The Sun. — London, England, 1838-07-28 00:00:00

OF THE 44 M U N ~ OF .. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-NIORROW. Morning....»•. 34 minutes after 6 I Evening ........ 57 minutes after 6 AN EXTRAORDINARY EDITION WILL BE PUBLISHED NEXT WEEK, SO AS TO REACH ALL PARTS OF THE KINGDOM ON FRIDAY AND SATURDAY. IT WILL CONTAIN MOST BEAUTIFUL MEDALLION LIKENESSES MARSHAL SOULT AND THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, EXECUTED IN THE SAME STYLE AS THAT OF HER MAJESTY IN tiTHE CORONATION SUN." N.B. IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE TIME NECESSARY TO FINISH THE LIKENESSES IN A STYLE WORTHY OF THE DISTINGUISH ED WARRIORS, THE ARTISTS FIND IT IMPOSSIBLE TO COM PLETE THEM THIS WEEK. THE BEAUTY OF THE ENGRAVINGS WILL, HOWEVER, AMPLY REPAY THE PUBLIC FOR THE UNAVOID ABLE DELAY. MARSHAL SOULT HAS KINDLY FAVOURED US WITH SEVERAL SITTINGS, IN ORDER TO GRATIFY THE PUB LIC CURIOSITY, AND HIS LIKE NESS IS THE MOST PERFECT WORK OF ART HITHERTO PRO DUCED. IN FACT, IT IS THE ONLY GOOD LIKENESS THAT HAS EVER APPEARED OF HIM ; AND CASTS OF THE MODEL ARE SPECIALLY ORDERED FOR THE KING OF THE FRENCH. ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND COPIES WILL BE PRINTED. SUN Offce, 112, Strand, London, July 27. " THE SUN" CONTINUES TO PUBLISH THE EXTRAORDINARY EDITION, I N G 0 L GIVING ALL THE DETAILS OF THE CORONATION-THE FAIRS, REJOICINGS, AND EVERY PAR TICULAR OF INTEREST CON NECTED WITH THIS AUGUST CEREMONY. PORTRAIT OF MRS. S. C. HALL. THE AUGUST NUMBER OF COLBURN'S NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE AND HUMOURIST, EDITED BY THEODORE HOOK, Esq., Is Embellished with a Fine PORTRAIT of MRS. S. C. HALL, and contains the Following Articles by Distinguished Writers : Wine and Water. By the Editor., of the Authors of " Rejected The Parrot; a Domestic Anec-' Addresses." dote. By T. Campbell, Esq. The 111-treated Man. Author of " The Pleasures of Paddy in Search of a Father. By Hope." ; T. C. Grattan, Esq. The Admiral's Daughter ; or The Lesson of Life. By Dou- The Man of Fashion at Sea. glas Jerrold, Esq. A Nautical Novel. By \Natty' Shakspeare's Historical Plays. Cockney. Edited by the Au -i No. 3. By the Right Hon. thor of " Paul Pry." T. P. Courtenay. An Essay on Oysters. By One The Manager's Note Book— of the Authors of " Rejected, John Emery. Addresses." The Two Sybils. A Steam Voyage from London Memoir of Mrs. S. C. Hall, Au to Paris. By M. J. Quin,! thor of " Lights and Shadows Esq., Author of " Nourma-' of Irish Life," &c. hal." The Conversazione. The Statues at Large. By One' Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. THE UNITED MERCANTILE and TRA VELLERS' ASSOCIATION, and GENERAL MU TUAL LIFE ASSURANCE and ANNUITY SOCIETY for securing Annuities to Aged Travellers, Warehousemen, Clerks, and Thera, and Endowments to their Widows and Children ; and for Mutual Assurance of Lives and Survivorships, Grantinz Annuities, and the Purchase and Sale of Reversionary Property and Interests. Persons desirous of obtainin g Shares in this Society are requested to make application without delay, by Letter, addressed to the Directors, at their Office, No. 68, Cheapside, where Prospectuses and Forms of Application may be had, as the remaining Shares will be allotted forthwith. JAS. DRANSFIELD, Actuary and Secretary. THE WEEKLY TRUE SUN NEWS PAPER, a large quarto paper of 40 columns, price 5d., continues to republish Advertisements FOR NEXT OF KIN AND HEIRS AT LAW, which have appeared during the last thirty years. More have just been obtained and upwards of ONE THOUSAND will appear in successive weeks. Early orders should be given, as the back Numbers cannot always be obtained. Office, 366, Strand. The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day at 53 minutes vast Three &Clock. lek tr _ • N.A., \?I`N 05? . tA h - in ',411:11+ WITH WHICH THE " TRUE SUN" IS NOW INCORPORATED. LONDON : SATURDAY EVENING. JULY 28, 1838. • We have received a Quebec Gazette of June 23, and it contains a proclamation of the Governor-General, ap pointing the following gentlemen to be the Special Council : —Vice-Admiral Sir CHARLES PAGET, Major-General Sir JAMES MACDONNEL, Lieutenant-Col. the Hon. CHARLES GREY, the Hon. Col. GREGOR COUPER, and the Hon. CHARLES BULLER. The Gazelle also contains an im portant proclamation, stating that WOLFRED NELSON, R. S. M. BOUCHETTE, and several other persons, now in Montreal gaol, have acknowledged their treasons, and sub mitted theinselves to the will and pleasure of her MAJESTY, and also stating that Louts JOSEPH PAPINEAU and others have absconded, and withdrawn themselves from the pursuit of justice. It then sets forth that it is her MA JESTY'S pleasure that no further proceedings shall take place against these parties, but directs that WOLFRED NELSON and the others shall be transported to the Islands of Bermuda, not to return on pain of death. The same penalty is to be incurred by PAPINEAU and the others who hare absconded, if found at large in Canada. This ordinance does not extend to the murderers of Lieutenant WEIR. The Quebec Gazette of the 2.5 th, mentions in the following terms another slight engagement on the fron tier :—" We are informed by a passenger who arrived last night in the steamer Canada, from Niagara, that on Thursday last news reached Niagara, that the rebels in force near Chippewa made an attack on the militia ca valry, killing one man and taking ten prisoners. The prisoners were deprived of their arms and clothing, and set at liberty." A report prevailed at Quebec that PAPINEAU was ex pected at Montreal. The commutation of the punishment to which the parties charged with treason would be liable puts at once an end to all those hopes of vengeance, which we are afraid some of the opposite faction have nourished, and is a wise step towards ensuring the future peace of the colony. The Royal Assent was last night given to the Nationa , Loan Fund and Life Assurance Society's Bill. That ex cellent treasure is now the law of the land. It is no longer incompetent for industrious artisans—for humble clerks— for small farmers—and for men of limited income and pro vident habits, in classes ranked above these in the ordinary scale of social being, to provide a fund which may secure them against the possibility of destitution in old age. Those facilities for the profitable accumulation of surplus incomes, which the old established Life Assurance Offices provided for the affluent, the Loan Fund Institution extends, with important superadded ad vantages, to the industrious poor. In the establishment of the old offices the very existence of the poor was not so much as contemplated. No man was presumed capable of appreciating the value of economy, but such as were rich enough to dispense with it. Mr. LAMIE MURRAY, the founder of the National Loan Fund Society, has taken a widely different view of the means of best 'advanc ing the social and moral interests of the community. His chief aim is to improve the condition of the middling and working classes, convinced that what ameliorates the ordinary evils of their position in life always tends in an equal degree to the elevation of the national character, and the purification of the public morals. There can be no comparison between the utility of an institution which enables a man worth ten thousand pounds a year to leave two hundred thousand pounds as a legacy to some member of his family at his death, and that of a Society which, by fostering habits of economy among the poor—which by inculcating the advantages of industry and sobriety— which, by convincing the working classes that vices arc not only evils in themselves, but the most fertile causes of physical destitution—gradually places them above those temptations to crime engendered by want, and in providing for a period of life when age or infirmity incapacitates them for labour, elevates them to the moral dignity of good men, affectionate husbands, tender fathers, and honest citizens. Economy in a poor man is the precursor of moral integrity and self-respect, whereas in men of large fortune it most frequently degenerates into the most sordid and unfeeling avarice. Hitherto the tendency of all great mercantile institutions has been to enable the man with money to make more, at the expense of the man whose only capital was his industry. The consequences are as obvious as they are deplorable —enormous wealth on the one hand, and on the other the most deplorable destitution. Here a pa lace—there a workhouse, or an asylum for lunatics, crazed by the vices of repletion or the horrors of want : wealth only honoured ; and the intervals of repose from daily toil broken in upon and embittered by the prospect of being sooner or later reduced to the alternative of starv ing, or relying for subsistence upon the humanity of a Board of Guardians. .To change this deplorable prospect, which now meets the eye of the poor man at every step, into one of bright hopes and certain confidence in the future, is one of the great ends proposed to themselves by the Directors of the National Loan Fund Society. But to succeed, the co-operation of the work ing classes themselves is the first great and essential re quisite. Nothing can be done unless they press forward, and by means of their subscriptions, their confidence, and their unanimity, enable the founders of the " Poor Man's Bank" to realize their well-conceived plans for elevating the moral and physical condition of all who are merely placed above want by the precarious tenures of good health, and the pleasure of an employer. To such of them as may be unacquainted with the distinct objects of the Loan Fund Society, we trust that the Clergy and Magistracy in their respective neighbourhoods will consider it a duty to explain to them in what way it will be competent for them to profit by its establishment. In no other way can the spiritual and civil guardians of the poor better consult the intt rest of those committ©d to their religious and moral superin tendence. Provident habits among the working classes are almost associated with every virtue that does honour to man as a social and religious being. The House of Commons regards party and personal mat ters as of almost infinite importance, compared to ques tions which concern only the good of the public. Last night afforded an instance in illustration of this. The mo nopoly given to the Bank of Ireland has for some time been complained of, as injurious to the public welfare. It seems too that the Bank is paid for this monopoly. The Government borrows 2,500,000/. of it at 4 per cent., which it might get at 3, and thus makes the Bank of Ireland a present, besides bestowing a monopoly on it, of 25,0001. a year. It may be doubted whether the Bank could get 3 per cent. on its capital were it employed in trade ; and if it could not, the sum given to it by the State is above 25,000/. per year. Such a matter concerns the public welfare. It touches no personal honour—it involves no party interest ; and therefore, though the House has been sitting eight months, it could not be attended to, and the monopoly and the public loss are to be continued. But the next year, probably, some other party purpose will intervene. The Tories may possibly then be in power, and the whole time of Parliament will be necessarily occupied with pro jects to turn them out. At any cost of time they must they be thwarted and opposed, because the principles avow are despotic and pregnant with mischief. See, for example, the Duke of WELLINGTON'S observations last night on municipal government. His Grace is now for- 1 getting the only defeat he ever sustained in the course of his life, that on the question of Reform ; and forgetting his masters, is returning to his old doctrines, of' which a com pendium is to be found in his declarations that the Bo roughmongering Parliament was a perfect contrivance, and that county meetinp were farces. We see no reason why more attention to the public welfare should be anticipated next session than in the session which ought now to be drawing to a close ; and no reason why at the end of the month of July next year, the very same arguments may not be assigned as now for continuing the mischief. The questions connected with banking, and the free issue of credit notes or' promises to pay, which are altogether private matters, as much as the extent of any merchants' acceptances, are very far from having been either comprehended or investigated by Mr. RICE, how ever dogmatically he make talk on the subject, and by the Members of the House of Commons ; and with such a limited comprehension and such a great fund of ignorance, precisely the same grounds will exist next year as now exist, for continuing the monopoly of the Bank of Ireland, and taking 25,0001. a year, at least, out of the public pocket. Long life to monopolies, jobbing, and public peculation 1 The Bill which the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER and Mr. POULETT THOMSON brought in last night, and which was read a first time, is to amend the law relative to legal proceedings by certain Joint Stock Banking Com panies against their own members, and by such members against the Companies. The discussion which took place last night in the Com mittee of Supply on the subject of an increase to the grant of 10,0001. annually voted to the Polish Refugees will be read with deep interest. It was opened by Lord SANDON, who, when the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE QUER moved the usual sum, proposed, in a speech which does him great honour, that the amount of the vote should be augmented. The Noble Lord, in our opinion, most satisfactorily answered the objections that have some times been made to any, even the smallest, addition to the grant on the score of precedent, as it was not likely that the unfortunate exiles from Poland would be lured to a country in which they were more scantily provided for than they were in any other in which they had found an asylum. Ile stated the humiliating fact, that while Eng land has been allowing only 10,0001. per annum to the support of the Polish exiles, France has been giving 100,0001., and sometimes 150,0001., for the same noble purpose. The Noble Lord was followed by many other Members on both sides of the House, who all heartily concurred in recommending, the forms of the House not admitting the additional sum to be proposed as a distinct vote, to the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER the adoption of the suggestion. Among the observations addressed to the Right Hon. Gentleman, those which fell from Mr. O'CON NELL and Sir ROBERT INGLIS are particularly conspicuous for a fine display of good taste, and good sense, as well as good feeling. It is delightful to see men, who are so often engaged in political conflict, thus throw ing off, at the call of humanity, all party influences, and uniting in the performance of the great practical duty of doing to others as they would wish others to do to them in similar circumstances. The appeal made to the CHAN CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, it is evident, though no formal promise could be given, will not be made in vain. The Irish Tithe Bill is now before the House of Lords ; biAt un saiijaotocy is it to uearly all partis, that fC'7 persons care what becomes of IL Their Lordshipi, con- lasting." THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 28, 1838. sistently with their practice of opposing every Reform I demanded by the public voice, till concession loses its , natural effect, have opposed all rational plans for settling this important question, till the people of Ireland have become conscious of their power, and raised their de mands in proportion to their success. Landlords and tenants are now united against the collection of tithes in any shape for the support of those who are not the clergy of the people, and by the time the Bill, if it pass, comes into operation, there will be nearly as much difficulty in collecting them in the shape of a rent charge as under the odious appellation of tithes. How can it be otherwise ? The Commons have granted a million to re lieve those who have hitherto resisted the law, and Lord HowicK, described by Mr. O'CONNELL as the fittest person for the first place in the Mi nistry, said with reference to this Bill "it is impossible that the present state of affairs can be permanent." With this premium for resistance, this announcement on the part of the Government that the Tithe Bill will not work, and with the distinct avowal by the Catholics, that it is the principle and not the amount of tithes to which they object, what hope is there of even a temporary ces sation of hostilities? The Catholics have advanced too far to recede without carrying their point, and being placed on a footing of perfect equality with the people of England and Scotland. Nothing of the sort has been attempted by this Bill. It marks out the Catholics, still as a de graded race, and deprives them, as much\ as law can, of funds to which they consider themselves fully entitled. There is but one opinion among them on this sub ject, and though their Clergy may for the present, and con trary to the practice in every other part of Christendom, prefer the voluntary system, they will not cease to agitate till the teachers of the people, whether in the character of schoolmasters or priests, be paid for their labour. With the exception of the High Church party—and they are nearly silent on the subject—no one expects any good from I it. It is merely a temporary expedient to put off the evil day, and the Tories will find that it will have the effect of all their half measures of reform, and learn, when too late, that " nothing was so unwise (words used by Lord MEL BOURNE in describing the Municipal Bill), as when they were trying to come to a settlement, not to make it on such terms as were likely to be satisfactory, and therefore The Irish Municipal Corporation Bill was read a third time in the House of Lords last night, but not passed. The last stage of the measure was postponed till Monday, in order to afford an opportunity for considering a number of clauses respecting Corporation Charities, proposed at the eleventh hour by Lords REDESDALE and LYNDHURST. We refer our readers to the admirable speech of Lord BROUGHA3f, for a masterly view of the improvements intro duced into the Bill by the " alien" Lord. We invite the attention of our readers to an important Letter from Mr. O'CONNELL, on the present position of Irish affairs, which appears in another part of our paper We have neither time nor space for comment to day. We continue to receive letters on the subject of the dis tress in the Shetland Isles, and the conduct of the Com mittee, which excites great, and in our opinion, well-merited indignation. Proceedings, we understand, will be adopted without delay for procuring a transfer of the unap propriated fund from the hands of the persons who now hold it to those of others more disposed to apply it to its proper destination. The Committee, we are quite sure, can know but little of the reprobation which their conduct meets with every where, or they would at least endeavour to vindicate themselves publicly from the heavy charges brought against them. We sup pose they find the task rather difficult, and therefore wisely refrain from attempting it. The Morning Advertiser makes the following very per tinent observations on the subject this day. We recom mend them to the attention of the Committee : " Our readers will have perceived in yesterday's Aducrtiser, a letter from the Rev. Mr. Barclay, the minister of Lerwick, respecting the de plorable state of destitution which prevails among the inhabitants of the Shetland Islands It appears that the London Committee have deter. mined to apply the remainder of the funds collected last year for the relief of the Highlanders to the purposes of scriptural education. The object of scriptural education is a most commendab!e one ; but it is a most unwarrantable act on the part of the Londop Committee to appro priate to one object money collected for another. A greater breach of faith with the public has never been committed ; and we can assure those who have had the hardihocd to make such a misappropriation of funds collected from the friends of the Highlanders, while these poor unfortunate individuals are encountering all the horrors of starvation, that they shall be called to accouilt for their conduct." We have marked, and so we hope have our readers, with no surprize, but with some apprehension for the ultimate peace of society, the successive steps by which the Estab lished priesthood have of late essayed to set themselves above the law. Through their organs of the press, and through the pamphlets, their leaders and Universities claim for themselves an unbroken succession of autho rity, deriving their power directly from Him who is able to loose and to bind, and whose kingdom, lasting for ever, is greater far than all the monarchies of the earth. They style themselves, as witness the Bishop of LONDON'S Coronation Sermon, the Ambassadors of CHRIST, and being his Ambassadors, no other persons are authorised to interpret his will. They claim, in fact, to be the exclusive interpreters of the Divine will—they interpret it as suits their purpose and will aggrandize their power. A few months ago some of them declared that the Rubric of the Church was GOD'S law, of higher authority than Acts of Parliament ; and that wherever the two clashei, they would obey the Rubric, and set the law at defiance. Where they have not the courage openly to resist it, they seek coverly to thwart and oppose its operation. For example, the Clergy of Scar borough, being anxious to terrify the people from profiting by the law for registering births, deaths, and marriages, have sent forth a circular, of which this is a copy : To THE INHABITANTS OF SCARBOROUGH AND TILE NEIGHBOURING PARISIIF.S A 3 we, the undersigned Clergymen, believe that there exists, with the less informed among you, a partial misapprehension of the Law for the Registering of Births and Baptisms ; and as we are of opinion that the principle of the new Act of Parliament for the Registration of Births, Deaths, and Marriages may cause a neglect of the Holy Sacra ment of Baptism, and consequently an indifference to the Christian re. ligion, we beg to state— First, That the law relative to the registration of Baptisms by the Clergy remains precistiy as it was previous to the passing of the new Act for Registering Births, Deaths, and Marriages. Secondly, That we have examined the new Register for Births, at the Registrar's office in Scarborough, and we cannot find there any evidence that the children who are thus registered have been made Christians. Thirdly, That we are forbidden by law to read the service for the burial of the dead over any person who shall happen to die unbaptized. And therefore we request you all to take notice, that, in case of the death of every child which shall be brought to us for burial, and which shall have been horn since the 30th of June last, we shall make, or cause to be made, full inquiry as to the time when, and the place where such child was baptized ; and we feel it incumbent upon us to add—that we shall be obliged to refuse Christian burial in all those cases where %re are riot satisfied that the children have been dtfly baptized with water, and in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. — Witness our hands, this 4th day of January, 183 S. (Signed) M. H. MILLER, Vicar of Scarborough. R. HOWARD, Incumbent of Christ Church, Scarborough. THOS. IRwIN, Incumbent of Hacknee.s. J. R. INGE, Curate of Scamer. JOHN Wiwi -Lev, Curate of Scarborough. J. SKELTON, Incumbent of Wykeharn. JOSEPH Levis, Vicar of Brompton. The plain object of the Scarborough Clergy is to make all persons pay fees for baptising- their children, on the penalty, if not baptised, that they will be deprived of Chris tian burial, which is tantamount in this country t o being deprived of burial altogether. The law whi c h i mposes the obligation on the Clergy not to bury tho dead, unless th e y have been baptised, is of course the Rubric which, accord ing to the Northallerton priests, the Legislature cannot a lt e r, so that there is no remedy for th e people but either to be baptised or lose all chan ce o f night b e f ore receiving Christian burial. This is one specimen of th e arro g a nce of the priesthood ; the Bishop of EX ETER af fordedanotherllic Hight in Rev. the Prelate HouseH ouse of then I, o rds contended, tl e in so m an y last. wards, that Bishops are of Divine institution ; and that if the Bill were to pass for infringing on the powers of the Bishops' Courts, he should not feel himself at liberty to obey the law. He claimed for the Bishops a jurisdiction as old as Christianity itself, of which he declared human laws could not deprive them, and which of course justifies all the claims of the Catholic Bishops. Without saying a word on the Bill which the Bishop condemned, and which might be a bad Bill, for aught we know, his extraordinary claims to preserve for the Bishops' Courts all the jurisdic tion they usurped through the middle ages, both to pu n i s h and protect the Clergy, seem to us, when joined to the other authority claimed by the Bishops and tko rest of the Clergy, t o go far to constitute them a power much superior to the existing Legislature. Before any new authority be given to the Court, of Arches, it is unquestionably proper to constitute all our Ecclesia s ti ea l Courts, which are a complete nuisance, in a totally diffe rent manner ; bat that, though an excellent reason for re- 1 jetting the Church Discipline Bill, is no justification of the immense power claimed by the Bishop of EXETEIi. One advantage, however, will result from his claims. He is to resist the law for conscience sake, and, he therefore justifies other men who prefer obedience to conscience to obedience to the law. The Dissenters will act on that principle in relation to the Bishops themselves. The Presbyterians, the Roman Catholics will act on it, when the Church of England requires their obedience. The conscience of one man is entitled to as much respect as the conscience of another ; and the Bishop will find that when he sets up his conscience above the law, he overturns the basis of his own authority in England as a Bishop of the law-Church. The whole of the Paris Journals of Thursday have been received. They all, without exception, ridicule the idea of the authenticity of the document recently published by the Messrs. RIDGWAY, entitled the " Confederation of Gaul." For ourselves, we have nothing whatever to say upon the subject. We gave it as we received it, in com mon with our Contemporaries, only differing from them in a careful abstinence from the expression of any opinion respectin g the truth or falsehood of the allegations therein contained. We declared ourselves incompetent to decide whether the document was authentic or a forgery ; and after hearing all that our Contemporaries, French and English, have said upon the subject, we have come to the conclusion that they really know not one jot more upon the subject than we do. Flippancy is not argument, nor assumption proof. The Moniteur of Thursday contains three Royal Or dinances, by one of which the exportation of warlike stores, provisions, and clothing to Spain, across the whole line of the Pyrenees, is prohibited, without the permission of the linister of the Interior. This decree will greatly injure the traders along the whole Pyrennean frontier. The other two decrees relate to the carrying on of trade be tween Corsica and certain French ports. Letters from Posen of the 12th announce that the Archbishop has protested against the competency of the Prussian Courts to try him for an ecclesiastical offence, in which the KING is to appear as the prosecutor. The Madrid Journals of the 23d inst. have reached us, but they contain no news save that the Editors of the Hablador were compelled to quit the Spanish capital on the night of the 21st, in consequence of a series of foul attacks upon the Government. Annexed are extracts from the French Papers : A letter from Toplitz of the 19th says, " The Emperor of Russia arrived here this morning. He will probably stop till the 3d of Au gust. The King of Prussia has been here some days. Prince Met ternich is expected, and the Conference will commence immediately. The Leipsic Gazette contains a strange piece of intelligence, which we subjoin without pretending to be responsible for it : " We learn it is written from Vienna, July 15) that the Field- Marshal Prince of Saxe Coburg is rebuilding his palace on the bastion. He has given orders to furnish it in the most tasteful manner. The re. port is that this Palace is intended for the residence of the Queen of Portugal and her husband, Donna Maria having formed the plan to ab dicate the Crown of Portugal in favour of her son. Donna Maria will live in retirement, and with the greatest economy. Considerable sums have been received from Portugal within these two months, and are re. served for this purpose."—Le Commerce, July 26. The following is a ►etter from Cayenne of the 16th of May last : " The Alliar, corvette of burden, Captain Coudein, on its passage from Goree to Cayenne, being on the Ist of May, at half-past three in the afternoon in lat. 13, 44, 5 N., and in 33 48 West longitude, the man on the lookout descried a vessel which seemed dismasted. It was seen that it was a steam-boat, and that it had put out a boat. "Captain Coudein, supposing it wanted to communicate with him, shortened sail, and steered so as to approach it. At a quarter past four the Alliar was at but a short distance, and the Captain of the steam-boat came on board. " It was the Voudor, an iron steam-boat built at Birkenhead, and corn. minded by Donald Clarkson. It had a machine of thirty horse power, and a crew of twelve mer. " The Voudor having left Liverpool on the 16th of March, bound for Rio de Janeiro, had steered first for Madeira, and thence to the Cape Vcrd Islands, in order to take in coals ; the stock having been exhausted during the voyage, so that Captain Clarkson was obliged to have recourse to his sails. But the iron employed in the construction of the vessel had such an effect on the compass, that the position had been erroneously estimated, and when it was fallen in with, the Voudor had only coals enough for five hours consumption, and was on the point of wanting water. " Captain Coudein immediately offered to Captain Clarkson all the supplies he wanted, especially coals for three days; and after having towed the steamer for a considerable time, did not leave it till he was satisfied that by means of its engine, and with the instructions which he had given it for its course, it would easily reach the port of Maranham, where the captain expressed his intention to touch."—Moniteur. FRENCH FUNDS.—PAats, JULY 26. LATEST PRICES. Five per Cents. lilt: Three per Cents., 81f. 90c. Bank Action, 2,600 f. Romans, 102. Belgian Bank, 1,415 f. Portugue,e Three per Cents., 24 Spanish Actives, Spanish Passives, 4h. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. THIS DAY. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPF.Axim took the Chair at Twelve o'clock. Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE presented a petition from Wolverhampton, against idolatrous worship in India. on the mot:cm or. mr. FRESCII, a r•filrn 12,11 01,10r . ed o f th e am o unt of money expended on public works in Ireland, and the manner of its a[ propriaticm. Mr. WALLACE gave notice that he would inquire on Monday what course the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department intended to take in the case of Mr. Barr, and the Sheriff's of the Upper Ward of Renfrewshire; and to move that copies of the said con - plaint, and proceedings thereon, he laid before the House. On the motion of Sir GEORGE GREY, the Prisons (West Indies) Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday. COUNTY CLARE TREASURERS' BILL. Mr. MORE O'FERlCALlmo;edthethirdreading of the County Clare Treasurers' Bill. Mr. MORE O'FERR ALL moved the introduction of the following clause by way of rider :—" And be it enacted, that it shall be lawful for the Chief Remembrancer, in case he shall deem it expedient so to do, to order that the recognizances entered into by the said George O'Calla ghan, or such treasurer as aforesaid, and by his sureties, shall be vacated on the payment by the said George O'Callaghan, or his sureties, of the sums for which he is now bound by recognizances—such payment to be made into the bank with which the present treasurer of the county has his public account, to the credit thereof." Sir R. FERGUSSON, as we understood, objected to the clause. Sir T. FREMANTLE was sorry the clause was proceeded with. Its object was to explain a doubt, but he did not think any doubt existed at all on the subject. The treasurer and his sureties were not bound in the payment of any specific sum. but the condition was the due perfor mance of the duties of his office, and the due accounting for all monies received by him. It appeared to him that the House by adopt; ng the course proposed would be doing gross injustice to the county of Clare. Hewould put it to any Member of that House, if the law was one way and equity another—whether it was right that the House of Commons, knowing very little of the matter, should step in and release the principal and sir rity, upon paying the original cost. The remedy being by pro ceedings in equity he trusted the House would not by a side wiad decide the rights of the parties, but would reject the clause altogether. Mr. M. O'FER II A LI. said the Bill appeared to have been mi.under_ stood from its first introduction. The object of it was to enable them to take the property of the Treasurer of the county of Clare, in order to cover that part of the public money for which he had not given security. He (Mr. M. O'Ferrail) contended that the sureties were bound only for 7,000/. If, however, any equity lawyer would give it as his opinion that this c'ause would place the Treasurer in a better, and the county in a worse, condition than before, he would give up the clause. But he felt it his duty to press the clause for this reason, that if it did not pass, the contractors would be unpaid till November, and, of course, would be in great distress. And he begged to disclaim any intention of what had been broadly insinuated—that it was a job. Sir J. GRAHAM said the Honourable Member had mistaken the conditions of the suretyship, which were, as he (Sir James Graham) understood, that besides the principal being bound for seven thousand pounds, the sureties were likewise bound for the same sum. He was of opinion that this summary mode ought not to be adopted for the purpose of stopping legal proceedings, and should take the sense of the House on the subject. After a few words from the Attorney. General, Mr. Chalmers, Mr. Yates, and Mr. French, Mr. OTERIt ALL said he did not wish to press the clause, if Honourable Gentlemen opposite were of opinion that it would place the county in a worse position than it was before. He should, there fore withdraw it. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER begged to observe, that application had been made to the Treasury to carry through the present Bill, as in the case of the county of Tyrone. As to the arrangement be tween the county of Clare and their Treasurer, that was a matter with which the Treasury had nothing to do. He wished it, however, to be distinctly understood, that although they had interposed by Legislative enactments to give relief in two cases where Irish county treasurers had be come insolvent,that was not a proceeding which could not be locked to here after. They had passed a Bill for the purpose of improving the law relating to County Treasurers, and he would never lend himself to give any ape cial legislative enactment afterwards, Let the Counties look after the securities of their Treasusers, and if any deficiency arise, let them en force Payment from those securities. The Treasury was actually ha. rassed with applications of this sort, and it was very painful to them to be obliged to refuse. It had in the present case, however, been dis. tinctly stipulated that the Bill should not alter the law as regarded the securities of the Treasurer, and that the County should not be placed in either a better or worse position than before. After a few observations from Mr. F. FRENCH and Sir ROBERT FERGUSSON, the clause was withdrawn, and the Bill was read a third time, and passed. On the motion of the LORD ADVOCATE, the Entails (Scotland) Bill was read a third CH time, and passed. INA COURTS BILL. Lord PALMERSTON moved that the House should resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House upon the China Courts Bill. Mr. HA WES had been requested by his Honourable Friend the Member for Portsmouth (Sir J. Staunton) to make a few observations with respect to this Bill. He had given notice of his intention on going into Co mmitte e to move certain resolutions for the purpose o f s h ow i ng " t — h - a - t it w as inexpedient to establish a Court with the jurisdiction about to be given by the present Bill, unless the authorities of China had given their assent. Now he had carefully looked over the papers the Noble Lord had laid before the House, and he could not discover in them the smallest trace of the smallest consent on the part of the authorities of China to the jurisdiction proposed to be given by the Noble Lord. He wished to ask the Noble Lord whether the authorities of China recognised this interference with their old laws ? The Noble Lord was about to establish a Court whose authority he could not enforce. Suppose a Chinese were a defendant, and refused to appear, a verdict was given against hi m, what power but that of actual force could excute and enforce the jurisdiction of the Court ? He found a very apt case in the papers laid on the table of the House by the Noble Lord. A Chinese was wounded by one of the La=cars on board an English ship, and the Lascar was taken into custody. Our Chief Superintendant demanded that he should be given up to be tried by English laws. The reply was that the Lascar was in custody of the Manderin, and could not be given up, pending an inquiry relating to the saf.ly of Lativc, of China, and a , grzt ,;;hied that it' 411 !Vtlilt. to Irance, lie tr1:1, La and would be held amedable to the laws or France; why thou, should not the same rule apply when Englishmen went to China ? That proved .t , that the Chinese well understood their position, and the necessity of ob taining their sanction before instituting this court. The Briti.•h nation was admitted into the Chinese territory by sufferance for the purposes of trade, and were bound to conform to Chinese usages, and not to attempt to force their own customs upon the Chinese.—(Hear, hear.) And in case this measure was adopted and attempted to be carried into effect, we involved our commercial intercourse with China in very con siderable danger. The provisions of this Bill were most extraordinary. The Orders in Council—virtually, the orders of the Noble Lord (Pal_ mcrston)—were to have the force of law, and were to be coextensive • with the jurisdiction of the Court that was to be established. The East India Company carried on their trade in China without the aid of any such powers; and the Americans conducted their commerce with China without any such powers, nay, without any salaried establish ment at all : they dopencled on the simple principles of trading—mutual and reciprocal benefit. supposing this Bill passed, could it be carried into operation with anything like good faith, while the contraband trade between us and the Chinese (which went to such an extent, and which must exist, until our trade with China was put an end to) was suffered to go on ? Impressed with these views, he (Mr. Hawes) should conclude by moving the first of the resolutions, notice 4 which had been given by the Hors. Baronet (Sir G. Staunton)—That it is inexpe dient to pass any Bill for establishing courts of civil and criminal juris diction in China, until satisfactory evidence be given of the assent of the Government of that country. Captain A LS A GER seconded the amendment, Lord PALMERSTON could not acquiesce in the proposal of his Hon Friend, and thought that he and the Hon. Member for Portsmouth whose speech he had undertaken to make—(A laugh)—had not fully considered the nature of the Bill now under the consideration of the Ifouse, and the enactments of the law passed in 1833. The Hon. Member stated that it was inexpedient to press any Bill establish ing courts with criminal and admiralty jurisdiction in China, without the previous consent of the Emperor of China. The fact was, that this had been done by the Act of 1833, to which the Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir J. Graham) when First Lord of the Admiralty, was a party. That Bill conferred on the Crown the power of establish ing in China, Courts of Admiralty and Criminal Jurisdiction ; and one reason why he now proposed this Bill was, that he thought it expo:limit these Courts should, in addition to Criminal and Admiralty Jurisdic tion, possess Civil Jurisdiction ; and that doubts were entertained in consequence of the ambiguous wording of a clause in the existing law, whether the latter words of that clause, which specifically mentioned the Admiralty and Criminal Jurisdiction, did or did not commit the words in the former part of the section, which were more general, and which, if they stood alone, would give all the powers which were now required to establish the Civil Jurisdiction.—(Cries of " Hear.") The Act to which he referred was the 3d and 4th of Win. IV., c. 93. It was contended that the words of the latter part of the clause con trouled the former, under which it was competent to give facilities for the establishment of these Courts by an order in Council. He would contend, therefore, that the resolution applied more to the law passed in 1833 than to the Bill now before the House; but he was prepared to discuss the principle of the present measure with the Honour able Member. It was true, the present might be called an exceptional case. It was well known that they had no diplo matic connection or relations with the Emperor of China. Fre quent attempts had been made to establish them, but they had failed. The only way by which these relations could be established was by another embassy, and he did not think his Hon. Friend would recom mend such a course again, It was alleged that the India Company had no such Courts, but that they had a power and authority which stood in lieu of it. Cases unfortunately arose in which offences had been com mitted by British subjects in China, and the surrender of these subjects was required, and the Company found itself placed in the discreditable dilemma of either on the one hand surrendering a British subject to be tried by Courts in which justice was openly set at defiance; or, on the other hand, refusing to deliver up the offender, and in vest him with impunity for his offence. That position was full of embarrassment, and it was as discreditable to the character of the Company as it was to the character of the British nation. But cases did happen in which it slid occur. Then came the embarrass ment, if the Chinese Government had chosen to assert its rights, and resented these infractions of its acknowledged jurisdiction, they would havo.stopped the trade, and that would have been attended with great loss. The Company, however, in more than one instance risked the loss of trade rather than be the instruments of committing legal mur der on the subjects of this country. He would admit to' his Hum Friend that there was no consent on the part of the Chinese authorities, nor could they obtain it without that intercourse with China which it was impossible in the present state of things to obtain.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But the question was, though the authorities of China had not given their consent, whether they would resent such an interference on the part of this country ; and from the papers that had been laid on the table, he thought it clearly appeared that they would not, and that there was every probability of their being reconciled. His Hon. Friend the Member for Portsmouth, in a work written by him on this subject, stated in distinct terms, that, in order to enforce order the usual mode of admi nistering justice in China, would be wholly inadequate. The question then arose, were the Chinese laws suspended or relaxed in favour of strangers. Sir G. Staunton stated that virtually all the Chinese laws were suspended in the case of Foreigners, except in ca.. pital offences, so that there was nothing contained in the Bill which was at all inconsistent with the present practice, and the acknowledged prin ciple of the Chinese people. He further stated in his book that a Fo. reigner who had committed an offence, if net punished, he drew down the hatred of the Chinese upon the country he belonged to ; and if he was punished, it led to great humiliation and disgrace to the cri. minal's countrymen.—(Hear, hear.) It was impossible for them to deliver up any offender who was sailing for China, or was resident there under our protection. Not only Sir G. Staunton, but another gentleman, who, from his long residence in China, was entitled to be considered a high authority, he meant Mr. Drummond, who stated that the Chinese, in the event of a murder or homicide, would put to death any person delivered up to them, whether guilty or innocent; with what they (the Chinese) indeed called a regular trial, but which was, in fact, most irregular and unjust. The Chinese held the Governments of foreign countries responsible :for the conduct of all their subjects in China. Sir G. Sseunton stated that the Company's servants would be held resporssible, net only for the conduct of the crews of all private vessels into all of the Ring's ships there. And Sir George went on to give an instance of an American, who being given up to the Chinese, was put to death. This proves two things, first, that the Chinese held the entire trade of a nation responsible for all their subjects going there, and seconcny,that the custom of delivering up per sons to the Chinese tribunals ,n cases of homicide, (a custom opposed to that which was at present adopted by the English) was not calculited to lead to a satisfactory conclusion. The Noble Lord proceeded to say, Sir George Staunton contended, not only was it necesserry to have the power to control by established rules her Mejesty's subjects, but that there should he even the messes of sespendieg the trade tieh subjects in cases of negotiation with the Chinese Governmenr, He contended, therefore, from the authority of the Hon. Member fur Portsmouth, that Ire had clearly established the grounds upon which, cot this Bill, but the Bill of 1833, to which the Right Hon. Baronet opposite and himself were joint-parties, had been passed. A due regard to British interests and to British character required that the Bill should pass. If it was shown that the English Government had power to establish Courts for the trial of those greater offences, and Sir Geo. Staunton said it did not apply to the trial of minor ones, he should - like to know upon what principle that power was not applicable to the smaller offences, which it was in fact more necessary to control and prevent, as it would be the best means of preventing that insubordina tion which was calculated to occasion these more grave offences. He would say therefore that there must be some misunder standing as to the operation of the present Bill. Its object merely was to extend the powers of the existing law to the trial of civil offences. His Honourable Friend had complained of the arbitrary dictatorial power confided to the Government, which, by an Order in Council could establish Courts for the trial of any offences there. He admitted that such was the case, but there was no remedy for it. His Hon. Friend and the House must perceive the difficulty of passing any law embodying such a code as would be applicable to all offences that might arise. It was proposed by the present measure to give to those Courts a power of adjudicating between a British subject, and persons of any other na tion, or Chinese, when an appeal was made to them against a British subject. In the Bill of 1833 power wee given to levy certain tonnage duties, to defray the expellees of the establishment of these Courts, but upon further ccnsideration, it was felt that such a proceeding would be an injury to the trade with China, and the plan was aban. doned. The expenses of these Courts have, from that pe riod, been the subject of an annual vote from Parliament. He thought when he was bringing in a Bill upon ttais subject it would be better to repeal that part of the law which empowered the Crown to levy duties, and therefore a clause had been introduced in the present Bill to that effect. He also felt that it would be desirable to alter the title of the officer who was to administer the law ; and fur that purpose a clause had been introduced, giving the power and authority hitherto vested in the Superintendent to the Consul; at the same time, however, he felt bound to say that he considered it de. sirable that the power should be given to Consuls, he thought it might be expedient, considering the character of the Chinese nation, and their aversion to change, for some time longer to retain the title of Superinten. dent. These were the chief features of the Bill, and with these expla nations he trusted the House would allow it to go into Committee. Sir J. GRAHAM felt bound to express his regret that the Noble Lord should have thought it necessary, in the present state of the House, and at this advanced period of the session, to bring under its consideration a question of such great importance. The Noble Lord had read to the House some extracts from a work of the Hon. Member for Portsmouth, published some time since ; and although he was disposed to give them the credit they deserved, he must remind the Noble Lord, that whatever might have been the opinion of the Honourable Member for Ports mouth under other circumstances, he was decidedly opposed to the measure proposed by tire Noble Lord. The Noble Lord was perfectly correct when he stated that when he (Sir J. Graham) had the honour of being his colleague, he bad taken some part in framing a measure that was then brought under the consideration of tire House. He never regretted that because the measure had the effect, not withstanding all that had been said against it, of opening the China trade. But he found himself bound to say that experience had convinced him that the clauses were unnecessary, and he now considered that it would be highly inexpedient to extend their operation. It was clear that Lord Napier leaving this country with an erroneous impression of the powers entrusted to trim, did so demean himself to the Chinese autho rities as seriously to endanger our commercial relations with that coon. try, and exposed himself to such annoyances as he (Sir James Graham) fully believed cost him his life. Those who accom panied him being taught by experience so modified their course of proceeding as to be able to renew our intercourse. The Chinese ne ver allowed us to fix ourselves at Canton, and in place of having three superintendents resident there, we had only one officer exercising the powers of a Consul. He had no doubt but that the Chinese would take every advantage of the Court as plaintiffs, but they would never submit to its jurisdiction as defendants, so that it would prove to he a gross hardship on British subjects.—(Hear, hear.) If these extraordinary powers were granted, it would be impossible to entrust their exercise to the ordinary authorities ; there must be some high legal authority. He (Sir J. G.) had somewhere read that all the earth was to be put under a Commission—(A laugh)—and he supposed there must be a barrister or a Commission of barristers, of six years stand ing, sent out to China to put a law in execution, acknowledged to be arbitrary in its nature. Now, as to the authority of Sir G. Staunton, which the Noble Lord had quoted, that Hon. Baronet had since m o difi er ; his opinions, and was opposed to this Bill. Besides the Noble Lord rested his case on the papers that had been produced when there was no consent on the part of the Chinese signified, and he (Sir J. G.) begged the House to recollect that Captain Elliot, in his last despatch (July 1837) had stated that the Chinese were daily becoming more anxious to stand well with the British Government, but they were very jealous as to this point on which the Noble Lord wished to venture, and was it prudent to run such a risk at a period when every thing was running smoothly? He would ask the Noble Lord whether he did not think it prudent to wait for further accounts from that country before he called on the House, at this late period of the session, to pass a measure which might interfere with the commercial relations which were every day be coming more important, and which had been the source of great prosperity to our commerce. In the last dispatch, dated the :.'6th September, 1837, Captain Elliot said he had no hesitation in stating that it was in his power to secure for the Provin cial Parliament the most formal sanction of these operations. If that was tine case delay would be of considerable advantage. Although he was favourable to the motion of the lion. Member opposite, he should like the Bill to go into Committee, because he approved highly of the fifth clause for the repeal of tine Tonnage duties ; and he therefore thought it highly desirable that the Bill should pass. It appeared to him, that consistently with the whole course of British policy, with international low and past experience, it would be inadvisable to pace the present Bill. He had been satisfied from experience that it weuld iojmneesos to t::te ti d th e op , ratiou of these Counts, ;-.lthci,Bll, so far a, that went whirls rescinded the tonnage duty, he would give the measure his support. He should be sorry to obstruct the progress of that portions of the Inca. sure, but if some understanding were not come; o he should, in the evert of a division, vote against the Bill. Mr. WARBURTON hoped his Hon. Friend would withdraw hit resolution, and allow the Bill to go into Committee. It was most eisen Gal that these tonnage duties should be repealed, and the Government having given its assent, they were certain of carrying the proposition to a favourable result. With regard to other clauses of the Bill, he hoped the Noble Lord would re-consider them before he decided upon pressing them upon the consideration of the House. In his opinion is would be far better to defer them until they had some further informat.'on upon the subject. Lord PALMERSTON begged to set the Honourable Baronet right with respect to the dispute between Lord Napier and the Chisiese Go. vernment. The dispute did not turn upon any question like she pre sent, but as to the mode of communication between the Brit:sh and the Chinese Governments—the former wishing to have a direc t corn rnunication, and the latter refusing any intercourse except, as unth'r the old system, through the Hong merchants. He admitted that it would be exi;e ient to ascertain the views of the Chinese Govern ment, before carrying a measure like the present into operation.—( Hear) Captain Elliott, who was the only Superintendent, gave it as his do !cided opinion that the consent of the Chinese authorities could be obtained. The Right Hon. Baronet had said, get the consent of the Chinese G oven, merit, and then come to Parliament. Did the Right flon.Baronet really thin:: that that would he the best course to adopt ? Because when the Chinese Government was asked to consent, they would naturally enquire what the regulations were before they would decide. Now, the wish of the Government was to obtain the consent of the Chimese Government to something specific, and that was all that was wanted. Mr. C. LUSHINGION trusted the Noble Lord would zc ceilo. to the excellent advice given him by the Right Ho nourable Baronet, as he felt convinced that it would be ta terly useless to attempt to get the consent of the Chinese Govern. ment to abstract regulations. Sir ROBERT INGLIS thought it would be far better not to pro. coed further with the Bill in its present shape. Captain ALSAGER understood that the courts were to have juris_ diction over British subjects only. Now, he knew that nine.tenths of the disputes in Canton were between the British and Chinese subjects, and he was certain that they never would submit to the authority of any court but their own. After a few words as to the course to be taken, Mr. HAVES withdrew his amendment, in order to let the Bill go into Committee. He would divide the House upon the first clause. The House then went into Committee on the Bill. On clause I being proposed, Mr. HAWES rose to move its omission. As far as he knew, no British merchants had given their assent to the measure, which was therefore to be considered as emanating exclusively from the Foreign.ollice. To the establishment of a Court for trial of ofThnces by British subjects, there could be no objection ; but he protested against a Court's interfering with an independent power like China. And if such a course were taken let it not be forgotten that interested parties would easily be found to whisper that to the Chinese authorities, and render them jealous of, and hostile to, British interests.—(Hear.) He therefore moved that the clause be omitted. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL thought the omission of the clause would place the House in a novel situation. There were two thousand of her Majesty's subjects resident near Canton, and it was necessary there should be some means of settling the disputes which might arise. It was for the benefit of those on the spot that there should be some tribu nal to which they might resort. Lord PALMERSTON said as the sense of the House appeared to be against the Bill, he had no objection to postpone it until next Session —(hear, hear.) - After a few words from Sir JAMES GRAHAM, the Bill was with. drawn fir th, present Session. CUSTOMS BILL. Mr. P. THOMSON moved the further eonsideration of the Report on the Customs Bit'. Mr. CHALIVIERS trusted that the Right Hon. Gentleman wouli postpone the further consideration of this subject till Monday, as he knew that several Members were absent who were anxious to take part in the dsscussion. Mr. P. THOMSON could not conseat to postpone the reinsure. Sir JAMES GIAHAM wished to put a question to the Chancellor of t'm Exchequer. The Irish Municipal Bill had come down with amendments from the House of Lords, and as there could be no doubt that al; parties were most anxious that those amendments should be fully discussed, it was desirable that a certain day should be named for that discussion. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was his inten. tion to propose that the discussion should take place on Thursday next. Mr. O'CONNELL objected to what the House of Lords had done being called amendments—(Laughter)—he considered them only in the light of alterations. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET wished to know when it was the intention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to bring on the Duchy of Cornwall Bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said on Wednesday next. Mr. LASCELLES, in reference to the Customs' Bill, wished to call the attention of the House to certain facts connected with that mea sure. In 1834 the Customs Bill contained clauses constituting certain towns as places for bonding corn ; but in the present Bill those clauses were omitted. Mr. BAINE4 and Mr. BROTHERTON strongly supported the proposition of extending the Bonding system to inland towns, as it would prove a great benefit to trade. Mr. ASHTON YATES wished it to be distinctly understood that those wit') had part mercantile interests did not acquiesce in the pro position. Mr. A. CHAPMAN said it was impossible that bonded warehouses could be extended to inland places with safety to the revenue. Mr. POULETT THOMSON said that in the course of the ses sion a 'great many petitions had been presented, praying for the establishment of this system, and he should be prepared next year to submit a measure on this subject to the consideration of Parliament, and lie believed that as it was founded on principles of justice it would receive the sanction of the Legislature. He should uopose a measure similar to that which he bad introduced before, and which was complained of as not going far enough, but which weat as far as prudence would allow. He (Mr. P. Thomson) was astonished to hear from his Honourable Friend an argument against the general principles of fairness and justice, founded on some miserable vested interest, which he alleged to exist in a parti cular instance. Mr. WARBURTO.N said ha particularly objected to the sixth clause of the Bill, which enacted, that if foreign manufactures, purporting to be British, were introduced, they might be seized by any Custom-house officer in any port of the United Kinfdnm, •r any British possession. ' Now he proposed to amend that clause, first limiting its i„ h o f i,„„„ht it would be unwise to let it be executed at the discretion of any petty Custom.house officer in some small island of the West Indies. And he should also recommend that the clause should not come into operation till from and after the month of July, 1839. He considered the wards, " or in any way purporting to be of British manufacture," went too far, as they were too indefinite. He was op posed to the principle of the clause altogether; but thinking that its omission might nbt be agreed to, he submitted these amendments to the consideration of his Right Hon. Friend. Mr. P. THOMPSON had no objection to some of the amendments, but he did not think the object of the clause would be answered if the words " British possessions" were left out. The object of the clause was a fair one. Complaints were nude that goods of our manufacture were forged abroad—that they were brought to this country, and from this country sent to the Colonies, and sold there wilb our mark, by which not only was our trade diminished, but the cha racter of that trade in those articles was seriously injured. He admitted that it was necessary to take care that while these regula tions were enforced no injury should be done to their foreign trade. He could not therefore agree to c xclude the Er Visit possessions. Much less inconvenience and injury would result from that course than from giving the parties a right of action. In his opinion the authorities and the Custom.house officers in the British Colo ides would be perfec:ly able to discharge the duties entrusted to them and to exercise a sound discretion as to what articles were, and what articles were not of British manufacture. With respect to the other amendments lie had no objection to accede to them. Mr. WARBURTON' thought the clause so objectionable in princi ple, that he should persevere in his amendment and divide the House upon it. Mr. LABOUCHERE thought the Custom-house racers were not deserving the observations that had been made against them by the Hon. Member for Bridport. He thought the House out to hesitate before it strum' out the words. Mr. CHALMERS thought the House ought to retain the words pro. posed to be struck out. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER believed Hon. Members had more apprehension in retaining these words than they warranted. He concurred with his Honourable Friend that the proposition if car. riod into etfect would be the reverse of beneficial. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. The House divided. when there appeared— For the Amendment For the Original Clause 39 Majority Mr. CHALMERS gavenotice that on the third reading of the Bill he would move that this clause (6) be omitted. The clause was agreed to. The Mediterranean Postage Pill was reported. On the Report of Committee of Supply, Mr. C. LUSHINGTON proposed to bring forward the petition from Scarborough, relating to a notice given by the clergy of that place, re specting the registration of baptisms. The SPEAKER intimated that it could not be done on the Report. After a slight discussion between Mr. LUSHINGTON and other Members, Mr. WARBURTON said, that fotmerly on bringing up the report of the Committee of Supply, Members were allowed to discuss matters of grievance, but according to the opinion now given, they would be pre• cludei from doing so. The Chancellor of the Exchequer gave thesame information, and the interpretation which he (Mr. Vi'.) put on the orders was the same as that of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The SPEAKER said that the practice of the House on notices of motion as it now existed was a modern practice. If on every day on which the House went into Committee of Supply, there were to be two notices, one on the question of going into Committee, and th• other on his leaving the chair, there would be great difficu ty in th• way of proceeding with the public business. If, according to the ancient practice, the House were to consider the grievances of which the people complained, and they had any connexion with the question of Supply there would be no inconvenience. But a new practice had sprung UP' and he hoped the Home would consider the extent to which the public business would be obstructed if the practice was departed from. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was quite true that he said the Hon. Member was at liberty to raise the ques tion on the report, and such was his impression at the time. In order to save his Hon. Friend from any difficulty, he would observe that he hail been anticipated by the two notices already given• He would therefore suggest to him to give notice for the first Committe e of Ways and Means. Mr. LUSHINGTON then gave notice that he would bring the ques tion forward on the first occasion when the House went into a Conl mittee of Ways and Means. The report was then brought up, and the several items agreed to. SHANNON NAVIGATION. Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN hoped some day would be fixed for the disetlS sion of the Shannon Navigation Bill, as many Gentlemen were into" rested in it. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would fix Tuesday next, when he hoped all gentlemen interested would attend. Mr. WARBURTON was satisfied the Bill would never pass duria the present Session. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in answer t ° a question from Mr. F. French said that it was not the intention of the Government to give to the Shannon ComW I the 100,0006. that had been lent to them. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that it was his intention to go i nto a Committee on the Civil List Monday, the first thing, for the purpose of taking into con s ' deration the resolutions of the Pension Committee. Sir DE LACY EVANS moved for a " Return of the number of P er i ; sons, otherwise entitl e d to b e included, but whose names have De.f,, , omitted by the ov erseers from the lists of electors of cit i es, b o roug t fl i . and cinque port s, i n the year 1838, on account of their non-paYloc?ov poor. rates or assesse d taxes; with the amount of rental rcspec tive which the persons so omitted have been assessed to the poor-rates." The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the Ho' se adjourned at Half-past Three. It •. re v teii ai ; Paris that, since the corri ntenc.; went of this wi n t er, no t l ess th an seven y oung l a di es of Noble bun Tar o, have eloped. One of them is stated to have gone off with her:cortlCO' - 7