The Sun. — London, England, 1838-03-07 00:00:00

6 4.7 e s <ix rl7/ ""A • ski C./ it!C " f 1) i ' c.. • ( \IL I-% ,fiber , 14F4+ 1 / L. • ittnf • 'c 0 r : 7 _ ‘‘-‘ 4\ 01 ) AThrrNre 1 ) ,/ t 0 1 Tl , ,I\ l / 4 1 / 4 Of 4 ,gat) FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. CROWN OFFICE, MA.acit 6,183 S. MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN TIIIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT COUNTY OF KENT (WESTERN DivisioN).--Sir Edmund Fil rner, of East. Sutton, in the County of Kent, Bart., in the room of Sir William Richard Powlett Geary, Bart., who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. COUNTY OF TIPPERARY.—Richard Lalor Shed, of Longor chard, in the said County of Tipperary, Esq. BOROUGH OF MARYLEBONE.—The Right Hon. Charles John Lord Teignmouth, of Portland-place, in the County of Middlesex, in the room of Sir Samuel Saint Swithen Burden Whalley, Knt., whose election for the said borough has been determined to be void. WITH WHICH THE ‘- TRUE SUN" IS NOW INCORPORATED. WHITEHALL, FEB. 28, 1838. The Lord Chancellor has appointed John Holyoakc, of Bruins, grove in the county of Worcester, Gent., to be a Master Extraor• dinary in the High Court of Chancery. No. 14,191. LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 7, 1838 PRICE sd. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. JOHN WOODHOUSE, victualler, Wolverhampton. MATTHEW SEDGWICK, woollen-draper, Leeds. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MAriezt 6. J AMES SPARROW, seedsman, Shutt-end, Staffcirdshire. ROBERT FOULKES, linen-draper, Denbigh. BANKRUPTS. ROBERT WHITE, draper, Ilford, Essex, to surrender March 13 and April 17, at ten, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Clark, St. Swithin's-lane, official assignee ; Ashurst and Gainsford, Cheapside. MARIA BENEDICTA EVANS and BERESFORD EY TON, navy-agents, Northumberland-street, Strand, March 14, at two, and April 17, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. John son, Basinghall-street, official assignee ; Sydney, New London street, Fenchurch-street. WILLIAM HENRY WHITE HURST, chalk-merchant, Dart ford, Kent, March 17, at one, and April 17, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Knebel, Carlton-chambers, Regent street. _ JOHN CARTER, licensed victualler, Berwick-street., Soho, March 20, at twelve, and April 17, at eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptey. Gibson, Basinghall-street, official assignee ; Selbys, Ser jeant's Inn, Fleet-street. JOSEPH MALACHY, timber-merchant, Callington, Corn wall, March 24 and April 17, at eleven, at the New Inn, Calling ton. Smith. Chaacery.lane, London ; Husband, Devonport. LOTT PYETT, bricklayer, Suffolk, March 16 and April 17, at twelve, at the Crown and Anchor Inn, Ipswich ; Gudgeon, Stow market ; Walter and Pemberton, Symoad's Inn, Chancery-lane, London. JOHN BUTT, flour dealer, Whaddon, Gloucestershire, March 27 and April 17, at eleven, at the office of J. Lovegrove, Glou cester. Nicholls, Took's-court, Lincoln's-inn, London ; Love grove, Gloucester. JOHN HOLT and HENRY HOLT, shipbrokers, Liverpool, March 16 and April 17, at twelve, at the Clarendon Rooms, Liver pool. Blacketock, Bunce, Vincent, and Sherwood, Temple, Lon don ; Minshull. Liverpool. WILLIAM NORTH, tanner, Spilsby, Lincolnshire, March 22, and .April 17, at eleven, at the White Hart Inn, Spilsby. Law ranee and Blenkarne, Bucklersbury, London ; Gunnis, Spilsbv. JOSEPH WHITEHOUSE and ISAIAH ROUND, manu facturers of wrought iron, March 20, and April 17, at two, at Dee's Royal Hotel, Birmingham. Ryland, Birmingham; Taylor, Sharpe, and Field, Bedford-row, London. JOSEPH LEWIS, timber-merchant, Margate, March 19, at four, and April 17, at six, at the London Hotel, Margate. Mercer, jun., Ramsgate; Austen and Hobson, Raymond-buildings, Gray's inn, London. BENJA MIN JEFFERYS, grocer, Birmingham, March 20, and April 17, at eleven, at Dee's Royal Hotel, Temple-row, Bir mingham. Clinton, Chancery-lane, London ; Suckling, Bir mingham. JOSEPH NEESOM and JOSEPH RHODES, dyers, Leeds, March 24, and April 17, at eleven, at the Court-house, Leeds. Woodhouse and Condell, King's Bench-walk, Temple, London ; Stott, Leeds. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. T. Oakley, printer, Blandford Forum, Dorsetshire, March 27, at eleven—D. W. Stephens, wine merchant, Emsworth, Hamp shire, March 27, at twelve—J. Mathews, wax chandler, Long acre, March 29, at half-past twelve—W. Eldridge, hotel keeper, Hastings, Sussex, March 29, at two—W. Clapham, licensed vic tualler, Strand, March 28, at one—H. Houghton and T. Stanton, upholsterers, Great Dover-road, Southwark, March 28, at two— G. Revill, linen draper, Blackman-street, Southwark, March 30, at twelve—S. Balsdon, tailor, Southmolton-street, March 29, at eleven. In the Country. J. Illingworth and Co., Chorley, Lancashire, April 8, at twelve, at the Town Hall, Preston—J. Kingford, miller, Barton, Canter bury, April 16, at twelve, 'at the Guildhall, Canterbury—ll. Gloyne, grocer, Wakefield, Yorkshire, March 29, at one, at the Court House, Leeds—C. B. Blake, innkeeper, Suffolk, April 30, at one, at the Court House, Leeds—B. Blake, innkeeper, Woolpit, Suffolk, April 30, at one, at the Globe Inn, Bury St. Edmund's— A. H. Lees, ironmaster, Bilston, Staffordshire, March 30, at three, at Dee's Royal Hotel, Birmingham—R. Gillett, brickmaker, Duf field, Derbyshire, April 3, at one, at the New Inn, Derby—W. Clarkson and J. Waterhouse, eloth manufacturers, Stanningley, Yorkshire, March 30, at one, at the Court House, Leeds—J. Bishton and Co., ironmasters, Wolverhampton, March 31, at twelve, at the Lion Inn, Wolverhampton—T. W. Barnes, timber merchant, 'Water Poppleton, Yorkshire, March 29, at twelve, at Etridge's Royal Hotel, York—J. Ramsay, spirit-dealer, Penrith, Cumber land, March 30, at eleven, at the George Inn, Penrith—E. Bur rell, ironmonger, Liverpool, April 3, at one, at the Clarendon rooms, Liverpool. CERTIFICATES, MARCH 27. W. Johnson, tanner, Wincham, Cheshire—J. Peake and T. Hall, ironmongers, Lichfield—J. Firth, cloth-manufacturer, Skir coat, Yorkshire—J. Ford, jun., linendraper, Mortlake, Surrey—. 11. Wallis and R. Wallis , sh i p -builders, Blackwall—J. Hayter, victualler, Fulham—R. Stone, surgeon, Oxford—J. Gillingham, victualler, Farringslon-street—W. Brewer, corn-merchant, Bristol -- J. Harvey, innholder, Glastonbury. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. and S. Ellis, drapers, Alfred-place, Newington-causeway—J. and J. Ellis, drapers,Ampthill, Bedfordshire—W. and 'l'. Cliffe, rnaltsters, Flinthain, Nottinghamshire—G. Jackson and H. Briggs, cotton spinners, Blackburn—J. J. Hill and G. Murphy, feather-bed racufactu rers , Leopard's-court, Baldwin's - gardens , Gray's Inn /re — J. Collins and B. Parker, wine mer chants, Coventr y —J. ratton and IL Perry, plasterers, Slircwsbury—J. P. Robinson d E • Wright, general wood turners, Birmingham—W. Phelps and Co., wine merchants, Madeira—W. Stevens and S. Crisford, turners, Battle, Sussex—G. Brownlow and D. Mitchett, ale-mer chants, Kingston-upon-Hull—J. C. Grundy and C. Goadsb y , l' a rvers, Manchester—J. H. and S. Stanway, public accountants, ' l ancliester—R. and T. Richardson, grocers, Great Driffield, Y orkshire—A. Glover and R. Bramber, coach spring makers, l ' i verpool_J. Clear and J. Emmett, carpenters, Dartington, De vonshire—J. Coope and H. Edge, joiners, Farnworth, Lancashire J 31 . Shuttleworth and J. Scott, tea-dealers, Liverpoool—L. and Davis, pawnbrokers, Woolwich—J. Newton and Co., flax . " a el'ine-makers, Leeds (as far as regards J. Odd , / )—J. Welch and ironmasters, Wrexham—J. IVCCaskie and Co., hat-manufac turers, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION. ARCHIB ALD YOUNG, grocer, Pleas ance, 14 Edinburgh, March and 28, at two, at the Old Signet Hall, Royal Exchange. We notice with regret—for, in spite of his politics, he was on amiable and good man—the death of Sir Abraham , i i ir adley King, Bart., an Alderman of the Dublin Corpora :on, Sir Abraham was at one time a leader of the Orange. men of the Irish metropolis, and memorable for his refus al to ae 'wer some questions put to him when before the bar o f the H ouse of Commons, on the occasion of the riot in t he Dublin theatre, when a bottle was flung front the gallery at the Mar quis Wellesley, then Lord Dieutenant of Ireland. If we re member rightly, Sir Abraham King got his baronetcy on the occasion of the visit of George IV. to Ireland. He enjoyed _ 4 . 11 annual allowance from the consolidated fund, as compensa tion abolishedpatent. STEAM NAVIGATION ON TIIE RHONE.—The 4 Eagle Company" ( Compagnie de l'Aigle), for the naviga %la: of th e Rh one f rom G eneva , h as me t with so much success an opposition C o mpany is on the point of starting. From the t 4th of April to the 4th of July, the Eagle Company will h ave four steam-boats in activity, and intend to build as many snore as they think likely to pay. Their machines are snanu ctured by M essrs . Mill er , R ave nhill, and Company, of Lon don, and the building of the steam-boats is under the superin tendence of Mr. Wm. Evans, who has just been presented tokenwith a gold med a l by th o Shipwreck Society of Geneva, as a of ack now l e d gmen t f or t h e improvements he has intro duced in the construction of steam-boats. It is striking to how i n accounts o f t h e progress o f s t eam na v igation abroad, I :,Tw invariably the names of Englishmen are found to occur. ti Italy may boast of supplying Europe with singers, and Prance of providing the civilized world with cooks, England may no less confidently claim the merit of sending forth her Sons to every region of the globe to spread and improve the 'Useful arts of life.—Mechanics' Magazine. A great sensation has been caused in the village of Crench St. Michael, by a workman in the employ of Mr. John 131 16/ell, of that place, having discovered in turning up some ground in the garden on Friday last, a perfect human skele ton, about a foot and a half below the surface. A medical gentleman gave his opinion that the bones were those of a full. man, and it is supposed the remains must have been t here for twenty years.—Bath Herald. CURIOU S DISCOVERY.—The Captain of an American vessel, named Ray, has lately disco vered on the coast of P eru , in the environs of Garvey , Pr ovince of Frus lti°, an ancient buried city o f considerable exte nt. Follow- I N' the course o f some excavations which he made , he found t he , walls o f t h e ed i f i ces st ill s t a nding, and many of t hem in a com plete Plete state of preserva tion. He infers from the numbers and p of them that the population of the city could not Rare been less than 3,000 souls. Great numbers of skeletons and mummies in a perfect state of preservation were found 4(1-,;*ells! mummiesthe privat e an d s a cred edifices, and a great number of iln esti(' utensils, articles of furniture, coin s, and curious e'striti q ui tiea• The earthquake by which it wo uld appear the like ,a 5 os, engulphed, appears to have surprised the inhabitants a Of Poinp s ?ii, in the midst of their daily a vocations, sernd til ve r° _,anY of th em were found by Captain Ray singul arl y pre hetiol°, by the exclusion of the atmospheric air in the precise O u °r employ men t of the: moment when overwhelmed. in 4 , e l ! ° ao standing up as if in the act of escaping, was dressed h ave robe, in the folds of which coins were found , w hich been sent to the scientific institution of Lima for inves -1004;ton. A female w as a lso found sitting in a chair bsfore a whiti , which contained an unfinished piece of cotton stuff, she Was in the act of weaving. The cotton stuff, bout's a a gaudy pattern, but very neatly fabricated, is h alf neight inches in diameter, and appears to have been only vibe e ,. o nipleted. A great number of antiquities and curio tl found in this American Herculaneum grave have been to the Museum of Lima.—Constitutionnel of Friilay. GOODack PACKER.-" You arc alt excellent i , f win , said a t on v i van t t o a w aiter who brought him a bottle e of very scanty measure. " I don't understand you , " art enlied the attendant. " You have contrived to pack a Lo u , ef wino in a pint decanter," was th e explanation, —The P Eger's. Common P lace Book. 11 CUSSION MUSKETS IN THE FRENCH Alqt ts- t o b e The Mi n i s t er o f War has ordered a sum of 1.50,000 f. appropriated f or c h ang i ng the flint locks of between ts, ki ° ° o r 10,000 army muskets; into percussion locks ; .and for a g a e eriments with teta, Dther so compare te durabilit and vx ail p tagea of the one h system witjt those h of the other, PRIVATE BUSINESS OF PARLIA MENT.-(YESTERDA Y.) ( From our Second Edition of last night.) COMMITTEE ON NOTTING-HILL BILL.—(MID DLESEX LIST.) Lord GEOROE LENNOX in the Chair. The book of the parish vestry of Kensington was produced by Mr. Hawkes, the Churchwarden, who read the resolution adopted at the meeting, which was held on the 4th of last May ; and which resolution was expressive of their disapprobation of stopping up the right of way. Two other resolutions, at two other meetings, also took place, on the 19th and 29th May, similar in tenor to the first. Mr. Hawkes was then examined, as well as three other wit nesses; but nothing more was elicited fiom them than the general impression conveyed by the witnesses yesterday, as to the accommodation of the present footpath across Notting-hill. Nothing material appeared in evidence beyond what we have already reported. At half-past three o'clock the Committee adjourned until twelve o'clock to-morrow, having previously signed a resolu tion that Mr. White should be at no more expense after to-day. SUB-COMMITTEE ON PETITIONS. (No. III.) ( Mr. AGLIONISY in the Chair.) Dundalk and Dunleer Road.--Application was made to the Chairman to adjourn this matter, owing to the non•arrival of documents relating to it, from Dundalk—Application granted. Gazeley ( Suffolk) Inclosure.--A similar application was made in this case, owing to the chambers of Mr. Bramswell, the agent, being burnt down, in the fire of this morning, in the Temple, with all the papers for the furtherance of this Bill.—Application granted. • Wickwar, &c. (Gloucester) Inclosure.—Petition for Bill read—notices proved--unopposed—Standing Orders complied with. Berden, dec. (Essex) Inclosure.--Petition for Bill read; notices proved; unopposed; Standing Orders complied with. Isle of Thanet Cemetery.—Petition for Bill read; notices proved; unopposed; Standing Orders complied with. Newtylo and Coupar Angus Railway—Petition for Bill read ; unopposed ; but the notices not appearing to be copies of each other, the Committee decided that the Standing Or ders had not been complied with. Leicester Gas.—Petition for Bill read; notices proved; unopposed; Standing Orders Complied with. Portland Cemetery.—Petition for Bill read ; notices proved ; unopposed ; Standing Orders complied with. Swansea Harbour.—Petition for Bill read ; unopposed ; but it appearing that no notices had been given until the 9th of January last, the Committee decided that the Standing Orders had not been complied with. London Grand Junction Railway.—Petition for Bill read; also petition against the Bill from a person named M'William. The agent for the Bill opposed Mr. M'William's being heard in support of his petition, inasmuch as "the matter complained of" did not appear to be "specifically stated in such petition," according to the Standing Order No. 4, page 8. This objection was held by the Committee to be fatal to Mr. M'William's petition. Notices proved ; but it appearing that the intention of the Bill being to extend the time for taking lands and houses, &c., and that the several applications have not been given according to the Standing Order, No. 4, page 15, the Committee de cided that the Standing Orders had not been complied with. Ardrossan Railway.—Petition for Bill read : also a petition against the Bill, from John Boyle Gray, Notices were then put in, when an objection was taken that the notices of the intended application were not given in the months of November and December in the preceding year, ac cording to the Standing Order, No. 7, page 24. It was also objected that the notices did not apply for leave to undertake the work of a double line of railway, but merely for the powers to raise money for that purpose. The promoters of the Bill answered that a notice to raise money for a specific purpose should be construed as notice for such purpose itself. A discussion arose, during which it was announced that the Speaker was at prayers ; when the Committee adjourned un til Thursday. St. Helen's and Runcorn Gap Railway.—This petition was adjourned. Taw Vale Railway and Dock.—This petition was also ad ourned. ELECTION COMMITTEES. (YESTERDAY.) ( From our Second Edition of last night.) YOUG HAL. The vote of John Power was then objected to by the peti tioner's Counsel, on the ground of non-occupation. It ap peared that the voter had parted with his property in the house and premises for which he had registered, to his son, but that he continued to occupy a part of the house, and was still rated, and the receipts were given in his name. The Collector fleasley said that the roceipt was given in the voter's name by mistake, as the rate paid by the son. Mr. AUSTIN; in remarking upon - Heasley's evidence, ob served that it was curious, that in all cases arising in Irish boroughs, every person connected with the collection of rates and the local government was a strong partisan. The vote was struck off, which placed the parties again upon a level. Kyrie Sydney (freeman) was objected to by the petitioner, on the ground of non-residence ; when Mr. Austin, in opposed the reception of the objection, on the ground that there was no allegation in the petition, upon which the objec tion could proceed. After much argument from Mr. POLLOCK and Mr. AUSTIN, the Committee decided that they would go into the objection ; and then adjourned. EDITORIAL LABOUR.--The Otaheite Gazette ( Sandwich Island) is printed in a barn, which answers every purpose for a publication-office, bulletin-office, editorial-office, printing office, and chamber, parlour, kitchen, dog-house, and stable for the editor, his family and cattle. He does all the composition, writing, selecting, book-keeping, and marketing himself. He says with perseverance and economy he thinks lie con get along. If lie don't it will not bo his fault. A most destructive fire broke out at Baltimore on the 3d of February, in the theatre and circus, belonging to Mr. Cooke, which soon reached the large tavern occupied by Mr. Murphy. Both buildings were totally destroyed, includ ing property to the amount of 120,000 dollars. Mr. Cooke's theatrical wardrobe and other stage property, together with forty-seven valuable horses, were consumed. Mr. Cooke was uninsured. We announce with deep regret the death of Sir Benjamin Malkin, one of her Nlajestys' Justices of the Su preme Court at Calcutta. His Lordship expired about half past five o'clock on Saturday afternoon, the 21st of October, from the effects of a severe attack of dysentery, and his re. mains were interred in the Cathedral churchyard at five p.m. of the following day. The Chief Justice and a numerous at tendance of friends exhibited the respect which the late Sir Benjamin Malkin's public and private virtues so justly entitled him to. He was an impartial Judge and worthy man.—Par bury's Oriental Herald. NA 'NONA LITY.—An Italian, travelling in this country some years siscc, being in company with a true son of New England, remarked with much enthusiasm in his foreign accent, " Sar, you have no delights in America that we have in Italy. We have there, Sar, the beautiful sky—the fine landscape. We have there, Sar, Vesuvius, that sends its fire to the heavens !" The true Yankee boy stood it long enough —his pride came up—he turned round to the Italian before he had time to let his hands fall from their gestures of admira tion for his country, and with a tone of impatience, replied, "—your Vesuvius. We've got a Niagara will put her out in five minutes !—American Paper. The ice boat arrived in the canal basin on Thurs day, drawn by seven horses, and laden with coal ; it was re ceived with loud and boisterous acclamation by the crews of the vessels and the men employed on the wharfs. The ice is rapidly dissolving, and the navigation is now open.—Halifax Expresr. Lord Ward, who will possess such great influence from his vast possessions in the county of Worcester, comes of age on Tuesday, the 27th of March, and the joyous festivities on that occasion will continue until the end of the week. At Himley Park there are to be dinners every day, which aro to include all classes; the mornings are to be occupied with staghunts, for which purpose great preparations are to be made, and in the evenings there will be dances and illumina tions. The event is to be similarly celebrated at Kiddermin ster, Dudley, and all the villages in the neighbourhood of Himley, at an expense to this munificent young nobleman of 12,0001. Worcester Journal. TRIAL FOR MURDER.—At the Hertford Assizes, on Friday, George Fletcher, aged twenty-one, and William Roach, aged eighteen, labourers, were indicted for the wilful murder of William Bennett, formerly a soldier in the 49th Regiment, on the 25th of October last; and David Sams, aged eighteen, was indicted as an accessory before the fact. The particulars of this revolting case have been already given to the public. After two hours' deliberation, the jury returned verdicts of guilty against Roach and Fletcher, and acquitted S am :, who was then removed from the dock. The prisoners, upon being asked what they had to say why sentence of death should not be passed upon them, fell On their knees, elapsed their hands together, and prayed for mercy, saying that they did not intend to murder the deceased. His Lordship having put on the black cap, addressed them in a most impressive manner, holding out no hopes of mercy being extended to them, and concluded by passing the awf u l sentence of the law. Three young men in quest of amusement, sought the hospitality of an inn, where, in their opinion, a tit object presented itself in the person of an aged Jew. " Good mor row, to you, father Abraham," was the address of the first." " How do you do, father Isaac ?" repeated the second. " All bail. most reverend father Jacob," was the salutation of the Third. " Gentlemen," replied the Jew," " I aspire neither to the title of Abraham, Isaac, nor Jacob ; but I am Saul, the :v s Kish, tb ~.r7 who a nal h.oe pt inrleave search :v of them. Go hisfather's od morrow a s es ;t o here y ‘ s n 04 gentlem, , In consequence of the Ballot for Committees to try the merits of petitioLs presrnted against the returns of the boroughs of Tralee and Reading, the gallery was not opened rill twenty minutes t.) five o'clock. The petition against the return for Huntingdon county was, we understood, wit drawn, TAUNTON ELECTION. Previous to the admission of strangers, we were informed, that the Chairman of the Taunton Election Committee re ported to the House that the sitting Member, Edward Thomas Bainbridge, Esq , had been duly elected, and that neither the petition nor the opposition thereto were frivolous or vexatious. Mr. HALL brought up the report of the Committee on Standing Orders.—Laid on the table. COUNTY CORONERS. An lIoN. MEMIER gave notice that he should, on the 20th of March, move for leave to bring in a Bill relative to the office of County Coroner. TRALEE ELECTION. Mr. CHALMERS appeared at the bar with the reduced list of the Members ballotted for to try the merits of the return ror Tralee. The following are the names of the Members : Peter Hesketh Fleetwood, Lord Fitzalan, Sir William Robert Clayton, Henry Salwey, Hon. William Henry A. C. Holmes, Ambrose Goddard, Lord Dalmeny, Frederick Paget, George Thornhill, Edward Divett, Sir Samuel Thomas Spry. Mr. ELLIOT presented a petition from Harwich, in fa vour of Mr. Hill's plan of Post-office Reform. Mr. T. ATTWOOD presented a petition, signed by the chairman, on behalf of the Birmingham Political Union, de precating the colonial policy pursued by this country,and praying the House to agree with the motion of the Hon. Member for Leeds. He could not agree in opinion with that. part of his constituents, and could not, therefore, support the prayer o the petition. HAND-LOOM WEAVERS. Mr. C. BULLER gave notice that he should, on an early day, move for a copy of the instructions to the Commissioners of Inquiry into the state of the Hand-loom Weavers. NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP. Mr. DIVETT presented a petition (whence we could not learn) for the abolition of Negro Apprenticeship. READING ELECTION COMMITTEE. The Clerk of the Committees appeared at the Bar with the reduced list of the Reading Election Committee, which is as follows : Henry Combo Compton, Hon. Pierce Butler, Charles Crespigny Vivian, Sir Edward Thomas Troubridge, John Hyacinth Talbot, Hon. Charles Compton Cavendish, Spencer Horsey de Horsey, Hon. James Hope Johnston, John Stud- Lolm Lord Viscount Alford, and Juhn Dunlop. VOTE OF CENSURE ON THE COLONIAL SECRETARY. Sir WILLIAM MO LES WORT H, having been celled on by the Speaker, rose, and addressed the House. From the low tone of voice and rapid enunciation of the Hon. Baronet, together with the noise which prevailed in the body of the House, he was very imperfectly heard in the gallery. We understood him to say, that no man required the indulgence of the Ilouse more than himself, as the subject which he was about to submit to its considera tion was of so important as well as of so delicate a nature, that he could not but feel his own inability to do justice to it. On that account he was most anxious at that time to correct a misrepresentation that had gone abroad, relative to certain opinions with regard to the Colonies that had been imputed to him.--( Hear, hear.) He knew not wherefore these opinions had been imputed to him ; in his humble judgment they were very unpopular, and it was almost unnecessary for hie) to say that he alluded to the opinions of those who thought that the best thing that could be done with the Colonies was to get quit of them. —( Cries of Hear, hear.) From these sentiments he begged leave totally to dissent. He saw many great advantages resulting from the possession of colonies, and he would instance the West Indies and Australia in support of that opinion. These were no new opinions of his, for so long as five years ago he had the honour of assisting in the formation of a colony, by becoming one of the Trustees for a considerable sum of money to promote its formation. So lately as last year, long before the revolt in Canada had taken place, he had had the honour of becoming one of a Society with his Honourable Friend the Member for Hereford, and the Members for Sheffield, Lambeth, and Caithness, the object of which was to promote emigration to that colony. The Noble Lord, the Member fur Stroud, and the Ilonourable Baronet opposite, knew how deep an interest he had taken as Chairman of a Select Committee of this House, on the affairs of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land, on the subject of transportation, which was the question under the consideration of the Committee ; but yet sparing no efforts to discover by what means the prosperity of these colonies might be preserved, when the main cause of that prosperity should be abolished. His opinion as to the disad vantages which arose from possessing Colonies ap peared to arise from the want of distinction to which he wished to call the attention of some of his Hon. Friends, more especially the Hon. Baronet the Member for Dundee. That Right Hon. Baronet had said, in his most valuable work on financial reform, " to possess colonies affords no advantages which could not be obtained by the intercourse with independent States." Fifty years ago Bentham said very nearly the same thing. Had they anything, he would ask, like the commerce with Java which they would have had, if they had kept pos session of that important island ? If the Honourable Baronet was correct in his statements, the world must be filled with independent States, and markets must spring up just as they were wanted. The assumption of the Right Hon. Baronet, he contended, had no foundation in rea son. But supposing all that he had stated to be the fact — su p s posing that great advantage did arise from emigration, still some ;entlemen, who agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet, would maintain that there was no advantage in having Colonies. Would it be right, he would ask, to emancipate Canada ? In his opinion, the question of the emancipation of the Colonies was a question of time and experience.--( Hear.) Was it not an abuse that such a man as Sir F. B. Head should have been appointed as Governor of so important a Colony a s Upper Canada ? Was it not an abuse that such a man should have had the opportunity of fomenting rebellion ? Was it not an abuse that they should have been obliged to appoint in Lower Canada a military Governor, and were about to dele gate autocratic powers to an individual, however much he was deserving of confidence ? These were evils growing out of the possession of colonies. It was also an abuse that from 40 to 50 communities should be handed over to the government of a man so notoriously incompetent and incapable as the present Colonial Secretary. These were evils ; but still the balance was greatly in favour of having Colonial possessions. He would yield to no man in a desire to preserve and extend the Colonial dependencies of this country. He would have wished that the United States had never been sep 'rated from Great Britain, but when he reflected that the local Government in that Colony had no sympathies with, and did not possess the confidence of its inhabitants, he could not but feel that the connection could not be continued with advantage or satisfaction to either. It was precisely on this ground that he advo cated the cause of the people of Canada. He could not but sympathise with a people struggling to preserve their just rights and liberties. He felt that the local govern ment of that colony was neither entitled to their respect nor confidence, and that the system of policy pursued towards it by the mother-country was unjust and oppressive. There was another disadvantage under which lie laboured, and from which, with the permission of the House, lie would shortly relieve himself. He knew that the motion which he was about to bring under the consideration cf the House was distasteful to some Hon. Members upon that side, for they were aware how difficult it was for them to deny the charges which it involved, and which every one in that House believed in his conscience was true. He expected that, relying on the charitable assistance of the Right Honourable Baronet and his friends opposite, they would endeavour to make this motion unpopular with the House, by ascribing to it a democratic tendency and object. He meant to bring before the House, not merely the system of policy which had been pursued towards Canada in particular, but the whole system of Colonial policy.—( Hear, hear.) The Government which was the best for a colony, must in all cases depend on the special circumstances of the case. What was good for one colony, might be very bad indeed for an other. Some colonies might perhaps require a despotic autho rity—others an aristocratic power—and lie did not know more than two or three of the colonies, in which he should not be afraid to see the experiment of a pure democracy. This, he trusted, would convince the House that this motion had no reference to a general abstract opinion, whatever that might be ; it had no more a democratic object or tendency than if proposed by the Hon. Baronet opposite, the Member for Tamworth, seconded by the Hon. Baronet, the Member for the University of Oxford. It might be called invidious to attack Lord Glenelg, and it might be objected that he was not less competent or more incompetent than many of his colleagues—that his office was filled a s competent--and that the Cabinet being re sponsible for neglect of duty in every depart ment of the State, the censure of the House ought to be as well directed against the whole Cabinet as against one Member. lie was not very certain—be was not quite con vinced that there might not be some force in the last objection to his motion ; but would the House permit him briefly to state his reason for calling for a vote of want of confidence in Lord Glenelg ? The Colonial Office differed materially front every other department of the State. All the other branches of the Government administered only—they ad ministered tin- us who were represented in this Assembly. The Colonial Office administered for the colonies, not one of which possessed any representative in any Assembly to which the Co lonial Office was in any degree responsible. All the other branches of the Government administered only ; they did not le gislate. But the Colonial Office, besides conducting administra tions, comprising civil, military, financial, executi ve , an d eccle siastical functions rendered still more difficult by the vaaious laws, institutions, manners, languages, and wants of distant and widely separated communities—besides all these duties, which could • hardly be performed well by one office, as if they were not suf ficiently complicated and incongruous, it had also to legislate more or less for all those colonies which possessed no re presentative assembly either by instructions to the governor:, by Order in Council, or by instructions sent out to ministers resident in the colonies. That would be bad enough if all the colonies were close together and close to England, but let the House recollect how widely separated they were, and how distant from Downing_ street was even Canada—the colony now under discus sion. In many colonies a year must elapse before a letter could be answered..—(The noise in the House increased to such a degree, that the Hon. Baronet paused, and there were loud cries of " Order, order," " Bar, bar." After some little delay Sir William Molesworth resumed, but in such a tone of voice, and frequently turning his back to the Chair, and consequently to the Reporters' gallery, that we found great difficulty in collecting the purport of his observa tions.) Such were the complicated duties of the office, that it was doubtful whether the Colonial Secretary even read all the letters addressed to him, and much depended on the assi duity to his duties.—( Hear, hear, hear.) His attention must be directed, not to the state of affairs at the time of his last advices, but to the period when his despatches would arrive in that Colony. How could that be done unless he possessed great foresight ? It was well known that the ad ministrative and legislative difficulties of the office were in creased ten thousandfold by the great distance of these Colonies. But it must also be recollected that great duties were imposed upon the Colonial Minister, with respect to the administration of criminal jurisprudence, over a vast tract of country, in the administration of secondary punishments.—( Hear, hear.) The individual who was appointed to such an office ought to be all competent to the conducting of public affairs, and a most effective individual. The Colonial Minister incurred vast obligations, and as such ought peculiarly to be subjected to the controul of that House. Was such the ease ? Cer- tainly not. The Minister holding so important a situation, when he found himself incompetent to the discharge of his duties, was bound to resign. He did not speak of Lord Glenelg in particular, but of every Colonial Minister. In every other part of the State the Minister was accountable to that (louse; not so, however, with respect to the Colonial Secre- tary. The Colonial Minister, as far as that House was con cerned, was almost irresponsible to it. Again, in the Cabinet, the Minister of any other Department was in some degree accountable to his colleagues, but this was not the case with the Colonial Secretary. It was true that sometimes other Members of the Government came down and made speeches upon Colonial affairs ; but every person must know that that speech was in effect prepared in the Colonial office. The office was one of great and paramount importance : then why were the Government so weak as to retain in it one so notoriously incompetent as Lord Gicnelg ? It had been ob jected by many Hon. Members, that his motion, if carried, would be indirectly a censure upon her Majesty's Government, and Hon. Gentlemen might affirm that he was endeavouring to overturn the Government—that lie was endeavouring to undermine the Cabinet of Lord Melbourne—and it might be insinuated that his object was to let the Tories in. Ile at once admitted that the House could not agree to the motion without passing a censure upon the Administration, which he contended ought to be responsible not for the acts, or rather non-acts of Lord Glenelg, but for keeping him in office. He at once admitted that he would not be sorry if the result of his motion were to give the ' Nation a better administration, as well as a better Colonial Secretary. Suppose the motion was carried, and the Ministry were to resign, was it a necessary consequence that the gen tlemen opposite must come in ; and even if they did, he thought it would be better than having a Ministry professing liberal principles, but acting upon Tory ones, in order to keep in power. But even were the Ministers to quit their present convulsive grasp of power, what a libel it was to say that her Majesty could not find a firm and stable Ministry in the Liberal party ?—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He thought it better at once to explain his feelings on this subject ; but he hoped the House would do him the justice to believe, that in bringing forward this motion lie was no more actuated by a feeling of hostility towards the Government than lie was actuated by a feeling of personal hostility to wards Lord Glenelg. His object was to relieve the Colonial possessions of this country from the injustice and oppression under which they groaned, and to call the attention of the House to the state of the Colonies in various parts of the world, and to establish some sort of responsibility in the Colonial Office.--( Hear, hear.) These were his objects, and could not fail to be attained if the motion succeeded. Ile would ask whether the Colonies were not in a condition requiring a more than usually wise and vigilant Minister at the head of that department ? Was not the present a crisis which required that there should be placed at the head of that department, a statesman upon whose vigilance, fore sight, honour, and firmness, the country might place reliance? He would ask whether the present Secretary for the Colonies possessed those qualifications? Had he not proved by his acts that he was unable to grapple with the difficulties by which lie was surrounded? These were the questions which he called upon the House to anseer and decide. It mat tered not what colony he began with to prove the as sertion which lie had made—for the whole system of our colonial policy presented the same aspect. Dur ing the last Session a Committee had been appointed to inquire into the state of our Colonial dependencies. The evidence taken before that Committee disclosed a state of things which could hardly have been believed by those even who had moved the inquiry. It described a state of moral corruption and social infamy, such as could scarcely have been credited. The evidence was in the hands of Honourable Members, and there was no one who read it but must believe that the evils which were there described were augmenting instead of diminishing, and had at length reached such a pitch as to require some prompt and decisive remedy. He would ask the Right lion. Baronet opposite if such was not the fact? The first step to wards remedying the evil was inquiry, and one would have supposed that the Colonial Minister would have taken some „ t i e , ste p s in furtherance of it. Such, however, was not the case. The Noble Lord the Member for Stroud, to be sure, assented to the inquiry, but nothing further „. a , d one by Government in the matter.—(Hear, hear.) If he wanted any justification of that course lie would refer to the colony of New South Wales—he would refer to the moral and social condition of that colony, which exceeded all belief. No fact had been more clearly established before the Trans portation Committee than that nothing would tend more to the advantage of that colony than the emigration of free la bourers. According to the opinion of every person acquainted with the subject, there was a necessity for promoting emigra tion greater than ever had previously existed. These facts hail been brought under the consideration of the House, and were well known. It was also admitted that 4 00,0001. had been obtained by the sale of waste lands in New South Wales, and that a sum of 200,000/. per annum would be obtained from the sa m e source. Now, what had the N o bl e L ord the Colonial Secretary done with that large sum ? He had given a great portion of it to a private Society, which had sent out ship loads after ship loads of the most abandoned prostitutes. He had also given a portion of it to a Mr. John Marshall, of whom, perhaps, the House had never heard—( Hear, hear) —w ho wa s an agent or a ship-broker, and who had undertaken the important duty of con d uct i ng the emigra tion for the Colonial-office. The remainder of that money, amounting to 200,0001., was still locked up in the public elicit, at Sydney, lying idle, and of no use whatever, although the demand for laboure rs was greater now than at any former period, and although the Colony having paid ready money for the purchase of those lands had been thereby deprived of a large portion of its capital. What notice had been taken of that most important Colonial sub ject by the Noble Lord. He would appeal to the Hon. Mem ber for Sheffield who had presided over a Committe of that (louse in the session of 1836, by whom the subject had been carefully examined, if any notice bad been taken of it. The conduct of the Noble Lord in that and other cases was such as justified the inhabitants in that Colony in supposing that there was really no such person as the Noble Lord—that he was an imaginary being, without functions to perform, or capacity to perform them. For many years the Colony of New South \Vales had been governed under an Act that expired in 1836. That Act was merely temporary, setting up a temporary system and form of government, a system and form of government adapted perhaps to the times when the Act was made. The Government formed by that Act was despotic, and gave no voice to the Colo nists in the management of their affairs. Since that period the circumstances of the Colonists had changed ; the majority of the inhabitants of the Colony were now settlers. Being desirous of possessing some of the rights of Englishmen, they looked forward with anxiety to the period when the Act would be come a dead letter, namely, in 1836, when they expected that Parliament would give them soma share in the re presentation, and some voice in the management of their own affairs.—( Hear.) Was Lord Glenelg, in 18:i6, prepared to propose a new Constitution for them ? No ; he merely asked for the renewal of the Act for a year. When that year had elapsed, was Lord Glenelg then prepared ? No ; he came down again to Parliament, and asked it to renew the Act for yet one year more. —( Hear, hear, hear.) But it might be said the colony was not ripe at that period for any other form of Government —no such tiling, Lord Glenelg himself had admitted that the time had arrived when the colony should have a new Con stitution, for on both occasions when lie came to Parliament he said it was his intention to introduce a new Act. He ( Sir William Molesworth) had no doubt that such had been his intention at the time, but unfortunately on both occasions he had merely asked to renew the Act. Were they to act in a similar milliner in the present year?— (hisser, hear.) If they were, was it to be wondered at that the colonists should express themselves dissatisfied? There bad been several great questions to be disposed o f at the time whet& Lord Glenelg had come into office, on a remedy for the evils of transpertation, and the establish. ment of a new Constitution in the Colonies.—( Hear.) A ga all those questions had been rendered vivre d; . cf - - Lordship's neglect. There wag l a icuit by his necessity at the pre sent moment. rte,,"s vigorous and comprehensive action on the part of the Colonial Secretary.—( ) For this Lord Glenelg was utter incomretcut. Ho (il Ws Me) alluded esyecially to the state on several of the islands in the South Seas, where the inhabitants bad been corrupted by th influence of depraved British settlers—many of them convicts esca • ped from the colonies. New Zealand was a striking example of this. From the evidence taken before Committee of that House it appeared that there were 2,000 British subjects locate.l in Vie island-200 of them escaped convicts, subject to no law, acting aceorditig to theh own pleasure, committing atrocities among the natives a: which humanity shuddered, exciting them to war, and spreading intoxication by means of ardent spirits. Was this a state of things ta be neglected year after year, until the remaining population arc entirely exterminated ? lie would ask, what had been done by the Noble Lord who ought to have been best acquainted with the danger—what had been done by him to avoid it ? The anse er must be—Nothing at all. He would next call their attention to the stateof Mauritime which was brought before Parliament last year by the Learned Civilian the Member for the Tower Hamlets who stated that there was in that colony a perpetual violation of the Statute Law, and that without any attempt at punishment.—( Hear.) The slave trade has been carried on in opposition to law. These are a few of the facts adduced by the learned civilian, when he demanded last year an inquiry into the state of the Mauritius. What has Lord Glenelg done, proposed, thought of, with a view to the critical state of the Mauritius? If in formation on the subject were required by this House, the re turn, I fear, would be "Nil!" It matters not where the emergency may exist, or how great it may be, in every case where decision, activity, energy, is especially required, there we shall find, not that the Noble Lord has done more than in other cases, but only that his inactivity and supineness arc the more to be deprecated and regretted. The next colony to whose critical, might I not say deplorable, state I would wish, Sir, to call your attention is our settlement in Southern Africa, at the Cape of Good Hope, a territory larger than the whole of the mother country. It was once inhabited by numerous Aborigines, rich in flocks and herds—by the Hot tentots and the far superior race of the CafFres. Thu natives have nearly disappeared, partly massacred, partly driven from;their native country ; ev en now t h e system of ° destruction is going on ; and in proportion as our frontiers are ex tended the native tribes are swept away. The colo ' nists, on the most futile pretexts, have frequently carried off the cattle of the natives. The natives, deprived of the means of subsistence, must either perish or rob. If they rob the whites they are exterminated by the commandoes ; if they rob, these again, thus left to starve, must rob those beyond them or perish. Thus, the first robbery by our Colonists has given rise to a succession of robberies and native wars, which have desolated the most central parts of the continent of Af rica. Here, Sir, we have an important colony completely dis organised. The extermination of the natives is rapidly pro ceeding. Part of the Colonists are in open rebellion, or have wandered into the deserts to escape from British authority. Discontent prevails on all sides. Whatever the differences amongst her Majesty's subjects there, each party complains of the Government : no party is attached to the British crown. Do I blame Lord Glenelg for this most unhappy state of things ? By no means. The present deplorable condition of Southern Africa has been occasioned by our system, or rather total want of a system, of Govern ment. For this Lord Glenelg is not particularly to blame; but see what the want of a system has produced ; ob serve in how very miserable and critical a state the Colony is at last ; and then, Sir, let us decide whe ther it be not high time to adopt some system of Go vernment there, to apply a remedy of some sort for such cry ing evils. Sir, would an assiduous and energetic Colonial Minister have allowed such evils to grow to such a pitch with out proposing some kind of remedy for them ? Can we ex pect any effieieet remedy from the infirm hands of Lord Gle nelg? If not, and if the House really care at all about this important Colony, then they will Tree to my motion ; and more especially if they should be of opinion that there are many colonies besides those already mentioned whose peculi arly critical state at this moment calls for more than average energy, diligence and wisdom in the head of the Colonial Government. I should have added, that the Governor of this Colony has just been recalled. That makes two. We shall soon conic to more. I proceed, then, to another Colony, whose condition is niece than usually embarrassing and trot, blesome—the anti-slave-trade Colony of Sierra Leone. Far be it front me, Sir, to cast a shadow of blame on Lord Glenelg for the total failure of this Colony as a means, which it was intende l to be, of checking the slave-trade. Nor is it any reproach to Lord Glenelg that we have lavished millions after millions upon establishing a settlement which appears to have had no other result than a profuse expenditure of public money and human life. The misgo vernment of this Colony is proverbial. The peculation, the lavish expenditure, the public plunder, for w hick it has been notorious, have given it so bad a name, that it may be aptly designated as an enormous job. Now, if lam not mis informed, the Governor of that Colony has just been recalled—has been driven away from the Colony by the jobbers and peculators who fatten there on the of the public. Now, in order that my statement on this subject may be easily corrected if it be crroneoas, I will address it in the form of a question to thase ,who arc best acquainted with the facts. I would ask tha Right Honourable Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he did not, when occupying Lord Glenelg'a present office, appoint the present Governor of Sierra Leone —selecting him on account of his upright, straightforward, and energetic character—as a person well qualified to bring about some reform in that great job in the shape of a Colony ? Did not the Gentleman in question proceed to Sierra Leone as a Reformer ? A Re former ;in Sierra Leone The fate of such a monster need not be told. The reforming Governor of Sierra Leone, though he was eminently successful in attaching and conci liating the natives in the neighbourhood, soon gave offence to the small band of official jobbers, who all themselves the Colony, and was removed accordingly. If the Honourable Baronet the Member for Devonport object to my statement, let him move for copies of the correspondence between the Colonial-office and the late Governor, If that were done, the House would see that Sierra Leone is another case of colonial trouble and difficnlty, for which Lord Glenelg is re sponsible, but for which It Is not to be expected that Lord Glenelg will provide a remedy. This, Sir, is the third re cent case of a Governor's removal on account of differences wills Lord Glencig's department. Let me now mention a fourth, that of the new colony of South Australia, whose Governor, appointed by Lord Glenelg not more than eighteen months ago, has just been recalled. I have no doubt that this recal may be justified, just like that of Sir F. B. Head but, if so, how does Lord Glenelg justify the appointment? And have not the appointment and the recal together placed the colony in that state which is sometimes called a state of " hot water ?" If we add to these four the resignation of Lord Gosford and the recal of Sir F. 13. Head, there will bo no less than six recent cases of the removal of a colonial chief magistrate for extraordinary causes, and under circum stances of extraordinary difficulty and trouble for the colony. Here are six gentlemen, at least, who have cause to rue the day when they became subordinates of Lord Glenelg—Sir Richard Bourke, Sir Benjamin D'Urban, Mnjor Henry Camp bell, Captain flindmarsh, Lord Ger.ford, and Sir F. B. Head. Here are six Colonies, at least, in a state of " hot water." Surely, Sir, my proposition as to the critical state of the Colonies and tho incompetency of Lord Glenelg cannot but be true. But let us proceed to further proofs and illus trations. Our slave Colonies —no, our apprentice Colonies— in the West Indies, great and small, insular and continental, Crown and chartered, present a wide and very prodnetive held of trouble, embarrassment, and danger. Sir, in alluding to them I shall confine myself to subjects which come strictly within the terms of my present motion, being of peculiar urgency at the present time ; nor shall I dwell on all of those subjects. The subject of the gross violation of the Emanci pation Act has been exhausted in the other House of Parlia ment, and Lord Glenelg, though rather late in the day, to be sure, has promised to submit to Parliament a measure for giving us. that which we thought we had purchased by 20,000,000/. of redemption money. I would ask what the Colonial Minister has done, or proposed, or thought of, in respect to two other matters belonging to West Indian al fairs, which, if he poss esse d t h e faculty of attention, would urgently require its exercise. I allude to precautions against the time, now very near at hand, when there will be an end to all compulsory labour in the West Indies, and when the negro inhabitants of our chartered colonies will claim the right and the power to elect negro members to the local Parliaments. So long ago as in January, 1836, Lord Gle nelg, or some other person writing in his name, seems to have been struck with the great importance of the, former of these subjects, and even to have devised suf ficient means of preventing the apprehended evil. A great danger is plainly indicated, and the means of preven tion as clearly pointed out. The danger is, that the whole of the population of the West Indies should, as soon as they become entirely free, refuse to work for wages—should sot up, each one by and for himself, on his own piece of land, and that thus capitalists should be left without labourers, to the certain ruin of the industey of those colonies. Sir, I for one have no doubt that In all of those colonies, where land is excessively cheap, the apprehensions of the Noble Lord will be fully realized ; but along with the expression of his frays the Colonial Minister suggested a measure of prevention. " It will be necessary," crown lande as will he says, "to fix such a p r i ce u p on place them out of the reach of persons without capital ;" and this plan of preserving labour for hire by means of rendering the acquisition of waste land more difficult was strongly recommended to Parliament by the Committee to which I have referred. As the plan could be of no use whatever, unless adopted some time before. the total emancipation of the apprentices, it will be sue_ posed that the Noble Lord has followed up his tportant dispatch by proposing some s general and efficient Committee in question, le mea sures founded on his °w " v "." ". and on those of the eh no means ; the subject ro ts di left J e spa in anuary, 1836; as mains just where 1- • if, n (4 .7,tenstanding its great importance, it had fairly slipped from the memory of the Noble Lord. Is this a case of culpable neglect? I appeal to the Honourable Gentleman the Member for Newark, than whom no member of this ;louse is better acquainted with the subject. But to this case of culpable neglect I have now to add one, in reference to the same subject, of culpable activity; if the term activity th / ..e a __ , fl..- 3, i--i 0V re may be applie to any proceeding of the o -Lord." -e, planters arc impressed, as was the Nobl /.. i.d . in Jac.. ~,,- 1833, with the necessity of tithing nom tVeatiftens -aga Z.- the year 1840, as respects the supply klgtlik" , tc ‘ y,r, , Li;,"...12111, 31 - ' .. . - 2 They have devised a new kind of slaver 1 11\tf,-*-kV -,t slave-trade; and this invention the Nob } ,11# 1 . -07 , -.llh. Inti , -,.: ~ Order in Council dated March 1, 183 fik/ ' s ' .. n,c,t - 10 16 ,t,t' ). . 11F This Order in Council authcrises the plantea ifIN - import into that colony, to serve as " intleft a bbnrefe, I believe is the term employed—what class of people dies the House imagine? Englishmen or other Europeans who might assert their rights as " indentured labourers?" No—freed negrces from the United States, who, being of the same i,. race, and speaking the same language as the present coin. nial population of British Guiana, might be " indentured labourers" without becoming slaves ? No ; but a class of .i, people the most ignorant, the most strange, the most help. , less, in all respects the most fit to become slavas under the name of "indentured labourers." They are called " Hill Coolies." The country from which they are to be imported, after being kidnapped, is the East Indies. In New South Wales the same apprehension of a want of labourers (which, as I have already said, the Noble Lord might have prevented by expending the emigration fund, instead of keep. ing it locked up i n th e pu bli c chest at Sydney) has led to similar project for the importation of Hill Coolies. This 04._ tempt to establish a new kind of slavery was condemned by tbes late Governor, Sir R. Bourke, in a dispatch now before the House. Should we not condemn the Noble Lord far ha i ntee n i c e ! 'anctioned a similar a tt em p t i n B r i t i sh Guiana? r law of slavery—that pi ec e o f co l on i al legislatieen, will surely tell's 'knowledge of th e ; Noble L or d as • a, be reealed, now that it has come.wt tbop British üblic. ut will this Statesman qualified to save tint industry, the whole productive power of the West Indies from total overthrow in the year 1840? The political prospects of the Wen Indies are not less gloomy than those which relate to productive and commercial industry. In the chartered colonies, above all, which possess local representation, is it to be believed that the two races, the masters and the slaves of yesterday—to-day perfectly equal as to political rights--will sit down peaceably together in the same legislature? Will not the blacks, as'they may easily do, seek to obtain a majority in the local Parliament ? And, will the whites--the haughty masters of yesterday—quietly b mit to what they will cons id er to b e so deep a degratfr e ion su as being ruled by their recently emancipated slaves ? Let the question be answered by referring to the actual "state of poli tical opinion amongst the whites of Jamaica. If ever a colony was rebellious at heart—if ever a colseny 'eras in a state of dan gerous excitement—this one is ! The whole of the West In dies, indeed, economically area politically, are in a most criti cal state. The state of toe W e st I n di es , h av i ng reference to 1840, calls esp e cially for forethoughe—for precautionary measures. Are we to trust to the Noble Lord for suds measures of forethought —of precaution ?Or are we, so surely as eve place any reliance on the Noble Lord's ener getic sagacity, to wait quietly—nothing done, nothing pro. posed, nothing thought of, till 1840 is upon us ? Sir, may I not say that the Noble Lord has neglected to take, and seems incapable of taking, any precautions to render harmless the greet revolution—economical. social, and political —se hich must happen in the West !tidies two years hence? Considering the near approach of 1840, is it fair, is it just, is it commonly humane, towards our fellow subjects in the West Indies, who, be it always remembered, have no representation in this House, to let the Noble Lord continue, fast asleep, at the head of colonial affairs ? Ac cording to the treatment cf my motion by th e H ouse w ill b e the answer t o thi s question. r lf the House decide unin fluenced by considerations altogether foreign to the subject, oho can doubt of the result ?—( Hear, hear.) The House will, I trust, have observed that neither in referring to the dangerous condition of any colony, nor in questioning the capacity of the Noble Lord to deal with the existing eir cunistances of our colonial empire, have I mentioned the subject of the colonial policy of this or any other admi nistration. That subject I conceive to be foreign to the ques tion before the House. With this impression I should not, except for the purpose of correcting a misrepresentation as to myself, have even alluded, as 1 did just now, to the subject of colonial policy in the abstract. Neither ge neral principles, nor particular measures founded upon this or that principle, have anything to do with my proposition as to the actual state of colonial affairs ,and the incapacity of the present Colonial Minister. The questions which I have 'ubmitted to the House are questions of mere fact. I inquire not into the causes of the present critical state of colonial af fairs ; I have no concern on the present occasion with the opi nions of the Noble Lord or of his colleagues, oi ai any other person, on the subject of colonial policy, still lees should I be willing to obtrude on the House any opinions of my own with respect to subjects between which and the question at issue there is no kind of relation whatever. In proceeding, there fore, to say a few words on the conelition of oer North Ame rican provinces, I put aside altogether the difference between the Assembly of Lower Canada and the Colonial Office. I stop not to ask which has right or justice on its side, the office or the Assembly, With a view to the motion before the House, I have not a word to say about the Resolutions of last year, or the Act of this year. Against both of those mea sures I spoke and voted at the time, and should be ready to do so again on a fitting occasion. But if both of these measures had had my strenuous support, instead of my most deter trained opposition, such a course would not i n the least have precluded me from submitting my present motion to the House. I have the honour of address;.n g the House on a totally different question. And, first, sir, as to the Noble Lord's manner of carrying into effect the policy of the Government towards Lower Canada, Need I recur, Sir, to those wearisome dispatches which leave impressed upon the country at large u conviction of the Noble Lord's_ pre eminent I:Ma ness f or t h e conduct of difficult affairs ?Need I, feriewing a Noble Earl in the other House of Parliament (Aberdeen), count over again the long list of promises forgotten—of assurances never fulfilled—of instructions which never arrived until it was too late—of excuses for leaving Lord Gosford without instructions—of postponement with out reason—of apologies and pretext for delay when promptitude was most requisite—of' self-coutradictims, hesitations, meaningless changes of purpose, any ? oth l e n r proofs of an i nveterate h abit of doing 0, fact, said the N o bl e E ar l, " t h e system which te,e Noble Lord went upon was that of doing nothing." Te'eoing nothing re duced to a system ! This system of 'the Noble Lord has much to answer for. Who will thl r .,y that it was the main cause of the revolt and bloode'ned in which it ended ? If the recent accounts from Lowee Canada make it appear, as I think they do, that the policy o' the Government towards that country has fewer or less o eetermined enemies there than was lateiy supposed, yet Oecise favourable acc oun t s cast st ill h eav i er blame on the Noble Lord's extraordinary sytem—tending, at least, to e'eow that the most ordinary degree of decision and promptitude would have prevented the revolt altogether. The easy suppression of the revolt, however, by no means esta blishes that the colony is in so little a critical state as to be fit for the N,,ble Lord's peculiar system. So, again, of Up per Canada : does not that colony require, particularly just now, from the head of our colonial government, a system very different from that of the Noble Lord ? Is it probable, is it possible, is it in the nature of things, that the Noble Lord should so far change his second nature as to conquer the habit of doing nothing? But it may be said that the Go vernment of our North American provinces has been taken out of the hands of the Noble Lord, and confided to a Noble Earl who possesses in an eminent degree the per sonal qualities of which the Noble Lord is most con spicuously deficient.—( Hear.) I have heard this said, Sir, but I cannot understand it; I readily acknowledge the states manlike qualities of the Noble Earl, whose personal character seems to qualify him, above most men, for the performance of difficult and arduous public functions. Let me acknowledge the very striking contrast between the system of the Noble Earl and the habits of the Noble Lord. But what then? From whom is the Noble Earl to receive, from whom has he already received instruction ? to whom is he to make reports ? who is to bring before Parliament the legislative measures the . Noble Earl may propose ? Answer to all, the Noble Lord wedded to his system of doing nothing? Does it not, there f,,re, appear not only foolish, but almost ridiculous, to make such a person as the Noble Earl subordinate to the Noble Lord'? They had far better change places, for the system of the Noble Lord is one in which subordinates cannot well indulge, least of ell under such a chief as the Noble Earl ; and it is in the chief, the head of our colonial depart ment, that the qualities of diligence, forethought, judgment, activity, and firmness arc most required. Sir, 1 have de tained the House too long, and will trouble them but with a few words more. Ilon. Members, far better acquainted than I can pretend to be with the history of Parliament, will confirm me in saying that this motion is fully justified by pre cedent ; but I wilt not rely at all on this justification. I rely wholly on the truth of my proposition, and the expediency A affirming it. This appears to me to be a case for which eve ought to make a precedent, if there be none to direct us in providing a remedy for the evil, Whatever may be thought of the motion, the case, I will venture to say, is without pre cedent.--( Hear.) Were our colonies, ever sieice we esta blished a central government for them, in se critical a state before ? When did so many and such grave questions press upon the attention of a Colonial Minister?' Is there a single Member of the House who will say upon bis conscience that the present Colonial Minister possesses any one, or is lot de ficient in all of the qualities mentioned in the proposed address to the Crown ? Sir, my proposition is true, and upon that I alone rely. For if such a proposition be true, who will deny the obligation upon us to provide an adequate remedy for the evil ? Sir, instead of searching after precedents, I point to the millions of our fellow-subjects who are un represented in this House—to the great branches of do mestic industry which depend upon the well-being of our colonial empire —to New South Wales sinking into a state of irreclaimable depravity, with its free emigration fund locked up in the Government chest, and its oft-promis e d C oe . stitution withheld year after year—to the Alauritius with its 20,000 freemen, held in bondage b y t h e i nso l vent and would-be rebel planters —to Sou:h Afalca, almost denuded of its native inhabitants, distracted by factions who agree in nothing but their curses for the Colonial Office and its horde of rebels, gone forth into the wilderness to conquer an inheri tance of oppression ovi''• the helpless natives—to the " White man's-grave," that job of jobs, which i s re j o i c i ng i n the vo c al of a reforminP, Governor—to the W e st I n di e s, bordering or, the ruin oc. elieir industry, inventing a now slave trade with 'the sall° . .!,on of the Noble Lord, in order to counteract the "Noble Lord'sout as total necessary t o neglect preserve the s ,:ry emeansthe i s which ioc of capital c h a e p i himself tul i, t It: pointed:.: eferti le lands, grossly evading the Emancipation Act, after pocketing n tlal o p n ap e day, acersire the same politi caloitos out enormous a single . price; pro o precaution i i , 1 0 :l oi l fast l,wi i 800,000 negto slaves ro v a ie e % l y iin t g o t t li l e at tirr s , teraung h een jevvveitnht: a s e s t eprtosos possessions esi oNn mother soritily race tAsnt lztet re ; i el aiandtat ilittle most rig io l l i p ts or provinces, e t e I s e , r w s o h i v t ort of open revolt—and, lastly, where open revolt has just been suppressesl—wliere civil a ta s nt ti o 'e f ir th m e bloodshed has excited the passions of hatred and revenge-- where a Constitution is suspended, and martial law is still in Im . deVeet of peace, of content e d force—and where there is no