The Sun. — London, England, 1838-01-26 00:00:00

I have not got proper words because I have not the educa tion._(Laughter.) The LORD MA OR—\V is your amendment ? Mr. WILLIAMS—My Lord, it's to uphold the system: of li mitation of apprentices. Mr. O'CoNsaLL—I am bound to state that you, my Lord, as a Magistrate, cannot entertain a question which violates the l a w.—( Great uproar and confusion.) Mr. WILLIAms—The thing ought to be left between the employers and the employed—Mr. Mallet said so. Mr. MALLET--.I beg to tell that man I made no such sug gestion. Mr. WlLLtams—The amendment I mean to propose is not as yet published.—( Laughter.) Sheriff QuirtroN—lt can't be put from the chair, for it vio lates the law. Mr. WiurAms—Will Mr. O'Connell instruct me how to drive a coach and six through it ?—( Laughter.) A voice in the crowd—Adjourn till Monday.—(Loud and terrific cries of " No, no I" and great tumult.) Mr. O'CONNELL—It is impossible to go on with the busi ness of the meeting, and unless order is restored I will move that the Lord Mayor do adjourn the rneeting till Monday, at twelve o'clock.—( Shouts of " No, no !") The Loan MAYOR then put the resolution, 'when a shout of ayes and noes rang through the room which bad a deafening effect. Mr. O'CONNF.T.L—We have a majority, but the confusion is now evidently increasing, and it will be impossible at this hour (half-past four o'clock) to finish the business of the meet ing. I, therefore, move your Lordship that you do adjourn this meeting to some day which may suit your convenience, public notice of it to be given, and that some measures may be adopted to prevent the citizens of Dublin from being inti midated by violetice and clamour. LORD Mavoft—You are so clamorous and so violent, that no business can be done ; and I therefore adjourn this meet ing to a future day, of which due notice shall be given. It is impossible to describe the fearful scene which fol lowed this announcement; the most terrific imprecations were yelled from several parts of the room, while Mr. O'Connell was assailed with the most opprobrious epithets, such as " Ha, ha, tyrant !—Ha, ha, beg - german—Big beggar. man—Betrayer of his country !" And, when the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was :.boat to leave the room, a fearful rush took place from the tables where the trades had place 3 themselves towards the spot where Mr. O'Connell was. The scene was really awful at this moment—it was thought they intended to assault the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. M. O'Connell's friends surrounded him, and as he proceeded down the stairs, a number of persons were waiting to see how the proceedings would terminate. Mr. J. D. Mullen called out to them to move on and clear the way, asking, " Did they want to have Mr. O'Connell assassinated?" no Learned Gentleman and his friends passed on without mol , station, and the High Sheriffs waited until they saw him safe into his car riage, cheered by his friends, and groaned by such of the trades as wore near the spot. The meeting separated immed;ately afterwards. CR !M. CON. EXTRAORDINA Y.—On Saturday morning great commotion existed in the Strand, in conse quence of the following expose taking place, the circum stances of which are likely to afford employment to the gentlemen of the long robe :—At a public-house in the Strand reside a married couple, who have therein realised a large sum of money. It has been the custom of the host to retira at tw,dve o'clock at night, to take an hour or two's repose, while his better half took her station below. For some time past he ha - I Lad a very strong suspicion that she was rather gracious with a player on the horn at a theatre in the vicinity, and that suspicion was at last confirmed. On the previous night be went as usual to bed ; Morpheus declining to embrace him, after tossing about for an hour, he thought he would see how his spouse was getting on ; and, accordingly, having dressed himself, crept softly down stnirs, where, to his dismay, he beheld, in the bar-parlour, the before -mentioned horn pla ) er and his faithless rib in such a situation as to leave no doubt cf his being quite eligible to he adorned with that on which his wife's paramour is a performer. The in jured husband, without loss of time, seized a thick stick, with which he thrashed the " professor," and then thrust him and the lady into the s rest ; the latter, however, subsequently rega;ned admittance at the first floor window, by means of a 'arith•r, and has since kept aloof from valgar raza. ELT hu,hind has expressed his determatation to appeal to a Jury for damages. LOSS OF SEAMEN. --One of our few reaPy Liberal Members might render an important service to the nation by moving for a return of the numb. r of seamen annually lost an 1 in e hat trades, information which it is presumed our Cus tom-houses could furnish. It would be found that the sacri fice of life in the Canadian timber trade ii truly horrible, in eoresequence of its being conducted in unseaw or thy s hip s . If we lik e b a d woo d , asd can afford to waste revenue, it is all ve 7 well, but as Christians we have no right to sport with the lives of our fellow -creatures. FROST UPON ItAILWAYS.—The action of the frog has occasioned many of the wheels on the railroad be teeen Bruesel's arid Antwerp to break, frequently delayine. :be passage of the trains ; and the communicatin g tunes be tween tho engines anti the tenders have als.) been often stopped tqf with the ice.—Paris Paper. 'fire plan which Frederick the Great adopted to cheek duelling amongst his °Mc Ts, was to allow them to fight when and on whet account they pleased, upon these condi tions—namely, that one of the parties mist be shot, and the other immediately hanged on the spot. Saturday, at an adjourned inquest held on the hotly of Mary Wadsworth, a married woman, at He rem Nerri;, Stockport, oho died on the previous Wedneedev, in cues quence of the alleged neglect or want of skill of a person named Poisover, wt.o attended her as aceaucheure the jury re turned a verdict of •ininslaughtcr," and he wes committed to Kirkdale. The inquest occupied the greater part of two dye r —Manchester Paper. AN ENGLISH FLY r—W..t learn from an Eng 4 bah paper that on the Queen's entry into Brightoa a gent'e4 man had the misfortune to ride agains' a fly, and 'eves in cons ssEpienee thrown from his horse and injured. Thaek Heaven I we have no ouch terrible flies in the United States.—Attie ricare Paper. All accounts from the country continuo to rcpresett the eerld as exceedingly severe threughoet France ; and, eef may he expected, much distress is telt. Seve el fatal aced-: dents hew likewise been occasioned by the intensity of th weather. The body of a dragocn of the 11th regiment was feund lifeless, some days ago, under a drift of scow, near the villae'e of Arhec e y, i n the Haute Soene. It was di scovere d by the barking o'' a little dog belonging to the deceased, which would not quit its master. —Paris Paper. A most heart-rending and distressing* circum stance took place at Sladeland, the seat of Major-Generel Wyndham, on Sareeley night last. Fiv e o f t h e male se.r eves (the c o ok an d stable boos) slept in the carne room, and incateionsly when they went to bed left a quantity of charcoal burning in the same room. The next nr)rning, as they did not make their appearance as usual, the gardener went up to tall them, and, getting no answer, went into the bed-room, when, shocking to relate, he found them all in their beds quite dead ; the conk, with the greater part of his body ez osed, and one hand r aised over his head as if he lied slightly struggled ; but the boys were 1) ing with the bedclothes ur-- disturbed, and most probably died vt bile sleeping. The Ge neral is in London. and an express eas imn:ediately forwarded to him with tl e melancholy ietelligenee, A coroner's inquest was held on the bodies. This fatal accident, which has so suddenly deprived five hurtan beings of their Existence, will, it is hoped, be a warring to servants and others never to go to sleep in a room whilst charcoal is burning. The effect is et:- tain death.—Brighton Guardian. SQUABBLES OF BARRISTERS.—Courts of law, though always serious matters to the hapless litigants, are often most amusing places to the mere spectator. A good deal of amusement is sometimes afforded by the altercations which teke place between the counsel engaged on the opposite sides of the cage. I have seen many such edifying exhibitions of forensic gladiatorship. They can abuse each other in very choice phraseology, when it suits their purpose to do so. The poor wights of clients on each side conclude that all this excellent vituperation of each other arises from " learned zeal" for their interests; whereas, the fact is, that except in those cases where a private misunderstanding had previously existed, it can scarcely he said to arise from any cause at all: it is a sort of matter-of-course affair. The simple spectator con cludes, that after such an altercation as any of those to which I have alluded, neither of the parties will ever exchange a friendly word with each other. If he only wait until the Court is up, the probability is that he will see them walking up Parliament -street, on their way home, arm-in -arm, seem ingly as inseparable as the Siamese Twins. Did any body ever hear of a duel, or any other serious penomal consequences resulting from professional squabbles? I never did. The squabbles of the gentlemen of the long robe have often re minded me of the sham fights got up by a certain class of per sons in the streets, in order that they may have an opportu nity of exercising their light-fingered propensities. Some time ago there existed, at the East end of London, a club called " The Abusive Club," the object of which was, to qualify the members for pouring out the greatest amount of vituperation, without entertaining the slightest unfriendly feel ing towards each other. Practically it is the same with the lawyers; though I have no idea that they have any club or society for perfecting themselves in the art. The Bench and the Bar, by the Author of " Random Recollections." CURLIANA.---The events of the last fortnight will be famous in the annals of the roaring play. Every river, streamlet, loch, and pond, has been ice-bound to an intensity of which we can only find a parallel of late years, in the frozen visitations of 1814 and 1826, and of course the Curlers have been in ecstacy, and their icy rendezvous has been the arena of most keen though friendly competition. W e have met with more than one skip who have become per fectly hoarse by giving the word during a succession of con tests; but such is the fascination of this fine winter game, that all sense of fatigue is lost in the enthusiasm of the moment;. and though the keenest Curlers admit that it would be better for sober business, and bring considerable relaxation to ..the physical man, that John Frost should now sound a retreat, 8414116 ! 001- upon the departure of their favourite ice -board veititaefeeliffetf pain and regret, which those uninitiated in the glamotirriefehezame wot little of. So general_ is the Curling and Skatingliattia, that perhaps there has not been a loch in Durrirriet-sid Galloway without its quota of players; during: - the.gre.a.ter portion of the past week, the Nith was whelly - frozesetei 4 er from the Caul to the junction of the Cairn - at Lineludeiteltbev • and on Saturday last there were fully a trolteieserisskOit work bet ween t h e b r id ges an d immediately Akio lbw . 1, with a flying corps of skaters, and a vast number of idlers and spectators.—Dumfries Courier. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, HOUSE OF LOIIDS, Je v. 25. The LORD CPIANCELLOR to, jk his seat on the Woolsack at Fiye o'Clock. DUCHESS OF KENT'S ANNUITY BILL. Mr. BERNAL and others, brought up a Message — from the House of Commons, agreeing to the Duchess of Kent's Annuity Bill, wigs the amendments proposed by their Lordships. Lord REDESDAUE presented a petition from Dean swade, in the county of Norfolk, in favour of rating the occupiers of small tenements instead of the proprietors.— Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Jex._.2.5. The SPRAKER took the Chair shortly b'efore Four o'Clock. Sir W. W. WYNN took the oaths and his seat. In coati quence of the extreme debility of the Hon. Baronet, the oaths were administered to Lim sitting, and his brother, Mr. C. W. Wynn subscribed the Parliamentary Roll on his behalf. Mr. DENNISTOUN presented a petition from Glas gow against the clause on the Fishguard Harbour Bill, enacting the payment of passing tolls. Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from a Ge neral Officer, whose name he (lid not state, praying for no minees to be appointed in all election Committees, as had been hitherto the case. Lord G. BENTINCK presented a - petition from Kings Lynn, signed,by every merchant in the place, without excep tion, praying for the reduction of the duty on Marine Insurances. Mr. PARROTT presented petitions from Totness, in favour of the vote by Ballot, and the abolition of the system of Negro apprenticeship in the West Indies. Mr. HOWARD presented ts petition from the Corpo ration of Carlisle, praying for the establishment of a better system of national educati,n. Mr. JAMES presented a petition from Carlisle in fa ♦our of the Ballot. Mr. WARBURTON presented a petition from Brid port, praying for the abolition of negro apprenticeship in the West Indies ; also from the Baron de Bode, respect ing the French Claims. gave notice of his intention, at a future time, to bring the case under the consideration of the House. He therefore moved that the petition be printed with the Votes. Mr. A. WHITE presented a petition from Sunderland, praying for a repeal of the duties on Marine Insurances. Mr. LEADER presented petitions from parishes in Westminster, Finsbury, and Salisbury, against any coer cive measures being taken with respect to Canada ; also one from Frederick Grim, who complained that in 1812 he had been induced to give up his pension of 41. a year, by the promise of receiving a grant of land in Ca nada, and a free passage to that country. He had never received that grant of land nor even his passage. After application he had received his pension again, but he never received any of the arreaz s cf his pension for 17 years. He, therefore, prayed that his case might be taken into consideration. The SPEAKER said that according to the forms of the House, the petition could not be presented, without the consent of the Crown through the Minister. Mr. LEADER then withdrew the petition for the pt:r pose of presenting it on a future occasion. GLASGOW COTTON SPINNERS. Mr. WAKLEY said he had a petition to present from the Great Radical Association of London. There was a prayer to this petition, as of course there was to all peti tions ; but as the petitioners had requested him to move that it be read by the Clerk of the House, he hoped the House would have no objection to that being done. [The Clerk then red the petition, which was signed by the Chairman on behalf of the Association. The petitioners begged to call the attention of the House to the fact, that the Jury laws of Scotland differed. from those of every other portion of the vast dominions oilier Majesty, inasmu c h as t h e opinion of a majority of a Scotch Jury decided the question. The petition went on to state that seven of the jurors had signed a petition to the Queen praying for an arrest of judgment. In the indictment the prisoners were charged with acts which were spread over more than twenty years. The people of this country would never be satisfied with the judgment passed upon a verdict given under such cir cumstances, especially considering that it was the verdict, not of fifteen jurors, but only of a majority of one out. of fifteen. The petitioners prayed the House to assimilate the Jury system of Scotland to that of England.] Mr. GUEST I:;rjected to the reception of the petition, on the ground that it contained language disrespectful to the House. He moved that the Clerk rend over again that passag in the petition in whieh these words occurred, " A rabble in your Hon. House."—[The passage alluded to, and some others were wholly inaudible in the gallery, when the Clerk first read them.] The Clerk accordingly read as follows ;—" That your petitioners frequently find unworthy imputations cast upon the working el , sses, who are sometimes designated as a rabble. That your petitioners do not deny that there is a rabble of the trades, as there is a rabble of the Lords, and a rabble of the Aristocracy, but they do not say that there is a rabble of your Hon. House." The SPEAKER said that the H..use certainly would not rece;ve a petition which contained lanuage disrespectful to the House; but the question was, would the House reject the p..Tition because it contained language disrespectful to Cie othi r House of Pariiament. Mr. GUEST—Put it to the Hon. Member for Finsbury, whether he v. °Ai not withdraw hi; petition. Mr. WA K LEY—Did not understand the petition to be diFlespectful to the House. Mr. GUEST—If it does not call the House a rabble, t goes very near it. Mr. WAKLEY—I can assure the Hon. Member that I will not withdraw the petition.—[Mr. Guast here rose, and was loudly called to order by Mr. \Vaklev, who was still on his legs, amidst loud laughter.] He regretted that the expressions objected to had been inserted ; but he felt at the same time that it was his duty to present it, and inde•ed he did not think, that the objec tionable expressions were of such a nature as to induce the House to reject it, seeing that petitions had been presented to the other House charging Members of the Houw of Corn .sons with violating their oaths in the vote which they gave on the Irish Church question. Under these ircumstances be hoped that the House would show that they were not thin-skinned enough to reject a petition because it con tained alinsioas to persons who were- not Members of that House. It ought to be borne in mind that the property qualifleation had excluded from that House thoce who pro perly represented the feelings and opinions of this class of petitioners. Under such circumstances, he hoped that they would not exercise anything like hypercriticism with respect to this petition. Mr. UUEST said that the petition was not calculated to serve the object which it had in view ; that it contained a libel and reflections on the other House, and he would therefore move that the petition be not received. Mr. JAMES said that although he agreed with the Hon. Member for Finsbury, that the class from whom the petition emanated were not properly represented in that House, he yet thought the wording of the petition incau tious and disrespectful, and he would therefore second the motion. Mr. WAKLEY thought both Hon. Gentlemen by far too captious, for the petition did not spook of a rabble in the House of Lords, but of a rabble of the Lords. An HON. Mesteen on the Opposition side of the House, whose name we could not learn, said that this was a mere quibble of the Honourable Member. The question simply was, whether or not this petition was couched in language fit and becoming for that House to receive. In his opinion it certainly was not ; and at the same time he could not avoid expressing his opinion, that the Hon. Member would ill serve the cause of the petitioners, if he did not intimate t• them that such language was highly unbecoming. Mr. BROTHERTON said, that as the petition was not likely to serve the object of those who presented it, he would entreat of his Hon. Friend to withdraw it. The SPEAKER begged to draw Mr. Wakley's at tention to one of the expressions contained in the petition. The petitioners spoke of a:rabble of Lords, but they would not say that there was a rabble in the House of Commons. The exception of this House was as distinct an inference that they intended to say that there was a rabble in the other House as could possibly be made.—(Hear.) The Clerk then read the passage objected to, which has been already given. Mr. WAKLEY would ask in what manner petitioners were to express their sentiments, if that House chose to attach inuendos to their expressions—which they disclaimed—as an excuse for rejecting their petitions. In this case the petitioners explicitly stated that they did not say there was a rabble in this House—but that there was a rabble of Lords. And he said the same thing—there was a rabble of every class of society. He had already expressed his regret that these expressions were in the petition, but he did not think they should be made the ground of not receiving it. If, how ever, the motion for excluding it was persevered in, he should divide the House. The working classes ought to be more effectually represented in that House. Atpresent they were only indirectly represented. Till they were allowed to exercise the Parliamentary franchise, he should look with much more calmness upon such expressions than other. wise he should be disposed to do. Mr. WYNN said he should be sorry to object to the reception of any petition ; but there was no grievance which ought not to be complained of in courteous and decent terms ; whether the language used in the petition was disre,pectful to this or to the other House of Parlia ment, they were equally bound to reject it. He was sorry the Hon. Member thought fit to' divide the House ; for he thought it would be better to withdraw the petition, and alter the objectionable passage : examples of this kind, if permitted, would grow worse and worse.—( Hear.) Mr. A. WHITE said he agreed with the Honourable Member (Mr. Wynn) that this petition ought to beith drawn. He was as vouch a friend to the working classes es any member of that House, and he had used as strenuous endeavours to obtain, Household Suffrage ; but he thought that every petition to that House ought to be worded in respectful language.—,(Hear hear.) The passage which had been referred to in this Petition could not but be pointed at the House of Lords, for it was well known the House of Peers comprised the greater part of the no bility of the United Kieigdom.—(Hear, hear.) The SPEAKER—.(to Mr. WAKLEY).—WiII the Hon. Member divid e ? Mr. WAKLEY ssa id h e was placed in a very peculiar situation. H e w i s h e d to di scharge h i s d uty to t h ose per sons who had committed their interests to his care, The object of the petition was to obtain a remission of tits sentence on the five men, whom the petiti iners believe to have been unjustly sentenced, at Edinburgh. He took it that they had that one object in view, and that object only —that it was not their intention to insult the House, or to use any expressions offensive to the feelings of its Members. Considering they had that sole and unadulterated object in view, he thought it better to withdraw the petition to day, and would certainly do so, with the permission of the House.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He would then write to the Chairman of the meeting at which the petition was agreed to, and if the petitioners were still of opinion that it ought to he presented, he should feel it his duty to offer it again to the House, and would certainly press the question to a division. At the same time he should express his opinion that the petitioners would serve the cause of the unfortunate persons in whose favour they were petition ing more effectually, by excluding every expression which could be considered offensive to the feeling of the House. He begged now to withdraw the petition. The SPEAKER said the Hon. Member had consulted the interests of the petitioners by so doing, and he hoped that he would explain to those who had agreed to the peti tion, that not the slightest obstacle would be raised to its reception if worded in a proper manner.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. WAKLEY was happy to say that there was now no obstacle in this House tct the presentation of petitions. When he first had the honour of a seat, however, a very great difficulty existed in this respect, and Members had frequently to wait for five or six weeks together, without an opportunity being afforded for laying petitions on the table, in consequence of the discussions which took place on petitions. The Speaker had thought it right to enforce a rule for excluding discussion on petitions, and nothing had been more advantageous to petitioners, who had now the opportunity on all occasions of laying their sentiments before the House. The Hon. Member said the next pe tition which he had to present was from the Working 'ons' Association of London. The petitioners expressed their unqualifiedahhorrexice of the act of assassination which was alleged to have bean committed by the Association of Cotton Spinners.—(Hear, hear, hear.) They prayed that the prisoners' Counsel might be heard at the bar to show cause for the remission of the sentence, and that the House would appoint a Committee to enquire into the objects and oreretion of the Operative Cotton-spinners of Glasgow, and that the House would direct the prisoners now under sentence to be kept in this country until such step was taken. In the prayer of this petition he (Mr. Wakley) most heartily concurred. The next petition was from the working classes of Glasgow, signed, on behalf of a meeting which was numerously attended, by the Chairman. The petitioners stated that the five prisoners were arraigned before the Court of Jus ticiary of Edinburgh, and after an investigation which lasted eight days, the Jury unanimously found the charges of the fire-raising and murder not proven, and that by majority of only one was the minor charge proved. Tesy prayed the House to take the else of the prisoners into consideration, and make such commutation of the sentence as the House might think just. The petitions were then laid on the table. The Hoic. MEMBER then gave notice of the course he intended to pursue upon the subject of the GlaTow Cotton spinners. He would be glad if some of her Majesty's Mi nisters were present:; and it appeared to him strange that. out of so numerous a Ministry having teats in that House, not one of them attended the early part of the sitting, while day after day Hon. Members were requested by their con stituents to put questions to them, which they had no op portunity of doing. One of them, at least, might pay the trifling tax of attending the House daily—it was not treat ing that House with proper decorum or respect to absent themselves. Had the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department been in ha place, as lie harl pro mised, he could have informed him when the Lord Advo-. cate would be in London, so that he might give notice 'of the day on which he would bring the question be f‘ re the House. In consequence of the Noble Lord's absence, he (Mr. Wak:ey) would be under the ne cessity of interfering with the regular course of businessat five o'clock, in order to ask the question, and he could not, therefore, name the day ; but he would give notice of a mo tion for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the constitution and objects of a Society existing in Scotland, called the Operative Cotton-spinners Association. —(Hear, hear, hear.) If that motion were negatived, he would then move that z...n humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that the sentence of seven years transportation, passed on the Glasgow cotton spinners, bs mitigated to a much less severe punishment. He would submit these resolutions from an imperative sense of dux founded on a conviction that these unfortunate men were ignorant of the crimes they had been charged with ; and he would state further, that all the calumnies of the untied Whig and Tory press, and all the insinuations of the Whig and Tory aristocracy, would not induce him to shrink from pressing these resolutions upon the consideration of the House, and, through it, upon the people of England. NEGRO EMANCIPATION. Mr. E. BULLER presented five petitions praying fir the abolition of Negro Apprenticeship in the West Indies. Mr. GUEST presented similar petitions from Mer thyr Tvdvill, and Dowlail. An Hon. MEMnER presented a petition from Chester ag-ainst the suppression te the Bishopric of Sodor an:l Mann. Mr. DEN N ISTOUN prescnt , 2d a petition for leave to bring in a Bill to establish a railway from Glasgow to Edinb iirgh THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 26, 1838. GLASGOW COTTON SPINNERS. Mr. WAKLEY said that a short time since, yielding to the wishes of the House, he had withdrawn the petition he presented from the great Radical Association of Lon don, but upon applying to the Chief Clerk at the table he found he could not get that petition returned, in order to have the objectionable words exPung 4d : — ' (Laughter.) This seemed a most singular course to him, and he xished to know what the rule of the House upon the subject was. The SPEAKER said that the petition having been i brought up and rea d a t th e ta bl e was considere d t o b e n the possession of the House. Under the c ircumstances, however, the Hon. Member might e i t h er h ave the original tition, or a copy of it. Mr. WAKLEY said that he should prefer the origin il, and the House might have the copy if it pleased. — (Laughter.) He then wished to ask the Noble 'Lord, the Secretary for the Home Department, who had just entered the House, when he expected it would be conve nient for him (Mr. Wakley) to bring the motion before the House relative to the Glasgow Cotton Spinners ; or, in other words, when it was expected the Lord Advocate would be in L on d on , an d i n hi s p l ace i n Parliament. Lord J. RUSSELL said he had been in the House some minutes looking for tho Hon. Gentleman the Member for Finsbury, who was out of the House— (Laughter)—otherwise he should have mentioned the subject before. With respect to the Lord Advocate's arrival in London, he (Lord J. Russell) had not received any letter himself from the Lord Advocate, and therefore could not give any positive information on that subject, although he believed liewo u ld come to London immediately. He had no objection to the H on . M em b er for Finsbury bringing forward his motion any day next week, provided the Canada Bill was not protracted. Mr. WAKLEY thought the Canada Bill ought to be protracted; but he supposed from what the Noble Lord had just stated, that he should not be abl e , to bring on the motion till after the Ist of February, and he trusted Hon. Gentlemen would not then throw any obstacle in the way of its being discussed. With re spect to the Noble Lord's observation as to his (Mr. Wak lays) being absent, he begged to state, that he came into the House shortly after Four o'clock, and that he had not been out of it for one moment since. He feared the evening was somewhat foggy, and that it had had an influence on the Noble Lord's vision. —(Laughter.) Sir ROBERT PEEL wished to ask the Government whether they intended to institute any inquiry into the Combinations of Workmen ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said . this was a su bj ect that Pressed very much on his attention ; but 1, could he not git e a decided answer to tha question of the Right Hon. Gentleman at present. The subject was one of very great importance ; but he thought that the Govern ment ought not to come to any division upon it until they consu l te d the Lord Advocate, and learned from him many parti culars of which they could have no certain knowledge from any other source. Sir ROBERT PEEL had not asked whether Govern ment were about to take any steps to put down Combina tions ; he had only asked whether it was the intention of Government to inquire into the extent of the Combinations. Lord J. 'RUSSELL had understood the question of the Right Hon. Baronet to be, whether it was the inten tion of the Government to propose an enquiry to be insti tuted by the [louse of Commons, and with that under standing he had, replied that he could not decide as to the necessity for such an enquiry until he had consulted the Lord Advocate. _ _ Mr. WAKLEY said, that in consequence of the new rules, he did not know whether he could bring forward his motion in any other shape than as an amendment. He beg ged to ask the Noble Lord if there was any objection to his bringing it forward after the Ist of February. He should be glad to bring it on on Tuesday, but he understood that it was to be a holiday. He wished the Noble Lord could make an arrangement for bringing it on then, instead of making the day a useless holiday. Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not exactly know when the Lord Advocate would be in town, and therefore he was not able to fix a day. It was important that the question should be discussed, and he was willing to make arrangements with the Hon. Member for Finsbury fur bringing it on upon an early day. Lord MORPETH presented a petition from a place in the West Riding of Yorkshire, praying for the Abolition of the Slave Apprenticeships clause. CANADA. On the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, the Order of the Day for going into Committee on the Government of Canada Bill was read. Lord JOHN RUSSELL wished to state, before the Speaker left the Chair, that he had a great nurabor of amendments to make in the clauses of the Bill, and he therefore thought that it would be the more convenient course, if, after the discussion with respect to the prin ciple of the Bill, it was committed pro forma, in order that it might be printed and put into the hands of Members. In reply to a question from Sir R. PEEL, Lord J. RUSSELL said that he would be ready to pro ceed with the Bill to-morrow. The alterations were merely in the framing of the clauses, and not in the substance of the Bill itself. Sir ROBERT PEEL expressed his surprise that the Noblo Lord should have proposed this course. If Ow amendments were merely verbal, why not make them to night P--( Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) The Noble Lord had declared his intention of proceeding with the Bill de die in diem, and he certainly thought that there was a great inconsistency in the course now proposed by him.—(Hear, hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he doubted if the House could conveniently discuss the amendments to night, because from his experience he seldom found that the House was able to give due consideration to the amend ments, even th 911,411 verbal, when put by the Chairman.— (Hear, hear.) The course he proposed was certainly the more convenient one. Mr. 'WARBURTON then rose and said, that as several Hon. Members had expressed a wish to de liver their opinions with respect to the principle of a Bill which made such change in the laws and principles by which one of the most important of the British colonies was governed, and as he had already had an opportunity of twice delivering his opinions on the subject, he proposed on the present occasion to oppose the Speaker's leaving the Chair, rin order to give those Hon. Gentlemen the same advantage. The measure which he (Mr. Warburton) proposed was a radical cure for the discontents prcv. Bing in Canada, and s he wished to take this opportunity of more fully stating his opinion upon this subject than he had hitherto done. The remedy which he proposed was an amicable separation be tween the mother country and the colony.—(lronical Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) He would state what occurred to him in defence of this proposal. The mother-country conferred the greatest possible boon upon , the colony, when in 1791 it gave to the Colony the be ' nefit of popular representation—he Ting the benefit of that representation, the Colony had endovoured to ob tain the complete recognition of many important privileges and liberties, which endeavours had been invariably re sisted by the different Goveraors. By one Governor the Members of the Assembly hail been committed to prison ; by another the voting of the estimates by the House of Assembly had been strenuously opposed. The Duke of Richmond opposed to the utino4 the voting of the estimates item by item by the Assembly. Still in many of these attempts to maintaie their privileges the Assembly was successful. Out of a revenue amount ing only to 600,000/. the Coloqi it Assembly had proposed to devote twelve per cent. for the pur poses of National Education.—( Hear, hear.) Was that a proof of the want of intelligence ?—(Hear.) Was this House prepared to give 12 per cent. OR the full revenue of this country in support of National Education in England, Ireland, and Scotland ; and yet would they charge against the Colonial Assembly of Ca nada want of intelligence, want of advancement, not being up to the spirit of the age, when they were prepared to devote -12 per cent. of the revenue in support of the na tional education ? In consequence of this conduct., there was no denying that they had won the affections of the French Cenedian inhabitants. Let them look at the large majorities which had been returned in successive Parlia:- meats, and theneleny, ifthey could, that they had won the affec tions of the people. In giving to the Canadians under the Act of 1791, the benefits of popular representation, and not being prepared to follow out all the consequences that as a mist ter of course and necessity arose out of popular repre sentation, he attributed the unfortunate estrangement which had taken place between the mother country and the colony. If they looked at what had taken place in Upper and Lower Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and New foundland, they would find that the aim of the people was not only popular representation, but a responsible execu tive.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) By a responsible exe cutive he meant, that if there was a majority in the House of Assembly against that Government, which was put o'er them by the Colonial Government at home, or if the course recommended by the Administration at home was disapproved of by them, what they asked was power to dismiss the executive, and to place in their stead Ministers who would act in conformity with the wishes of a majority of the inhabitants. If in the mother country the Administration should be outvoted, and yet in spite of that, the Administration were to continue to occupy their position on the Treasury Bench, and set at defiance" the wishes of the majority, what would be thought of such a course of proceeding ? In Lower Canada, by a majority of ten to one, the Ministerial Bench were outvoted.—(Hear, hear.) What would be said here, if in defiance of a majority, the Ministers were to keep possession of the Treasury Bench, and thus defeat the wishes of the popular party?—( Hear.) What had the Colonial Secretary told them ? Why, that making the executive responsible, was a measure in compatible with Colonial Government. Let the House attend to wh a t , : p peare d to hi m to b e t h e measure b y which all that affected the colonies according to their present system was t o b e regu l a t e d. It was not re guleted by its utility as it affected the colonies, but by anotlo r rule and standard—by whether it was cal culated to assert the superiority of the mother coun try over her colony or not.—(Hear, hear, hear.) 1 hat was the standard by which every measure was now to be judged. He would say, therefore, that it was not to be wondered at that extensive disaffection and dissatisfaction should prevail in their Colonies, and it must be so until they gave them the benefits of responsible Government.—(Cheers.) He would say, therefore, that in his opinion, by a large and liberal concession at the present moment, in which measures of concession he comprehended an intimation and signification to the colonies that they were prepared, if the colonies wished it, for the purpose of improving their own form of Government— that they were prepared deliberately to discuss with them by what course of measures the independence of fie colony might best be brought about— if the House was prepared to make that communication to them, in his (Mr. Warburton's) opinion the colonies would be ready to take from them any measures prepa ratory to that great object, and thereby a reconciliation would take place between the colony and the mother c ountry.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But it; on the contrary, t h e y determined not only i to restore but perma nently to retain their authorities n these colonies, then in his opinion no measures that could be proposed would be likely to bring about a lasting reconciliation.—( Hear.) The dissatisfaction that prevailed in the colony, ap peared to him to have arisen, not only from those cir cumstances which he had already pointed out, but it ap peared to him particularly to have arisen from the attempt on the part of the Government here to force institutions upon the colony which were utterly inconsis tent with the state of society there. The state of s ociety in the colony, disguise it as they would, was es sentially Democrat.—{Cheers.) The laws that prevailed in the colony, particularly that with respect to the eq ualization of property, were essen ti a ll y f avoura bl e to d e mocraticinstitutions. The Government, here, however, instead of framing their laws or their measures to the state of society in the colony as it at present ex i s t e d, h a d b een i n va i n endeavouring to raise up an aristocracy in the country, to which they had entrusted a large share of the representation of th e colony. To suppose that such a thing could be effected was, in his opi n ion, a comp l ete c hi mera. The approbation of aristocratic institutions arose only in old States. The institutions proposed off hand for the pur pose of the acceptance of the colony were avowedly for the purpose of forming an Aristocracy there—that lie would venture to say would never take effect. The on ly way in which aristocratic habits were looked upon in a favourable light in old countries was on account of their having been conquered. Habits of submission gene rated notions of respect for aristocratic institutions. But i n a country where there was equal distribution of wealth, the attempt to set up aristocratic institutions was the vainest chimera that could ho conceived, and could only end in the most extensive disaffection in the Colony. This, and this alone, he would venture to say, had led to the dissa tisfaction that had prevailed in Lower Canada. Added to this, there was the contagion of the free institu- Cons of the country with which it was in immediate contact. The great ground of disaffection in the Co lony was that the Government here was endeavour ing to force upon them a Con►titution totally incompatible with the state of society there.—(Hear.) Were there not moral wants as well as physical ones ? They did not wish to encourage free institutions in our own country, only but to see them settled in every part of the world. They had given aid to the spread of liberty in Greece, in Poland, in South America, and in Hanover—why therefore was it that they would consider it fair to ex clude the Canadians to whom they had given so large a share of liberty —why condemn that people because they aspired to a greater share of liberty than she had yet enjoyed ? So for from the physical comfort which they enjoyed being an argument in favour of their resting contented, it was the very reason why they should aspire to a greater degree of liberty. He did not wish they should go into the matter in a partial or hasty manner—he wished to go about it in such a manner as that they might prepare for an emancipation of not only Canada, but of the whole of our possessions in North America. Various objections had been made to the plan of emancipating the Colonies. It was said that the proper time had not arrived—that the people them selves did not wish for a separation—(Cries of " Ilear, hear")—that so far from wishing to part from us, they are still very warmly attached to our sway. Was it not desirable that emancipation should be brought about while there existed an affection for the mother country ? But would they, as he was afraid they would, defer granting emancipation as a measure of policy and justice, until it was forced upon them by the most expensive disaffection, and until it was wrested from them, as it was in the case .of the colonies of the United States? But then it was said the Colonists did not desire emancipation. They did not express their wishes for a separation from the mother country for many reasons.— ( Hear, hear.) In the first place he apprehended if any person in the Colony were now to express a wish for separation from the Mother-country, he would be branded by the loyal party as a traitor. Persons could not openly maintain teat doctrine fur fear of the conse quences that would follow to themselves. But, how ever, he had shown to the House that the people were in favour of a measure which they themselves stated was incompatible with colonial Government—they were in favour of a responsible executive, and it was said a re sponsible executive was compatible with Colonial Govern. ment. He proved, therefore, that they were in support of a measure that was incompatible with Colonial Govern ment ; and •would the House not draw the necessary in ference, that, being in favour of what was incompatible with Colonial Government, they longed for and aspired to eman cipation itself ?—( Hear.) What was the charge brought against them when they asked for an elective Council and a responsible Executive ? They were then charged with being in favour of a separation from the mother country. They argued for it in disguise, because, as he had told the House, they would be branded as traitors if they desired it openly.—( Hear.) Then the difference of race - had been brought as an argument. It might be an argument against immediate separation.— (Loud cries of hear.) Certainly it might be an excellent argument against a hasty separation without due ma ternal regard for the inhabitants of the colonies. This jealousy arose out of the Orangeism of the country. He did not use the word in an offensive expression, but this jealousy arose from the undue favour that had been shown to one race, and the extent of the subju gation and submission in which the British Par liament had kept the other.—( Hear, hear.) Where equal laws were extended to people of different races, those jealousies would be all at an end. This had been exhibited already in reference to Canada itself, when in the year 1828 all agreed in petitioning for the re moval of the admitted common abuses. In the Unite,' States, where every race was to be found, no difference of race gave rise to jealousy. In New Orleans, when the people found that they were to he governed by an equal protection, they agreed universally to support the universal law. If the House then would not in a hasty manner but in a prudent manner bargain with the parties concerned for equal protection and equal preservation of rights, all jea lousies would terminate. While there was still a great remnant of affection for the mother country, if the House would determine on a separation, and bargain for the titles of the British settlers, every jealousy and unkind feeling one to the other would perish. He acknowledged that emigration was undoubtedly a very great advantage to this country ; but it was not to our colonies emigration was chiefly directed. On the contrary it was greatest to those countries which had been emanci pated from colonial dependence. At present the amount of emigration to the whole of our North American colonies was no more than 30,000 persons annu ally ; whereas- the emigration to New York alone amounted to 60,000.—(Hear, hear.) So that in the event of our emancipating the North American colonies, there would be ns diminution, but, on the contrary, a con siderable increase of emigration.—( Hear.) We need only trust to the interests of the colonies themselves, and he was sure that they would, although independent, receive with open arms all the emigrants who would think proper to go to them. As to the question of trade, it must be of great importance to carry on trade with such extensive countries as our North American Colonies. But then it was well known that we lost a great deal by giving them the monopoly of the timber trade to which he had al ways been opposed. The whole amount of the export trade from Canada and New Brunswick was 1,300,0001. annually, and of that 1,000,0001. was in timber alone ; yet rather than go to a war of independence with them, he would seellingly give them a lease of the timber mono poly fur a term of years, and they would be too happy to accept the offer. Owing to an omission in a Bill of Mr. Hue. liisson's the Americans were thus enabled to avail themselves of this prisilege, and he had no doubt that if they afforded them an opportunity they would be but too happy to afford thean continued supplies. It was contended that this extensive trade in bad timber was in some degree the cause of their great naval power, inasmuch as it gave rise to the carrying trade. Now he was prepared to shew that the falling off in this latter species of trade, or indeed any in jury to their naval power were not contingencies to be . apprehended from the separation of the colony from Great Britain, because it was equally in their power to carry on that trade as well after an amicable separation as be fore it. If this trade in timber were necessary to the sus tentation of their naval power, which he was not prepared to admit, he would say, that in order to give that support. the neatest effect, they ought to release the Canadas from their controul. A great deal had been said with respect to the diminution of power which Great Britain would sustain if she consented to this step. So far, however, from Canada being a source of power, she was a source of weakness. In the first place, it took a largo portion of her foices to keep down the revolted Province, and to prevent others from becoming disaffect e d. One of the greatest sources of happiness was security ; bat so long as the Colonies were continued in a state bordering upon revolt, peace insist necessarily be endangered. It was said, however, that if independence were conceded to the North American Colonies, the example would be contagious. and would spread to our other Colonies, Now, many of our foreign establishments were merely of a military na ture. The rule applied to our North American Colonies, therefore, could not be applicable to these settlements, the inhabitants of which had no notions of civil liberty.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But in colonies similarly circumstanced with the Canadas—colonies which, being already possessed, of a large share of civil liberty were anxious to extend that liberty—he (Mr. W.) would say that the additional share of freedom ought to be granted to them. With regard to the question of revenue, it was not dis puted that both the mother country and the colonies would be gainers by the independence of the colonies. ' The colonies would gain the simple and cheap form of Government which they desired, and the mother country would save all the expenses of the civil and military establishments in the colonies, to say nothing of the vast outlay to which it had been put for canals, &c., in the North American settlements.—(Hear, hear.) He considered the best foundation of national honour was the obtaining a c haracter of clemency an d j ust i ce. If they did not accede to their demands in full, they would have to rule over a disaffected people, and they could not maintain that rule without the recurrence of those slaughterings and burnings, which in the eyes of all Europe would be considered as reflectin g on our natioNd character for clem ency an d justice. They could not maintain their empire in that Colony without losing that character.—(Cries of " Q uest i on. " ) T he per i o d of separation ought not to be d e f erre d unt il t h e d es i re f or it arose to such a height, that what they refused to concede to justice they would be compelled to yield to force. If they now gave separation as a boon, all questions of right which would arise b etween the mether-country and the various colonies mi g h t b e moulded to our w i s h es, whilst a feeling of amity prevailed between the colony and the mother country,—(Hear, hear.) In reading over the Bill he 'was sorry to find that the power to be granted to the Governor and Commissioner was to be confined to Upper and Lower Canada, and that lie was not to be empowered to call together the represe ntatives from all the North Ameri can C o l on i es , f or the purpose of concerting measures f r some great federal union. That appeared to him (Mr. W.) the only mode in which a lasting settlement could be made of this great question, and while they were concerting measures for a per manent settlement of the great differences that had arisen between the colony and the mother country, and between two of the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, he was sorry that provision was not te be made for rem bining all the North American provinces into one great federal state, which might offer some chance of the balance of power against the gigantic power growipg up in the United I ~. States. If the Bill had offered to the Colonies emanci pation, that would have been, in his opinion, the best peace offering that co u ld h ave b een ma d e th e m ; and in order to effect that object he (Mr. W.) would have been wil ling to vote for great power being given to the Go vernor. But the object proposed to be effected by thse Bill was of by far too limited a nature permanently to settle the differences between the colonies and the mother country:. On these grounds lie should, in every stage, oppose that. Bill ; and although h e wou ld a d v i se hi s f r i en d s no t to di vide upon the question of the Speaker leaving the chaie, he hoped upon the third reading the Journals of the Holmes would record their votes against the measure.—(Hear.) Mr. E. ELLICE assured the House that he approached the subject with great doubt and difficulty ; but in conse quence of what had passed on a former debate, and from an apprehension of the serious consequences that might ensue front any great division in that House on any part of the BEI, leading to misapprehension in Canada with respect to the feeling of the public in England upon that subject, lie had thought it his duty to offer to the consideration of her Majesty's Government a suggestion of whether it might not be possible, looking at the advant age of unanimity upon that question, so to alter the preamble cf the Bill, as to prevent all misunderstanding.— Laughter from the Opposition Benches.) Hon.. Gentle men opposite might take that statement as they pleased. If lie had party objects in view he should never adopt the course he intended to do. He felt a personal interest in the subject, and that personal interest had been one of the great reasons why he had not hitherto taken any part in the discussions on this subject. When, however, lie saw all parties nearly agreed in principle—for he must think, after what had been stated by the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and his Noble .I.riend. below bins, that they were agreed on the importance of the , principle—he thought they should get the better of party considerations—(Cheers)—and endeavour to frame those measures that would be attended with the most beac fieial effects—(Great cheering)—and they should also give to those who were carrying it into effect the best means of reconciling all parties. He assured the Hon. Gentle men opposite, who had received his statement with 0- cheer, that until five minutes before he came into that House, nothing was further from his mind than making the proposition he was about to do. He appealed to all his friends below him, whether they were aware of Lis intention to do so until he gave his Noble Friend notice of it since Le entered that House. Before he proceeded further he thought he was bound t o st a t e t o th e H ouse the cons id eria tiens which had induced him to give his support to the present is !fl it might not be in the recollection of the House :lust as early as 1822 his Majesty's Government then at his; suggestion—of a certainty it was him that suggested brought in a Bill for the future Government of Canada. That suggestion was made under serious apprehensionsot the eircarnstances which have lately transpired. That suggestioda was made upon the principle which had been advocated on many occasions by his Hon. Friend (Mr. Warburton), viz., that we should form in Canada a strong Govern ment, and to make it a country so great as to prevent the , possibility of its ever becoming a State under the Arne.- rican sway.—(Cheers.) He never fora moment proposed that. the Canadas were to be governed by the exercise ist the prerogative ; he did not wish that they should know Any thing of it ; he wished that the Canadians should have every advantage in the connection ; and he wished not to keep them in subjection for one moment longer than they thought the connection was beneficial to themselves. He then said that they ought to establish fl" Government which they might reasonably expect would sa tisfy all classes of our fellow-subjects in Canada—that they should govern the country with a silken chain, and so far from forcing them to a submission after they were tired of the yoke, we should en courage them in their attempt at self-government under our protection.—( Loud cheers.) He was perfectly aware of the grievances of the Canadas--in 1828 he gang evidence of them before the Committee ; but not as the grievances of a party in lower Canada, but of all our Arne-- rican Colonies. He was bound to say that since then the (sauna try had not been governed in accordance with hisprinciplege He felt bound to say that, because his friends below him connected with the Government knew it. He thought it right that it should be stated to the Canadians what they would do, and what they would not ; and that when the question came to this, whether they should give up the revenue, and place it under the controul of the Assembly of the Lower Province, that they should say at once they would not—because the Government of tnat country would be as impracticable as the Govern ment of Ireland would be, if one party were allowed to hold the purse-strings, and to say whether it WO fit to pay the public officers or not. Suppose the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland were placed in this situation, would it be said that one o f th e two r i val parties who ha d just raised itself, as lie thought—but perhaps Gentlemen opposite might differ fr om hi m upon that—from 8- state of oppression under which they had long laboured , ought to be entrusted with the domination over those wio had before opposed them ? The party oppressed, in turns became the great es t oppressor, and it was impossible for this country to a d m i n i ster a Government in Canada by which they were to place the purse strings entirely in the hands of one of the two parties. He had therefore differed entirely in opinion with Lord Goderich when he gave up the King's revenues, the only means by which power could be retained over those two parties. That revenue having been abandoned, he (Mr. H.) well knew the next demand that would be made. Before making those concessions they ought to have con sidered what means of carrying on the practical Govern ment existed.—(Hear, hear.) It was all very well to talk of a system of Government.—(Hear, hear, bear.) nor would he be found at any time to shrink from the ap plication of the principles which he had formerly advocated, as far as they were practicable. It might be said that in . the case of Canada it was possible t eegovern b y means o f the majority. He adm in ordinary cases the principle wag correct ; but the application of it to the case of Cauatia would be opposed by the f ee li ngs, pass i ons, and prejud i ces of Lower Canada never could be governed by the majority, neither would it be possible to govern it by the minority. What the Government ought to do was that which had been done in respect to Ireland. They should have kept th e means in the Executive to pal the officers of justice, and the expences of the Govern ment.—(Hear.) They ought to have retained in the Executive the power by which alone it could hold the balance between the two rival parties.—( Hear.) That was his feeling with respect to the Government of Lower Caeada ; and he would new tell the House that no settle ment of existing differences would lead to anything but civil strife, which in the anomolous state of that country did not give the Crown the power to become the arbitrator between the two parties. He (Mr. E.) saw gentlemen writing letters in the newspapers on this subject, in which they said that the -House of Assembly ought to Lave the controul of the purse strings, and that the only way to do justice was to give that power to them, conjointly with an elective Council. If that Council ware granted, he should have thought it difficult to govern on the monarchical principle. He did not say that he would have done so without giving them time for ample reflection, and endeavourin g to per suade them that the advantages which they enjoyed under the British Government were greater than they would enjoy under any other Government. No form of Government, let it be recollected, was perfect. Even in America, different parties accused each other of malversa tion, as in this country. Therefore, would he have tried to convince the people of Upper Canada, that the form of Go vernment under which they now lived was better than any that they could possibly possess. If, however, they did net yield to his arguments, he would not be di s posed to resist the concession. —(Hear.) But how different was the case in Lower Canada, where the question was, whether the Assembly would pay the Judges, which they refused to do until an elective Council should be granted. Now, that would place the power of the State in the hands of the French party ; and, as he had told M. Papineau himself, it would be impossible to take such a mea sure against the English inhabitants, who well knew that it would result in placing them in the power of their political antagonists—it would have been imposible for the British Government to have taken this course, if the connexion between the two countries were to be maintained.—(Hear, hear.) Supposing the British troops had been withdrawn from the Colony. the first consequence would have - been a most san guinary war—for the British party could not be ex pected to yield without a struggle.—(Hear, and c heers.) If they had been defeated, they would have become hewers of wood and drawers of water to the off-scourings of society. The Canadians had no means of governing thems e l ves ; t h ere wou ld h are b een a l oss o f life and property which it would have taken years to restore. He knew well the passions of the people ; and even in 1828 they had risen to such a height that it was almost impossible to repress them. The House would recollect that the power of the United States to prevent the citizens taking part in the contest was very limited, and did his Hon. Friends below him suppose that their sympathies would be all one way—that they would be all with the E ng li s h race ? Flow easy would it be to divide Canada into the States of New York, Vermont, and Maine ? And without imputing any improper motives to the citizens of the United States, every body knew that they considered their Government a good one for their purposes, and that the minority should submit to the majo rity. Would the American form of government be more pa latable than the British form of government to the Canadians ? Gentlemen who had looked into the subject, were surely not of that opinion. Providence had provided th• difficulty for them—it was their duty to provide against it. He was one of those who thought that Government ought to have taken some bolder steps in time. He would