The Sun. — London, England, 1826-04-19 00:00:00

*Wad hie promised motion regarding the Corn Laws. He was well aware of the prejudices which he should have to contend ' • • -- • with in bringing forward a motion.of so much importance, and else in which the interests of so many individuals were unavoida •aellipanixed up. $e was prepared to %illness this clash of interests, sod be knew that he should be the means of arousing the hopes of .; party and the alarms of another. . He :was also aware that r as,a4aie agitation of this subject at the prevent crisis, when distress and Alashine were abroad, and-wile° the want of employment and the "adortiess of ptoVisinna cmultined to create much positive misery '19115 -attended with liansiderable difficulty, much inconvenience, pad some danger. Nil as these were alk consequences which lancet ata r endgite agitation of the question ; on the •other -hand etas good Which would ensue to the country.- at large by the • e alelioess of the measure which he meant to propene, would out . iveigh the danger to be apprehended fatan the discussion of 4.. .question. Under those feelingly, , hft brotight the present ' laisteure before the House, being assured that the time was come etbois the remission of those . restrictions which affected the Corn Laws was lowily ca l nor, He would endeavour to compress his , etuteuaent into as narrow a compass as possible ; and considering lam variety of topics which it meet necessarily embrace, he con *Weil that to be brief, and at the same tune clear and satisfactory, • wee his greatest difficulty...4l.l , er, hear !)—The question of a free belie had been in part admitted by his Majesty's Government, and tee principie being iu part recognised, he hoped that the time was nctvery distant when it would be wholly admitted. ; . His Majesty's ~. eernment had certainly lent their aid to the establishment of a - tree trade ; hut while our porta continued closed against foreign urn, the name of a free trade was all that we should have, and England would he the laughing-stock of the world in pretending IQ that which in reality she did not posses. It was impossible that with any thing like a show of justice, his Majesty's Govern .• • ' ;tent could stop in the midst of the liberal system which they had idanned and partly followed. It would be the greatest injustice to litany of our manufacturer*, if the system of a free trade were not oeniversally adopted. Look to the silk-weavers and the glovers. •l free trade were of advantage to other trades and manufacturers, at would he doubly advantageous to them. A great deal of machi 'rnery connected with those two branches dour manufactures would 'beeome utterly v.luelew from the changes which would take place is consequence of a foreign competition. In the silk trade we had a melancholy example of this ; but if the system of free trade were followed up with perieveramv, in a short time the results which might otherwise be feared, would be happily obviated. He conceived that both his Majesty's Government and tha'House of Commons were pledged to support the motion which he should feel it his duty to propose. He conceived also thet.every person • Who voted on the Bill to authorise the importation of foreign • silks, had thereby pledged himself to support a free trade in its ittoit extended sew. What Gentleman, he would ask, would . turn round and say, " We have adopted that measure to be sure, but we will not carry the measure further into effect ?" Such conduct 'mild be, to say the least of it, most inconsistent ; and its effects, he need scarcely add, would be most unjust. One of the greatest 'advantages which would result from the opening of our ports to foreign grain, and otherwise adopting the principles of a free would be the reciprocity of feeling which would follow ti.tween Great Britain and those ports to which her vessels would • trade. •'Tkisahe repeated, would be of the greatest advantage to Great I:trita a m. But that that advantage, whatever it might be, would be assatingent upon treaties with foreign powers, which would be liable to the caprice of, time powers, and to a variety of interruptions oeverwhich oeither party to any of the treaties could be said to 'Wes any effectual controul. In the view, then, which he took of at, he did not look with satisfaction at a trade carried on with say state, and resting solely on the principle of reciprocity of dealing with that state. He would prefer to see an extrusion of the principles of free trade, which they hurl heard so warmly advocated by Minister., but which they carried to only a very li zuited extent. Let these principles be extended to corn and to sugar...--(hear, hear !)—as well as to other articles. If the prin ciple of free trade were to be adopted at all, it. should not be a partial out, but should - be carried to the extent he had said, or Lot at all. A mere reliance on what other countries might be disposed to do he the way of reciprocity would not be sufficient ; itawould!be necessary fur us to carry our principles into effect befureetheynouhl be in a condition to net upon a reciprocal plan. The severe, rainiest ruinous operation of our restrictive Corn Laws etpon foreign Socha was, he could assure the House, much greater than:Was generally known ; and one of the moat cogent arguments ire tevotir of a free trade in corn was to be derived from the evils which our preeentlaws inflicted on those states, and which would La a period of scarcity produce a terrible reaction upon ourselves. lfie aro.uld assert, that the Corn Law which was passed in LW* . country in the year 1818, was a greater evil on Nand, illantzie, America, and the other places from which, we usually imported corn, than they, or any country, had ever sufferal front the anti-commercial and decrees sf r, Buonaparto. This wets not an assertion- resting ! snerely,on his own opinion. It was fully borne out by docu-' meats to, which he would 'refer, from most intelligent pereams tent froth this nouihry, and he would admit most properly *ant instal this , country, to aacertain the general state of the ewe couuteite, and the effect which our corn laws bad produces! ea them. , Thus it would appear, that while we were boasting of tba principles of free trade, and to a certain extent carrying some of them- into effect by means of an enlightened legislature, we in dicted 4 icier calamity on those countries than they had ever juifitred from the Berlin and Milan ilecreea. In support of these alsertioasehe would crave the indulgence of the House, whilst he reed n,few extracts from the very able report made to Government brbir. Jacob on the state of the corn countries of Europe. It would appear frhin these, that the effects of our corn laws bad ex tended themselves to every country in Europe from which this kiegtiona had formerly imported. He regretted that the report was not a in the hands of Members, and noticing but the fear of post raiagehis motion to an inconvenient period could have induced shun. to bring it on until the report •was ready. Here the Hon. M& . -nber read cameral extracts from the work. In the first of these, the writer dwelt upon the misery which he had witnessed in those countries iu this north of Europe front which we had heretofore im ported corn, atid from which we should have to look for supplies in case of any future emergency. It should be observed, that Mr. Jacob, took his route front Danraic, through Poland, and on through, Wallachia, Moldavia, from thence through Austria, Ilaiarie, cola so to Paris. Mr. Jacob stated, that in every Place through which he plumed, the landowners and farmers were loud in their complaints of distress, and those complaints, her added, were too general to admit of any doubt of their reality; ant the appearance of every place convinced him that the cam- Plaiate niece were fully justified by the loses sustained. In another pert of pus report, Mr. Jacob spoke of the great falling oe in thee quantity of corn grown by the change of culture. WWI: tracts of country which bud heretofore been employed in the Production of corn, were now turned into pastures fur er leA wholly neglected, the former occupiers and renters Laving been completely ruined. An instance was mentioned of taco nobleman, who had many thousand acres of land under talage, but who had, by being shut out from the demand which this English market lied afforded, changed his whole system, and turned them into 'culture for rearing Merino sheep, and from the profitable returns selreadyderived to hint from the sale of the wool, it was most inepro!jable that he would ever again return to the cul tivation of grain. At the time Mr. Jacob saw the lands, there were not two scree of them under grain. Ile (Mr. Whitmore) would not p..irsue that extreet farther, but would tern to another part of the report, whit:bespoke of the change which bad recently taken plae Le rents, ana,the general Value of land, in some of the foreign corn countries. Mr. Jacob observed, that he win' infbrintsl that tae value of Lend at Cracow had been greatly reduced. Those lands had formerly been let at from fourteen-pence to eight-pence per acre, but at the time he saw them, even those spud! sums could not he obtained for them. An instance was given of one searderuan, • who had leased a large extent of land, unumnting 7,000 h acres, for the yearly rent of 8501. When Mr. Jacob wait In the country (Poland we believe), the term of six years, for which they had been let, had expired, and the siren Lath were again leased to the former tenant (for no other could be got to take them) for the small sum of 110/. a year. Be could, were he to pursue the extracts, give ~aundant evidence of the great distress to which the cultivators ell turn had been reincad in those' countries by the shutting up of the English ports. Thba Wass 'a part of 'the subject to which ho would again advert Wire he sat down ; for it was worthy of the most grave copaidaretion, tea was another directly arising out of it, namely, the diffieulty which might hereafter exist, in cause unforateao euareity, of procuring a sufficient supply of f cod fur the people. But before he came tee this part of the Minas:et, be beg* to he allowed to show, diet without re firance to the question of free trade as a general principle, this racuntry had enjoyed and thriven under what might be virtu /Lily Awned a free trade i. corn. He would not go further book abau the year 1773. From that year to the year me, tam trade in corn continued free, or at least subject only to so low acaluty act loircely to deserve the name of restriction, ,the duty to which it was generally liable not being -more than 6th. the quar ter, He did not mean to deny that we at all times hail a corn law; but it Was a law from the period he hail just mentioned, by. which only a very low ..amount was char ged. Thui there were, by the Act of 1713, three scales of duties, one !ugh duty, and twn low deities, lice high was 24e. 3d., which wits charged on foreign corn only when corn was in the home market es low as 310 a. When it came to ale., the duty of 2s. 6d. was charged; and when it rose to afis. the duty was only 6d. From this pe '64 haarever, until 1791, the price of corn at home continued . - an low, that oily the low duty, and more frequently the lowest one of 6d. was . ehargett. In 1791 an alteration took plac es .... The first duty continued as it was before, but the second of two shillings and sixpence was to he charged when corn was at 50e. .When it came to 545., then foreign corn might be imported at n.duty of 6d. Again, corn rose, and the low duties came into Operation. So that with the exception of two years, from this ' period to 1804, foreign corn 'might he imported at 2a. 6d., end more frequently at 611. duty. In 1804; the highest duty was laid on the import of foreign coro; when our own sold at 465. the second duty at 60e., and the lowest at 668. ; but the price at • home continued so high, that from thatperiod up to 1815; the. low duty was Charged. During -this 'mind, from 1773 to 1815, what NO been the progress of the country, in arts, menuthetures, in coma tree, in populetion, and in wealth ? Had she not made ' advances in all these, unexampled in the history of nat'ons ? Was there any nation in the world which bad made advances to general commercial prosperity with equal rapidity? Was he not, then, justified in saying that a free trade in corn, or what was almost equal-to a free trade, might be carried on. without injury to the agricultural classes? Fur let it be remembered, that waste and poor lands were yearly brought into cultivation. These consi derations went a great Way on the question, and if maturely con sidered, would tend to allay the alarms of those who feared • that the power of importing corn at a low . duty Would throw the poor lands out of cultivation, those very poor lands which were brought into cultivation when foreign corn was imported at a duty merely nominal. If the agriculturist was uninjured, and not merely so, but in a thriving condition during fo reign importation, then, what reason was there to fear that it. would be otherwise at present? He now came to another . part of the question, which he touched with great reluctance; but it was necessary that he should come to it, in order more clearly to point out what lie considered as one of the greatest evils of the present system. He would lay it down as a position, which he should be able satisfactorily to prove, that the Corn Laws of this country had not only destroyed. the external trade in corn, but had given a blow to our internal trade in that article, from which, if timely remedies were not provided, it would be difficult, if not altogether impossible, far it to recover. He knew he should he told that he had already predicted very fatal consequences as likely to flow front the want - of a free trade in corn. Ile had so. He stated it in 1893, he stated it in 1824, and he now repeated the statement, that unless some change were made in the present fatal system of our Corn Laws, the country would at 'dine day have to deplore the unfortunate result of them. He did not say at what time.—(A laugh.)—lf the House ells hint the favour to hear him • to She end, they would find that his assertion was not made on light ground, but rested on a very strong case. In MS he had predict ed that very serious and dangerous consequences must neces sarily follow from the continuance of the present Corn Laws. The data on which he then went were most correct, and the more be considered them the more was he convinced of their accuracy. It would not of course be expected that he should point out the exact time when three results were to happen. It would be sufficient if he showed that the direct tendency of the Corn Laws, in their ope ration on the external and internal corn trade of England, was to produce an insufficient supply, should there be unhappily a failure of the home crops, even for one season. The general practice of' the corn trade at home was to reserve a stock on hand. This stock might on the average be calculated at four months' consumption of the whole country, or about four millions of quarters. He took the general average of consumption of the year at 12 millions of quarters, and adding a Million for seed, the 'whole annual con , eumption might be taken at 13,000,000 of quarters. Now a country setting out with this quantity of 4,000,000 of quarters stock on hand, and having a corn trade by which it was made to depend almost wholly on its own supply,. might at no very dis tant period, be so run out as to have that stock exhausted. The adriallge of having the stock at all, would be to make the surplus of one year meet the deficiencies of another. Those surpluses were in general reserved by the speculations of persons extensively engaged in the corn trade, whose utility to the country was very considerable Now, if circumstances occurred which should cause the leading speculators in corn to decline the trade, they would' have the effect of causing a gradual diminution of the stock in reserve, as the same care would not be taken to provide fur an apprehended scarcity. But these circum stances had in part occurred, and were in progress at the present moment. It could be proved that there was a gradual decline of speculations in corn, and it must be the case ; for when there was a gradual and continued decline in prices, the speculators must necessarily lose. This wax the case during the period of agricultural distress ; and the following scale of prices, from the years 1817 to 1823, would thew that the speculators in those years mart have lost considerably. The average prices of the , quarter of wheat were in tne years -1817 - 975. Od. 1820 - - • 655. 10d. 18.18 8,1. 1821 - - - 648. Sd. 1819 - r We. Oa. 1822 - • 4:13. 341. In 1823 the price*. rose ; but then it should be recollected that the speculators hail been losing very considerably during the years he luul meutioneil. Besides the effect of those losses, there was another muse which nettle the corn-merchant dis inclined to speculate—it was his apprehension of a change in the present corn laws, front a conviction of the necessity of such a change, and a belief that Ministers could not continue much longer to allow such a system to disgrace our commercial regulations.— Another reason which lessened the speculation in British . corn was, the quantity of foreign corn allowed to be bonded here, and the great difference between the prices of the two. Corn in bond might be bought at from 20s. to SON., while that in the market could not be bought for less then 50s. or 60s. Of course, in the uncertainty as to what might be done about granting a free trade, a merchant would choose rather to speculate in the article which was cheapest ; because, if a change took place in the corn-laws, his speculations in the cheap corn would be successful, while in the high priced tiny would be ruinous.- 'lle (Mr. Whit more) had made inquiries on One subject from some of the most respectable peptone in the corn trade; and he was assured by them, that front the mutes • he tad mentioned, the specula tions in corn were few, and' to a very swill extent, compared with former years. All those with whom he had consulted seem ed to be firmly convinced of the truth of the position with which he bad met out—that the operatiou of the corn , laws of this coun try had not only destroy al, She vita-nal trade in corn, but had given a blow to the integtaistradn , . in that article, from which it would with difficulty ,rectrier ; tut from which there was no chance of its recovery, if . the laws were allowed to remain in their present state. Now, if this were so, we might come upon a period of, positive detitiency in the harvest, and what then would be • the situation of the . coontry, when, from a change in the culture of land abroad,' we could not hope for any supply from those places to which we usually had recourse in times of such difficulty? He trembled to think of a scarcity of hu man food under such circumstances. He did not mean to say that such an event was to he expected immediately. That would be too bold en assertion fur any man to hazard . ; but he did confidently state, that we were now in a situation in which a sudden deficiency of even one harvest might be attended with most disastrous effects. The stock in the hands of dealers was, he had reason to believe, very low. As to the farmers, be would admit he knew little about them, but any thing that was 'known of their trassactione iu rorn, effordeei no Tiroof that the stock in the couutry was pot low. It might, a nd h e h o ped i t Would happen, that the approachine harvest and the next after that might, by abundant crops, temaiderlbly add to the idea 'in hand, but still we should he in.ustate, living as it YO ' to from, band to. mouth, and placing ohreelvee in circumstances greet peril, which would be increased every year that we allowed to pass without a mgr in our present system of Corn Laws. It wax morally im possible to alter a trade which had been carried on for several years without inflicting an evil which would be deeply felt by hundreds and thousands; and the House might rely on it, that if circumstances should occur, and occur they undoubtedly would, though be would not say when, to render it necessary to have resouree again to the trade in foreign corn, they would have deeply to deplore the blow which that trade had received by the Corn Law of 1815—the most absurd, the most barbarous measure, and the most opposed to principles of sound com mercial or national policy that had ever emanated from a legidative body calling itself enlightened. The only hope he heti of seeing a speedy termination to this absurd system was founded on its absurdity, for be thought it impossible that Englund could continue much longtr to sanction a law so preg nant with danger to its best interests. It watt still possible to avert this danger, but it could be done only by a speedy alteration of the law. If thut were not done, he feared they would live to regret the consequences. He would now ctune to the alteration which, in his opinion, ought to be made ; and without going into all the (lentils which might be necessary if a bill for the alteration were before the House, be would suggest that a protecting duty of 10s. per quarter Amid he allowed, conjointly with another, but a temporary Measure, increasing that duty should the price in the home market he at once considerably reduced. He would suppose the price in the market 555. ; the general and perma sent protecting duty would be 10s. ; but the temporary mea tier,' would have the 10s, increased to 15s. on foreign corn, when English wined was at 50s. When at 455. he would inereaso the duty to 20s. ; and when corn came to 405., he would have the duty 255. It would undoubtedly be most desirable that every nostste should be adopted for preventing en alarm among the agri e culturists. He knew that the very mention of opening the ports would create such alarm ; and be would therefore provide a tem porary measure for their security, until the chance of returning to a free corn trade was in progress. It "was with this. view that he would recommend the higher protecting duties for a short period. This would be the more necessary, as our corn laws of this country had produced restrictions on the corn trade in other countries. This was the case in France, Spain, and Portugal, the markets of,Rhi,da, when.ourportirtitesdiuti` were glutted with inimenae :quantity ,f cord ,which would otherwise have readied our ports 'A corn-lziw was therefore ens teal in those countries in their own defence. ; 'Now, toprevent even the chance of a. sudden glut from coming .into the market while the change Was being made, and to allay the fears of the agriculturists, he would give the higher duties as a temporary measure. He thought it a main object that the change should be effected with as little alarin a 9 posxiUle~.— The agricultural interests said, that if the ports, should be thrown open, we should be deluged with foreign corn. He thought he should be able to show that this could not possibly be the case, by a reference to the amount of the importation of foreign corn at former periods. Indeed, lie was convinced that the quantity of corn which world he imported into this country, if the ports were to be opened, would not be large. He would..pro ceed to show what had been the importation of foreign corn from the year 1800 to the year 1820, and he had selected this period ,because during it the importation had been larger than et any other; indeed, during five years of it, a very great scarcity pre vailed, which camsed . the prices to rise to a very enormous amount. In 1800 the average price was 110 s. sd. ; in 1801 it was 115 s. lid. ; in 1810 it was 103.3 d. ; in 1817 it was 91,1. ; in 1818 it was 88a. Bd. ; and the consequence was that we had corn sent to us from every quarter of the'globe. The quantity of foreign wheat imported from foreign parts to this country, during the period he had alluded to, was as follows :- Quarters Bushels. Average price. a. d. 1800 - • 1,263,771 1 - - 110 5 1801 - • 1,424,241 4 - - 115 11 1802 • - 538,144 4 - - 67 9 1803 - - 312,438 0 - 57. 1 1804 - 391,068 2 - - 60 5 1805 - 836,747 I • - h 7 1 1806 • - 207,879 0 - '76 9 1807 • - 339,835 6 - 73 1 1808 . 410192 I - - 11 ' 1809 - 337,863 3 • 94. 5 1810 - - 1,439,613 6 - - 103 1811 - ' 188,563 b - - 91, 5 1812 129,867 0 - - 122 8 1813 - - 341,846 0 - 106 6 1814 - - • 626,745 6 72 1 1815 - - 194,931 3 - 63 8 1816 • - 210,860 76 2 1817 - • 1,030,829 3 _ 94 0 1818 - - 1,586,030 G _ 8 1819 - - 471,607 2 - - 72 3 1820 - - 501,731 2 - 65 10 12,577,029 1 1,774 4 During the five years of . scarcity, between 6,000,000 and 7,000,000 of quarters had been imported, which was half as much as had been imported during the whole twenty-one years. From this statement, the average annual amount of corn im ported appeared to be 599,906 quarters, and the average price 84s. 6d. ; and it must also be recollected that this price was esti mated in a currency which was depreciatA during this period, and that until the year 1815 there was in reality no obstruction by law as to the importation of corn. He had also examined into the different sources from whence foreign corn was drawn, which would chew that it was only the very high price which had in duced the richer countries to aflbrd us any very abundant supply. The annual average amount of wheat imported into this country, from the year 1800 to the year 1820, was asfollows:— _ Quarters. Bushels. Russia - . - - 6,373 6 Sweden - - .. - 12,275 5 Prussia, including Poland - 204,667 6 I Germany - • - 37,092 b United Suter - - - 87,376 6 Cl11:11111 • - - 23,040 4 ' Holland . - - 40,033 5 Flanders - 29,530 1 France - - 23,071 2 - Denmark and Norway - - 18,956 0 If from this statement we deducted the ymrs of scarcity, it would clearly appear that it was only a poor country which was capable of exporting any considerable quantity of corn. From an investigation into the amount of the exports of wheat and rye from Dantzie • and Elbing during the last 166 years, it would appear that the average amival amount of taw was 215,000 quarters; as the amount of the exports during the first half of this period had been nearly as great as what it had , been during the, last half, thi r ii Might be taken to be a very fair estimate, especially when it was - considered that during a' portion of this last period, the demand front Franca and Hol. land had been greatly increased on account of: Abe aicierdity which prevailed. He had already stated, that whetuthe . Oat: of corn was exorbitantly high here, it , certainly induced tb- - reign countries to send us a ,lirge quantity; but unless the inducement of a very high price were held out to them , we shoUld, only get from foreign countries the corn which greiv in the vicini ty of navigable rivers. After investigating different retunia and different accounts relative to foreign countries, he thought we might safely conic to this conclusion—that if the price here were from 50s. to 605., the general average quantity of foreign corn which would be imported into this country would not exceed 400,000 quarters, whereas our average annual consumption was 13,000,000 qrs. He conceived this clearly slimed that we had no reason to be very apprehensive with regard to the quantity of corn which would be imported. He would proceed to inquire whether there was any reason for alarm as to the price. At present the price of corn abroad was ruinously low, which had caused almost the whole of Poland to be thrown out of cultivation, but this had been the necessary consequence of the falling off of the trade ; for, sup pose America, Russia, and other countries, which we were at pre sent in the habit of supplying with manufactures, were to declare that they would not take any more of our goods, such a declara tion would necessarily cause an enormous depreciation in the price of these articles. Let us look at Mr. Jacobs' account as to the price of Polish wheat. He stated, that the inferior description of wheat, which, however, Was generally consumed at home and not exported, might he sent to London at 435., the original cost, with out the expences and loss attendant on exportation, being 245. : but to conic to a more essential point, viz., the better species of Polish wheat, which was usually exported,' and which, if the ports were thrown open, would be brotight into this country, Mr. Jacobs admitted that any calculation on the subject must neces sarily be somewhat loose, but after the moat accurate investigation into the matter, a.e calculated that the original cost of wheat brought into Warsaw amounted to twenty-eight and that the other expencea and allowances for loss, &c. attendant on getting it "conveyed to London, would amount to 20s. more, making in the whole 48a. The original cost of the best wheat at Cracow, he estimated ut considerably lower, via. at 235. ; and he calculated that the expencea and allowance for loss, &c. in getting this wheat to London, would amount to 235. 6d. more, making in the whole 455. 6d. /is the beat wheat was generally brought to London in ships from the Baltic instead of in. English, the risk was ado thereby materially increased. InlBo2, 1803, and 1804, the freight was 10s. per qr. ; but if thaamount of the importation into this country were to be increased, it was the opinion of Mr. Jacobs that the charge 14 freight would 440 heinateriAly increased. Mr. j Jacobs had also given it as his opinion ? in his report furnished to the Lords of the Tr.asury, that if a duty in this country of 104. or 12e. per quarter were imposed, it soul I nut allow of such a profit, on a supposition of the price being from 60s. to 645., us to in duce any great . exertion to increase cultivation in the districts bordering on the Vistula; that the prospect of a rise occasioned by war, by a winter so severe as to injure vegetation, or a rainy harvest, might induce those of a speculative turn to increase their growth of wheat, but those who had that turn and had the means of indulging it he conceived to be so few, that they would pro duce no considerably increase in the general surplus; and he saw no reason to believe that, with suit a duty as he hail men tioned for Engand, and a price of fi inn 60s. to 645., and with some similar regulations in France, the surplus corn pro duced in Poland, including all the countries near enough to the Vistula to send their corn to that stream, would materially in common seasons, or very much, if at all, exceed the average prude.* of that country. The greater part of this would pro bahly be whet ; and it the duty were alike on all the various quantities of that grain; none would be sent here but that part which was the dr o ct pay ist,heaviest, and whitest. The inferior de acription would n for importation unksis the average in England wore much more than 645. Such was the opinion of Mr. Jacol s : he allowed, indeed, that it was only opinion, but when it was considered that Mr. Jacobs was originally de cidedly in favour of the corn laws, and that lie had been di rected by Government to examine accurately into this subject, he thought his opinion must necessarily have very great weight with the House. If a price of about 555. could be obtained here, he did not anticipate that there would be any very mate rial alteration as to the produce or price of the present period: in deed, the agriculturists would get all they had a right to ex pect. He hims. 4 w, s an agriculturist, and he felt persuaded that no one connected with the landed interest, who would take into crnsieeration the increased security and stability which such a measure would afford to his property, would have any reason to complain. If it did cause rents to fall a little, it I would at the same time render money more valuable; so that when we came to look at the balance-sheet, it would be pretty near the same as at present. Ile implored the House, to consi der in what, state tht country was at present, and what might 'l;ebiffe r ntrioust coreiNuenees if the price of labour in this totriltfy - i4re to be much greater than what it was at pietent. landlords to ,consider whether the stability and sechrity which their, property would acquir e from thi s measisre, 'Weill& amply' compensate for any slight reduction which it might possibly eau:se, their rents. if he had en this as well as on former ,occusious dwelt on this measure, it was beiiiuse lie felt More Arinly.couvinced of its expediency. He could 'not say what would be the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers or of the House respecting it, but as long as he had the honour of a seat hi that House, he would continue to press its fulfilment,, and he flattered himself that now when a more liberal line of policy hail begun to be adopted with regard to other matters, that it would at no distant period be also extended to this. He conclud ed by moving that the House resolve itself into a Committee for the purpose of considering the expediency of making some altera tion in the corn laws. Mr. G. PHILLIPS rof4 to second the motion ; but the noise in the House prevented his observations from being distinctly heard. The agriculturists, it wo stated, were entitled to high prot!cting duties, in consequence of the high taxes which they paid to the state. But were the agriculturists the only class of society liable to the payment of heavy taxes ? Did the gentlemen forget the le gacy duty, the stamp duties, and others to which the manufac turers were subject ?' The Honourable Member entered into some calculations, from which it appeared that the cotton manufacturers alone paid two millions for the advantage of the landed interest.— He thought the effects of repealing the present protecting duties would be much less than the fears of one party or the hopes of the other had apprehended.. He considered that the agriculturists of this country were much better able to support a competition with those of other countries than they themselves imagined, and that a much, lower duty than that which exists would be abundantly sufficient to enable them to enter the field on equal terms with the continental agriculturists. It was stated by Mr. gacobs, that on the continent four-fifths, or nine-tenths, of the population were employed in the production of food, whilst in England one-half only way engaged in agriculture. He was himself of opinion that not inure than one-third of the people of this country was so employed, With these facts before us, we can not suppose that Englund is so unequal to a competition with the Continent in the production of grain. The Honourable Mem ber, in continuation, asserted his conviction, that no change would produce so much advantage as an application to the commerce in grain of those principles of free trade • which had been already applied to other branches of commerce. He thought that by this means, that fluctuation in prices might be prevented, which had proved co ruinous. When he was last; in Lancashire, he had an opportunity of observing with what feeling the Corn Laws were regarded by the manufacturers, of that county, the most skilful in Europe, and who were every day introducing new improvements into every branch of machinery and manulacture.. These men felt acutely the force of th 4 Corn Lawn, and were by the opera tion of them obliged to emigrate in great numbers to America, where labour was constant and profitable, and provisions were cheap. Ile hoped that the Right Hon. Gentleman, Mr. Iluskisson, would, next year, redeem the pledge which he had given, and extend the application of the principles, of free trade to the com merce in grain. The late Mr. Ricardo, Mr. Blake, and Mr. Tooke, had entered into some calculations from which they had inferred, that '7s. 6d. would be a sufficient protecting duty. He would prefer 10s. At all events he thought that the duty should rather be too high than too low. Mr. HUSKISSON. Sir, in rising to reply to the observa tions of the Hon. Member, I do not intend to follow him through the various and important details into which he hag entered. However much I may have been individually obliged by the in struction which the speech of the Hon. Member is calculated to afford, my only object is to dissuade the House from entering at present into any discussion of the Corn Laws, inasmuch as it can only terminate in inconvenience and disappointment. It appears to me that a general understanding has existed, that it Would not be desirable to enter during the present Session upon the discussion of certain questions with reference to their final adjust ment. This understanding has certainly not been founded upon any preconcerted agreement, hut from a general coincidence of opinion among all parties that such a discussion cannot, in the present cir cumstances of Parliament, and of the country, render justice to the great questions themselves, or to the public interests. That, therefore, it will be a wiser course to leave these important ques tions, as it were, in abeyance, until they Can obtain in a new Parliament that full 411(1 mature consideration to which they are entitled. The Hon. Alember for liridgenorth has stated, that the absence "of certain informution respecting the intentions of Govern . limit in regard to the corn laws, has cheesed the internal %pecula tion in grain. I beg leave to remind , the House that my Right lion. rriemni near me (the Secretary for Foreign Affairs) declared, in 'his place, at, the commencement of the Session, that hie Ma lorn tl l i zs... d b e e c tr a e ti P on ar u lize i l l m m t d d e ur in ing the th ses e s p h r n e s se o n f t ti S ie em ye i ar on jesty's Government did , not intend to bring the question of the S 4 2 1 . V. if, Sir, there is any one question more than another which it is unfit for, us to entertain—which it is unfit for us to agitate iu this House— e which it is unfit for us to set afloat in the,c.ountry, unless we are prepared to go through with it—unless we think that the time has arrived—unleiS we think that the present opportunity is a fit and convenient opportunity for discussion--that question is the most momentous one of the present state and sy s t em o f our Corn Laws. I say momentous, Sir, for it cowmen, itself with the subsistence end comforts of the great mass of the population, it connects itself with the well-being and prosperity of a class most numerous, and iu many respects, most important, either by their right of property in the soil, or by their capital employed in the cultivation •of the soil—l mean that clan which depends for their situation in society upon the cultivation and produce of the land. But when I state that this question is a momentous question, and surrounded with difficulty, I beg leave to ask, are these not difficulties which grow out of, the situation in which this country has been placed since the law which regulate the Foreign Corn Trade was changed ? It is no easy matter, or trifling under taking at any time, but more especially at this advanced period of the Session, and in the present state of Parliament, to con sider that, which must be maturely considered before any sound conclusion can be formed upon this question—to consider what is the amount of the direct charge upon the land, in conse quence of the peculiar establishments of the country. It is ad mitted on all hands that the landed interest, or those employed in the cultivation of the soil, are entitled to compensation and pro tection. I own, Sir, the amount of diet compensation is not the only ground of difficulty with me; fur it must be chew to every one, that, if for some time ft ruinous system in any branch of foreign trade has been pursued, and I, for one, have no hesita tion in saying that which I have frequently said in other places as well as in this House, that a systeM of absolute prohibition, in this, or in other branch of foreign trade, is a vicious amid defective system.—(Cheers.)—But I say, that if a ruinous sys tem has for some time been acted upon, it becomes our duty cautiously to tread back our steps with reference to time misc.- quences which such a systeM has entailed upon us ; that course of proceeding, I contend, is souud policy, not only for the inter ests of the parties more immediately affected, but for the inter ests of the consumers of corn. Let not Gentlemen deceive them selves by entertaining an opinion that any sudden change, which would affect the pecuniary engagements of the landed interests —which would materially affect the value of leases—materially. affect all descriptions of landed settlements, and which sudden change would be an act of injustice towards the parties who are the objects of the change—would be productive of any im mediate relief.—(Hear, hear !)—On the contrary, I am fully per suaded that such sudden changes, independently of the injustice which they would work towards those parties, would do more than any other measure that could,be devised in time present state of the country, to aggravate the difficulties that already exist.— (Loud cheering.)—l am as anxious as any. one to bring about the consideration of this important question, but I ern also anxious that we should not enter upon that consideration, until an op portunity•more favourable than the present, in many respects, shall have arrived. lum anxious to bring it under the considera tion of Gentlemen, placed under circumstances different from those whom I have now the honour to address.—Neither are the difficulties which I have already stated, many of which are of a general nature, the only difficulties. One occurs to me, which, if there was no other, would at this moment render it inexpedient for us to enter upon the consideration of this question. My Honourable Friend has occupixl much of the time of this House, in referring to a document not before the House.—(Hear, hear !)_That document relates to one part of the subject—it relates to the change in the state of the corn growers of the North of Europe—to the change in their state of cultivation, and their opacity to supply corn, in consequence of the inter dictory law of France, as to the trade in corn. The accumulation of corn in the northern' ports, is the result of that prohibition which has brought corn to a ruinous price in those markets. As long as this state of things exists in those ports, it must form one of the elements for our consideration. After the last Session of Par liament, I directed Mr. Jacobs (a gentleman of whose talents and abilities I cannot speak too highly), the gentleman who prepared the report to which the Hon. Member has referred, to proceed to those countries to procure information upon the subject. The in formation furnished by that report, is not, perhaps, in all respects, perfect, is not conclusive: but I must say, that as far as it goes, it is a valuable addition to the information which we already possess, i and that when we come to the consideration of the question, we will find the information contained in the report (which ewers Hon. Member will shortly have the opportunity of reading, and which I bare not yet carefully read), of considerable importance. Exclusive of the report, there is a valuable appendix, not yet is print, and which contains all the information which he has been able to collect. That circumstance is a reason why wt should postpone the consideration of this question, until the coun try shall have the opportunity—until the Hon. Members of this Howie shall have the opportunity—of reading this report, which, if read in the absence of the exaggerated fears which now per vade the country upon this question—in the absence of that pre judice (natural enough, I admit), which would reject the dearest testimony, will enable us to come with increased facilities to the final adjustment of this most important measure. Nor is this all. I think it impossible, according to the view that I take of the subject, that in any system of Corn Laws that we can devise, we can exclude from our consideration the question of price. The consideration of price connects itself with the state of our monetary system, and I ask, ought the House to enter upon the con sideration of such a subject iu the present feverish and unsettled state of our currency.—(Loud cheers.)—Crin any man say that, considering all the feelings raised throughout the country in con sequence of the state of the monied market, 'the present is I fit moment to legislate wisely upon a subject, from which we cannot dismiss the consideration of the monetary system, which is the soul and element of price.—(Cheers.).—Tbat part of the subject is deserving of the most mature consideration, and it is, therefore, in my opinion, highly desirable 'that we should not now proceed to the discussion. I think, • SW, I have stated some general grounds, which at all times 'make it desirable that we should have more leisure, that we should have a better opportunity than we have at present of entering upon the consideration of this subject ; but I freely own that I cannot ima gine any moinent'inore unfit than the present, when every body must be aware of the advanced state of the public business (at least of the public business as far as his iNfajesty'e GoVernment are concerned), when every body is looking forward to the impending election—(Hear, hear !)—at a moment when every Hon. Mem ber feels it his duty to address his constituents. This, sir , i s not a period at which a question ought to be agitated, which must have' the effect of producing an excitement in the public mind—on ex citement which might interfere most materially with the fair, im partial, and dispasSionate consideration which a subject of this im portance might to undergo in the British House of Commons. Ife. Sir, I had no other reason against the consideration of this 'quo,- (ion, I would object to the time. • When the Honourable Gentleman taunts me with having departed from the pledge which I gave last year, I can only say that that pledge, Sf the Hon. Gentleman pleases so to call what I stated last SeSsion in this House, is nothing more than a pledge given by nay other servant of the Crown under certain circumstances. Does the Honour able Gentleman mean to say, that it is peremptory upon me not to look at the circumstances of the period at which the pledge was made, and the circumstances of the period at which lam called upon to redeem it?—( Hear, hear!)--What, I beg to ask, was that pledge? I then stated, that if I should be able to procure all th e House should, which I thought I should want, and if this should, at the cOmmencement of the Session, proceed to the in vestigation of the subject, I did trust, that in the c ourse of the Session, we should be able to arrive at a satisfactory conclueion.--- Now, I ask, has both or either of these events happened? We have no information, except what has been called for by a vote of this House during the last Session, neither has any investiga tion been proceeded with at the beginning , nor proposed, until thialate period. I am, however, disposed to admit, that power furas my reasons are, in my view of the subject, against making any change at present in the corn laws, they are not con elusive to my mind, if any change can be made which would have the effect of affording immediate and specific relief to the distress , which pervades Manchester and other manufacturing districts. Whatever may be the inconvenience of departing from the con clusions which I have arrived at—whatever maybe the length to which the discussion of this subject might pridong the Session of Parliament, still, if any means for affording immediate relief could be devised; I would say, for the sake of obtaining Opecifie relief, let _us apply ourselves to the difficulty of the (Cheers.)--But I deny, Sir, that any means of immediate relief to the manufacturing classes can be derived by the discussion of this question at the present moment ; and after the most mature consideration that I can give the subject, I am prep ared to dare that if it were in the power of man, if it were in the power of the Legislature, or if by any force of events, we could sud denly and materially reduce. the -price of wheat, or of the neces terially aggrayate, the distress, . and destroy the best hope early termination,—(Loud. Cheers.)—for in the present tal.. of the fi,reign markets, the di ffi culties • o f th e manufacturers te.ut find the best relief in the unimpaired 1 '; pewee of coneuirqition by the internal consumers.. be understood a; Let.' me , not, Sir, making this atateinent,' as inconsistent with the vie w l': hiCh Cora have taken in this House . system of the Laws. I think at of h' .as) em pro 'baton in this, as trous well- as in ell other braochis of foreign : trader a inons f system, • and with regard to a prohibition' in the trad e corn, I think it a tenfold greater evil than a prohibition upon any other branch of trade • but I say, Sir, that any sudden should 1_ o its crease, change in the 'situation of trade; agricultural classes, at a moment of distrees among the manufacturing classes, would greatly in instead of diminishing that distress. I don't think it pru dent, I don't think it advisable, at the present moment, to go into details respecting the alterations, which, in my view of the ques tion, I think ought to be made in the syetom of the Corn Laws ; but I have no difficulty in saying, that I am decidedly opposed to any system which would establish either a permanent, or occasional, prohibition to the trade in corn. I say, the Corn Laws ought to proceed upon this. priseiple—to correct as far as possible the inequality ef the mimeos and to support the agri culture of the country, and it iseseith referenee to those two principles, that I shall feel.-it to be my duty,: in whatever situa tion I may he placed, to sepport any measure which may be in troduced, and which, in my opinion, would most effectually secure those objects. lam sure the House would not think it right if I were now to go into the Ipe to the mode which ap pears to me. most expedient for e ffff those objects, because, by doing so, I might expose myself to great misconception ; be cause, upon a subject like this, which involve such immense in terests, which is sure to _he viewed with so many prejudices, so many fears, and so many alarms, the House must be aware that it is very difficult for persons conveeing. their sentiments, even for those who are in the habit of expreseine themselves with more Hear, hea r -I therefore l)_y!, stating wish u. i de tailtiu precision than I am, to avoid the possibility ' of misapprehension , subject and from and by that means leading to c on sequences hi g hly preju dicial to the interests at stake. It is fur thi s r eason that I think n House will for the present excu s e m y go i ng into any explana tiono personal m upon y opinions o irt. public _i Lou advantage uponcriesthe u o could if )jt eff ; arise r that in the present state of th e country—in the print state of the public mind, we should not agitate this q uestion, because, if we continue th e di scuss i on , w e must give rise more or less to warmth, to i rr it a ti on , an d t o discussion, in this . my s House ; and the result of such warmth, such irritation, and such discussion here, will lead to ferment and inconvenience , and, in the present state-of the public mind, .to mischief out of doors.—( Hear, hear !)—My wish im, that this question may stand where it now stands, and that the House will permit me to repeat the assurance which I gave last session, that I will introduce it the next Session.--(A have stated to the House my reasons for not bringing forward the discussion this Session.- - (Hear !)----Those reasons may not appear good or satisfactory either. to the House or the Hon. Member ; but I claim from the Home' credit for sincerity, when I say, that all I wanted was to trans fer to the next Session the assurance which I gave on a former occasion under other circumstances—(Hear, hear!)—when I wan met by the sneer of the Hon. Member for Northampton ; but in, making those assurances of my intention, I must say, as I have. said on a former occasion, that I make them with a qualification ;, and that I shall not ((insider myself bound by any pledge to such. an extent as to be precluded from not redeeming it by any dr-- curnstancets be they what they may, which may arise during the► next six or nine months. If the Honorable Gentleman thinks that it is from any dread of the difficulties with which the Question is surreunded that I shrink from bringing it forwards,* he knows little of the character of the humble individual who' has now the honour to address the House--(Cheers)—or of my conduct upon other oeceeions—(Continued cheering)---wheo felt it to be env duty to advocate measures which were more or less palatable to those whose concurrence awl approbation I Was mast anxious to obtain. The pledge which I nose give must be understood in this sense, that I shall seize the first favourable opportunity of el:Mg the sense of the House upon the system of . the Corn Laws ; and that I have no reason to apprehend, that in the next Session such an opportunity will not occur, hut I shall not consider myself bound by that pledge to bring the question forward under any circumstances. If I do not answer at length all the arguments brought forward by the Honourable Mover, I trust that he will think I do so, not from any dis respect to his motives in neitating the question, but from an opinion, that the attempt would be to inconvenience , and would not be productive of ally . advantage. Before I sit down, I must say, that some of the doctrines of the Honour-. able Mover respecting free trade, and some of the reproaches.' heaped upon me and my Honourable Colleagues near rue, art not justified according to my view of the principles of free trade. The Honourable Member has argued, as if free trade