The Sun. — London, England, 1838-08-08 00:00:00

IMPER, LAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS. AUGUST 7. The SPEAKEP. took the Chair at the usual hour. Sir R. INGLIS presented petitions from places in Wilt shire, the Wesleyan Methodists of Old-street Chapel, Queen street Chapel, Soutl,wark, and other places, against idola trous worship in India. Also a petition from Lincoln in favour of support to the Church of Lower Canada; and two petitions from Durham against the Parochial Assessments' Bill. Mr. BROT HE RTON presented a petition from Stock port, praying for the adoption of such legislative measures as would give beneficial employment and education to the indus- trious Classes. Mr. FINCH presented a petition from a place in Stafford shire, against idolatrous worship in India. Sir W. BR ABA ZON presented two petitions from the Barony of Kiluraine and town of Bellinarohe, county Mayo, agreed to at a general public meeting, praying for the total extinction of tithes. The petition was signed by 1,400 per sons : also another petition, very numerously signed, from the barony of Burnshoole and town of l*wport, to the same effect. Lord SANDON presented two petitions from Mr. Thomas Kinder, merchant, of London, complaining cf the conduct of the Mexican Government in their loan transactions, and of the inadequate support afforded by the Government of this country. He said that Mr. Harvey, the British Consul in Mexico, gave not only every encouragement to the loans being made, but gave what very nearly ap proached to a guarantee on the part of the British Govern ment, but from their withholding that support he had been a loser to the amount of between 60,0001. and 70,0001. This gentleman bad suffered most severely from the abuses of the low in Mexico. Mr. P. THOMSON thought the Noble Lord would have done better if he had merely laid the petition on the table of the House, and then if he had wished to have made the statement he had done, he could have given proper notice, and thereby rave afforded a fa r opportunity for meeting it. His Noble Friend had made an imputation against a public officer. lie heli.ved nothing could be more unfounded than such a charge. If it was not made by the Noble Lord him self, it certainly was made by those by whom he was instructed. Lord SANDON explained. Mr. WARD said, from his personal knowledge of Mexico he could say, that the idea of supposing that a man being con nected with the British Minister would have an effect on the tribunals, was out of the question. Lord ASHLEY presented two petitions from places in Dorsetshire, against the encouragement of idolatrous worship in India. Mr. V. SMITH brought up the Report of the Committee on Church Leases. Mr. P. SCROPE presented a petition from Stroud, praying for an alteration of the Corn Duties. Mr. D. W. HARVEY presented a petition from St. Saviour's, Southwark, against the Grammar-school Bill. The Hon. Member gave notice that he should to-morrow move for the discharge of the order for the committal of that Bill. The Honourable Member also presented petitions from Sheffield, Southwark, Essex, Taunton, and Newcastle under-Lyne, against the Poor-law Bill ; also petitions from Rochdale and Bath, in favour of Mr. Owen's plan for giving employment to the working classes, and praying that that gentleman might be heard at the bar. Mr. THORNELY presented a petition from Wolver hampton agaiust the continuance of idolatrous worship in India. POOR LAWS. Mr. POULETT SCROPE brought up the Report of the Poor.law Committee. Mr. FIELDEN could not let this Report be brought up without saying a few words of the manner in which the Corn mittee had conducted the investigation, and upon that docu ment which was the result of it. His proposition was, that the Committee should examine those whom nobody could doubt were the best witnesses—the labouring people and the rate payers. He proposed at the first meeting of the Committee that they should procure certain returns from those Unions in which the rates had been reduced 50 per cent. This was objected to, upon the ground that the returns would be too elaborate to be allowed, and too difficult to procure. He then proposed they should take those Unions in which the reduction had been 60 per cent. ; and the first three on the list of this descrip tion being Ampthill, Bedford, and Woburn, the Committee ordered the returns from those Unions. He (Mr. Fielden) sent two men down into Bedfordshire to make inquiries as to the condition of the people, whom the returns showed to be deprived of parochial relief, under the new law ; and he was in hopes that the Committee would have gone into a full ex amination of the rate-payers and labourers of those Unions, as well as into the examination of Commissioners, Guardians, and officers of the new law. But he had been grievously disap pointed. The House would find, by looking at the evidence, that the Committee had been engaged no less than thirty-six days and a half in examining Commissioners and Guardians. Indeed the Commissioners alone had taken twenty days out of the fifty-two days the whole examination had taken up. Four days had been allotted to the medical inquiry; leaving ten days and a half for the examination of witnesses against the law, and this notwithstand in g half a million of persons had yeti Toned against it, stating their reasons. The Corn inissioners and the Guardians, too, were persons actually upon their trial; they were persons who had been com plained of, and the Committee was originally appointed for the purpose of ascertaining whether those complaints were just. Would the House be satisfied—would the country he satisfied, that this Commtttee had conducted an impartial examination, when it was found that thirty-six days and a half out of fifty-two days had been allotted to the ex amining of persons who were on their trial ? ( Hear.) His (Mr. Fielders's) main objection to the law was founded on his firm conviction that it would reduce the wages of the labouring people ; and if he had nothing more than even the Assistant. Commissioners to satisfy him upon that point, their evidence had shown him that that had already been the result. The House should have foreseen this before it had passed the law. Honourable Members would perceive that it was stated, on the authority of Mr. Overman, Vice-Chairman of the Amp thill Board, that the wages of the labourers in his neigh bourhood had been raised since the law came into operation. Indeed, in illustration of the fact, he stated what he himself paid upon his own farm in 1834, and what he paid in 1837 ; that is to say, he gave them a table containing the weekly payments for every week in those years to his labourers, and the totals showed an increase in the gross amount in 1837. So far Mr. Overman made out the case very well ; hut in his previous examination he had stated not only that wages had been raised, but that many more men had been employed on the land; and here Mr. Overman had failed to establish his case, but had completely succeeded in establishing the point which he (Mr. Fielden) aimed to prove, namely, a reduction in wages. Mr. Overman in 1834 and 1835 employed twenty men and thirteen boys, and the gross amount which he states tie paid to them in the year is 775/. 6s. Id. He states that in 1837 and Ic3B his gross payment in wages was 8701. Bs., which was doubtless a considerable increase in the money spent in wages ; but he employed in the latter year eleven boys and twenty-six men, which, as any one would find on calculating it, proved a reduction of lld. per week in money wages. As Mr. Overman and his teblrs were cited in the Report as the proof of an advance in wages, he (Mr. F.) had proposed an amendment to tire part of the Report, which he would now read. The Hon. Gentlernen then read his amendment. He had moved this resolution ehen complaining in the Com mittee of the whole Report, and he asleed whether lie had not a right to complain of such a delusive statement being sent forth to the country as that which he had just pointed out.— Hear, hear.) Before he had become a Member of this Cum mite°, he had imagined that the handloom weavers, and some others in the North, were the most miserable of the English labouring people ; but he had beard enough confessed in the Committee to show him, that if the people of the South were not now as badly off as the handloom weavers, it would take but a short time to bring them to the condition of those mise rable people. He would pause, in 01-10- to a>k the Ilnese whether it cs:11 nut. bot:i cruel and impolitic to continue this wicked and obnoxious law, if there was any chance that its results would be such as lie had spoken of ? Ile could point out good, honest, and industrious labourers, men whose characters were not disputed, who, with their families, were living now upon 3d. per head per day. In the Report of the Committee it would be found that Neale, the Assistant-Com missioner, had made a statement of the wages of agricultu ral labourers in Somersetshire, Gloucestershire, and Worces tershire, and the average rate of wages afforded Is. sd. per head per week for the labourer and his family. Mr. Rawson, a manufacturer at Leicester, stated on his own experience that wages had been reduced one-third since the new law came into operation, and he apprehended a continued reduction. He (Mr. Fielden) had sent two men down into the neigh bourhood of Ampthill to make inquiries in that neighbour hood, and they took a survey of the parish of Westoning in particular ; they obtained the name, number in family, and earnings of every labouring man within the parish for 1834 and 1837, and t h e result was a reduction of 16 per cent. in their means of living. The tables establishing these matters had been put in by Mr. Turner, one of the persons whom he had sent to make the inquiries. He had received letters from all parts of the country, from so f ar wes t as Barnsta ' ple ' and so far east as Norwich, from Carli s l e , and from many places in the interior of the country, addressed to by magistrates, ttergymen, guardians of boards, and by tradesmen, all com plaining of the operation of this law, and all statine , it to have the effects which he h ad anti cipated with dread, and which he had often stated to the House. —( Hear, hear.) Lord G. SOMERSET rose to order., After the Hon. Gentleman bad b een addressing the House for u p w ards of half an hour, he (Lord G. S.) had not heard one word respecting the importance of the Re p ort which had been brou g ht u p . The SPE AKER considered that it was exceedingly im portant that no Report should be discussed until it was printed, and in the hands of the Members. No Member could be aware of its contents unless he were one of the Committee. He had not had the good fortune to hear much of what had fallen from the Hon. Member, but as far as he understood his observations, they related to a Report, of the contents of which none but the Members of the Conmittee could be aware. Mr. FIELDEN had opposed the Report in the Commit tee upon every occasion. The SPEAKER suggested that the Hon. Member would be more in order in objecting to the Report when any step was proposed to be taken upon it. Mr. FIELDEN said the Report was exceedingly unsatis factory to hirn, and in the Committee he wished to hate entered his protest. The SPEAKER reiterated his former objections. Mr. FIELDEN then begged leave to enter his protest against the Report which had been laid on the table. Mr. P. SCROPE would not enter into any of the details of what had fallen from the Hon. Member, but he must refute the charge made by the Hon. Gentleman that the Com mittee had paid no attention to the evidence produced. The Hon. Member for Oldham was the last person that ought to have made any complaint, because he had the liberty of selecting any part of the country on which to bring evidence before the Committee. The Report of the Committee would speak for itself, and he was quite sire it would answer the statements of the Hon. Member for Oldham. The Report was then ordered to lie on the table. Lord MORPETIi brought in a Bill to restrain the aliena tion of Corporate Property in Ireland, which was read a first time. Mr. SH AW brought in a Bill to provide compensation for certain officers of the Corporation of Dublin, which was read a first time. THE EXCHEQUER BILLS BILL. The Exchequer Bills (Public Works) Bill and the Four and-a-Half per Cent. Duties Bill passed through Committee, and were ordered to be reported. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX CHEQUER, the Lords' amendments to the Royal Exchange Rebuilding Bill were agreed to. The Slave Trade Treaties Bill, and the Duchies of Corn wall and Lancaster Bill went through a Committee. The Bills were reported, without amendments, to the House. TIN DUTIES.. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE , QUER the House went into Committeeon the Tin Duties (Duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster) Bill. On the Bth clause being proposed, Lord G. SOMERSET moved as amendment that the import duty on foreign tin should be reduced to 12s. per cwt. His object was not to interfere with the fair remuneration of all parties concerned in the trade, but he thought it right, wben the country was called upon to pay from 20,0001. to 25,0001. a year, that they should obtain some public advantage. The Noble Lord then entered into calculations to show that the duty he proposed would amply remunerate the home ma nufacturer, while it would open a fair competition with him and the foreign importer. The Noble Lord concluded by calling upon the House to try the experiment of lowering the duties to the extent which he proposed, and not continue in the hands of the Cornish miners the monopoly which they at present held. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the Government measure, which proposed to lower the duties to 15s. per cwt., would give more protection to the Cornish miners than the 12s. per cwt. proposed by the Noble Lord ; and it at the same time afforded to the public the advantages arising out of foreign competition. The main benefit of the measure proposed by Ministers was, that it would afford Government an opportunity of practically ascertaining some mode by which to settle the duties to be paid upon the import of tin upon some just and equitable standard. The manufac turing interest admitted, through Mr. Smith, the Chairman of their own Committee, that they would willingly acquiesce in a reduction of the duty to 155., and yet the Noble Lord, professing to be the advocate of the manufacturing interest, insisted upon a lower duty. It had been said of his (the Chan cellor of the Exchequer's) countrymen, that they were more Catholic than the Pope ; and be might say of the Noble Lord that he was more anxious for the interest of the manufactu rers than the manufacturers themselves, or than the Chair man of their Committee. It had been argued that a duty of 15e. would amount to an absolute prohibition. This might prove to be the case, but as the Bill was an experiment, if it turned out to be so Government was prepared to make a fur ther reduction. For his own part, he considered that the practical experiment which they were about to make by means of the Bill would be better than any measure founded upon ab stract calculations; for if no importation were found to follow upon the enactment, the duty, as he had already stated, would be further reduced ?—( Hear, hear.) It might be asked why Government did not at once make a further re duction ? His answer was, that if they made too low a reduc tion in the first instance, they might perhaps find it very difficult to retrace their steps. Besides this, a too sudden re duction to too great an extent would, most probably, prove seriously injurious to the capital at present employed in the production of tin at home. Government did not propose this as a final measure ; but, on the contrary, they were ready to re-consider the subject if the result of the experiment did not prove satisfactory. He hoped, after this explanation, that the Noble Lord would not object to the experiment which they were about to try in passing the present Bill this year. Mr. HAWE S complained that in the discussion of this measure the interests of the consumers were totally over looked, and those of the manufacturers and miners alone taken into account. In his opinion, a duty of 15s. would be still a prohibitory duty. The object of the House ought to be to lower as far as possible the charge on the consumers, taking care at the same time to inflict as little injury as possible upon the capital now employed in the trade. He felt himself called upon to support the proposition of the Noble Lord. Sir C. LEMON entered into some detailed calculations for the purpose of showing that a duty of 15s. would afford a fair chance of competition. Mr. P. THOMSON said he himself was of opinion that there should be a greater diminution of the duty than was at present proposed by the Bill, but he was willing to take the 15s. in the first instance to try the test of actual experiment. He was the more inclined to this when he found the parties most peculiarly interested in the reduction content with that proposition. The question they were about to try, and to try practically, was, whether with such duties foreign tin would come into the home market. If the duty were found, as it was said it would be, a prohibitory one, it would be easy to make a still further reduction. Lord ELIOT said it should be recollected that there was great capital invested in those mines, and an immense number of persons deeply interested. Whatever duty the House agreed to lay on it should have a reference to the effect it would in all probability produce upon that capital and those interests. It might be thought that foreign countries would have no objection to exportation to this country at all periods, and that their own pecuniary interests would sufficiently gu t rantee the continuance of that supply at all periods. -Expe rience had not proved that this would be the case. Holland had not done so with regard to her spices, nor did he think that it could be at all calculated upon. If they adopted a course which would have the effect of reducing the profits of the pro prietors of the mines so low as to cause a partial suspension of the works, a most serious injury would be thereby inflicted, for any Hon. Member acquainted with the mining districts must be aware that the increase of water rendered the working of mines, after they have been once discontinued, a very diffi cult work. Mr. WARBURTON thought that so great an advantage ought not to be given to the mining interests in Cornwall without securing a correspondent advantage to the public. Mr. AGLIONBY would wish that they had more specific information upon the subject before they legislated upon it. If, however, they did make an experiment, they ought to be gin at a lower rate than that which had been *fixed, and this would render the experiment less hazardous. The mining proprietors in Cornwall had already great advantages, and if they required any additional benefit they ought to be ready to give some equivalent to the public. Sir H. VI VIA N advocated the amount named by the Go vernment. He was not a holder of mining property himself, but from his knowledge of the vast numbers vitally inte rested in their success he felt the necessity of affJrding them protection. No experiment could be attended with greater risk than one which would incur the danger of throwir ' s the miners out of employment. Any Hon. Member who had ever seen the effect of stopping the works in one of the large mines produced upon the district would dread to see such an occurrence repeated. The advantage which it was proposed to give the miners was not new. The tin plate workers had at present a bonus of 20 per cent. ad valorem. Mr. FINCH was of opinion that the duty upon the impor tation of foreign tin ought to be as low as possible. That truly great man, Mr. Huskisson, had reduced the duty upon the importation of foreign lead, and although it had been much opposed by the proprietors at home, who felt themselves most interested, it had proved highly advantageous to the country. The proprietors of mines in Cornwall at present received great advantage from the drawback upon timber which aaq allowed to them. Alter a it,r words from Mr. PENDARVE S, Mr FRE SHFI E LD assured the Committee that if they encouraged in too great a degree the introduction of foreign tin they might inflict a serious injury upon our tin mining dis tricts in Cornwall. Even the tin plate workers were anxi ou that the home producers should not be driven from the markets Lord G. SOMERSET said that he would not press his motion, but he would introduce the subject at a very early period of the next session. The other clauses were then agreed to and the Report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow (this day), after which , the House resumed. The Coal Trade (Port of London) Bill went through Com mittee, after which the House resumed. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned to two o'clock to-morrow (this day). HOUSE OF L()RDS, AUGUST 7. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'Clock. -•-• The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented petitions from Southwark against idolatrous worship in India. The Bills on the table were forwarded a stage. The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions from Edinbugh and Dalkeith, against idolatrous worship in India. The Earl of CARLISLE presented similar petitions from Whitby. UNIVERSITY OF LONDON. Lord BROUGHAM wished to ask his Noble Friend on the Woolsack. whether there would be any objection to laying on the table the new Charter of the London University? The LORD C H A NCELLOR said there was no objection. CANADA. Lord BROUGHAM said that they now had been afforded the perusal of those extraordinary documents for which he had moved, and lie would venture to say that the his tory of legislation gave no other instance of similar absurdity. What he had pronounced before to be illegal he now pro nounced to be not only illegal, hut so illegal that a Bill of indemnity would be necessary. Upon the construction of the Coercion Bill he maintained that the Governor-General had no power of pas s i ng sentence o f d ea th w ithout previous trial, or of passing Bills of Pains and Penalties against persons who had been convicted of no offence. The provision of that Coercion Bill, which gave the Governor-General, with the advice of his Council, power to make " rules and regulations for the peace, welfare, and good government of the province," extended only to the making of general laws. But further than that, there was an exp ress except i on, i n the very teet h o f which those ordinances went. Th e G overnor i n C ounc il, b y that exception, was tied up from altering any Act of the Par liament of this country. Now the 7th of William 111., for the trial of all treasonable offences, was by th ose or di nances at o nce set aside. In England, without the challenge of jurors, a copy of the charge, and all those safeguards which the law had so carefully imposed, a conviction for high treas o n was not valid ; but these ordinances cited no trial at all. There was the case of Papineau. He could have had no trial ; he had con fessed nothing, and had left the country. What had been done in the rebellion—the assassination plot ?--(Hear.) When the THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 8, 1838. danger. But if their Lordships considered that those powers had already been improperly exercised—so exercised as to hazard the interests of the colony—it might undoubtedly be wise in them to interfere docisively to ;Ater such a course of proceding. But he did not understand the Noble and Learned Lord to propose that mode of proceeding ; and if, then, they did not see sufficient ground for interfering decisively, there was but one course—to have some con fidence, to place some reliance on the responsible otlicer of the Government, and not to be perpetually interrupting the course of proceedings by constant complaints and obser vations, and not to be weakening the authority of the Go vernment by perpetually condemning that which they did not intend to alter. It was the fault and the error of popular Go vernments, and all Governments had their faults and their errors. All forms of Government had their ingenita vitia, that in consequence of political strife—in consequence of the altercation of parties and personal dislike, the enemies of the country, whether foreign or domestic, always found their greatest assistance and encouragement in the bosom of the Legislative Assemblies. That was the case ; and, undoubtedly, it was a great evil and misfortune. He would say nothing on the law of this case, for the Noble and Learned Lord was always taunting him with his ignorance of the law; ana, in deed, it was unnecessary that he should say anything, on that part of the subject, because his opinion could of course carry no weight or authority whatever ; but he could assure their Lordships that, with the exception of that part relating to the island of Bermuda, with regard to which it was perfectly evi dent that the Governor-General and the Council had not ad verted to the fact that their jurisdiction did not extend beyond the limits of the province—he could assure their Lordships, on the authority of those in whose legal knowledge he could implicitly rely, that the rest of that ordinance was perfectly warranted by the powers committed to the Governor-General. Lord EL LENBOROUG H said that he laboured under the same misfortune as the Noble Viscount with regard to his want of legal knowledge, but he must take leave to say that his opinion coincided with that of the Noble and Learned Lord. The further they departed from Constitutional prin ciples the greater must be their danger, for he had always considered that the smallest departure from Constitutional principles, on the part of a Constitutional Government, was fraught with the greatest danger.—( Hear.) Governments having other origins might venture on other courses and be safe in despotism ; but a Constitutional Government could not depart from those principles without danger to itself, and injury to its subjects. He had pressed this subject on the at tention of Parliament, and he should continue to do so, be cause he held it to be their duty to supply, by their Constitu tional vigilance, as far as they could, the want of that Consti tutional Government which they had been induced to take away. Nor could he at all agree with the Noble Viscount who deprecated the observation—( Hear, hear)—because it could not be made without the greatest injury to the Govern ment which had violated those Constitutional principles on which it ought to have acted.—( Hear, hear.) Lord BROUG HA M—As he had now been told the lawyers had been found who said that all these proceedings were legal, he begged to give notice that he should, the next day the House met, move for a copy of any legal opinions given to the Go vernment on the subject ; and he wished to move now for a return of the date at which Sir C. Paget first attended the Council. That was an important date, because he did not at tend the Parliament, and it was possible that only four instead of five had been present at the Council when these ordinances were passed. He never till that night had heard, and he had not expected that he ever should have heard in that House, the highest Court of Justice in the realm or in Parliament, the temple of English liberty, that he ever should have heard the ears of their Lordships outraged and insulted by such principles as the Noble Viscount had propounded—that the more extreme the powers were which they had felt it their duty to grant, the more necessary was it, the more was it their duty, to confide in the Governor ; that the more extravagant the authority was which the Coercion Bill had reposed in his hands the less watchful ought they, the Senate of England, to be—( Hear, hear)—in seeing how he exercised those extraordinary powers; that if he were sent in discharge of an ordinary public duty— if he were invested with mere every-day authority—if he went out—if he went out with the law of England, common and statute, to administer, then indeed it might be their duty to watch ; but when they armed a man with doubtful powers— when they said that all law should be silent, except that which he made—when thus he was invested with the whole legisla tive powers with the slightest possible restriction, but not without some limits—then it became them to shut their hands, and to fold their arms, and to sit quiescent, without venturing to inquire whether he had exceeded those excessive powers. He (Lord Brougham) had hitherto been taught to believe that the larger the powers the less was the excuse for exceed ing that authority—( Hear, hear)—and the greater the vigi lance required to prevent any excess.—( Hear, hear.) Then came some general observations on the evils of popular Go vernments —( Hear, hear)—from the Noble Viscount—from the head of a Liberal Administration—( Hear, and a laugh)— from one representing Whig principles in the country. That a popular Government, like all others, had its evils, which no dody denied, but he (Lord Brougham) was not prepared to expect that the Noble Viscount would have set down amongst its mischiefs thatiwhiels he (Lord Brougham) considered its greatest benefit—the consummate glory of a popular .Consti- - tution, namely, that it abhorred. all arbitrary power---that it courted publicity and investigation—that it challenged in quiry—that it defied opposition—that it stood upon its own merits—and, above all, that it never sought to skulk in the recesses of irresponsible power, or to escape from scrutiny, or to overrule the principles of justice and of kno am law, by planting in the place that wretched substitute—a vague and unknown law. If anything more opposed could be conceived it was that expediency should be pleaded in extenuation of that which could never be defended, namely, illegal acts ; and that that expediency should be the more relied upon as the more ample and extravagant were the powers with which the wrong doers had for the time invested the facts. To be told and taunted that party feelings interfered, that factious strife, as it was insinuated, was the cause of these ob servations—that personal feelings were the cause—to be told at the end of the Session, during the earlier part of which he, on every occasion, resisted the passing of the Act, and so lemnly protested against it, and afterwards told to watch when it became law, and to scrutinise and take care that the powers were not exceeded, might surprise him ; but to be told that personal feeling had any concern surprised him a great deal more, and for this good and plain reason, that when lie thought the Noble Earl (Durham) was unfairly attacked in the last part of his conduct brought before the House, the appointment of Mr. Turton, and when none of the Go vernment, now so sensitive on the subject, and who said that any scrutiny was unfair, interfered to defend him, he ( Lord Brougham) was the only person in the House who ventured to say one word in the defence or extenuation of that Noble Personage. He thought, consequently, that he might defy all the charges that could be levelled at him for allowing party feeling or personal influence to guide his con duct in this matter. He deemed this question of the greatest, the last importance, to the peace of the Colony, to the credit of the law, to the credit of the Government itself, and to the credit of the Parliament which passed this Coercive Bill. But if he were told that he did not mean to move any further ob struction in the way of the Noble Earl's Government, and the Noble Viscount (Melbourne).had assumed that he ( Lord Brougham) would not, there was a wide difference between at once moving for an address to recal the Noble Earl, and put a stop to his administration, which might produce conse quences fur which he ( Lord Brougham) would not choose to be answerable, and shutting the eyes and folding the arms, and doing nothing--( Hear, hear.) He was neither prepared to remove the Earl of Durham, nor to make him absolute, nor enable their Lordships to break the Act which sent him out. He was so far from being against Lord Durham— so far from feeling that there would b.s. anything hurtful to him in the discussions which had taken place—as the Noble Viscount said prematurely, but as he ( Lord Brougham) said necessarily, indispensably, and unavoidably—that he ( Lord B. ) believed these discussions, by bringing to the attention of the Noble Earl the fact of his not having vested in him absolute discretionary powers, would be the best thing, the must whole some thing, and the most satisfactory thing that could be done for the Earl of Durham himself.—( - Hear, hear. ) The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, I understand there is no motion before the House at present, and that the Noble and Learned Lord has only given notice of a motion for to-morrow. Lord BROUGHAM—I moved for the date of Sir Charles Paget's attendance. The Duke of WELLINGTON—I cannot but feel with the Noble and Learned Lord that those parts of the ordi nances which are admitted by the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) and the Noble Baron (Glenelg) to be illegal, are a fit subject for inquiry in this and the other House of Parliament ; and it seems to be not only a fit subject for inquiry, but that it is one into which it is absolutely necessary , for Parliament to in quire, because if Parliament does not inquire, it is impos sible to say what may be the consequences.—( Hear, hear.) A paper has been put into my hands by a Noble Lord near me. It is a despatch from the Noble Earl (Durham), in which he states that he has adopted the transportation to Bermuda be cause he did not think right to transport those persons to a con vict colony. My Lords, it appears to me the Noble Earl does not know what he is doing. Some steps should be taken in this country to set the Noble Earl right in these transactions, which, as it appears, are totally and entirely illegal. I agree with what was stated by the Noble Viscount and Noble Baron, that it is not right to attack the conduct of the Earl of Durham night after night; but when there is a case of this description. when the conduct of the Governor there has been positively illegal, it is absolutely necessary for this House and the other House to take up the subject, and to adopt some measure which will really set the Governor right on the subject, and apply a remedy. There is also a paragraph in this despatch to which I must call the attention of the House. " These measures have met with the entire approbation of Sir John Colborne and the heads of what is called the British party' " (Hear, hear.) My Lords, this publishes the name of a man as being the head of a party—a man of high station, and one who has acted in that country with so much credit to himself and advantage to his Sovereign. He ought not to be dis graced in this manner, and certainly the name ought not to be published on this occasion. My Lords, I hope the Noble and Learned Lord will bring forward this question. It will be with a view to apply a remedy, for that is the object for which we ought to seek; and when that is done there will be no necessity for attacking Lord Durham day after day, and these discussions will of course close.—(Hear, hear.) Lord GL ENE LG said, before he heard the Noble Duke state it, he believed it had never entered into the head of any one individual to suppose that Sir John Colborne was at the head of the British party or any party. He understood that Sir John Colborne approved of these measures, and that the heads of the British party approved of them also. He con ceived it to be impossible that that gallant officer couldbe con sidered as joining with any party at all. He said this because he knew Sir J. Colborne had kept aloof from all parties. Lord LYNDHURST said that it was not his intention to erson principallyconcerned in that affairh,zd absented birnself from the country, he had nevertheless had his guilt proved; witnesses were examined to convict him, but it was before Par liament instead of the Court. So much for the legality of those ordinances ; but if such excessive powers were to be exercised by a Governor, at least he should take careto pen the laws which he did make with such clearness and precision as to render them perfectly intelligible. But let their Lordships mark the absur dity of those ordinances. They did not begin by declaring, as a Bill of attainder would. that A, B, and C were guilty of high treason, but that they should be carried to the island of Ber muda, and if they came away from there they should be held to be guilty of high treason ; that was high treason in sus pense—( A laugh)—and those persons would not be guilty of high treason unless they left the island of Bermuda ; so that in fact the crime of leaving the island of Bermuda, was high trea son. That, however, was contrary to the statute of 25 Ed. 111., which fortunately limited the number of crimes constitut ing high treason to very few. One word more. Here was this monstrous ordinance directed against 12 or 14 persons who were named as guilty of the murder of Lieutenant Weir, and it was therein especially declared that nothing in any pro clamation of her Majesty should extend, or be construed to extend to those people ; so that if the Queen was advised to issue a proclamation, which undoubtedly she had a right to do, unless the Governor-General were to be Viceroy over the Queen, extending her indulgence to those persons, this ordinance and of the Governor-General and his Council made it law in Canada that these 12 or 14 persons should not derive the benefit of any such proclamation ; there was no doubt that they meant "in the proclamation which was about to be issued."—(" Hear," from Lord Glenelg.) Yes, but then that was very slovenly legislation—( Hear, hear. for the ordinance said, " any proclamation of her Majesty." Now, this had been done under colour of the Coercion Act, which contained an express exception prohibiting the Go vernor from altering or repealing any British Act of Parlia ment : but suppose there were no such exception, did the Coercion Act extend to the West Indies and to the island of Bermuda? It did not give him the slightest power to do any one thing with regard to the island of Bermuda; and yet the Noble Earl the Governor-General said, " Upon consul tation with Sir Charles Paget"—not a lawyer, but a very re spectable officer—" I determined on sending them to the island of Bermuda"—which he had no right to do—" where they could be placed under strict controul and surveillance." Let the Governor of Bermuda beware how he attempted to put under restraint any one of those persons, because he would render himself liable to an action for false imprisonment. There was another Act of Parliament—comparatively of a trifling nature—which had, however, been violated by an ordinance of the Noble Earl's Government. The Governor of Canada said that if any person were found tippling after nine o'cicck in any tavern •it should be in the power of any Justice, not only to issue search warrants to search taverns and boardinghouses, but to sentence the offender to imprisonment, with hard labour, for two months, the punishment in England being only a penalty of from ss. to 40s. The next was a measure of humanity, and he was only sorry that it had been so ill framed as to render it ridicu lous. The ordinance was, that If any person should be found overloading, overdriving, or otherwise ill-treating any horse, dog, or other animal—( Laughter)—probably it meant domes tic animals—but it applied to a hare or a rabbit—it applied to a sheep or a hog—( Laughter)--and he supposed it was ill treating a sheep to take away its life.—(Loud laughter.) That appeared very absurd, but it was a serious matter to have such powers—so monstrous, so unconstitutional—exercised in so reckless a manner—( Hear, hear)—for was it not a proof of the reckless manner in which these powers had been employed? If such powers were to be exercised at all it was impossible to exercise them too cautiously or too sparingly ; it was impossible for a Government possessed of so wide an authority to draw its ordinances too carefully or too consistently with existing laws, with each other, and with common sense ; and if such carelessness continued to be displayed, something ought to be done by way of instruction or Bill to curb those powers. It was no fault of his that he had called attention to the man ner in which those extraordinary powers had been so uncon stitutionally exercised. He would pass over several other ex traordinary circumstances—as that of twenty-four persons having been sentenced in one morning—only reminding their Lordships that fourteen persons, Papineau making a fifteenth, had been condemned to suffer death as traitors who had never confessed one syllable, and every one of whom by the genius of English law he had a right to suppose not guilty. Lord GLENELG did not rise for the purpose of entering into a general discussion of the subjects alluded to by the Noble and Learned Lord • but lie could not help remarking on the tone in which he had animadverted on the conduct of the Earl of Durham. As to the first ordinance, however, it must be admitted that, as the authority of that Noble Earl did not extend to the Bermudas, that part of the ordinance could not be of any avail.—( Hear, hear.) But the main ob ject for the House to consider was, the great purpose for which the Earl of Durham had been sent to Canada; and, keeping that in view, he believed that in the rules and regu lations which he - had already established, the Earl of Durham had consulted the best interests of the province, for the ob ject of his mission was pacification. The Noble Earl had been called upon to consider the cases of persons supposed to be guilty of very high crimes, and it was a difficult task to decide whether he should put in force the extreme powers of the law or whether he should exercise his right of lenity. He chose, however, to deal leniently with them ; and he took the best course which he thought most lenient for those who had confessed themselves guilty. Continual accounts were received from that country stating that the course which the Earl of Durham did take had produced great satisfac tion. Before that time parties had been very much di vided in that country. Some were anxious for violence and extremity of punishment, whilst others were in favour of a complete amnesty ; but when the Earl of Durham's decision was announced, those differences were reconciled, and a general feeling of satisfaction prevailed. With regard to the second ordinance, into the details of which he would not follow the Noble and Learned Lord, he begged to say that it was not to be supposed that every minute regulation of the municipal law of this country was to be closely followed in the ordinances of the Noble Earl. He admitted the incorrectness of that part which related to the island of Bermuda, but, as to the general illegality of those ordinances, he could not concur in the opinion of the Noble and Learned Lord. Lord BROUGHAM said that the Noble Lord had entirely mistaken his arguments; what he had urged was this—that all the Noble Earl (Durham) could do by this ordinance he might hadmi gh u t u b l a y p ve u d w o e n r e t w u i s tb end out th an u y se illegal exercise: of his p ower . Ho and that was all the ordinance copuledreeeeffseactviey from Canada, ~ But he might have made a bargain with those persons that he would not bring them to trial if they would agree to banish themselves to Bermuda; that was frequently done in Scotland, and no one would have complained of the impropriety of such a course. He knew not the state of feeling in that country, but he could well imagine that one party might be satisfied with the lenity of this ordinance, and the other party contented with getting rid of the men against whom it was directed. He begged to say that be had never objected to the lenity of the punishment ; on the contrary, he objected to its severity ; lie complained that these men had been subjectett w o a m s o tr r u e e th th an e the Government had any authority to impose. words of the Coercion Act were large ; but if before the mea sure had passed he had asked what was meant by giving Lord Durham power to'make rules and regulations " . for the peace and rod government of the province," an d had sa a id w t e l r iat w b a y s that provision lie would be empowered to sentence a man to death without trial, they would have rep lied instantl y that it was monstrous to suppose that any such p intent ed to be given, and that the provision applied only to general laws. If any one of the fifteen Learned Judges should hesitate one instant as to the construction of that Act of Parliament, he should be greatly surprised; but if any one of those Judges could be found to say that this ordi. nance was legal, under the exception which he was about to read, he would at once give up his opinion and admit that he knew nothing of the matt T. He had consulted the best lawyers in Westminster Hellen the subject ; and amongst them he found not a shadow of doubt on the subject. Even if his Noble and Learned Friend on the Woolsack would say flu.t it was legal—he would not say that en the authority of a Minis ter of the Crown under the pressure of debate—on the autho rity of an equity Judge with respect to a point of •criminal law—he would at once give up his opinion; but he should be very much astonished, and he should humbly ask him for his reasons.'The exception was this—" Provided always that it shall not be fawful by any such law or ordinance to repeal, sus pend, or alter any Act of the British Parliament." Then, w nsl(aaput a Gwtet s aic w t ae h pch i acis which al hly q t quibble ar each rt t hie o snhd b e e A r particularcrttehsao o tf r t rp e me daparenl repeal a o sl muc t e h anusn a et e t ; et t hs hu seT o ayrhy g me, h agn t hhdte Nobley o make a c Lk eou provide r l d d a e e k n , e , lg u ) pu h u ad L r e r r o d t s p po u k rh e a n m c . orr H ec e tly ( L ev u h rd en D h u e rh t a a m lk ) ed w o u f s u " u h t his Specialsea saw that at C hma o et u d n tch learnedi l e ; C a o n u d mn h cei e ul didt wereha than complainonLorddifficultcontend,hethat u o r h f Ca t u h mu e n i r whoe i c l. o n w d Ha u s e e t nwhenplaced me had He e another felt th e d d u i ffi t c t u u l t discharge, e i h in ad e felt for the law—he felt for the i n t erests y of the colony itself — he felt for the credit of the Government—and, above all, he s e c w h t r h g e, whicha nd h h e e felt for the peace and prosperity of the empire. For they might depend upon it, if the wit of man had been taxed to devise a scheme for frustrating all their hopes of the Noble Earl's Administration and rendering fruitless all their endea vours to establish tranquillity, a more effectual—a more rapidly and suddenly effectual way could not be devised than by making ordinances which on the face of them bore the impress of ignorance, of entire neglect of what was lawful, and of every disposition to do that which had the appearanee of power, without paying any regard to the real exissence of that power.—( Hear, hear.) Viscount MELBOURNE said that it must strike any one that this subject could not be discussed without constant regard to the circumstances which led to the Act regarding Canada—the commission of Lord Durham, and to those great powers—the whole powers ,if the Legislature —t o be exer cised by him, in conjunction with the Council, of which he had the nomination and appointment; and before they came to the conclusion that those powers had been exceeded, he im plored their Lordships to consider the circumstances in which the Noble Lord was placed, the difficulty of the charge with which he had been entrusted, and that he, being on the spot, must be better acquainted with all the circumstances, and better able to judge of the measures that were ne cessary or expedient, than their Lordships. He must say. therefore, that it was not right, that it was not prudent, that it was not just—he did not mean just merely towards Lord Durham, but it was not just to themselves—it was not just to the measures they had passed—it was not just to the interests of this great empire—to consider these measures in such a manner as to suffer themselves to be too much struck by any anomaly which might appear on the face of them, or by any differences from the practices of this country, in a settled state of society, enjoying perfect tranquillity, and free from all enter into the question of the legality or illegality of the ;Nl< t , cs appointed to administer funds for the Established conduct of Lord Durham, inasmuch as his Noble and Learaed Church, eighteen of these trustees were Licerals, and several Friend ( Brougham) had given notice of a motion which of them were Dissenters. Surely this ought not to be. would bring that subject under the consideration of their The LORD CHANCELLOR said there must be some Lordships. But he rose for the purpose of placing before mistake with respect to Bristol, as, from the Report which he them the absolute necessity of coming to some decision upon held in his hand, it did not appear that Bristol had come before these illegal ordinances. Persons might already have been him at all. found and brought before the courts in Canada ; they might The Earl of WICK LOW suggested that all the objects in have been tried, and therefore it became necessary to come I view would be answered by making the trustees, when 81 3 - to ,some express understanding with respect to these illegal pointed, responsible to the Court of Chancery. measures. He trusted, therefore, that the Noble and Learned Lord ELLENBOROUGH would have no objection to Lord would bring forward the subject on the earliest days in propose a clause to that effect. order that they might decide upon the question of legal:ty or After some conversation, it was arranged that the appoint illegality. meat of the trustees should be left as at present until the Ist Lord BROUGHAM said that those behind him seemed to of October, 1840—that they should, after being appointed, be think the Act gave the power of passing, privilegia, private responsible to the Court of Chancery. laws, Bills of pains and penalties, as well as making rules and The amendments down to clause 81 were then agreed to. regulations. His opinion as a lawyer was that it did not give The amendment to clause 81, providing that the taxes should that power. This was the opinion of other lawyers of greater be levied by Commissioners under the 9th of George IV., wa s authority in Westminster Hall ; but if there were any doubt negatived. there must be a declaratory Act passed. That mode of pro The Commons' amendment with respect to the appointmen t ceeding he thought would be more convenient ; for a declaa a- of Sheriffs, was then put and rejected. tory Act would explain and define, and, if necessary, limit the Lord L YND HURST then objected to the amendment powers. What his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lynd- of the Commons, imposing upon some towns in schedule B hurst) stated was true. The offenders being at large, that Commissioners under the 9th of George IV., as he considered was a substantive offence, unless they were to construe being the Commons could not do what they had done with respect at large, as being at large only in the province of Canada. to this amendment on the third reading of the He should now read his motion, which was for a return of The amendment in question was then disagreed to, and the when Sir C. Paget, Major-General Macdonnell, and Colonel remaining ones disposed of without further discussion. Grey respectively first attended the Council , and specifying A Conference with t he C ommon s on t heir Lordships' the names of the five Councillors who attended on the 28th of amendments was then ordered to take place, but on what dal July last. did not transpire. Viscount MELBOURNE said that they would have to The third reading of the Tithes (Ireland) Bill was fixed for send to Canada before the return could be made. Thursday. Lord BROUGHAM had of course assumed that the Noble The Bills on the table were then forwarded a stage; and Earl had sent the names of the councillors who were present their Lordships adjourned at a quarter past ten. when these Acts pasted. But the Noble Earl, it appeared, had not even condescended to mention the names. He only wished to know who attended the day the ordinances were passed. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that lie was desirous of receiving the same information, because he perceived that the ordinances passed on the 28th, and that one of the five coun- , cillors:only arrived on the 29th. He should also like to know whether the Noble Baron (Glenelg) had received any infor mation respecting the withdrawing by Lord Durham of the rewards offered by Lord Gosford for traitors. The Noble Earl had put a different value upon them. Lord Gosford offered 5001. for a traitor, and the Earl of Durham 1,000/. for a thief.—( Laughter. ) The returns were then ordered. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS (IRELAND) BILL. Viscount MELBOURNE begged to call their Lordships' attention to the amendments made by the House of Commons to thisßill, and as he had, when the amendments were proposed by their Lordships on the Committee and third reading, taken the liberty of stating that he did hope they would, when the Bill came up with those amendments which he knew must necessarily be made, in consequence of the amendments in troduced by their Lordships, deal with these amendments in a spirit of fairness and candour, he now trusted their Lordships would admit some of them as fitted and necessary to the be neficial working of the Bill. The first amendment was in the sth clause. Lord LYNDHURST said there was no objection to the amendment, and it was therefore agreed to. Lord MELBOURNE said the next amendment was with respect to the provisions relating to the boundaries. In moving the Committee on the Bill he had stated that though he ap proved of the boundaries, yet he did not pledge himself to them. The amendment introduced by the Commons allowed the Lord Lieutenant, with the advice of the Privy Council, to alter the boundaries of any borough, and to alter any ward thereof, as might become necessary. Lord LYNDHURST said that in the Bill introduced last year the Report of the Commissioners was taken. Why, therefore, should they introduce a principle contrary to the principle of the English and Scotch Municipal Bills ? Ile preferred to leave the boundaries to the discretion of the Crown, or to the Report of the Commissioners, to giving the power to the Lord Lieutenant, with the advice of the Privy Council. He objected also to the power of making new dis tributions of wards. The settlement of the boundaries, in stead of being left to the Lord Lieutenant, would be handed over to Mr. Drummond and Mr. O'Connell.—( Hear.) He must, therefore, suggest to the House the imperative necessity of repealing the amendment of the House of Commons. The Earl of WICKLOW asked why the boundaries of the Bill of last year were not considered proper now ? Viscount MELBOURNE said that it had since been as certained that the Commissioners had committed errors in some instances. The Earl of HADDINGTON, if that were the case, did not think the mode adopted by the House of Commons was the best way of correcting them. Lord PLUNKET said that the name of an individual had been introduced for the purpose of creating a prejudice against the Government. The Noble and Learned Lord (Lyndhurst) had no right to say that the Privy Council of Ireland was under the influence of Mr. O'Connell, or that they were ready to sacrifice their sworn obligations to any in dividual whatever. Did the Noble and - Learned Lord think -they-would be so influenced as not to correct errors if they were pointed out? The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that the Parlia mentary boundaries of countiesiwere not applicable to a Muni cipal Bill. The Earl of WICKLOW said that by the amendment of the House of Commons the Privy Council had only leave to consider the proposals made by a new Commission appointed by the Lord Lieutenant. If the Bill of last year had passed it would have contained the boundaries now objected to. The Duke of RICHMOND should prefer the introduction or a Boundary Bill next session.—( Hear, hear.) The Boun dary Bill which had been brought in for the corporate towns and boroughs of England, though long, did not take up much time. Under these circumstances he should vote against the amendment of the House of Commons. After a few words from Lord HATHERTON, the amend ment was negatived without a division. Viscount MELBOURNE, in introducing the Commons' amendment on the clause regulating the amount of qualifica tion for the franchise, informed the House that the proposition of the House of Commons was, that the qualification should be 81. rated rent ; that was to say, that the tenement should be rated at such a sum as, with an addition of one-fourth, should amount to 101. This, he thought, was rather a circuitous route by which to come to a 10/. qualification, but he sup posed that Parliament, like the oracles of old, was accustomed to use ambiguous language.—(A laugh.) He had pot it into an intelligible form, and he would beg and entreat of their Lordships not to persevere in that which must appear to themselves a manifest absurdity—the attempt to establish a higher qualification in Ireland, a poorer country, than that which was required for England. He hoped, therefore, that their Lordships would see the propriety of agreeing to the amendment. Lord BROUGHAM preferred a 5/. qualification, but as his choice was between two evils, he should take the smaller, and vote for the Commons' amendment. The Earl of WICKLOW thought that the House of Com mons had passed this amendment for the purpose of meeting their Lordships half way, and as he was anxious to meet this conciliatory spirit, he felt called upon to support their amend. ment.—( Hear, hear.) After a few words from Lord ELLENBOROUGH, The House divided— For the amendment Against it Majority against 77 Another verbal amendment of the Commons was negatived without a division. Viscount MELBOURNE said that the next amendment of the Commons related to the qualification for mayors and alder men of towns in schedule B. It proposed to reduce the qualification in those towns from 1,000/. to 500/. Lord ELLENBOROUGH had no objection to this amendment. Lord LYNDHURST had no objection to the restoration, but could not agree to the amendment. The clause was then restored and the amendment rejected. On the Commons' amendment upon the clause which pro. vides for the appointment of the trustees of Charitable Trusts, Lord ELL ENBOROUG H objected (as we understood) to leaving the appointment of these officers in the hands of the Court of Chancery, on the ground that it would open the door to the appointments being considered to be made on po litical grounds. The LORD CHANCELLOR agreed with the Noble Lord in the importance of having those trusts purely adminis. tered ; but he thought that object would not be likely to be accomplished by leaving the administration of those trusts in the present hands. It had been stated in that House and elsewhere that the appointments under the English Municipal Corporations Bill had been made by the Court of Chancery to serve political purposes. Now, what was the fact? There were one hundred and two cases in which applica tions had been made to the Court of Chancery for the appointment of trustees, and according to the usy.al and established custom the Court referred the parties to the Master—the parties then went before the Master, 'and pro duced their several lists. Of the entire number there were only four or five cases in which any questions were rais e d as to the mode in which these appointments had been made. So far from the Lord Chancellor making those appointments to serve party purposes, he exercised no control whatever, as the matter was left in the hands of the Master. The same course would be adopted in Ireland. He objected to the appointment of those trustees in the manner proposed by the Noble Lord (Lord Ellenborough), for these trustees would be irresponsible. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE hoped that there would be no objection to leave these appointments to the Lord Chan cellor, until some general measure could be passed for the ap pointment of charitable trustees. Lord PLUNKET entertained strong political feelings, but be repelled the insinuat ion that he could carry those feelings with him into the Court of Chancery. If he were capable of political partisanship in his judicial capacity he ought to be at once removed. With respect to the Masters in Chan cery, their duties were the same in Ireland as in England, and he was bound to say that those gentlemen discharged their duties in a manner that entitled them to the highest praise. The Duke of WELLINGTON did not hesitate to say that for the last two years he had heard loud complaints from various quarters of the manner in which some of these appointments had been made by the Court of Chancery. Lord LYNDHURST had received strong complaints from various quarters, mentioning a great variety of instances in which the majority of the trustees appointed by the Court of Chancery were violent and warm political partisans. That was the reason why he so strongly objected to the amendment made by the House of Commons. He had received a letter from Bristol, a few days ago, from a gentleman, named Christopher George' which stated that, out of twenty-ono FROM LAST NIGHTS' GAZETTE. WHITEHALL, AucusT 6. The Queen has been pleased to direct letters patent to be pass a under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom'of Great Britain an Ireland, conferring the honour of Knighthood upon Captain Alex' ander Burnes, of the 21st India Native Infantry, on a mission to the Chiefs of Affghanistan. DOWNING-STREET, AUG. 6. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Charles August, s Mylius, Esq., Civil Commissioner, Government Agent, aid Co'' lector of Taxes at the Seychelle Islands, dependencies of th e Island of Mauritius. WAR-OFFICE, AUG. 7, 1838. BREVET. Captain A. Burnes, of the 21st Regiment Bombay Native 1 0 : fantry (employed upon a particular service in Affghanistan ) i to have the local rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in Affghanistan Persia while so employed; Lieut. R. Leech, of the Bombay E n ' gineers (employed on a particulr service in Affghanistan), to ha the local rank of Major in Affghanistan and Persia while so em ployed, Aug. 7. WHITEHALL, Jut.v 31. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Frederick Cooper Farwe ll ' of Totnes, in the County of Devon, Gent., to be a Master E%tla ordinary in the High Court of Chancery. Commississions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Pet ! '" South Devon Regiment of Militia—H. R. Roe, Esq. to be 'D n. sign, July 11. North Devon Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry—G. Bragint ol/ ' Gent., to be Cornet, May 29. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. JAMES KENT, builder, Great Cambridge-street, Hack n e y road. BANKRUPTS. JOHN CATES, jun., surgeon, Beaumont -street, St. lebone, to surrender August 15, at half-past one, and Sept. e, at eleven, at the Court of B an k ru pt cy . Cl ar k , St. Swithiresle. Lombard-street, offici a l ass i gnee ; S awyer, B ow- l ane, Chea.P sl 6 HENRY WHEATLEY, innkeeper, Scarborough, SeP t .„' and 18, at twelve, at the T a lb o t I nn, S car b orough. C a pe - Stuart, Bedford-row, London ; Campion, York. 0 MA RT IN SHEPHERD, dr a p er , W arw i c k , A u gus t Ia half-past eleven, and Sept. 18, at eleven, at the Court of B i re ruptcy. Alsager, Birchin-lane, Cornhill, official assignee ; 11 ' Bouverie-street, Fleet-street. • 00 0 ' FRAN CIS TURNER BROWN DUMELOW, dealer _st Wednesbury, Staffordshire, August 21, and Sept. 18, a t tweiv e a ' re , the Swan Hotel, Wolverhampton. Chaplin, Gray's-Inn- 5 V London ; Harrison, Birmingham. THOMAS TEULON, jun., music -seller, Great Yarl ii , 'Jot August 14, and September 18, at eleven, a t th e C rewn a nd 1 , 4 50 . 1 , Tavern, Great Yarmouth. Holt, Gre a t Y armou th ; 11.1 Swain and Co., Old Jewry, London. BENJAMIN BOTHAM, woollen-draper, Halesworth, Sept. 13, and 18, at ten, at the King's Head In n , B eec les. Cr u g. and Maynard, Mansion-house-place, London ; 'Margitson, 13 tef, BENJAMIN WARE, cheesemonger, Tower-street, i2ailk. Aug. 21, at two, and Sept. 18, at elever a , a t th e Court of,f i gef ruptcy. Groom, Abchurch-lane, official . ass i gnee ; Jaques, "' and Edwards, Ely-place. CHARLES BEASLEY, draper, Bi rm i ng h am , Aug. 17 ;: n ori 4 Sept. 18, at twelve, at the Acorn. Tavern, Birmingham. 1 3;r and Coles, Throg - morton-street, London ; Parkes and Bray , mingham. D,IVIDENDS. .. S. „„Vierike.ted„:4 yaw/re, eotton-spinnera,, t„.;riorie'rity afire . at one, tit the Hotel, Blackburn--W, Cif oidician, Sheffield, Aug. 31, at one, at the Town-hall : X rat T. Roberts, cattle-deal er , Dorsetshire, n al ato o ' eleven, at the Greyheu n d I nn , Bl an df ord Forum-W: 5. 1 - OW builder, Sept. 6, at o ne , a t th e Coffee-house, Carlisle--W reton, banker, 13 r'Lnton, Norfolk, Oct. 3, at twelve, at the Cr ° " - Atlt Fakenham-J. Jopling, linen-draper, Newcastle-upon-Tr e q ,'ol 29, at one, at the Commi ss i on - room, Newcastle -upon- „ s' J. Sellers, ironmonger, Ashborn e , D er b ys hi re, Aug 30, at. (Set, the Red Lion Inn, Delper-J. Boyes, jun., ca rpet-inaurifa c pl , Wansford, Yorkshire, Aug. 28, at twelve, at the King swil a t , 4 ' Kingston -upon-Hull-W. Brooke, innkeeper, at eleven, at the Guildhall, Doncaster-W. Brown, worstem;sol ner, Leeds, Sept. 3, at ten, at the Court-house, Leeds--E,• , 1 . 1 D o ncaster, carrier, Old Newton Suffolk, Sept. 3, at two, at the ur°th De' Anchor Inn, Ipswich ' --H. Froome, grocer, West Teiquo g r :litar vonshire, Sept. 13, at twelve, at the London Inn, E7;eter - .." 110 1 1 sey, hatter, Exeter, Sept. ' 4, at one, at the Old L'S w 7o3, Exeter-J. Crompton, woollen-draper, Manchester. A T ug„,,,' eleven, at the Commissioners'.rooms, Manchester-E. •",„ ° , 13- t and woollen-draper, Swansea, Glamorgansb ire, Aug. - 01 . k "e at the Mackworth Arms Inn., Swansea-G.. Holden, cai'": st and print-finisher, Salford, Lancashire, Aug. 28, at °11 ,1 ) 1e s l: e , Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester-G. P. Sharp, u r i ;opir° stone-mason, Oct. 30, at twelve, at the Office of e lYet Gloucester- J. Mitchell, v i c t ua ll er, E xeter, S ept. 4, at' "- the Old London Inn, Exeter. CERTIFICATES, AUG. 28. oft Sa G. Simmons, surgeon, King's-crass, St. Pancras- -T. ribbon-manufacturer, Wood-street, City-W. A. merchant, Clifford's Inn-passage, Fleet-street-P. Ma vi- Geer'" tualler, Kirkdale, La ncas hi re- F . T . Cooke, tobacconist , „ r ollerg row, Pimlico-T. H a ll, mercer, Great 'dortland-street, -J. K. Kent, money-scrivrmer, Craven-street, S tr Powell, saw-manufacturer, Birrninghat.n. .„,1# PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. , Arw, J. Howard and T. E. Wyche, attorneys London-- - J„: secito and J. Dimsdale, builders, West-p'iace, - ' City-road- 1 ,! WO: t o Brown, ribbon-manufacturers, Cover ,try-J. Prew and, * 1.,1 64 ., 0 r worth, surgeon-dentists, Bath-G.. Whitehouse and• calico-printers, Manchester-J., H., W., and C. Eall e J;parte merchants, Coventry-G. F. an d . G . P . E c k ste i n , iron &°e+ High Holborn-J. 'hunter and V. Twynarn, surgeon' f ieo Stanhope-street, Hampstead-rot id--R. Walker and F ' hosiers, Leicester--A. Glendini ng, sen. and R. Bab ;tr keepers and carriers, Bermo ndsey-wall, Surrey-J' l3l . o o re / and T. Wilson, wooll en -d rapers, S out h Shields--J. ~,,,,y0 J. Gibson, paper-manufactui ..ers, Lealholm Bridge, W. Yates and 0. H. APD °one', cheese-dealers, rr e i r s, Chilton, J. Stobart, J. Sopi,it, 111. 'iowey, ship-builortl"), derland-11. Wrigley and b. Avoolstaplers.__ Bra . 0 s tet 0 1 Suffell and W. Moore, liosiers, Regent-street, WestiMsroitboil Ludlow and T. Ludlow, brick-make r s ' 141anchester-W•viyis ° .1. Andr ew s, t ea -d ea l ers, W y l e Cop, Shropshire-J. Mo t i f iel A. Rabett, warchousemeu, London-J. Agar, B. idC Walker, and J. Cha.dwiik (so fur as regards J. u 54 - York, and Bulton, L aneis hi re -W . S . G uest, J. nti V . Guest, jun., (so far as regards W. S,„ Guest) merchau ts ' a , vie ham-Elizabeth Fa rrer , R. Fikrrer, Farrer. J. Ft rr i t or yer t ' Farrer, farmers, Leeds-J. Sh;.w and J. Blakey, u°,,ebr ° l Almundbury, York s hi re -E. AI vers and A. Myers , P a _ e re, Clegg, S. Cave, and R. Wilson, eng ia ` 00:0 chester-Caroline Hid and ,1111 Pritchard, milline rs• fiA r. Shropshire-J. Whaley and R.. Smith, worsted-spinn ern Yorkshire. TG _ __ ~..-_,- fr j, W A frd LADIES' SECOND -HAND GOLD , ,r• ° , 4 0 - 0 GOLD NECK CHAIN, C .OLD SEAL and KE I t s i est,',lo„ in case complete, for Fourteen Guineas. The Watch 4, 13 , CP co t' d to perform correctly, k..,we1l ed, and with gold dial. At ' 4e o o 0 1 1 4 yard long; Seal hand Watches S a t for the. purpose are obtained, to r l is ilu, o o 'and K'ey of the best description. Let sre 0 ~ with Key, Seal, a . .id IV to form sets atm' .1 ing, /old also with Gold deck l and ' Je described ; mad, consequently, a s et ' times several s'ets, Watchmak er , J ewe ll er, constantl f :for sale. 0 0 ' T. COX . S.AVORY'S, 1 1.,00 , J ewe ll er , an d Sil l ' ersm i t h, 4 7, Corn 1 0; ' (Seven Doors fro m Graccchurch-stre O P B IRT of HS. fi lei , tb° At St. James-square, o n the c, 4th inst., Lady ..''-- fe l, li ter' ivhich th same ing. On the died e even 2d inst., at Chateau "Vertpr6, Boulogn o e i s a rdf r e li f lhe lady of J. 13. Darval, Esq., of the! Aliddle Temple , ar se On the 3d inst., at Upper Slning-street, Por t°l l' o lady of N. C. Radiger, Eso,., of a daugb ter. 0 4° OP On the 3d inst., Mrs. W. Curdozo, of Laure l-c 0 Brixton, of a son. 1 ' IP , ' On the 4th inst., at Sy, len - ha m-cerxmon, the la,„ o P ;fig of a daughter. John S. di rl' o ic On the 4th inst., in Einry-str t tot, the lady of d o iv. fil Esq., of a daughter. su rreY,: 1 ) 1 0 , On the sth inst., M rs . N ash, P 'e6icham-lodge , he f li' On the sth inst., Mrs. Chad( Pagliano , of t'" CO Hotel, Leicester-square, of a (laugh ter. I , ge t ' On the sth inst., in li 1 0 le of the ,o .ar ey-strei A, the wife Of Alartyn, of twin-sons, still-born. .. 0 MAR R, sta"" 0 5 ' On the 2d inst., at North Bov( D ev°n ;,; jOhr bi cicer' f 1) i; o f oExnetthere, 4thto A ln t s r t a . :,: t ou H n o g r e n s s t ey d , au n i .e lh r te r r y r Of ea " le ln. dattig E hts ci e • , ,S the former 10,aqe. Biro, r - 311arrenses.I,n'E.1:file.,1dos; H to or E ns m ey il . y . Catheri) le , youngest oi O, DIE 75 . ,„ r vel 0 0 0 0 On the 31st tilt, whilst on tl- i c ' Ordnance — : `, e rs, 5 ,. ° / 4 , James Greatorex, Esq., Lieuten- nt Royal EnV n itypifr , i , late Thomas Greatorex, Esq., F. It ' .S. • , """ S " ° r. " 0 0 1 1 tvn ti e g street, London, aged 35. d five Ye ars 'Airre', 4 l 4. On the 2d inst , Margaret J. daughter of Mrs. ' Cunninghar , All . w e l::; of a P t .. l • i c il e, ° ll tP 411°11$ ‘: ham, late of the India Comp: gly • s op-. ' ). „.•, ; . tar Sero .„,. v; tr A. r 0 Establishment. WO' ° Iti On the 3d inst at Wl• I geel 20, COP ,14 .' son, only child of the 1- t; Wm . Thomson, E 5(14 .ci Hon. East India Comr ,an 's shi ,. Java." On the 3d inst., F 1 1„: , y - if e Bond-street. of Nicholas Ltferi, ''''.' 0: 0 10 ;4° ----..... .11.mno,•••0111 -- ,0 ... ° • tli London : Printer 112, Strand, 11 2, Str „nd Publishaf Iby 1111111-1 , 0 40 1 at The Sun OM CO,Cep N O. go, of Iliddlesc lx . — wr e d n „d ay , 4 k ti gust 8, Iv‘-" . ~,