be a man of infinite bonhommic and good humour, and of sanguine and enterprising character. In his sketches of birds, beasts, and reptiles, he convicts Audubon of a very sorry knowledge of ornithology, instancing his accounts of the eag'e and the vulture as proofs of spe cial ignorance. These desultory sketches the author sea sons with a variety of piquant anecdotes ; and mentions in particular, an adventure he once had with a snake in the forests of Guiana, who happening to bo in an irritable mood, when Mr. Waterton was passing near his hiding place, snatched a hasty mouthful from his rearward Adam at the same time holding on by his trowscrs " with the tena city of a bulldog." As the author does not condescend to inform us by what means he rid himself of this exceed ing annoyance, the tenacious reptile, for aught we know to the contrary, may be holding on by his inexpressibles to this hour. The ancc Totes of lions in this light, gossiping little volume, are not less entertaining than those of the tropical snakes ; and arc worthy to vie with those told by Mr. Thompson in his popular sketches of Southern Africa. Altogether, the work will be considered a great boon by the lovers of Natural IliAory. HINTS FOR THE TABLE. Simpkin, London, 1838. The art of eafng a good dinner is undoubtedly a sub ject worthy of the gravest discussion, but the art of getting one is, in our opinion, a theme of far more importance. Now, unluckily, the scientific author of the treatise before ne, con fines his remarks exclusively to the former subject, which is about as preposterous as if in building a house, he should commence wit'l the superstructure instead of the foutla lion. However, the hook is readabit, despite this glaring blemish, and discourses of soups and s,;youry pies in a style of such exceeding unction, that it quite begets an appetite. NOUVELLES. CONVERZATIONS PAM . . SIENIVES. De Porquet, London, 1838. A useful elementary work, containing a variety of fami liar dialogues i 0 French and English. The compiler is M. Porquet, whose works on education are well known to most schoolmasters. THE RHINE, No. I. London, TVestley, 1838. This little work, which it is proposed Lc issue monthly in shilling numbers, is wholly to consist of the legend s , tradi. Lions, and historical reminiscences connected with the Rhine. The author is Mr. Snowe, who, so far as we may. judge from the present specimen, bids fair to execute his task in a worthy spirit, for the Number before us contains one or two Rhenish legends told with much skill, in an en tertaining manner. It contains also an engraving of Coeln. which is so highly fin'shed, that we have great difEcu'ty in believing it to be a lithograph. The design as well as the execution of this clever plate are by an artist, named But. ler, who has convinced us that the lithographic form of engraving has far greater capabilities than we ever gave it credit for possessing. By our English touri:ts, with whom the Rhine is just now a place of fashionable resort during the summer and autumn mouths, tte work will, nu doubt, be held in great request. " Ills FRIENDS." -S Llell is viet,:ti l: : l n i f Al( atC rAß i ork E ‘ which i AND s on the point of making its avearante. Whchver the author may he, his subject bath inspiration in it that might pt.t heart and soul into apathy itself. The extent of the work (three townies) speaks it a work of fiction ; but we understand the fact.to- be that Truth and Fiction are blended into one, and that it is a sort of de. mastic novel, the person e being " Shakspeare, and his Friends " The id. a is a most happy one ; and if as happily executed as it is canc.i vei, the work must command extraordinary popularity,