The Sun. — London, England, 1838-12-22 00:00:00

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE TWO HOUSES OF CONGRESS, DEC. 4, 1838. FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPESENTATIVES— I congratulate you on the favourable circumstances in the condition of our country, under which you reassemble for the performance of your official duties. Though the anticipations of an abundant harvest have not everywhere been realised, yet, on the whole, the labours of the husband man are rewarded with a bountiful return ; industry pros pers in its various channels of business and enterprise ; ge neral health again prevails through our vast diversity of climate ; nothing threatens from abroad the continuance of external peace ; nor has anything at home impaired the strength of those fraternal and domestic ties which consti tute the only guarantee to the success and permanency of our happy union, and which, formed in the hour of peril, have hitherto been honourably sustained through every vi cissitude in our national affairs. These blessings, which evince the care and benificence of Providence, call for our devout and fervent gratitude. We have not less reason to be grateful for other bounties bestowed by the same munificent hand, and more exclusively our ow n . The present year closes the first half century of our fe deral institutions ; and our system—differing from all others in the acknowledged, practical, and unlimited operation which it has for so long a period given to the sovereignty of the people, has now beea fully tasted by experience. The Constitution devised by our forefathers as the frame-work and bond of that system, then untried, has be come a settled form of Government, not only preserving and protecting the great principles upon which it was founded, but wonderfully promoting individual happiness and private interests. Though subject to change and entire revocation, whenever deemed inadequate to all these purposes, yet such is the wisdom of its construction, and so stable has been the public sentiment, that it remains 'unaltered, except in matters of detail comparatively un important. It has proved amply sufficient for the va rious emergencies incident to our condition as a nation. A formidable foreign war ; agitating collisions between do mestic and, in some respects, rival sovereignties ; tempta tions to interfere in the intestine commotions of neigh bouring countries; the dangerous influences that arise in periods of excessive prosperity ; and the anti-Republican tendencies of associated wealth--these, with other trials not less formidable, have all been encountered, and thus far successfully resisted. It was reserved for the American Union to test the ad vantages of a Government entirely dependent on the con tinual exercise of the populur will ; and our experience has shown that it is as beneficent in practice as it is just in theory. Each successive change made in our local institu tions has contributed to extend the right of suffrage, has increased the direct influence of the mass of the community, given greater freedom to individual exertion, and restricted, snore and more, the powers of Government ; yet the intel ligence, prudence, and patriotism of the people kept pace with this augmented responsibility. In no country has edu cation been so widely diffused. Domestic peace has no where so largely reigned. The close bonds of social inter course have in no instance prevailed with such harmony over a space so vast. All forms of religion have united, for the first time, to diffuse charity, because, for the first time in the history of nations, all have been totally untram melled, and absolutely free, The deepest recesses of the wil derness have been penetrated ; yet,instead of the rudeness in the social condition consequent upon such adventures else where, numerous communities have sprung up, already unri valled in prosperity, general intelligence, internal tranquil lity, and wisdom of their political institutions. Internal im provement, the fruit of individual enterprise, fostered by the protection of the States, has added new links to the Confederation, and fresh rewards to provident industry. Doubtful questions of domestic policy have been quietly settled by mutual forbearance ; and agriculture, commerce, and manufactures minister to each other. Taxation and public debt, the burdens which bear so heavily upan all other countries, have pressed with comparative light ness upon us. Without one entanglin g alliance, our friendship is prizel by every nation , and the rights of our citizens are everywhere respected, because they are known to be guarded by a united, sensitive, and watch ful people. To this practical operation of our institutions, so evident and successful, we owe that increased attachment to them which is among the most cheering e x hibiti ons o f popu l ar sentiment, and will prove their best security, in time to crime, against, foreign or domestic assault. This review of the results of our institutions for half a century, without exciting a spirit of vain exultation, should serve to impress upon us the great principles from which they have sprung ; constant and direct supervision by the people over every public measure ; strict forbearance on the part of the Government from exercising any doubtful or dis prited powers ; and a cautious abstinence from all interfer ence with concerns which properly belong, and are best left to state regulations and individual enterprise. Full information of the state of our foreign affairs having been recently, on different occasions, submitted to Congress, I deem it necessary now to bring to your notice only such events as have subsequently occurred, or are of such im portance as to require particular attention. The most amicable disposition continues to be exhibited by all the nations with whom the Government and citizens of the United States have an habitual intercouse. At the date of my last annual messag e, Mexico was the o n ly na ti on which cou ld not b e included in so gratifying a reference to our foreign relations. I am happy to be now able to inform you that an advance has been made towards the adjustment of our difficulties with that republic, and the' restoration of the customary good feeling betweeen the two nations. This important change has been effected by conciliatory negotiations, that have resulted in the conclusion of a treaty between the two Governments, which, when ratified, will refer to the arbitration of a friendly power all the subjects of contro versy between us growing out of injuries to individuals. There is at present, also, reason to believe that an equi table settlement of all disputed points will be attained without further difficulty or unnecessary delay, and thus authorise the free resumption of diplomatic intercourse with our sister republic. With respect to the north-eastern boundary of the United States, no official correspondence between this Go vernment and that of Great Britain has passed since that communicated to Congress towards the close of their last Session. The offer to negotiate a Convention for the ap pointment of a joint commission of survey and exploration, I am, however, assured will be met by her Majesty's Go vernment in a conciliatory and friendly spirit, and instruc tions to enable the British Minister here to conclude such an arrangement will be transmitted to him without needless delay. It is hoped and expected that these instructions will be of a liberal character, and that this negotiation, if successful, will prove to be an important step towards the satisfactory and final adjustment of the controversy. I had hoped that the respect for the laws, and regard for the peace and honour of their own country, which has ever characterised the citizens of the United States, would have prevented any portion of them from using any means to promote insurrection in the territory of a power with which we are at peace, and with which the United States are desirous maintaining the most friendly relations. I regret deeply, however, to be obliged to inform you that this has not been the case. Information has been given to me, derived from officialand other sources,that many citizens of the United States have associated together to make hostile incursions from our territory into Canada, and to aid and abet insur zenetiiton there, i n v i o l at i on of the obligation and laws of the United States, and in open disregard of their o wn d u ti es as citizens. Th e information made ben part confirmed b y a hostile i nvas i on actuall y ehy citi zens o f t h e U n i ted States, in conjunction wi t h C an adia ns d of and others, an d ac companied by a f orc i ble seizureth e property of our t c iti zens , an d an app li cation thereof t o e prosecuti on o f military operations ag a i nst the authorit ies and people of Canada. The results of these criminal assaults been, the peace misguided or and order of a neighbouring country e have sg deluded to be expected, fatally detructive to persons engaged in them, and highly injurious to those i n whose behalf they are professed to have been undertak en. The authorities in Canada, from intelligence received o i such intended movements among our citizens, have themselves obliged to take precautionary measures against them—have actually embodied the militia, and assum e d an attitude to repel the invasion to which they be lieved the colonies were exposed from the United States. A state of feeling on both sides of the fron tier has thus been produced, which called for prompt and vigorous interference. If an insurrection existed in Canada, the amicable dispositions of the United States towards Great Britain, as well as their duty to themselves, would lead them to maintain a strict neutrality, and to restrain their citizens from all violations of the laws which have been passed for its enforcement. But this Go vernment recognises a still higher obligation to repress all attempts on the part of its citizens to disturb the peace of a country where order prevails, or has been re-established. Depredations by our citizens upon nations at peace with the United States, or combinations for committing them, have at all times been regarded by the American Govern ment and people with the greatest abhorrence. Military incursions by our citizens into countries so situated, and the commission of acts of violence on the members thereof, in order to effect a change in its Government, or under any pretext whatever, have, from the commencement of our airitnig ot n e in them , beenheldaner aasllynthcreiinnieaserovnin,t ofe o f . he the disturbance of the public peace by ;! (.;-Aiicte.i5 ► 'eflittit4of similar acts within our own territory. • THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1838. By no country or persons have these invaluable princi ples of internationnl law—principles, the strict observance of which is so indispensable to the preservation of social order in the world—been more earnestly cherished or sacredly respected, than by those great and good men who first declared and finally established the independence of our own country. They promulgated and maintained them at an early and critical period in our history ; they were subsequently embodied in legislative enactments of a highly penal character, the faithful enforcement of which has hitherto been, and will, I trust, always continue to be, re garded as a duty inseparably associated with the mainte nance of our national honour. That the people of the United States should feel an interest in the spread of poli tical institutions as free as they regard their own to be, is natural ; nor can a since r e solicitue for the success of all those who are at any time in good faith struggling for their acquisition, be imputed to our citizens as a crime. With the entire freedom of opinion, and an undisguised expres sion thereof on their part, the Government has neither the right, nor, I trust, the disposition to interfere. But whether the interest or the honour of the United States require that they should be made a party to any such struggle, and, by inevitable consequence, to the war wiich is waged in its support, is a question which, by our Constitution, is wisely left to Congress alone to decide.l It is, by the laws, already made criminal in our citizens to embarrass or anticipate that decision by unauthorised mili tary operations on their part. Offences of this character, in addition to their criminality as violations of the laws of our country, have a direct tendency to draw down upon our own citizens at large the multiplied evils of a foreign war, and expose to injurious imputations the good faith and honour of the country. As such they deserve to be put down with promptitude and decision. I cannot be mis taken, I am confident, in counting on the cordial and gene ral concurrence of our fellow-citizens in this sentiment. A copy of the proclamation which I have felt it my duty to issue, is herewith communicated. I cannot but hope that the good sense and patriotism, the regard for the honour and reputation of their country, the respect for the laws which they have themselves enacted for their own Government, and the love of order for which the mass of our people have been so long and so justly distinguished, will deter the comparatively few who are en gaged in them from a further prosecution of such desperate enterprises. In the mean time, the existing laws have been, and will continue to be, faithfully executed ; and every effort will be made to carry them out in their full extent. Whether they are sufficient or not to meet the actual state of things on the Canadian frontier it is for Congress to decide. _ . It will appear from the correspondence herewith sub mitted, that the Government of Russia declines a renewal of the fourth article of the Convention of April, 1824, be tween the United States and his Imperial Majesty, by the third article of which it is agreed that " hereafter there shall not be formed by the citizens of the United States, or under the authority of the said States, any establishment upon the northwest coast of America, nor in any of the islands adjacent, to the north of 54 deg. 40 min. of north latitude ; and that in the same manner there shall be none formed by Russian subjects, or under the authority of Russia south of the same pa rallel ;" and by the fourth article, " that during a term of ten years, counting from the signature of the present convention, the ships of both Powers, or which belong to their citizens or subjects respectively, may reciprocally frequent, without any hindrance whatever, the interior seas, gulfs, harbours, and creeks upon the coast mentioned in the preceding article, for the purpose of fishing and trading with the natives of the country." The reason assigned for declining to renew the provisions of this article, are briefly, thatlthe only use made by our citizens of the privilege it secures to them, has been to supply the Indians with spi rituous liquors, ammunition, and fire-arms ; that this traffic has been excluded from the Russian trade ; and as the sup plies furnished from the United States are injurious to the Russian establishments on the north-west coast, and cal culated to produce complaints between the two Govern ments, his Imperial Majesty thinks it for the interest of both countries not to accede to the proposition made by the American Government for the renewal of the article last referred to. The correspondence herewith communicated will show the ground upon which we contend that the citizens of the United States have, independent of the provisions of the convention of 1824, a right to trade with the natives upon the coast in question, at unoccupied places, liable, however, it is admitted, to be at any time extinguished by the crea tion of Russian establishments at such points. This right is denied by the Russian Government, which asserts that by the operation of the treaty of 1824, each party agreed to waive the general right to land on the vacant coasts on the respective sides of the degree of latitude referredto, and accepted in lieu thereof, the mutual privileges mentioned in the 4th article. The capital and tonnage employed by our citizens in their trade with the north west coast of America, will, perhaps, on adverting to the official state ments of the commerce and navigation of the United States for the last few years, be deemed too inconsiderable in amount to attract much attention ; yet the subject may, in other respects, deserve the careful consideration of Con- gross. I regret to state that the blockade of the principal ports on the eastern coast of Mexico, which, in consequence of differences between that republic and France, was instituted in May last, unfortunately still continues, enforced by a competent French naval force, and is necessarily embarrass ing to our own trade in the Gulf, in common with that of other nations. Every disposition, however, is believed to exist on the part of the French Government, to render this measure as little onerous as practicable to the interests of the citizens of the United States, and to those of neutral commerce ; and it is to be hoped that an early settlement of the difficulties between France and Mexico will soon re-establish the harmonious relations formerly subsisting between them, and again open the ports of that republic to the vessels of all friendly nations. A convention for marking that part of the boundary between the United States and the republic of Texas, which extends from the mouth of the Sabine to the Red River, was concluded and signed at this city on the 25th of April last. It has since been ratified by both Govern ments ; and seasonable measures will be taken to carry it into effect on the part of the United States. The application of that republic for admission into this Union, made in August 1e37, and which was declined, for reasons already made known to you, has been form Illy withdrawn, as will appear from the accompanying copy of the note of the Minister Plenipotentiary of Texas, which was presented to the Secretary of State on the occasion of the exchange of the ratifications of the convention above mentioned. Copies of the co nvention with Tex as , o f a commerc i al treaty concluded with the King of Greece, and of a similar treaty with the Peru Bolivian Confederation, the ratifica tions of which have been recently exchanged, accompany this message for the information of Congress, and for such legislative enactments as may be found necessary or expe dient, in relation to either of them. TO watch over and foster the interests of a gradually in creasing and widely extended commerce—to guard the rights of American citizens, whom business or pleasure, or other motives may tempt into distant climes, and at the same time to cultivate those sentiments of mutual respect and goodwill which experience has proved so beneficial in international intercourse, the Government of the United States has deemed it expedient, from time to time, to esta blish diplomatic connections with different foreign states, by the appointment of representatives to reside within their respective territories. lam gratified to be enabled to an nounce to you, that since the close of your last Session, these relations have been opened under the happiest aus pices rvith Austria and the Two Sicilies ; that new nomina tions have been made in the respective missions of Russia, Brazil, Belgium, and Sweden and Norway, in this country ; and that a Minister Extraordinary has been received, accredited to this Government, from the Argentine Con federation. An exposition of the fiscal affairs of the Government, and of their condition for the past year, will be made to you by the Secretary of the Treasury. The available balance in the Treasury, on the Ist of January next, is estimated at 2,765,342 dollars. The re ceipts of the year, from customs and lands, will probably amount to 20,615,598 dollars. These usual sources of re venue have been increased by an issue of Treasury notes, of which less than eight millions of dollars, including inte rest and principal, will be outstanding at the end of the year, and by the sale of one of the bonds of the Bank of the United St a t es f or 2 ,254,871 dollars. The aggregate of means from these and other sources, with the balance on hand on the Ist of January last, has been applied to the payment of appropriations by Congress. The whole ex penditure for the year on their account, including the re demption of more than eight millions of Treasury notes, constitutes an aggregate of about forty millions of dollars, and will still leave in the Treasury the balance before stated. Nearly eight millions of dollars of Treasury notes are to be paid the coming year, in addition to the ordinary appro priations for the support of Government. For both these purposes the resources of the Treasury will undoubtedly be sufficient, if the charge s upon it are not increased beyond the usual estimates. No excess, however, is likely to exist ; nor can the postponed instalment of the surplus revenue be deposited with the States, nor any considerable appropria tions beyond the estimates be made, without causing a defi ciency in the Treasury. The great caution advisable at all times, of limiting appropriation s to the wants of the public service, is rendered necessary at present by the prospective and rapid reduction of the tariff; while the vigilant jea lousy evidently excited among the people by the occurrences of the last few years, assures us that they expect from their representatives, and will sustain them in the exercise of, the mast rigid economy. Much can be effected by postponing appropriations not immediately required for the public ser vice, or for any pressing emergency ; and much by reducing the expenditures where the entire and immediate accom plishment of the objects in view is not indispensable. When we call to mind the recent and extreme embarrass ments produced by excessive issues of bank paper, aggra vated by the unforeseen withdrawal of much foreign capital, and the inevitable derangement arising from the distribution of the surplus revenue among the States, es required by Congress ; and consider the heavy expenses incurred by the removal of Indian tribes—by the military operations in Florida—and on account of the unusually large appropria tions made at the last two annual sessions of Congress for other objects ; we have striking evidence, in the present efficient state of our finances, of the abundant resources of the country to fulfil all its obligations. Nor is it less grati fying to find that the general business of the community, deeply affected as it has been, is reviving with additional vigour, chastened by the lessons of the past, and animated by the hopes of the future. By the curtailment of pape r issues—by curbing the sanguine and adventurous spirit of speculation—and by the honourable application of all avail able means to the fulfilment of obligations, confidence has been restored both at home and abroad, and case and faci lity secured to all the operations of trade. The agency of the Government in producing these re sults has been us efficient as its powers and means per mitted. By withholding from the States the deposits of the fourth instalment, and leaving several millions at long credits with the banks, principally in one section of the country, and more immediately beneficial to it ; and, at the same time, aiding the banks and commercial communities in other sections, by postponing the payment of bonds for duties to the amount of between four and five millions of dollars ; by an issue of Treasury notes as a means to enable the Govern ment to meet the consequencesof their indulgences,but afford ing at the same time facilities for remittance and exchange ; and by steadily declining to employ as general depositories of the public revenues, or receiving the notes of all banks which refuted to redeem their notes with specie : by these measures, aided by the favourable action of some of the banks, and by the support and co-operation of a large portion of the community, we have witnessed an early resumption of specie payments in our great com mercial capital, promptly followed in almost every part of the United States. This result has been alike salutary to the true interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufac tures ; to public morals, respect for the laws, and that con fidence between man and man which is so essential in all our social relations. The contrast between the suspension of 1814 and that of 1837 is most striking. The short duration of the latter ; the prompt restoration of business; the evident benefits resulting from an adherence by the Government to the constitutional standard of value, instead of sanctioning the suspension by the receipt of irredeemable paper ; and the advantages de rived from the large amount of specie introduced into the country previous to 1837, afford a valuable illustration of the true policy of the Government in such a crisis. Nor can the comparison fail to remove the impression that a na tional bank is necessary in such emergencies. Not only were specie payments resumed without its aid, but exchanges have also been more rapidly restored than when it existed ; thereby showing that private capital, enterprise, and prudence are fully adequate to these ends. Oii all these points experience seems to have confirmed the views here tofore submitted to Congress. We have been saved the mortification of seeing the distresses of the community for the third time seized on to fasten upon the country so dan gerous an institution ; and we may also hope that the busi ness of individuals will hereafter be relieved from the inju rious effects of a continued agitation of that disturbing sub ject. The limited influence of a national bank is averting derangement in the exchanges of the country, or in com pelling the resumption of specie payments, is now not less apparent than its tendency to increase inordinate specula tion by sudden expansions and contractions ; its disposition to create panic and embarra-sment ibr the promotion of its own designs ; its interference with politics ; and its far greater power for evil than for goof, either in regard to the local institutions or the operations of Government itself. What was in these respects but apprehension or opinion when a national bank was first established, now stands confirmed by humiliating experience. The scenes through which we have passed conclusively prove how little our commerce, agriculture, manufactures, or finances require such an institution, and what dangers are attendant on its power—a power, I trust, never to be conferred by the American people upon their Government, anti still less upon individuals not responsible to them for its unavoidable abuses. My conviction of the necessity of further legislative pro visions for the safe keeping and disbursement of the public monies, and my opinion in regard to the measures best adapted to the accomplishment of those objects, have been already submitted to you. These have been strengthened by recent events, and in the full conviction that time and experience must still further demonstrate their propriety, I feel it my duty, with respectful deference to the conflicting views of others, agai❑ to invite attention to them. With the exception of limited sums deposited in the few banks still employed under the Act of 1836, the amounts received for duties, and, with very inconsiderable excep tions, those accruing from lands also, have, since the gene. ral suspension of specie payments by the deposit banks, been kept and disbursed by the Treasurer, under his gene ral legal powers, subject to the superintendence of the Secretary of the Treasury. The propriety of defining more specifically, and of regulating by law the exercise of this wide scope of executive discretion, has been already sub mitted to Congress. A change in the office of collector at one of our principal ports has brought to light a defalcation of the gravest cha racter, the particulars of which will be laid before you in a special report from the Secretary of the Treasury. By his report, and the accompanying documents, it will be seen that the weekly returns of the defaulting officer apparently exhi bited, throughout, a faithful administration of the affairs en trusted to his management. It, however, now appears that he commenced abstracting the public moneys shortly after his appointment, and continued to do so, progressively in creasing the amount, for the term of more than seven years embracing a portion of the period during which the public moneys were deposited in the Bank of the United States, the whole of that of the state bank deposit system, and con cluding only on his retirement from office, after that system had substantially failed, in consequence of the suspension of specie payments. The way in which this defalcation was so long concealed, and the steps taken to indemnify the United States, as far as practicable against loss, will also be presented to you. The case is one which imperatively claims the attention of Congress, and furnishes the strongest motive for the esta blishment of a more severe and secure system for the safe. keeping and disbursement of the public moneys than any that has heretofore existed. It seems proper, at all that, by an early enactment, similar to that of other countries, the application of public money by an officer of Government to private uses, should be made a felony, and visited with severe and ignominious punishment. This is already, in effect, the law in respect to the mint, and has been productive of the most salutary results. Whatever system is adopted, such an enactment would be wise as an independent measure, since much of the public moneys must, in their collection and ultimate dis bursement, pass twice through the hands of public officers, in whatever manner they are immediately kept. The Government, it must be admitted, has been from its com mencement comparatively fortunate in this respect. But the appointing power cannot always be well advised in in its selections, and the experience of every country has shown that public officers are not at all times proof against temptation. It is a duty, therefore, which the Government owes, as well as the interests committed to its care as to the officers themselves, to provide every guard against transgressions of this character, that is consistent with reason and humanity. Congress cannot be too jealous of the con duct of those who arc intrusted with the public money, and I shall at all times be disposed to encourage a watchful discharge of this duty. If a most direct co-operation on the part of Congress, in the supervision of the conduct of the officers intrusted with the custody and application of the public money is deemed desirable, it will g i ve me plea sure to assist in the establishment of any judicious and con stitutional plan by which that object may be accomplish e d. determine upon th e propr i ety of upon the measure neces sar y t o i ts a Y d o o u p t v i s n i g l I , s i u n ct o a u r plan,wisdaonmd, effectual execution. _ When the late Bank of the United States was incor porated, and made the depository of the public moneys, a right was reserved to Congress to inspect, as its pleasure by a committee of that body, the books and the proceed ings of the bank. In one of the States, whose banking institutions arc supposed to rank amongst the first in point of stability, they are subjected to constant examination by Commissioners appointed for that purpose, and much of the success of its banking system is attributed to this watchful supervision. The same course has also, in view of its beneficial operation, been adopted by an adjoining State, favourably known for the care it has always bestowed upon whatever relates to its financial con cerns. I submit to your consideration whether a Com mittee of Congress might not be profitably employed in in specting at such intervals as might be deemed proper, the affairs and accounts of officers entrusted with the custody of the public moneys. The frequent performance of this duty might be male obliga'ory on the Committee in respect to those officers who have large sums in tho . possession, and left discretionary in respect to others. They might report to the executive such defalcations as were tG.l'd to exist, with a view to a prompt removal from office, unless default was satisfactorily accounted for, and report also to Congress, at the commencement of each session, the result of their examinations and proceedings. It does appear to me that, with a subjection of this class of public officers to the general supervision of the Executive, to examinations by a Committee of Congress at periods of which they should have no previous nctice, and to presecuticn anti punishment as for felony of every breach of trust, the safe keeping of the public moneys, under the system proposed, might be placed on a surer foundation than it has ever occupied since the establishment of the Government. The Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you addi tional information, containing new details on this interest ing subject. To these I ask your early attention. That it should have given rise to great diversity of opinion cannot be a subject of surprise. After the collection and custody of the public moneys had been for so many years connected with, and subsidiary to, the advancement of private in terests, a return to the simple and self-denying ordinances of the Constitution could not but be difficult. But time and free discussion eliciting the sentiments of the people, and aided by that conciliatory spirit which has ever cha racterised their course on great emergencies, were relied upon for a satisfactory settlement of the question. Already has this anticipation, on one important point at least—the impropriety of diverting public money to private purposes— been fully realised. There is no reason to suppose that legis lation upon that branch of the subject would now be em barrassed by a difference of opinion, or fail to receive the cordial support of a large majority of our constituents. The connection which formerly existed between the Government and banks was in reality injurious to both, as well as to the general interests of the community at large. It aggravated the disasters of trade and the derangements of commercial intercourse, and administered new excitement and addi tional means to wild and reckless speculations, the disap pointments of which threw the country into convulsions of panics, and all but produced violence and bloodshed. The imprudent expansions of bank credits, which was the na tural result of the command of the revenues of the State, furnished the resources for unbounded license in every species of adventure, seduced industry from its regular and salutary occupations by the hope of abundance without labour, and deranged the social state by tempting all trades and professions into the vortex of speculation on remote contingencies. 'I he wide-spreading influence impeded also the re sources of the Government, curtailed its useful operations, embarrassed the fulfilment of its obligations, and seriously interfered with the execution of the laws. Large appropria tions and oppressive taxes are the natural consequences of such a connection, since they increase the profits of those who are allowed to use the public funds, and make it their interest that money should be accumulated and expenditures multiplied. It is thus that a concentrated money power is tempted to become an active agent in political affairs, and all past experience has shown on which side that influence will be arrayed. We deceive ourselves if we suppose that it will ever be found asserting and supporting the rights of the community at large,in opposition to the claims of the few. In a Government whose distinguishing characteristic should be a diffusion and equalization of its benefits and burdens, the advantage of individuals will be augmented at the expense of the mass of the people. Nor is it the nature of combinations for the acquisition of legislative influence to confine their interference to the single object for which they were originally formed. The temptation to extend it to other matters, is,on the contrary, not unfrequently too strong to be resisted. The influence, in the direction of public affairs, of the community at large, is, therefore, in no slight danger of being sensibly and injuriously affected by giving to a comparatively small, but very efficient class, a direct and exclusive personal interest in so important a portion of the legislation of Congress as that which relates to the cus tody of the public moneys. If laws acting upon private interests cannot always be avoided, they should be confined within the narrowest limits, and left, wherever possible, to the Legislatures of the States. When not thus restricted they lead to combinations of powerful associations, foster an influence necessarily selfish, and turn the fair course of legislation to sinister ends, rather than to objects that ad vance public liberty, and promote the general good. Tile whole subject now rests wale you, and I cannot hut express a hope that some definite measure will be adopted at the present Session. It will not, I am sure, be deemed out of place for me here to remark, that the declaration of my views in oppo sition to the policy of employing banks as depositories of the Government funds, cannot be justly construed as indi cative of hostility, official or personal, to those institutions ; or to repeat, in this form, and in connection with this sub ject, opinions which I have uniformly entertained, and on all proper occasions expressed. Though always opposed to their creation in the form of exclusive privileges, and, as a State Magistrate, aiming, by appropriate legislation, to secure the community against the consequences of flair occa sional mismanagement, I have yet ever wished to see them protected in the exercise of rights conferred by law, and have never doubted their utility, when properly managed, in promoting the interests of trade, and, through that channel, the other interests of the community. To the general Government they present themselves merely as State institutions, having no necessary connection with its legislation or its administration. Like other State estab tosroilaihnai teto, l aail vpe l uoitrprnplrneodrhsersepeitnbofb,ense,tfrso,tpfn principle e cc y i pu iaouynp Government,ombina yw u iso s l eis e ee d pimi n o tbt r ioli iecir n rep o qio t nul iticeriyern.caoconductingnu(rriis,lintercourse eh eo r withln set t ,ri fal the Government can be regulated, is that which regulates their intercourse with the private citizen—the concurring of mu tual benefits. e better preference private et ae h ent e rcb edi wbnetkiwith banker, Government ryi htt hooo esrseseek who kdh c he a t oorh n fa wt a ti accomplish m abs esop capitalistsrn l i v i tksehsw or ruit would d fi ogn financial without,ahn net agents, the best ipceneesigtst terms. Nor can there ever exist an interest in the officers of the general Government, as such, inducing them to embarrass or annoy the State banks any more than to incur the hostility of any other class of State institutions, or of private citizens. It is not in th e nature of things that hostility to those institutions can sprin g from this source, or any opposition to their course of business, except when they themselves depart from the objects of their creation, and attempt to usurp powers not conferred upon them, or to subvert the standard of value established by the Constitution. While opposition to their regular operations cannot exist in this quarter, resistance to any attempt to make the Government dependent upon them for the successful administration of public affairs, is a matter of duty, as I trust it ever will be of inclination, no matter from what motive or consideration the attempt may originate. It is no more than just to the banks to say, that in the late emergency, most of them firmly resisted the strongest temptations to extend their paper issues, when app.rently sustained in a suspension of specie payments by public opinion, even though in some cases invited by legislative enactment. To this honourable course, aided by the resistance of the general Government, acting in obedience to the Constitution and laws of the United States, to the introduction of an irre deemable paper medium, may be attributed, in a great de gree, the speedy restoration of our currency to a sound state, and the business of the country to its wonted prosperity. The banks have but to continue in the same course, and be content in their appropriate sphere, and avoid all inter ference from the general Government, and to derive from it all the protection and benefits which it bestows on other State establishments, on the people of the States, and on the States themselves. In this, their true position, they cannot but secure the confidence and good will of the people and the Government, which they only lose when, leaping from their legitimate sphere, they attempt to con troul the legislation of the country, and pervert the opera tions of the Government to their own purposes. Our experience under the Act passed at the last Session, to grant pre-emption rights to settlers on the public lands, has as yet been too limited to enable us to pronounce with safety upon the efficacy of its provisions to carry out the wise and liberal policy of the Government in that respect. There is, however, the best reason to anticipate favourable results from its operation. The recommendations formerly submitted to you, in respect to a graduation of the price of the public lands, remain to be finally acted upon. Having found no reason to change the views then expressed, your attention r op etor exertion r is nh againas been m respectfully ade o nd will requested.i ibe Every p c n - tinned, to carry out the wishes of Congress in relation to the tobacco trade, as indicated in the several resolutions of the House of Representatives and the legislation of the two branches. A favourable impression has, I trust, been made in the different foreign countries to which particular attention a n early change their policy, ; an lcy, a dialthosug in h cannot m w o e cyof tm a he hope for the e onvfeanbireicnattaionnd andla rg e salere revenue u t e h iiss article, derived yet, as thesemonopolies mono poliesn are really injurious to the people where they are esta blished, and the revenue derived from them may be less injuriously and wit h e qual facility obtained from another and a liberal system of administration, we cannot doubt that our efforts will be eventually crowned with success, if persisted in with temperate firmness, and sustained by pru dent legislation. In recommending to Congress the adoption of the neces sary provisions at this Session for taking the next census, or enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, the suggestion presents itself whether the scope of the measure might not be usefully extended by causing it to embrace authentic statistical returns of the great interests specially entrusted to, or necessarily affected by, the legislation of Congress. The a ccompanying report of the Secretary at War pre sents a satisfactory account of the state of the army and of the several branches of the public service confided to the superintendence of that officer. The law increasing and organ i s i ng th e m ili tary establish ment of the United States has been nearly carried into -t, and the army has been extensively and usefully em cite, taring the past season. played %. 'Pain call to your notice the subjects connected I WOUI4 ;P t • 1 to the military defences of the country, with and essea4l,4, you at the last Session, but which which were submittott Were not acted upon, as is supposed, tor w int of time. T„ moat hnporLint of them is the organi,atioti iif I he the maritime and inland frontiers. This meastre is deem , ,d important, as it is liflieved that it will furnish an effcctive volunteer force in aid of the regular army, and may form the basis for a general system of organisation for the entire militia of the United States. The erection of a national foundry and gunpowder manufactory, and one for making small arms, the latter to be situated at some point west of the Alleghany Mountains, all appear to be of sufficient im portance to be again urged on your attention. . _ The plan proposed by the Secretary of War for the lis tribution of the forces of the United States in time of peace is well calculated to promote regularity and economy in the fiscal administration of the service, to preserve the discipline of the troops, and to render them available for the mainte nance of the peace and tranquillity of the country. With this view, likewise, I recommend the adoption of the plan presented by that officer for the defence of the western fron tier. The preservation of the lives and property of our fel low-citizens who are settled upon that border country, as well as the existence of the Indian population, which might be tempted by our own want of preparation, to rush on their own destruction, and attack the white settlements, all seem to require that this subject should be acted upon without delay, and the War Department authorised to place that country in a state of complete defence against any assault from the numerous and warlike tribes which are congre gated on that border. 1 t affords me sincere pleasure to be able to apprise you of the entire removal of the Cherokee nation of Indians to their new homes west of the Mississippi. The measures authorised by Congress at its last Session with a view to the long standing controversy with them, have had the happiest effects. By an agreement concluded with them by the Commanding General in that country, who has performed the duties assigned to him on the occasion with commendable energy and humanity, their removal has been principally under the conduct of their own Chiefs, and they have emigrated without. any apparent reluctance. The successful accomplishment of this important object ; the removal also of t►te entire Creek) nation, with the exception of a small number of fugitives amongst the Seminoles in Florida ; the progress already made towards a speedy completion of the removal of the Chickasaw, the Choctaw, the Pottawatamies, the Otawas, and the Chippewas, with the extensive purchases of Indian lands during the present year, hive rendered the speedy and successful result of the long esta blished policy of the Government upon the subject of Indian affairs entirely certain. The occasion is, therefore, deemed a proper one to place this policy in such a point of view as will exonerate the Government of the United States from the undeserved reproach which has been cast upon it through several successive administrations. That a mixed occupancy of the same territory, by the white and red man, is incompatible with the safety or happiness of either, is a position in respect to which there has long since ceased to be room for a difference of opinion. Reason and experience have alike demonstrated its impracticability. The bitter fruits of every attempt heretofore to overcome the barriers interposed by nature, have only been destruction, both phy sical and moral, to the Indian ; dangerous conflicts of authority between the Federal and Stat;Governments, and detriment to the individual prosperity of the citizens, as well as to the general improvement of the country. The remedial policy, the principles of which were settled more than thirty years ago, under the administration of Mr. Jef ferson, consists in an extinction, for a fair consideration, of the title to the lands still occupied by the Indians within the states and territories of the United States ; their re moval to a country west of the Mi-sissippi, much more ex tensive, and better adapted to their condition than that on which they then resided ; the guarantee to them, by the United States, of their exclusive possession of that country for ever, exempt from all intrusions by white men, with ample provisions for their security against external v►olence and internal dissensions, and the extension to them of suit able facilities for their advancement in civilization. This has not been the policy of particular administrations only, but of each in succession since the first attempt to carry it out under that of Mr. Monroe. All have laboured for its accomplishment, only with different degrees of success. The manner of its execution has, it is true, from time to time given rise to conflicts of opinion and unjust impu tations, but in respect to the wisdom and necessity of the porcy itself there has not, from the beginning, existed a doubt in the mind of any calm, judicious, disinterested friend of the Indian race, accustomed to reflection and enlightened by experience. From the report of the Secretary of the Navy, herewith transmitted, it will appear that a large portion of the dis posable naval force is either actively employed, or in a state of preparation for the purposes of experience and discipline, and the protection of our commerce. So ef fectual kas been this protection that, so far as the informa tion of Government extends, not a single outrage has been attempted on a vessel carrying the flag of the United States, within the present year, in any quarter, however distant or exposed. The exploring expedition sailed from Norfolk on the 19th of August last; and information has been received of its safe arrival at the island of Madeira. The best spirit animates the officers and crews, and there is every reason to anticipate, from its efforts, results beneficial to commerce, and honour able to the nation. It will also be seen that no reduction of the force now in commission is contemplated. The unsettled state of a portion of South America renders it indispensable that our commerce should receive protection in that quarter ; the vast and in creasing interests, embarked in the trade of the Indian and China seas, in the whale fisheries of the Pacific Ocean, and in the Gulf of Mexico, require equal attention to their safety ; and a small squadron may he employed to great advantage on our Atlantic coast, in meeting sudden demands for the re inforcement of other stations, in aiding merchant vessels in distress, in affording active service to an additional number of officers, and in visiting the different ports of the United States, an accurate knowledge of which is obviously of the highest importance. The attention of Congress is respectfully called to that portion of the Report recommending an i ncrease in the num ber of smaller vessels, and to other suggestions contained in that document. The rapid increase and wide expansion of our commerce, which is every day seeking new avenues of profitable adventure, the absokte necessity of a naval force for its protection precisely in the degree of its extension ; a due regard to the national rights and honour ; the recollection of its former exploits, and the anticipation of its future tri umphs whenever an opportunity presents itself, which we may rightly indulge from the experience of the past; all seem to point to the navy as a most efficient arm of our national defence, and a proper object of legislative encouragement. The progress aid condition of the Post office department will be seen by reference to the report of the Postmaster-Ge neral. The extent of post roads, covered by mail contracts, is stated to be 134,818 miles, and the annual transportation upon them 34,580,202 miles. The number of Post-offices in the Union States is 12,553, and rapidly increasing. The gross revenue, for the year ending on the 30th day of June last, was 4 262.145 00 dollars. The accruing ex. penditures, 4,680,068 00 dollars excess of expenditure, 417,923 00 dollars. This has beenmade up out of surplus previously on hand. The cash on band on the first instant was 314,068 00 dollars. The revenue for the year ending June 30, 1838, was 161.540 dollars more than that for the year ending June 30, 1837. The expenditures of the de partment had been graduated upon the anticipation of a largely increased revenue. A moderate curtailment of mail service consequently became necessary, and has been effected to shield the department against the danger of embarrass ment. Its revenue is now improving, and it will soon resume its onward course in the march of improvement. Your particular attention is requested to so much of the Postmaster-General's report as relates to the transportation of the mails upon railroads. The laws on that subject do not seem adequate to secure that service, now become almost essential to the public interests, and at the same time protect the department from combinations and unreasonable demands. Nor can I too earnestly request your attention to the neces sity of providing a more secure building for this department. The danger of destruction to which its important books and papers are continually exposed, as well from the highly com bustible character of the building occupied, as from that of others in the vicinity, calls loudly for prompt action. Your attention is again: earnestly invited to the suggestions and recommendations submitted at the last Session in respect to the district of Columbia. I feel it my duty, also, to bring to your notice certain pro ceedings at law which have recently been prosecuted in:this dis trict, in the name of the United States on the relation of Messrs. Stockton and Stokes, of the State of Maryland, against the Postmaster-General, and which have resulted in the payment of money out of the National Treasury, for the first time since the establishment of the Government, by judi cial compulsion exercised by the Common Law writ of manda mus, issued by the Circuit Court of this district. The facts of the case, and the grounds of the proceedings, will be found fully stated in the report of the decision, and any additional information which you desire will be supplied by the proper department. No interference in the particular case is contemplated. The money has been paid ; the claims of the prosecutors have been satisfied ; and the whole sub ject, so far as they are concrned, is finally disposed of, but it is on the supposition that the case may be regarded as an authoritative exposition of the law as it now stands, that 1 have thought it necessary to present it to your consideration. The object of the application to the Circuit Court was to compel the Postmaster- General to carry into effect an award made by the Solicitor of the Treasury, under a spe cial Act of Congress for the settlement of certain claims of the relators on the Post- office department, which award the Postmaster-General declined to execute in full, until he should receive further legislative direction on the subject. If the duty imposed on the Postm aster-General by that law was to be regarded as one of an offic ial n ature , belonging to his office as a branch of executive , then it is obvious that the constitutional competency of the judiciary, t o di rect and control him in its discharge, was necessarily drawn in question. And if the duty so imposed on the Postmaster- General was to be considered as merely ministerial, and not executive, it yet remained to be shown that the Circuit Court of this district had authority to interfere by mandamus— such a power having never before been asserted or claimed by that Court, With a view to the settlement of these )u,l e t COW , ' ag c,r.icd by er.t of err r t tt '4. I ie+, Chu t ~t the Ueit,d 6 , at , s In t ipinio!, cf . !list :,t• duty inposed on the l'ostrn4st , ?r-General was not no official, executive duty, but cue of a merely ministerial nature. The grave constitu tional questions which had been discussed were, therefore, ex cluded from the decision of the case ; the Court, indeed, ex pressly admiqin , s, that, with powe:s and duties properly be longing to the Executive, no other d, part ment c•in interfere by the writ of mandamus ; and the question, therefore , re' sol,ed itself into this :—Has Congress conferred upon the Circuit Court of this district the power to issue such a wr i t t 0 en officer of the general G vernusent. commanding hint to p form a ministerial act? A m , ,jority of the Court have decided that it has, but have founded their decision up on process of reasoning which, in my judgment, renders fu rther . legislative provision indispensable to the public interes ts and the equal administration of justice. It has long since been decided by the Supreme Cou rt that ; n either that tribunal nor the Circuit Courts of the U nitea States, held within the respective States, possess the P o " er in question, but it is now held that this power, denied t O both of these high tribunals, to the former by the Constitu tion, and to the later by Congress, has been by its legisla tion vested in the Circuit Court of this district. No such di rect grant of power to the Circuit Court of this dis trict Is claimed, but it has been held to result by necessary iruPlica tion from several sections of the law establishing the Court' One of these sections declares that the laws of Maryland, as they existed at the time of the cession, should be in force I°l that part of the district ceded by that State, and by this pre' vision the Common Law, in civil and criminal cases , a s it prei veiled in Maryland in 1801, was established in that part ° the district. In England, the Court of King's Bench, because the SoYe,', reign, who, according to the theory of the Constitutio n, is the fountain of justice, originally sat there in person, and ° still deemed to be present, in construction of law--ale9° possesses the high power of issuing the writ of mandarin' ' not only to inferior jurisdictions and corporations, hut a : 4 to Magistrates and others, commanding them, in the Ki e r name, to do what their duty requires, in cases where there is a vested right, and no other specific remedy. I t has he e l held, in the case referred to, that, as the Supreme Court ° the United States is, by the Constitution, rendered incom e petcnt to exercise this power, and as the Circuit C ourt ° this district is a Court of general jurisdiction in cases at Of; mon law, and the highest Court of original jurisdiction in t district, the right to issue the writ of mandamus is inci dent . ta its common law powers. Another ground relied upon to mai , taro the power in question is, that it was included, by fair ro be struction, in the power it granted to the Circuit Courts of t, United States, by the Act " to provide for the more con/ea nient organization of the Courts of the United States," Pas se .; 13th of February, 1801; that the Act establishing the Court of this district, passed the 27th day of Feb., 180 1 , c° ferred upon that Court and the Judges thereof the saei' le powers as were by 11w vested in the circuit courts of t he United States and in the judges of the said courts ; tha t :be repeal of the first-mentioned Act, which took place in f next yr ar, did not direct the Circuit Court of this district °5 the authority in dispute, but left it still clothed with the per; over the subject which, it is conceded, were taken oval' of e Circuit Courts of the United States by the repeal Act of the 13th February, 1801. Cireeni. Occupying the double character of contractor on its 0 5 account, and guardian for the parties contracted with, it hardly to be expected that the dealings of the Federal , po .. ventment wi.h the Indian tribes would escape misrer e- t - big tation. That there occurred in the early settlements Of sue, country, as in all others where the civilised race has teeded to the possessions of the savage, instances of o P P ' o eb siun and fraud on the part of the former, there is te° %If reasen to believe. No such offences can, however, be Justly charged upon this Government since it became free to n ur ' - p its own course. Its dealings with the Indian tribes havell_o just and friendly throughout; its efforts for their civilisa itg t constant, and directed by the best feelings of humanity' fee watchfulness in protecting them from individual frauds Li the miffing; its forbearance under the keenest provocation, deepest injuries, and the most flagrant outrages may cballelo at least a comparison with any nation, ancient or modern4i, similar circumstances ; and if in future times a povrerful, Hied, and happy nation of Indians shall be found to exist ein'tte the limits of the Northern Continent, it will be owing to „ consummation of that policy which has been so unjustly of sailed. Only a very brief reference to facts in confirmati on re this assertion can in this form be given, and you are there necessarily referred to the Report of the Secretary of Wel ting further details. To the Cherokees, whose case hasp et".f l ' e excited the greatest share of attention and sympatby,n`tee United States have granted in fee, with a perpetual guar?,_, ( l of exclusive and peaceable possession, 13,554,135 acres of r on the west side of the Missitsippi, eligibly situated in healthy climate, and in all respects better suited to their -0 00i; , dition than the country they have left, in exchange for 9,493,162 acres on the cast side of the same river. thet a The United States have in addition stipulated to pay we 5,600,000 dols., for their interest in, and improveme nts e ce the lands thus relinquished, and 1 , 160 , 000, for subsist mil% it and other beneficial purposes ; thereby putting it in b ent power to become one of the most wealthy and er separate communities, of the same extent, in the world. the By the treaties made and ratified with the Miamies , h ; Chippewas, the Sioux, the Sacs and Foxes, and the Winn ev-- goes, during the last year, the Indian title to eighteen mill ions four hundred and fifty-eight thousand acres have been extin guished. The purchases have been much more extensive Ve r y ~ any previous year, with other Indian expenses, borne e heavily upon the Treasury. They leave, however, bu t a ats ai , quantity of unbought Indian lands within the States a nd to sly tories; and the Legislature and Executive were ecl u _. a i o sensible of the propriety of a final and more speedy.extinTieb of Indian titles within those limits. The treaties, nl o ur were, with a single exception, made in pursuance of ere%tif appropriations for defraying the expenses, have subseene" of been ratified by the Senate, and received the sanction.,eo Congress by the appropriations necessary to carry tu t o f effect. Of the terms upon which these itnP_ o ve negotiations were concluded I can speak from direct to' s , o f ledge, and I feel no difficulty in affirming that the interi: to the Indians in the extensive territory embraced by te° f a voura ble be paid for at its fair value ; and that no more a vro l d terms have been granted to the United States than have been reasonably expected in a negotiation with tills own men, fully capable of appreciating and protecting the' uired rights. For the Indian title to 116,349,897 acres, e c l paid since the 4th of March, 11;+29, the United States havac_serer 72,560,056 dollars, in permanent annuities, lands, ; a ce, tions for Indians, expenses of removals and subs,"_ en ts, merchandise, mechanical and agricultural establison the and implements. When the heavy expenses incurred noirtioo United States, and the circumstance that so large a P o e on' of the entire territory will be for ever unsaleable, sr, ob the sidercd, and this price is compared with that for "w h at jos- United States sell their own lands, no one can dou bt th tice has been done to these Indians in these purchas,eoverty Certain it is, that the transactions of the Federal by ment with the Indians have been uniformly characterie% d it sincere and paramount desire to promote their welfar`24irieoad o must be a source of the highest gratification to every % be ob' justice and humanity to learn that, notwithstand in g t i t e structions from time to time thrown in its way, an d et icab le culties which have arisen from the peculiar and itnP r _ a d pnde nature of the Indian character, the wise, humane , std el viating policy of the Government in this, the Ines t bede n ce j r n t s a t i i t ; all our relations, foreign or domestic, has at length fled to the world in its near approach to a happy an consummation. The condition of the tribes which occupy the u e r n i t o rl d set apart for them in the west, is highly pre s P er° 'Tbel encourages the hope of their early civilization._ statef have, for the most part, abandoned the bunte. r ai. Al t and turned their attention to agricultural P ursul tl.-- •me • , those who have been established for any length 0f we _ln that fertile regi on , m a i n tain themselves by their oat dtetry. There are among them traders of no i neal bent, bet capital, and planters exporting cotton to som e eft conv the greater number are small agriculturists, living __ idi ots' fort upon the produce of their farms. The recent living although they have in some instances removed re... Th ey have already acquiesced in their unavoidable destiny.tot an have found at once a recompense for past sufferings,...d On: incentive to industrious habits, in the abundance.allil teel forts around them. There is reason to believe t t taobn: L of jnite tribes are friendly in their feelings tovar-s. States; and it is to be hoped that the acquisniti victual wealth, the pursuits of agriculture , ropensi tie industry, will gradually subdue their warlike on the's; and incline them to maintain peace am: h attend e d selves. To effect this desirable object, t reconitn ell " t of Congress is solicited to the measures e Gorerninefe by the Secretary at War, for their future as from t' other and protection, as well f rom each and the °tril l; hostility of the warlike tribes around them, sions of the whites. The policy of the Government tith"et'li; them a permanent borne, and guaranteed t habits 05' it ins to gt peaceful and undisturbed possession. It only rem ,_dosrfr_ them a Government and laws which will encourage TV_ and secure to them the rewards of their exertions' tof importance of some form of Government can% &m inis' much insisted upon. The earliest effects will btr ibe s ' to je: the causes and occasions for hostility among the bieh tbel f spire an interest in the observance of the laws to r ar ities will have themselves assented, and to multiply the s',„ t i r oate. l ., property, and the motives for self-improvement. ..".; connected with this subject, is the establishment of t" hicb defences recommended by the Secretary of War, w n _ eet been already referred to. Without them the G e yer o4 o a be powerless to redeem its pledge of protectio n of the emigre ing Indians against the numerous warlike tribes tbatse.iors them, and to provid e f or th e safety of the frontier " the bordering States. onlY cs :o The case of the S em i no l es constitutes at present the ° rei eo ception to th e success f u l e ff or ts of the Government t,fisoie, the Indi ans t o t h e h omes ass i g ned them west o f the 137 400 of this tribe emigrated in 1836, and 1,500 in ‘ ,' ,00 0 p 2; 1838, leaving in the country, it is supposed, about:. n eon, diens. The continued treacherous conduct of tbe e e_l ro itte . the savage and unprovoked murders they have lately. o ft.° o butchering whole families of the settlers of the .territort_to,tp,, out distinction to age or sex, and making their w a y r, very centre and heart of the country, so that non i - S e l ig , . free from their ravages; their frequent a ttacks b e erba w r i t i 0 1 ; houses along that dangerous coast, and the c __ o f si? b which they have murdered the passengers and cr vessels as have been wrecked upon the reefs and K e e?" . h ut 1 borderithe Gulf, leave the Government no alterir arena' continue the military operations against them until alternates Y opt tally expelled from Florida. rtr - There are other motives which would u r g e the veeeln.co to pursue this course towards the Seminoles. '`,i„olatt..,,, States have fulfilled in g W ood faith all their treaty.silocci with the Indian tribes, and have, in every other u'